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Lewis Minkin and the Party–Unions Link ITLP_C11.QXD 18/8/03 10:02 am Page 166 11 Lewis Minkin and the party–unions link Eric Shaw ‘For over 80 years’, Minkin declares in his magisterial survey The Contentious Alliance (1991: xii), the Labour Party–trade unions link ‘has shaped the structure and, in various ways, the character of the British Left’.His core proposition can be encapsulated simply: trade union ‘restraint has been the central characteristic’ of the link (1991: 26). This constitutes a frontal challenge to received wisdom – end- lessly repeated, recycled and amplified by Britain’s media – that, until the ‘mod- ernisation’ of the party, initiated by Neil Kinnock and accelerated by Tony Blair, the unions ran the party. So ingrained is this wisdom in British political culture that no discussion of party–unions relations in the media can endure for long without some reference to the days when ‘the union barons controlled the party’.This view, Minkin holds, is a gross over-simplification and, to a degree, downright mislead- ing. The relationship is infinitely more subtle and complex, and far more balanced than the conventional view allows. The task Minkin sets himself in The Contentious Alliance is twofold: on the one hand to explain why and how he reached that con- clusion; and, on the other – the core of the book – to lay bare the inner dynamics of the party–unions connection. What is most distinctive and enduring about Minkin’s work? In what ways has it most contributed to our understanding of the labour movement? Does it still offer insights for scholars of Labour politics? In the first section of this paper, I examine how Minkin contests the premisses underpinning the orthodox thesis of trade union ‘baronial power’; in the second, I analyse the ‘sociological’frame of ref- erence he devised as an analytical tool to uncover the roots and essential proper- ties of the party–unions connection; in the third section, I address the question of the relevance of Minkin today. The ‘baronial power’ thesis I call the received wisdom about party–unions relationship the thesis of ‘baronial power’. It can be stated simply. ‘In a sense not true of its social democratic coun- terparts on the mainland of Europe’,Marquand (1991: 25) contends, Labour, ‘has been a trade union party, created, financed and, in the last analysis, controlled by a Eric Shaw - 9781526137456 Downloaded from manchesterhive.com at 09/25/2021 06:13:11PM via free access ITLP_C11.QXD 18/8/03 10:02 am Page 167 Eric Shaw 167 highly decentralised trade union movement’. The link has been widely held responsible for Labour’s post-1979 long sojourn in the wilderness, because the concessions needed to rally the union leaders behind the parliamentary leadership in the 1970s were ‘so substantial . that they helped to undermine the leader’s stature and the Party’s credibility’ (Harrison 1996: 199). Kitschelt, in a much-cited work (1994), concludes that the Labour Party affords the closest approximation to what he calls the unions-control model. In a neat distillation of the conventional wisdom he writes that not only are they ‘the major party financiers, but [they] con- trol the Conference Arrangement Committee, which sets the agenda at national party conferences, and the bulk of the conference votes, which are cast in blocks by the leaders of individual unions’. Moreover, the unions elected a majority of the party’s National Executive Committee, enjoyed a powerful role in the selection of parliamentary candidates, and sponsored a large number of MPs (1994: 251; see also Barnes and Reid 1980: 222). These organisational characteristics can surely admit to no other conclusion than that the unions will naturally ‘dominate the party elite by controlling key appointments and placing their own leadership in important executive and legislative party offices’(Kitschelt 1994: 225).Yet this con- clusion Minkin shows, in the most heavily researched and meticulous survey of the party–unions connection yet published, to be wrong on all counts. The Contentious Alliance – building in a number of respects on Minkin’s path- finding first study The Labour Party Conference – provides chapter and verse in explaining why it is wrong. At one level it is, like its predecessor, an indispensable source book on Labour, chronicling the history of the relationship between (what were once called) the two wings of the movement. But its purpose is much more ambitious, for it seeks to understand why established orthodoxy is wrong. This greatly extends and deepens its intellectual horizon, for Minkin is, in effect, asking a most challenging question: why do political actors – and especially those who wield power – behave as they do? Minkin began systematically exploring the nature of the party–unions relation- ship in the period of the 1974–79 Labour Government (Minkin 1978a). In these years the baronial power thesis was taken for granted. Few queried the judgement that Jack Jones, head of the largest union, the TGWU, had become ‘arguably the most powerful politician within the Labour Party’ (Barnes and Reid 1980: 191–2), and it was generally accepted that Labour ministers exhibited a ‘pervasive defer- ence to the trade union movement’ (Artis and Cobham 1991: 276). Minkin was one of the few who dissented. In 1978 his definitive study The Labour Party Conference was published. Given the massive role the unions played in the party’s policy machinery it was inevitable that the nature of the party–unions relationship would be one of its major concerns. Having conducted extremely detailed and exhaustive empirical research – a hallmark of the Minkin style – what struck him was the complexity and dialectical quality of that relation- ship. On the one hand, anticipation of the reaction of the major unions, on issues that impinged directly on their own functions, was an integral feature of the policy process. Thus, with employment and industrial relations’ matters, the unions expected, indeed insisted, that policy-making should be a joint party–unions Eric Shaw - 9781526137456 Downloaded from manchesterhive.com at 09/25/2021 06:13:11PM via free access ITLP_C11.QXD 18/8/03 10:02 am Page 168 168 Lewis Minkin exercise and reacted with hostility and deep resentment in the period of the 1964–70 Labour Government, when major initiatives were taken unilaterally over incomes policy and trade union legislation (in the famous White Paper In Place of Strife). On the other hand, the unions were prepared in all other policy sectors to give the parliamentary leadership very substantial latitude: indeed they believed that it should have overall primacy (Minkin 1978b: 317). A more methodical investigation of the nature and roots of the party–unions con- nection was the natural next step after the Labour Party Conference. ‘I write’,Minkin noted,‘with glacier-like speed; architect, bricklayer and painter’(Minkin 1991: xi). In fact, the dozen years he spend compiling the work involved undertaking a consider- able research programme, conducting a large number of interviews, inspecting a mound of documentary material, and interweaving and fusing the empirical, the analytical and the explanatory. He has elucidated how he set about the task: Primarily, I aim to construct a coherent and adequate conceptual framework grounded in the repeated occurrences found in my empirical investigations. This framework is always analytical in the attempt to establish a pattern which makes sense in describing and categorising relationships and developments across time, but it also aspires to be explanatory, organising the material in such a way as to indicate solutions to the core problem (or problems) and related questions under investigation, seeking to account for all cases within a particular historical and cultural setting. (Minkin 1997: 173) The ambition – to produce a definitive work – was realised. This made his conclu- sion – a direct challenge to ‘baronial power’ thesis – all the more compelling.What- ever the formal organisational structure of the party would seem to suggest, he stated emphatically, it was ‘virtually always misleading to say that the unions “run the Labour Party”’ (Minkin 1991: 629). Minkin’s concern is not simply to demon- strate, through methodical empirical analysis, that the ‘union control’ model is wrong, but to explain why it is wrong. The book accomplishes two major goals. Firstly, it exposes to the most rigorous and exacting scrutiny the features of the party–unions link, chronicling its evolution since the party’s founding in 1900. Secondly, it offers an explanation of the forces governing ‘the contentious alliance’. What this chapter seeks to do is to lay bare the nature of his conceptual framework, his analytical categories and his explanatory mode. But to do this adequately I need to place Minkin’s interpretation in a broader intellectual context. Minkin’s sociological frame Homo economicus Elster (1989: 99) has written that one of the most persistent cleavages in the social sciences is the opposition between two lines of thought conveniently associated with Adam Smith and Emile Durkheim, between homo economicus and homo sociologicus. Of these, the former is supposed to be guided by instrumental rationality, while the behaviour of the latter is dictated by social norms. Eric Shaw - 9781526137456 Downloaded from manchesterhive.com at 09/25/2021 06:13:11PM via free access ITLP_C11.QXD 18/8/03 10:02 am Page 169 Eric Shaw 169 The popularity curve of the former in the study of political organisations has for a number of years been steadily rising with the increasing use of ‘rational choice’ models.‘Rational choice theories’,the noted scholar Aaron Wildavsky commented (1994: 132), ‘have been among the most successful in the social sciences.’ Homo sociologicus, in contrast, though at present languishing in political science as a whole, lies at the centre of Minkin’s explanatory universe.
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