One Nation, Disconnected Party: the Evocation of One Nation Aimed to Unite the Nation, Instead It Highlighted the Labour Party’S Divisions
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Lewis Minkin and the Party–Unions Link
ITLP_C11.QXD 18/8/03 10:02 am Page 166 11 Lewis Minkin and the party–unions link Eric Shaw ‘For over 80 years’, Minkin declares in his magisterial survey The Contentious Alliance (1991: xii), the Labour Party–trade unions link ‘has shaped the structure and, in various ways, the character of the British Left’.His core proposition can be encapsulated simply: trade union ‘restraint has been the central characteristic’ of the link (1991: 26). This constitutes a frontal challenge to received wisdom – end- lessly repeated, recycled and amplified by Britain’s media – that, until the ‘mod- ernisation’ of the party, initiated by Neil Kinnock and accelerated by Tony Blair, the unions ran the party. So ingrained is this wisdom in British political culture that no discussion of party–unions relations in the media can endure for long without some reference to the days when ‘the union barons controlled the party’.This view, Minkin holds, is a gross over-simplification and, to a degree, downright mislead- ing. The relationship is infinitely more subtle and complex, and far more balanced than the conventional view allows. The task Minkin sets himself in The Contentious Alliance is twofold: on the one hand to explain why and how he reached that con- clusion; and, on the other – the core of the book – to lay bare the inner dynamics of the party–unions connection. What is most distinctive and enduring about Minkin’s work? In what ways has it most contributed to our understanding of the labour movement? Does it still offer insights for scholars of Labour politics? In the first section of this paper, I examine how Minkin contests the premisses underpinning the orthodox thesis of trade union ‘baronial power’; in the second, I analyse the ‘sociological’frame of ref- erence he devised as an analytical tool to uncover the roots and essential proper- ties of the party–unions connection; in the third section, I address the question of the relevance of Minkin today. -
National Policy Forum (NPF) Report 2018
REPORT 2018 @LabPolicyForum #NPFConsultation2018 National Policy Forum Report 2018 XX National Policy Forum Report 2018 Contents NPF Elected Officers ....................................................................................................................4 Foreword ........................................................................................................................................5 About this document ...................................................................................................................6 Policy Commission Annual Reports Early Years, Education and Skills ............................................................................................7 Economy, Business and Trade ............................................................................................. 25 Environment, Energy and Culture ....................................................................................... 39 Health and Social Care ........................................................................................................... 55 Housing, Local Government and Transport ..................................................................... 71 International ............................................................................................................................. 83 Justice and Home Affairs ....................................................................................................... 99 Work, Pensions and Equality ..............................................................................................119 -
Radical Nostalgia, Progressive Patriotism and Labour's 'English Problem'
Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour©s ©English problem© Article (Accepted Version) Robinson, Emily (2016) Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem'. Political Studies Review, 14 (3). pp. 378-387. ISSN 1478-9299 This version is available from Sussex Research Online: http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/61679/ This document is made available in accordance with publisher policies and may differ from the published version or from the version of record. If you wish to cite this item you are advised to consult the publisher’s version. Please see the URL above for details on accessing the published version. Copyright and reuse: Sussex Research Online is a digital repository of the research output of the University. Copyright and all moral rights to the version of the paper presented here belong to the individual author(s) and/or other copyright owners. To the extent reasonable and practicable, the material made available in SRO has been checked for eligibility before being made available. Copies of full text items generally can be reproduced, displayed or performed and given to third parties in any format or medium for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-profit purposes without prior permission or charge, provided that the authors, title and full bibliographic details are credited, a hyperlink and/or URL is given for the original metadata page and the content is not changed in any way. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk Author’s Post-Print Copy Radical nostalgia, progressive patriotism and Labour's 'English problem' Emily Robinson, University of Sussex ABSTRACT ‘Progressive patriots’ have long argued that Englishness can form the basis of a transformative political project, whether based on an historic tradition of resistance to state power or an open and cosmopolitan identity. -
The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917-1947 / by Fred Lennis Lepkin
THE BRITISH LABOUR PARTY AND ZIONISM: 1917 - 1947 FRED LENNIS LEPKIN BA., University of British Columbia, 196 1 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in the Department of History @ Fred Lepkin 1986 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY July 1986 All rights reserved. This thesis may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. Name : Fred Lennis Lepkin Degree: M. A. Title of thesis: The British Labour Party and Zionism, - Examining Committee: J. I. Little, Chairman Allan B. CudhgK&n, ior Supervisor . 5- - John Spagnolo, ~upervis&y6mmittee Willig Cleveland, Supepiso$y Committee -Lenard J. Cohen, External Examiner, Associate Professor, Political Science Dept.,' Simon Fraser University Date Approved: August 11, 1986 PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser University the right to lend my thesis, project or extended essay (the title of which is shown below) to users of the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single copies only for such users or in response to a request from the library of any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Title of Thesis/Project/Extended Essay The British Labour Party and Zionism, 1917 - 1947. -
One Nation Economy
Labour’s Policy Review 1 ONE NATION ECONOMY Labour Party | One Nation Economy contentS Foreword by Ed Miliband and Ed Balls 5 Introduction by Jon Cruddas 7 Fair deficit reduction 9 Jobs for the future 13 One Nation banking 19 An energy market people can trust 23 Runaway rewards at the top… 29 …low pay and insecurity for everyone else 33 Building long-termism into the economy 39 Backing the forgotten 50% 43 Controlling social security spending – tackling the root causes 49 Immigration that works for Britain 53 3 Labour Party | One Nation Economy 4 Labour Party | One Nation Economy FOREWORD BY ED MILIBAND AND ED BALLS Britain needs to build an economy that works for all working people once again. For most of the twentieth century there was a vital link between the wealth of the country as a whole and the family finances of millions of hard-working families. As the country got better off, so did working people. A growing economy brought shared prosperity. And that meant that people who put in effort were rewarded, with good jobs, paying decent wages, and were able to make a better life for themselves. Millions of families bought a house, a car, even a second car, took holidays abroad, started their own business, looked forward to a stable pension in retirement and were confident that they could set their children up in life so they could enjoy a better life than themselves. That seems like a different world for millions of working families in Britain today. And that’s because that vital link between the overall wealth of the country and the family budget has been broken. -
Christian Formation: Where Do We Start? Fulfilling the Promise of Newman's Second Spring a Synthetic Universe Same-Sex Marriag
January and February 2012 “ Pullout” Volume 44 Number 1 Price £4.50 faithPROMOTING A NEW SYNTHESIS OF FAITH AND REASON Christian Formation: Where Do We Start? Editorial Fulfilling the Promise of Newman’s Second Spring James Tolhurst A Synthetic Universe Edward Holloway Same-sex Marriage and an Uncertain Church Niall Gooch Also William Oddie on varied Catholic responses to homosexual “rights” Dylan James responds to correspondence on the purpose of sex Johann Christian Arnold on singleness and union Robert Colquhoun on a guide to purity Brendan MacCarthy and Peter Mitchell on pro-life practice And Reviews of two responses to the New Atheism www.faith.org.uk A special series of pamphlets REASONS FOR BELIEVING from Faith Movement Straightforward, up to date and well argued pamphlets on basic issues of Catholic belief, this new series will build into a single, coherent apologetic vision of the Christian Mystery. They bring out the inner coherence of Christian doctrine and show how God’s revelation makes sense of our own nature and of our world. Five excellent pamphlets in the series are now in print. Can we be sure God exists? What makes Man unique? The Disaster of Sin Jesus Christ Our Saviour Jesus Christ Our Redeemer NEW The Church: Christ’s Voice to the World To order please write to Sr Roseann Reddy, Faith-Keyway Trust Publications Office, 104 Albert Road, Glasgow G42 8DR or go to www.faith.org.uk Catholicism a New Synthesis faith summer by Edward Holloway conference Pope John Paul II gave the blueprint for catechetical renewal with the Catechism of the Catholic Church. -
Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity
Conservative Party Strategy, 1997-2001: Nation and National Identity A dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy , Claire Elizabeth Harris Department of Politics, University of Sheffield September 2005 Acknowledgements There are so many people I'd like to thank for helping me through the roller-coaster experience of academic research and thesis submission. Firstly, without funding from the ESRC, this research would not have taken place. I'd like to say thank you to them for placing their faith in my research proposal. I owe a huge debt of gratitude to Andrew Taylor. Without his good humour, sound advice and constant support and encouragement I would not have reached the point of completion. Having a supervisor who is always ready and willing to offer advice or just chat about the progression of the thesis is such a source of support. Thank you too, to Andrew Gamble, whose comments on the final draft proved invaluable. I'd also like to thank Pat Seyd, whose supervision in the first half of the research process ensured I continued to the second half, his advice, experience and support guided me through the challenges of research. I'd like to say thank you to all three of the above who made the change of supervisors as smooth as it could have been. I cannot easily put into words the huge effect Sarah Cooke had on my experience of academic research. From the beginnings of ESRC application to the final frantic submission process, Sarah was always there for me to pester for help and advice. -
Research Note: Former Special Advisers in Cabinet, 1979-2013
Research Note: Former Special Advisers in Cabinet, 1979-2013 Executive Summary Sixteen special advisers have gone on to become Cabinet Ministers. This means that of the 492 special advisers listed in the Constitution Unit database in the period 1979-2010, only 3% entered Cabinet. Seven Conservative party Cabinet members were formerly special advisers. o Four Conservative special advisers went on to become Cabinet Ministers in the 1979-1997 period of Conservative governments. o Three former Conservative special advisers currently sit in the Coalition Cabinet: David Cameron, George Osborne and Jonathan Hill. Eight Labour Cabinet members between 1997-2010 were former special advisers. o Five of the eight former special advisers brought into the Labour Cabinet between 1997-2010 had been special advisers to Tony Blair or Gordon Brown. o Jack Straw entered Cabinet in 1997 having been a special adviser before 1979. One Liberal Democrat Cabinet member, Vince Cable, was previously a special adviser to a Labour minister. The Coalition Cabinet of January 2013 currently has four members who were once special advisers. o Also attending Cabinet meetings is another former special adviser: Oliver Letwin as Minister of State for Policy. There are traditionally 21 or 22 Ministers who sit in Cabinet. Unsurprisingly, the number and proportion of Cabinet Ministers who were previously special advisers generally increases the longer governments go on. The number of Cabinet Ministers who were formerly special advisers was greatest at the end of the Labour administration (1997-2010) when seven of the Cabinet Ministers were former special advisers. The proportion of Cabinet made up of former special advisers was greatest in Gordon Brown’s Cabinet when almost one-third (30.5%) of the Cabinet were former special advisers. -
For New & Newly Enthused Labour Party Members
GUIDE for new & newly enthused Labour Party members Published by Momentum Sheffield [email protected] facebook.com/momentumsheffield join.peoplesmomentum.com 1 The Labour Party rulebook is almost a hundred pages long and written in pure Bureaucratese. This is an attempt to explain the most important rules and structures in plain English. The main rules for members looking to get more involved in the party can be found on three manageable pages in the Model procedural rules (pages 56-58). Contents I) Local Labour Party organisation 1) Branch Labour Parties (BLPs) 2) Constituency Labour Parties (CLPs) 3) Branch and CLP officers 4) CLP Campaign Committee 5) District Labour Party (DLP) II) How to get involved in your local Labour Party 1) Contact your CLP and branch secretary 2) Get involved in Momentum 3) Become a CLP delegate or officer in your branch and CLP 4) Write and move a motion 5) Challenge the chair III) Electing representatives 1) How are council candidates selected? 2) How are parliamentary candidates selected? 3) Selection of MEP candidates 4) Scottish and Welsh Assembly candidates 5) Holding your MP/representative to account IV) National Labour Organisation 1) The National Labour Party The National Executive Committee Party Conference Party Conference - Delegates Party Conference - Voting Party Conference - Agenda General Secretary 2) Regional Structures 3) How the Labour Party makes policy The National Policy Forum Policy Commissions Making Policy 4) Government Forming a Government The Opposition Select Committees The Parliamentary Labour Party V) Useful resources: rule book, jargon buster, etc. 2 I) Local Labour Party organisation 1) Branch Labour Parties (BLPs) The Labour Party is divided into branches, usually based on the ward boundaries for councillors (there are 28 electoral wards in Sheffield). -
One Nation: Power, Hope, Community
one nation power hope community power hope community Ed Miliband has set out his vision of One Nation: a country where everyone has a stake, prosperity is fairly shared, and we make a common life together. A group of Labour MPs, elected in 2010 and after, describe what this politics of national renewal means to them. It begins in the everyday life of work, family and local place. It is about the importance of having a sense of belonging and community, and sharing power and responsibility with people. It means reforming the state and the market in order to rebuild the economy, share power hope community prosperity, and end the living standards crisis. And it means doing politics in a different way: bottom up not top down, organising not managing. A new generation is changing Labour to change the country. Edited by Owen Smith and Rachael Reeves Contributors: Shabana Mahmood Rushanara Ali Catherine McKinnell Kate Green Gloria De Piero Lilian Greenwood Steve Reed Tristram Hunt Rachel Reeves Dan Jarvis Owen Smith Edited by Owen Smith and Rachel Reeves 9 781909 831001 1 ONE NATION power hope community Edited by Owen Smith & Rachel Reeves London 2013 3 First published 2013 Collection © the editors 2013 Individual articles © the author The authors have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Design and Patents Act, 1998 to be identified as authors of this work. All rights reserved. Apart from fair dealing for the purpose of private study, research, criticism or review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. -
Provocation Paper
Provocation paper Designed to spark discussion and debate across the sector. #NPCprovokes THE ‘SHARED SOCIETY’ NEEDS A STRONG CIVIL SOCIETY A progressive agenda for change April 2017 DAN CORRY GERRY STOKER became Chief is a political scientist, Executive of NPC with current posts as following a varied Centenary Research career in public policy Professor of and economics, Governance at the including as Head of University of Canberra, the Number 10 Policy Australia and Chair in Unit and Senior Governance at the Adviser to the Prime Minister on the Economy from University of Southampton, UK. He has provided 2007 to 2010. He is a member of the Advisory advice to various parts of UK government, to the Boards for Big Society Capital, Impetus – PEF, and governments of several other countries, and was the Centre for Public Scrutiny, and a former member also an expert advisor to the Council of Europe on of the Research Committee of the ESRC and of the local government and participation issues. Gerry Greater Manchester Economic Advisory Panel. has authored or edited 33 books and his work has been translated into numerous languages. @DanRCorry @ProfStoker Our country is divided and there are a multitude of social and economic problems that require urgently to be addressed. We can embrace the Prime Minister’s idea of the ‘Shared Society’ but not if it is just a nice piece of rhetoric. Government must play its part. Business will have a key role. But above all civil society must be seen as the lynchpin. This pamphlet is both an argument drawing on evidence and a call for action. -
How to Lead the Labour Party – It’S Not Only About Winning Office, but About Defining the Political Spectrum and Reshaping British Society
blogs.lse.ac.uk http://blogs.lse.ac.uk/politicsandpolicy/2010/09/27/how-to-lead-the-labour-party-%e2%80%93- it%e2%80%99s-not-only-about-winning-office-but-about-defining-the-political-spectrum-and- reshaping-british-society/ How to lead the Labour party – it’s not only about winning office, but about defining the political spectrum and reshaping British society With Labour receiving just 29 per cent of the vote in the 2010 general election, Ed Miliband has a mountain to climb as the party’s new leader. Robin Archer argues that a purely centrist approach to his new job would be self-defeating and that he has an unusual opportunity to revive British social democracy. Debates about where Ed Miliband will lead Labour next are certain to dominate the rest of this year’s Labour conference and indeed his whole first year in office. What does the leadership of Labour require? What should his leadership strategy be? To answer, we need to examine some fundamentals. We know from opinion surveys that when UK voters’ preferences are plotted on a left-right spectrum the resulting graph typically takes the form of a bell curve. The largest numbers of voters cluster around the median voter (the person in the centre of the left/right distribution), and decreasing numbers hold positions as we move further to the left or the right. In plurality electoral systems dominated by two main parties (and even if the Alternative Vote is introduced, Britain will still fall into this category) two pure strategies are available.