A Vehicle for Socialism Momentum and the Labour Party
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'Opposition-Craft': an Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitte
‘Opposition-Craft’: An Evaluative Framework for Official Opposition Parties in the United Kingdom Edward Henry Lack Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of PhD The University of Leeds, School of Politics and International Studies May, 2020 1 Intellectual Property and Publications Statements The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. ©2020 The University of Leeds and Edward Henry Lack The right of Edward Henry Lack to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 2 Acknowledgements Page I would like to thank Dr Victoria Honeyman and Dr Timothy Heppell of the School of Politics and International Studies, The University of Leeds, for their support and guidance in the production of this work. I would also like to thank my partner, Dr Ben Ramm and my parents, David and Linden Lack, for their encouragement and belief in my efforts to undertake this project. Finally, I would like to acknowledge those who took part in the research for this PhD thesis: Lord David Steel, Lord David Owen, Lord Chris Smith, Lord Andrew Adonis, Lord David Blunkett and Dame Caroline Spelman. 3 Abstract This thesis offers a distinctive and innovative framework for the study of effective official opposition politics in the United Kingdom. -
Daily Report Thursday, 20 July 2017 CONTENTS
Daily Report Thursday, 20 July 2017 This report shows written answers and statements provided on 20 July 2017 and the information is correct at the time of publication (06:34 P.M., 20 July 2017). For the latest information on written questions and answers, ministerial corrections, and written statements, please visit: http://www.parliament.uk/writtenanswers/ CONTENTS ANSWERS 10 Social Tariffs: Torfaen 19 ATTORNEY GENERAL 10 Taxation: Electronic Hate Crime: Prosecutions 10 Government 19 BUSINESS, ENERGY AND Technology and Innovation INDUSTRIAL STRATEGY 10 Centres 20 Business: Broadband 10 UK Consumer Product Recall Review 20 Construction: Employment 11 Voluntary Work: Leave 21 Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy: CABINET OFFICE 21 Mass Media 11 Brexit 21 Department for Business, Elections: Subversion 21 Energy and Industrial Strategy: Electoral Register 22 Staff 11 Government Departments: Directors: Equality 12 Procurement 22 Domestic Appliances: Safety 13 Intimidation of Parliamentary Economic Growth: Candidates Review 22 Environment Protection 13 Living Wage: Jarrow 23 Electrical Safety: Testing 14 New Businesses: Newham 23 Fracking 14 Personal Income 23 Insolvency 14 Public Sector: Blaenau Gwent 24 Iron and Steel: Procurement 17 Public Sector: Cardiff Central 24 Mergers and Monopolies: Data Public Sector: Ogmore 24 Protection 17 Public Sector: Swansea East 24 Nuclear Power: Treaties 18 Public Sector: Torfaen 25 Offshore Industry: North Sea 18 Public Sector: Wrexham 25 Performing Arts 18 Young People: Cardiff Central -
Jeremy Corbyn Must Appeal to Class Loyalty
A paper of Marxist polemic and Marxist unity War of the drones: n Letters and debate n Labour Left Alliance Ted Crawford looks at fast n Migration: 39 dead changing military technology n SWP pre-conference No 1273 October 31 2019 Towards a Communist Party of the European Union £1/€1.10 JEREMY CORBYN MUST APPEAL TO CLASS LOYALTY BUT BREXIT ISSUE CANNOT BE AVOIDED weekly 2 October 31 2019 1273 worker LETTERS Letters may have been to get an extension until January 31 2020. Frank - to name but a few. I’ve also read their conversion to Christianity - or their similarities between Africa today and pre- shortened because of If Labour wins the general election we quite a bit of Lee Child and Jo Nesbo, burning in hell. The fact that Zionism was revolutionary Russia. space. Some names will still be in the EU by September 2020. but I feel no impulse to join either the US originally a Christian ideology surprised What is needed is a Communist Party may have been changed This is surely the greatest example military or the Norwegian police. me, as did the demonstrable anti- of Africa (because of the advanced nature of guerrilla warfare since Fidel Castro To go back to my political history: it Semitism of its adherents. Nonetheless, it of the economy in South Africa, the South - with only 19 supporters, more than took me a few years to decide that I was was later picked up by a small minority of African Communist Party will play a major Election at last Corbyn has in the Parliamentary Labour no longer a Trotskyist and a few more to Jews and, especially after World War II, role in such a development). -
Antisemitism in the Radical Left and the British Labour Party, by Dave Rich
Kantor Center Position Papers Editor: Mikael Shainkman January 2018 ANTISEMITISM IN THE RADICAL LEFT AND THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY Dave Rich* Executive Summary Antisemitism has become a national political issue and a headline story in Britain for the first time in decades because of ongoing problems in the Labour Party. Labour used to enjoy widespread Jewish support but increasing left wing hostility towards Israel and Zionism, and a failure to understand and properly oppose contemporary antisemitism, has placed increasing distance between the party and the UK Jewish community. This has emerged under the leadership of Jeremy Corbyn, a product of the radical 1960s New Left that sees Israel as an apartheid state created by colonialism, but it has been building on the fringes of the left for decades. Since Corbyn became party leader, numerous examples of antisemitic remarks made by Labour members, activists and elected officials have come to light. These remarks range from opposition to Israel’s existence or claims that Zionism collaborated with Nazism, to conspiracy theories about the Rothschilds or ISIS. The party has tried to tackle the problem of antisemitism through procedural means and generic declarations opposing antisemitism, but it appears incapable of addressing the political culture that produces this antisemitism: possibly because this radical political culture, borne of anti-war protests and allied to Islamist movements, is precisely where Jeremy Corbyn and his closest associates find their political home. A Crisis of Antisemitism Since early 2016, antisemitism has become a national political issue in Britain for the first time in decades. This hasn’t come about because of a surge in support for the far right, or jihadist terrorism against Jews. -
Lewis Minkin and the Party–Unions Link
ITLP_C11.QXD 18/8/03 10:02 am Page 166 11 Lewis Minkin and the party–unions link Eric Shaw ‘For over 80 years’, Minkin declares in his magisterial survey The Contentious Alliance (1991: xii), the Labour Party–trade unions link ‘has shaped the structure and, in various ways, the character of the British Left’.His core proposition can be encapsulated simply: trade union ‘restraint has been the central characteristic’ of the link (1991: 26). This constitutes a frontal challenge to received wisdom – end- lessly repeated, recycled and amplified by Britain’s media – that, until the ‘mod- ernisation’ of the party, initiated by Neil Kinnock and accelerated by Tony Blair, the unions ran the party. So ingrained is this wisdom in British political culture that no discussion of party–unions relations in the media can endure for long without some reference to the days when ‘the union barons controlled the party’.This view, Minkin holds, is a gross over-simplification and, to a degree, downright mislead- ing. The relationship is infinitely more subtle and complex, and far more balanced than the conventional view allows. The task Minkin sets himself in The Contentious Alliance is twofold: on the one hand to explain why and how he reached that con- clusion; and, on the other – the core of the book – to lay bare the inner dynamics of the party–unions connection. What is most distinctive and enduring about Minkin’s work? In what ways has it most contributed to our understanding of the labour movement? Does it still offer insights for scholars of Labour politics? In the first section of this paper, I examine how Minkin contests the premisses underpinning the orthodox thesis of trade union ‘baronial power’; in the second, I analyse the ‘sociological’frame of ref- erence he devised as an analytical tool to uncover the roots and essential proper- ties of the party–unions connection; in the third section, I address the question of the relevance of Minkin today. -
Viewpoint: Jeremy Corbyn, the Plp and Historical Visions of the Labour Party
VIEWPOINT: JEREMY CORBYN, THE PLP AND HISTORICAL VISIONS OF THE LABOUR PARTY Matt Dawson The re-election of Jeremy Corbyn as leader of the Labour Party has demonstrated the fundamental split between two visions of the party. One vision, from Corbyn and his supporters, sees Labour as both parliamentary party and movement in which power rests with the members seeking to enact radical change. It would be crass to see this, as many of Corbyn’s opponents do, as a social movement beyond parliament not interested in government, but it is a view that in a party of campaigning, protesting and winning powerpolicies should not be compromised for the sake of parliamentary convenience/due to corporate pressure. AsHilary Wainwright has put it, a party with parliamentary representation but not one committed to parliamentarism. The second vision, held by much of the PLP is that Labour is a parliamentary movement. It exists to elect MPs who then, being Labour MPs, will implement socialist/social democratic measures which are in the interest of the nation. Any impediment to electing MPs is an impediment to Labour; a leader who cannot command the allegiance of their MPs is therefore not able to lead a parliamentary party. This was indicated by Owen Smith’s key claim, whether tactical or not, that the leadership contest didn’t concern a difference of policy (with the exception of a second EU referendum) but of electability. Smith, at least initially, presented himself as like Corbyn, but ‘electable’. The question of whether the shadow cabinet should be elected by MPs, or by members, is a further example of this dividing line. -
National Policy Forum (NPF) Report 2018
REPORT 2018 @LabPolicyForum #NPFConsultation2018 National Policy Forum Report 2018 XX National Policy Forum Report 2018 Contents NPF Elected Officers ....................................................................................................................4 Foreword ........................................................................................................................................5 About this document ...................................................................................................................6 Policy Commission Annual Reports Early Years, Education and Skills ............................................................................................7 Economy, Business and Trade ............................................................................................. 25 Environment, Energy and Culture ....................................................................................... 39 Health and Social Care ........................................................................................................... 55 Housing, Local Government and Transport ..................................................................... 71 International ............................................................................................................................. 83 Justice and Home Affairs ....................................................................................................... 99 Work, Pensions and Equality ..............................................................................................119 -
TUC London, East and South East
TUC London, East and South East Annual report 2018 . About the regional TUC ‘TUC: London East and the South East’ is the largest of the TUC’s regions and geographically we cover three European parliamentary constituencies or what were the government office regions: London, the South East, and East of England. Perhaps as many as two million trade unionists live and work within the region. Our regional council is appointed annually by trade our union affiliates and by county associations of trades councils. It meets four times a year to discuss both how to achieve policy determined at the annual national Trades Union Congress, and to make policies on issues specific to, or affecting, our region. At the regional council’s annual general meeting it elects its officers, and an executive committee that meets ten times a year. The officers and executive committee members serve for a year. Affiliated trade unions and county associations of trades councils also nominate to our industrial and equality sub-groups. These advisory sub-groups use their expertise, workplace and life experience to inform the activities of the regional council. In order to assist in our work fostering and supporting trade unionism in our region outside of London we have created the East of England Trade Union Network, EETUN, and the South East Trade Union Network, SETUN, within the structures of the regional TUC. Regional staff administer the regional council, deliver services to affiliates, represent the TUC in relations with public bodies, campaign for Congress policies, and support the delivery of learning and education to workers in the region. -
Radical Nostalgia, Progressive Patriotism and Labour's 'English Problem'
Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour©s ©English problem© Article (Accepted Version) Robinson, Emily (2016) Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem'. Political Studies Review, 14 (3). pp. 378-387. ISSN 1478-9299 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61679/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Author’s Post-Print Copy Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem' Emily Robinson, University of Sussex ABSTRACT ‘Progressive patriots’ have long argued that Englishness can form the basis of a transformative political project, whether based on an historic tradition of resistance to state power or an open and cosmopolitan identity. -
The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917-1947 / by Fred Lennis Lepkin
THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND ZIONISM: 1917 - 1947 FRED LENNIS LEPKIN BA., University of British Columbia, 196 1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History @ Fred Lepkin 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 1986 All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Name : Fred Lennis Lepkin Degree: M. A. Title of thesis: The British Labour Party and Zionism, - Examining Committee: J. I. Little, Chairman Allan B. CudhgK&n, ior Supervisor . 5- - John Spagnolo, ~upervis&y6mmittee Willig Cleveland, Supepiso$y Committee -Lenard J. Cohen, External Examiner, Associate Professor, Political Science Dept.,' Simon Fraser University Date Approved: August 11, 1986 PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917 - 1947. -
Survey Report
YouGov / Election Data Survey Results Sample Size: 1096 Labour Party Members Fieldwork: 27th February - 3rd March 2017 EU Ref Vote 2015 Vote Age Gender Social Grade Region Membership Length Not Rest of Midlands / Pre Corbyn After Corbyn Total Remain Leave Lab 18-39 40-59 60+ Male Female ABC1 C2DE London North Scotland Lab South Wales leader leader Weighted Sample 1096 961 101 859 237 414 393 288 626 470 743 353 238 322 184 294 55 429 667 Unweighted Sample 1096 976 96 896 200 351 434 311 524 572 826 270 157 330 217 326 63 621 475 % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % % HEADLINE VOTING INTENTION: Westminster [Weighted by likelihood to vote, excluding those who would not vote or don't know] Con 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Lab 92 92 95 92 93 92 92 93 92 94 90 97 94 90 94 93 93 89 95 Lib Dem 5 6 1 6 3 5 5 6 7 3 7 2 5 8 4 4 4 9 3 UKIP 0 0 4 0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 1 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 Other 1 2 0 1 3 2 1 1 1 3 2 0 1 2 1 1 3 1 2 Other Parties Voting Intention [Weighted by likelihood to vote, excluding those who would not vote or don't know] SNP/ PCY 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 Green 1 1 0 1 2 1 1 1 0 2 2 0 1 2 1 1 0 1 1 BNP 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Respect 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Other 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 © 2017 YouGov plc. -
'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath.