Healing in the African Independent Churches

FRANCIS ANEKWE OBORJI HEALING IN THE AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES

An Encounter between Traditional Religiosity and Christianity?

The present flourishing of meetings or prayer assemblies for healing in Africa challenges us to analyze that phenomenon more accurately in relation to the general practice of healing in Christianity, especially in view of Jesus’ words to the disciples: “Cure the sick, raise the dead, cleanse the lepers, cast out devils” (Mat- thew 10:8). The prayer centers for healing have continued to spread in various parts of Africa and are organized not only by unskilled laypeople but also by priests and bishops of established churches. This phenomenon, however, is best seen in the African Independent (or Initiated) Churches (AICs). In fact, some wri- ters on African Christianity and traditional religion claim that the African Inde- pendent Churches represent a true African religiosity through which the inculturation of the Christian faith in the continent could be anchored.

One is thus led to ask: What type of relationship exists between the true religiosity of traditional Africans and that of the AICs? Do AICs indeed represent a true African religiosity or are they a deformation or transformation of that religiosity? Similarly, what is the notion of prayer and healing in the Christian tradition in relation to the present practice of healing in the AICs? Related to these questions are the dangers involved in basing African Christianity on the spirituality of workers and seekers of miracles. How do we relate the effort to base African Chris- tianity on the paschal mystery of Jesus Christ with the present upsurge of healing centers on the continent? Underneath all this is the actual reality of Africa with its concomitant challenges of the ministry of healing and human promotion.

This is what shall occupy us in this article. The article intends to initiate a dialogue between the practice of healing in AICs and the true religiosity of the traditional Africans in relation to the Christian faith.1 In doing this, the article will ex- plore the origins and the rise of AICs in Africa. The intention here is to unveil the history and motivations in the birth of the AICs in Africa vis-à-vis the true religiosity of Africans and then deal with the positive contributions or elements of the

1 What will be argued in this paper may not, of course, apply to all AICs, many of which have a long and honourable history. However, my research and contacts with organizers and members of many AICs have led me to the argument I maintain in this article.

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AICs that could enrich the traditional practice of healing in Christianity. We will approach the topic in the following order: a) basic issues, b) historical and cultural background, c) characteristics, d) regional subdivisions, e) healing in the New Testament and the Christian tradition, and e) the challenges of the encounter.

Basic Issues The issue of prayer and healing received new accentuation in the recent document from the Vatican, Instruction on Prayer and Healing (IPH), which expresses concern about some forms of appropriating some elements from other traditions. Thus IPH recounts that the experience of praying for health can be found in every period of the church’s history and, of course, also today. What is to a certain extent new is how the number of prayer meetings, sometimes coupled with liturgical celebrations, is increasing today for the purpose of being healed by God. On various occasions and not at all sporadically cases of healing are reported, thus increasing the expectancy that this will occur at other similar meetings. At times the claim is that a so-called healing charism is present.

At the same time this longing for happiness is to be valued. It is deeply rooted in the human heart and has always gone together with the desire to be free from illness and to understand the meaning of illness once it has been experienced. The teaching of the Catholic Church, for example, views illness as one way for the sick person to live in union with Christ, as a spiritual purification and, for those who care for the ill person, a chance for them to practise charity. The church also teaches that illness and other human sufferings are a privileged time of prayer for obtaining God’s grace, being able to accept God’s will in faith, and also to pray for healing. How can this be discerned in the present religious reality and in the way healing is done in the AICs?

Another basic problem is that the African worldview influences the theological understanding of healing. The question of the spiritual realm as an essential aspect of reality and the cause of illness may be a problem for Christians from elsewhere but not for Africans. The African worldview explains ultimate reality and life in terms of spirit rather than of the flesh. Therefore, if one’s worldview is that of the post-Enlightenment and modern (Western) era, then one would have great diffi- culty in appreciating the emphasis being placed on spirit possession and healing in most of the AICs. In other words, the AICs raise the question of whether world- views should not be understood in cultural and theological terms? Indeed, the practice in the AICs is challenging the post-Enlightenment worldview, which is based on the belief that everything requires scientific proof and explanation. This post-Enlightenment belief is very devastating particularly for the understanding of healing ministries in the AICs because it excludes the spiritual realm as well as the reality of miracles.

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There is also the issue of the relation between healing and power and healing and faith. This raises the question of the values and functions of healing and miracles in the Christian tradition and as practiced by Jesus in his earthly ministry. What are the significant values and functions of miraculous healing performed by Christ? How do we relate Jesus’ practice of healing with the present practice as found in the AICs? Related to the above is the question of how one is to rediscover the tradition of healing and the experience of the early church. This is where consultation and theological exchange among the churches are very important for sharing the experience of existing healing traditions (liturgical, sacramental, prayer, etc.) as well as helping to rediscover the forgotten ones.

We are also confronted with the issue of how to evaluate the influence of AICs on African Christianity so far and to assess its contribution to the healing practices of the church in general. What is the relationship between healing and sacraments, healing and liturgy, healing and counseling, healing and psycho-therapy, healing and medicine, healing and poverty alleviation, etc.? Should there be room for the variety of healing practices without disregarding standard medical treatment and the administration of the sacraments? Related to this is the question of who can exercise the ministry of healing? Some argue that up until now the ministry of healing has been narrowed to solely the responsibility of the priest or pastor. Thus, it is argued, churches should provide the structural room for gifts of healing to be cultivated. People should be taught about healing as a spiritual gift and the ones who have it should be encouraged to use it. The ones who use it should, however, be guided by more experienced ministers and the teaching of the church on healing ministry in order to avoid abuse of this spiritual gift. The paschal mystery of Christ, the crucified Son of God who emptied himself for the salvation of the human race, should be the model for using the power of healing. All this points to the need for room in the liturgy and life of the church for witnessing and sharing the experience of healing.

These issues, arising from the phenomenon of healing in AICs, present us with some basic questions: Is one healed because of belief (faith) in Christ? Or does one believe because he is healed? Is it faith or the miracle of healing that we need in our evangelizing work? Furthermore, how do we relate healing to the theology of the cross? What are the goals of healing? Do we truly need to organize prayer meetings in order to obtain healing? What type of relationship exists between the healers and the believing community? What is the import of healing in Christian mission?

These questions are closely interrelated, for our knowledge of the relationship between healing and faith will lead us to the central place of the paschal mystery of Christ and the salvific value of suffering in healing ministry. The church’s ministry of healing as a sign of the reign of God inaugurated in Christ is derived from

184 HEALING IN AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES the efficacy of the resurrection. In other words, Christ is both the author and goal of the church’s healing ministry.

Historical and Cultural Background Generally speaking, scholars tend to identify two main stages in the historical development of the AICs: a) the prophetic churches of Central Africa; b) the healing churches in West and East Africa. Together they are called African Independent or Initiated (or Healing) Churches. Both stages share almost the same characteristics. Again, the rise of these churches in contemporary Africa has been sub- divided into two historical periods: colonial and post-colonial. The first (the colonial period) is typically associated with messianic movements that were fighting the colonial regime, strongly demanding independence for their countries. During the post-colonial period no monumental (if we can call them so) prophetic movements appeared. But from 1960 on some movements have appeared which, in a certain sense, seemed to have something special, such as the Maria Legio Church (under the leadership of Simon Ondeto and Gaudencia Avko in Kenya in 1963). Other minor churches arose, which no longer exist or have only developed into small churches.

Before and right after independence, most of the African independent churches were primarily protest movements that fought against the unjust rule of the colonial powers. In spite of some economic benefits, which a few Africans may have enjoyed during this period of dominion, the colonial powers failed to meet the people’s aspirations and hopes. There was widespread discontent. Africans became aware that they could take strong advantage of their ancestral history and wanted to build for themselves a future that would be both free and founded on their pre-colonial past. This paved the way for nationalist associations and movements for independence. In short, after the Second World War nationalist leaders were ready to urge and obtain independence for their countries.

Their efforts at resistance were not limited to socio-political and economic affairs but penetrated into the religious world as well. This is how the contemporary independent churches in Africa were born. Many African Christians could not reconcile the Christian doctrine of brotherhood and equality with the discriminatory attitudes held by Europeans, some of whom were clergy. Furthermore, Africans became convinced that, whereas the early white missionaries had taught them the “Our Father, keeping the Bible tight to their heart”, other white people had robbed the African people of everything they had. Therefore, some Africans abandoned the “Western missionary churches” to create African independent ecclesial movements (the Kimbangu Church in Belgian Congo—once Zaïre and now the Democratic Republic of Congo—is a good example). Thus, the AICs in Africa were born as resistance groups. Even those African Christians who remained members of the Western established churches started to demand that Africans be accepted as leaders of the African churches

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(Omoni 1996: 86; Ndiokwere 1995: 16ff). On the whole, over and above their protest against colonialism and the Western established churches, what people wanted was a better life. In this framework, observing the discontent with the Western established churches, some Africans sensed (although erroneously), that the Christian religion was the religion of the white man and an instrument in the hands of Western imperialism that was dominating the continent. Some Africans felt that they had been taken up into a Western church that was forcing them to lose their own identity and their African culture. Some abandoned the church completely; others moved into creating independent churches (as already mentioned), still others practised their Christian religion on Sundays but took part in activities stemming from their own cultural heritage for the rest of the week, etc. However, a good number of African Christians honestly wished to feel at home, i.e. inculturated, in the church (Oborji 1998: 214).

Thus, generally speaking, two major elements have brought these independent churches into existence: politics and religion. There were some other factors as well: economic factors and cultural and ethnic differences. The fact that there has been some progress in translating the Bible into local languages must be acknowl- edged. This development has given the African Christians a good opportunity to understand the Bible better and to apply it concretely. In the independent churches the translated version of the Bible has spurred people not only to use African languages in their liturgical celebrations but also to choose local liturgical hymns accompanied by the sound of drums, gongs and other native instruments, hand clapping, rhythmic waving of the body and dance, increasing the expressiveness of local art and architecture (made of African cloth, holy images and paintings, etc.). Until now, these are the elements that have brought liturgy alive in the African region (Uzukwu 1997: 271).

Nobody can say precisely what led to the emergence of the African independent churches. To call them resistance churches (i.e. opposed to colonialism and the Western Christian religion) is not enough. There are several other factors (Curtain 1992: 531). Some authors say that their numerical increase is due to the fact that these churches are based on the African mentality and stress the anthropological foundation of the African worldview. Africans can appreciate and identify easily with the mentality of these churches, because Africans appreciate greatly a brotherhood that is lived in community. Others say that people join these healing churches because of the poor economic situation in Africa. Also, as far as some Christians are concerned, it may be because their faith is not deep enough and they know little about Christian doctrine or perhaps, at least for some of them, they are still struggling to understand the salvific value of suffering. In short, the ordinary people’s lack of knowledge of the riches in Christ and in the church contributes greatly to the growth of the independent churches in Africa.

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But all this is not enough to describe what independent churches really are. The problem (as we will soon see) is the ordinary people’s behavior. When times are difficult, some African Christians turn to traditional religious practices to obtain practical and quick results. Since these Christians come from the background of their traditional religion, they concentrate on searching for what is good and on defending themselves from evil. For them evil can be either physical or moral. The former is misfortune that happens to the individual or to the community. The latter refers instead to voluntary antisocial behavior or to a violation of decrees that come from God, the deities or the ancestors. People concentrate on those beings that are the cause of physical evil. Therefore, the traditional African will spend more time in discovering the causes and effects of evil than in trying to dis- cover the origin of that evil. Furthermore, at times they even forget that humans can sometimes become physiologically ill.

Be that as it may, traditional Africans will do all they can to avoid evil. They believe that evil has its own agents (human, natural or spiritual). The founders of the African independent and healing churches know this very well; this is why they have developed (rituals) cults to attract people, since they know that people want to dominate or at least face evil wherever it appears. This means that many Afri- can independent churches represent a deformed or transformed traditional religiosity or, better, traditional religion is surviving in the branch of Christianity that can be found in these African independent churches. However, some argue that with the appearance of these churches the true Christian faith of some Africans has been endangered, since they are now practicing their faith in these “new” churches. There is thus also the possibility of syncretism, because it is considered impossible for the Western established churches to give a valid answer to their daily problems. This is the bone of contention and a great challenge to the inculturation of the Christian faith in Africa (Oborji 1998: 45).

Characteristics of the African Independent Churches The Charismatic Leader An independent church is initially founded around a charismatic leader (who is also the founder of the group). At the same time this charismatic leader starts his ministry using prophetic healing (for instance, this is how Simon Kimbangu, the founder of the Kimbanguist Church, started). On the basis of this healing ministry, the healer (who also calls himself a visionary), in order to attract members, asks for recognition during public events and asks the richer people of the society to join (Oborji 1993: 125). Ecstatic Prophecy and Supernormal Experience At times charismatic manifestations go together with the phenomenon of a so- called “spirit possession.” These are the distinctive characteristics of the rituals and prayer meetings of independent churches. Among the signs that prove that one has been called to be a prophet or a leader is one’s capacity to have visions,

187 STUDIES IN INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 15 (2005) 2 to speak in strange languages, to have dreams, to hear extraordinary voices, to have received the power of healing. The prophetic leader is greatly respected by his followers for his ability to manifest these supernormal signs. To his followers, the prophet-leader is “a man of God” (sacrosanct), his oracles are authentic because God is speaking through him (he is the prophetic leader). This is why in some of these independent churches members become obsessed with acquiring these qualities of prophetic leadership (Ndiokwere 1995: 77-96). “False” Prophets It is not only that the number of their members is increasing and that prophetic movements are becoming widespread in Africa that have become major characteristics of AICs. It also has to do with the way the number of false prophets among them keeps growing. Unemployed youths become members of these churches as soon as they leave school in order to become prophets after being members for a few months. This is where the question arises: How can it be that so many “prophets” all over Africa can affirm that their mission has been given to them by divine authority and that God has sent them? This has led some authors to analyze the characteristics of the prophets of independent churches in the following way:

- These churches are founded by “local prophets” who have little or no education and no Christian background. Movements of this kind lack stability in their formation and organization; they pay little or no attention to biblical studies or to the composition of Christian hymns and prayers.

- Of those movements that are mainly active in “healing” one cannot say that they are also prophetic nor that they are “churches,” because the “house of prayer” has been completely replaced by the “house of healing,” where the healer impresses ordinary people by basing his healing and divining activities on the people’s superstitious beliefs and on occult magic. In some places these “prophets” and ad- venturers have taken over the role of traditional medicine men, using tricks to cast out witches and demons.

- In some of the dubious movements their enthusiastic members are mostly inter- ested in participating in their cults under the form of celebrations accompanied by drums and dances that stimulate people to fall into ecstasy and to lead them to act indecently, to experience visions, to speak in strange languages, to shake and tremble, and other such phenomena that are rampant and present in their cults and various other spiritual exercises.

- They organize musical processions in hierarchical order, dress in splendid dress, strips, hats, wear staffs and a torn Bible. These are characteristics that are typical for some movements that have dubious leaders. Here the interest and the foundation of the movement depends on its spectacular and pompous shows.

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- Sometimes it is the members’ interest in obtaining a leadership role that leads to the increase of the number of “prophets” in independent churches. But at times it can also be because of nationalistic interest that some prophets and their disciples become responsible for problems that arise in their mother churches. Often they split from their mother church and start their own movement.

Most likely what drives some of these “prophets” is their thirst for wealth rather than any spiritual motivation whatsoever. Quarreling over money is one of the serious problems that are current in independent churches and often result in schisms. They are constantly fighting about how much each of them can profit from the material wealth of their church.

Furthermore, the moral life of some of the leaders and members of these churches is certainly not to be praised. There have been cases of promiscuity and even of incest, sometimes at the leader’s request (Ndiokwere 1995: 104). Faith Healing Most of the African independent churches practice faith healing. The healing message is among the main concerns of most of these churches. This is why they stress “faith” and its impact on the suffering person: “There is absolute faith in God, because the ordinary African looks for the solution of almost all his problems in religion. Here too he absolutely depends on God as his final refuge” (Iwuagwu 1975: 20). Some scholars say that among Africans most illnesses have a psychological and “spiritual” origin. Among the Africans psychological disturb- ances are partially attributed to bad spirits, devils (demons), and require exor- cism. They also say that bad spirits are responsible for physical problems, such as headaches, stomachaches, etc. The following are examples of illnesses which the prophet-healers usually heal: possession by a demonic spirit, breathing problems, gynecological problems (infertility). Further problems are worms, bad dreams, insomnia, physical pains, etc. But all these can be healed by personal diagnosis. However, they help to locate a medical problem and the task that lies ahead for the church in Africa (Bazola 1968: 321). Structural Organization The structural organization is modeled on the denominational churches of the missionary congregations. The formation and consolidation of these churches have followed, so to say, three principal forms: charismatic, organizational, and cultic. The charismatic form has to do with the quality of the leader of that church; this occurs especially at the beginning of a new movement. Organizational structuring replaces the model of charismatic leadership. When that church expands, the stability of the movement requires educated organizers. The cultic form is an al- ternative to that of the bureaucratic organization, when the leader’s charisma is on the decline or has been surpassed or when the leader’s (founder’s) power and spiritual qualities can no longer be felt.

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The members of these movements believe that their churches are true reformed churches of God that are opposed to Western Christian churches; they say that theirs is a Christian message and a mission that is valid for the whole of humankind. Among these are the churches that concentrate on spiritual matters (such as the breakaway churches of the Kimbanguist Church).

Leadership in the Independent Churches Generally speaking, the leaders of these churches believe themselves to be true prophets and to have a prophetic vocation. But it is actually out of arrogance and because they are popularly acclaimed that they (the founders and leaders of these independent churches) call themselves prophets. Nonetheless, they believe they have the same functions as some biblical figures with whom they identify themselves. Thus, when a founder dies, his sons or successors take over and continue to practice the founder’s prophetic functions. It is not unusual for the leaders of independent churches to assume the unique roles of Moses, Joshua, the judges and Israelite kings. They also assume the functions of Christ and the apostles, the evangelists, bishops, pastors and charismatic people of the ancient church.

Some say that this model of leadership in the independent churches follows that of African traditional society; the model of kingship (leadership) in traditional Zulu society is an excellent example. Zulu society is structured in ranks. For the Zulu, harmony in the nation’s life depends on the balance between the interests of the king, the chiefs and the people. The king’s position is of major importance both for the land and the people. He is not only the head of the tribe; he is also a symbol of its unity. He is the priest, the magician, the governor, the lawgiver, and the source of wealth. The king hears the major legal cases; in fact, he is the judge. The term Ngunza (prophet) in the Kimbanguist Church—which had the same meaning originally in the ancient Kingdom of Congo—is another good example.

In this model some authors see a structure that is similar to the model of leadership found in African traditional religion: for example, among the Zulu, the leader, whether he is a bishop, guide or president, is a king (Zulu: inkosi) and the church is his tribe. Also, among the members of the Church of the Lord (Aladura), great attention is paid to lineage, insignia and privileges, as can be found in the Yoruba traditional religion (Nigeria) (Sundkler 1970: 102).

According to what has been stated above, some believe it to be evident that the majority of the models of leadership present in the independent churches is similar to the biblical model. Other characteristics of this leadership include: dynasty, hi- erarchy and charisma. However, notwithstanding all these characteristics, it is clear that in the independent churches leadership remains essentially charismatic.

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Regional Subdivisions Nobody knows how many independent churches there are in Africa today: they keep multiplying every day. However, scholars have identified the most famous independent churches: Kimbanguist (Eglise de Jésus Christ par le Prophète Si- mon Kimbangu (Central Africa and the Democratic Republic of Congo)), the Celestial Church or the Church of the Lord (Aladura), Christ Apostolic Church, Cherubim and Seraphim (West Africa), Eden Revival Church (Ghana), Eglise chrétienne évangélique d’Afrique dit Zaïre (the Democratic Republic of Congo), The African Brotherhood Church (Kenya), the Maria Legio (Kenya), Feden Church, Church of Christ in Africa (East Africa), the Aiyetoro Community in Nigeria, the Apostolic Revelation Society (Ghana), Eglise réformée indépendante de Madagascar and the Vapostori of South Africa. Some of these churches are already members of the World Council of Churches (WCC). Independent Movements in Southern Africa In South Africa there are three kinds of independent churches: “Ethiopianism,” “Zionism,” and “Messianism.” a) Ethiopian Movements in Southern Africa The origin of the “Ethiopian myth” has its historical background in the Bible. En- couraged by the victory and the resistance of the Ethiopian empire against the Ital- ian colonial military occupation in 1896, the Africans, especially in South Africa, claimed that perhaps in the same way the black people in South Africa could be victorious over the whites in their country, where they were being oppressed under the apartheid regime. They started to search the Bible to find the promise of and origin for an African church, paying particular attention to Psalm 68:31 and Acts 8:26-39: this is how the movement found sustenance in the Bible for its origin by divine election. A legend dating more than 2,500 years ago relates a love story between king Solomon and the queen of Sheba (1Kings 10:1ff.). The last Ethiopian emperor, Haile Selassie, is said to be the 251st emperor in Menelik’s line (Ndiokwere 1995: 28).

The Abyssinian ideology, which the Ethiopians share with the “Zionists,” is an attempt to provide the independent church with an ancient apostolic succession. Their charter speaks of the relation of their church with the Bible; they also refer to Ethiopians and to an African Christian lordship.

The ancient Ethiopian kingdom with its ancient Christian church has become the symbol of the birth of independent Christian churches and their founders live in the hope that they will spread over the whole continent. The noble name of Ethi- opian thus became a symbol for the whole of Africa, a black Africa liberated from colonialism and now ready to be governed by the Africans themselves (Sundkler 1970: 58).

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However, the emergence of the “Ethiopianist” movement had a socio-political aftermath after the Boer War and the First World War: the people’s resistance to racist oppression. The people who were living this common experience of suffering aspired to one and the same thing, and this led to the formation of autonomous independent movements. The Ethiopian movement became a rallying point for enthusiastic Africans to struggle against humiliation. This effort was a major step forward for the emergence of the “Africanization” ideology, at least at the religious level, thus helping the “messianic” movement to acquire a pan-African and religious political character. Ethiopianism has become a door from which very important theological ideas emerged: a black theology searching for the liberation of the Africans, black theology versus white theology, and the ecclesial Zionist movements, the ecclesial Messianic movements etc.

The same manifestation of prophetic movements can be seen in the country bor- dering South Africa, Zimbabwe (then called Rhodesia). Here we find prophetic and messianic movements: for instance, the Watch Tower movement (founded in the USA in 1874 by Charles T. Russell) appeared in Africa first of all in Malawi in 1906, then in Zimbabwe and in other parts of Africa (Gibson 1972: 152). Be- fore the First World War Elliot Kamawana had organized his version of the Watch Tower movement in his homeland Nyasaland (Malawi), based on the Jehovah Witnesses. He preached the second coming of Jesus, anti-Europeanism, and the fall of Europe in 1914. For this reason, the government of Nyassaland exiled him. In spite of this, the Watch Tower movement was proclaimed everywhere in central Africa until the end of the colonial era. There was also the Messianic Church of Mai Chaza (Mother Chaza), founded by a married woman (Mother Chaza) who had been ill in 953, but had risen from death, thereby receiving a divine function after some of her trips to a mountain. This mountain was given a new name, “Spirit of the Sinai” and it is from here that, as a new Moses, Mai Chaza had received her new power and revelation from Jehovah. She claimed to have been sent by God. b) Independent Churches in East Africa i) African Independence in Kenya Kenya is one of the countries of East Africa where one can find many independent churches. The independent churches of Uganda and Tanzania find their stimulus in Kenya’s independent churches. In Kenya we have The Legion of Mary Church (Maria Legio), a group that seceded from the Roman Catholic Church. After independence in 1963 there was a great wave of independent churches in Kenya. Be- fore independence many movements had political aspirations, such as the Mumbo Movement and Watu Wa Mungu (People of God) (Kenyatta 1938). Today the independent churches have become healing centers. ii) The Malakites: AnAnti-Medicine Movement in Uganda This movement was founded by Malak and Mugema, and was called The Society of One Almighty God. Its two founders found support for their anti-medical stance

192 HEALING IN AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES in Deuteronomy 18:9-11 (translating the words “soothsayer, augur, sorcerer” by “doctor”). Another formula was found in Jeremiah 46:11: “Go up to Gilead in search of balm, virgin daughter of Egypt! You multiply remedies in vain, nothing can cure you.” iii) The Church of the Holy Spirit in Tanzania The Malakite Church found many disciples in Tanzania, where the Watch Tower movement became influential as well. The Church of the Holy Spirit was one of the first revival movementsto form a separatist group. iv) Alice Lenshina and the “Lumpa Church” in Zambia The famous “Lumpa Church” in Zambia was founded by a prophetess, Alice Lenshina Mulenga, a Zambian woman. To her the visions she constantly had meant that she had a prophetic vocation. Very convinced of this, Alice started her healing mission, proclaiming the observation of God’s law as prescribed in the Decalogue. After composing some hymns she started baptizing people, calling them to abandon and destroy their charms as a sign of penitence for salvation. People came to her to have their magic tools to be destroyed and to be saved.

The founders of the independent churches generally act as healers and see themselves as “men of God.” Their primary goal is to establish a theocracy and much of their power and appeal comes from their apocalyptic inspiration—a hope for the reconstruction of society. c) Prophetic Movements in the Congo (Central Africa) Simon Kimbangu’s movement is very famous in Central Africa. But before him, already in the seventeenth century, there were very powerful movements in that area. i) Anthonianism (Congo) Before the advent of the first messianic prophetic movements in sub-Saharan Afri- ca in the seventeenth century, in southern Congo there was already a movement called the Anthonian sect, founded by a prophetess, Dona Beatrice, who claimed to be the reincarnation of Saint Anthony. Beatrice was burned in public in 1706 by King Pedro IV because of her revolutionary preaching which included the restoration of the ancient kingdom of Congo (destroyed by civil war), demonstration against the religious practices of the Catholic Church and proclamation of a vengeful judgment against her opponents.

It is true that this movement inspired by Dona Beatrice was forcefully suppressed after her death, but the prophetess was venerated by her disciples as a martyr and a heroine who had fought for restoration and unity in her country. Therefore, already long ago Anthonianism had become the basis and the first tentative effort in sub-Saharan Africa to create a national church, independent of foreign control (Filesi 1972: 19).

193 STUDIES IN INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 15 (2005) 2 ii) The Kimbanguist Church (Congo) In Central Africa the prophetic movement inspired by Simon Kimbangu, as one that would move people to Christianity and as a religious revival, has today become one of the very large independent churches: E.J.C.K. (L’Eglise de Jésus Christ sur la terre par le prophète Simon Kimbangu).

On March 18, 1921, Simon Kimbangu affirmed that he had been called by means of a divine vision to go and heal a sick child in a village (Nkamba, Mbanza-Ngun- gu). The healing of this child transformed Simon Kimbangu (a country boy) into a very famous prophet of God. That day in March 1921 Kimbangu was recognized at a national level. The news of his miracles spread all over the area. This is what gave the impetus for the famous pilgrimages to Nkamba, the place where all the fantastic stories about Kimbangu had happened. People abandoned the hospitals, and pharmacists and came to the miracle worker; they called him Ngunza (prophet), messenger, messiah. For his followers (believers), a new Pentecost had come; evidently the Spirit was on Simon Kimbangu and had given him the power to heal and to preach (Ndiokwere 1995: 47).

Some of his followers had preached in 1921 that fire from heaven would come and consume Europe and that Afro-Americans would come and free their brothers and sisters. Therefore, the Belgian colonial authorities arrested Simon Kimbangu and imprisoned him for life. But until now his movement has continued to exist. After his death on October 12, 1951, his wife and children organized their own church with a constitution that was recognized by the colonial government in De- cember 1959. Joseph Diangienda, the new young leader of the group, proved to be extremely talented. He founded a church that is numerically the largest among the independent churches in Africa. In 1969 the Kimbanguist Church was the first independent church to become a member of the World Council of Churches, con- fessing its African roots but gifted with a universal mission (Baur 1994: 451).

Thus, although the Kimbanguist Church considered itself a protest movement against the colonial powers, it had started as a healing-prophetic movement. Later it developed into a denomination—with the intention to be a real church of God, having a message and a mission that was valid for the entire world. However, in recent years and following what has been described as a misconception of the doctrine of the Trinity in its teaching, the WCC has suspended the Kimbanguist Church’s membership. And the Catholic Church in Congo has described the movement as a non-Christian religion. Independent Churches in West Africa If compared with those found in other parts of Africa, the independent churches in West Africa (especially in Nigeria) have a purely religious character. No political accent could be found in them during the colonial period. But the view that the principal goal of this phenomenon was solely to promote the people’s spiritual and religious life does not have a strong foundation. Therefore, one should not

194 HEALING IN AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES exclude the presence of nationalist elements which are often expressed in these churches, although religious factors are certainly their primary motivation. At least in Nigeria the independent churches are a good example of this reality.

These churches have different names in Nigeria: “mushroom,” “hand-clapping,” “hand-beating” or “vision-seeing.” Nobody knows exactly how many independent churches there are in Nigeria nor how many people are members of these churches. In fact, it is difficult for one to find one single village in South Nigeria where there is no more than one of these churches. In West Africa as a whole, these churches are generally called Spiritual/Healing Churches. i) The Aladura Church Movement in Nigeria The Aladura Church of the Lord is a very large independent church in Nigeria. The movement started as a result of a schism from the Anglican Church in 1918, following the African members’ discontent with the Anglican Church’s inability to help them. Later, the Aladura Church was influenced by the literature of the Pentecostal church, Faith Tabernacle, in Philadelphia (Ade Aina 1987: 110-16).

At first this group was known as Faith Tabernacle, since they had no charismatic leader, but in 1925 Moses Tunolase, a prophet, and Christiana Abiodum became the founders of the Cherubim and Seraphim group and a process of separation, similar to the Anglican one, occurred. Disagreement with these leaders led to the emergence of a new leader, Josiah Oshintelu, and a fourth group arose, this time called The Church of the Lord (Aladura). Oshintelu was the inspiration behind this influential church. Thus the Aladura movement consists of four groups, with several other little groups that have different names and their own identity. However, their vestments, liturgy, and political ideas identify them as having the same origin.

Whereas some of the independent churches in Africa stress their African roots and limit their activities to African soil and the African people, the Church of the Lord (Aladura) transcends all ethnic limits. Aladura is open not only to the poor, the distressed, the “non-educated,” but to all social strata. Among their members are politicians, professional people, and people with high social positions. Very important is their conviction that their church has a mission that is valid for the entire African community and beyond. Today the Aladura Church can be found in almost every country of West Africa: Gambia, Ghana, the Ivory Coast, Nigeria, Si- erra Leone and Togo. Furthermore, Adejobi (Oshintelu’s successor), having stud- ied in England, founded the first branch of this church abroad in Great Britain. Notwithstanding their claim to have a universal mission, the usual characteristics of African independent churches are present in the Aladura Church: spiritual va- grancy, the fluidity of its membership, joining the church for the sake of economic and other benefits such as healing and revelation. Among some thousand African independent churches, the Church of the Lord (Aladura) appears to be one that can rely on good organization, theology, and a confession of faith. Its constitution

195 STUDIES IN INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 15 (2005) 2 explicitly declares its Christian foundation. Among its publications and documents there are: The Book of Rituals and the Catechism of the Church of the Lord (Aladura) Throughout the World. This catechism contains 51 questions and answers that deal with, among other things, the Trinity, sin, salvation, eschatology and the sacraments.

The church is structured heirarchically, beginning with the Primate (Apostle) who is the head of the church, then the ministers (pastors), the “Army of Jesus,” Levites or assistant-prophets and then the rest of the people. The ministers’ tasks include preaching, healing, special consultations, and presiding over services. Power is received through consecration (anointing with oil) and the handing over of the cross, representing a key that carries the power everywhere.

The sacred objects used include the iron rod or “magic stick” for the ministers as a symbol of their special power as prophets, the holy rosary (whether Catholic or Muslim), crosses, and sacred rings. During prayers they light candles and sometimes there are occult practices. As is true of all African independent churches, water is an indispensable sacramental element in the Church of the Lord. Appro- priating the role of Moses, the ministers consecrate and sprinkle the new people of God with water during the service as a visible sign of their sanctification. To them, consecrated water has an almost magic power: it is poured on charms or bad medicine to neutralize their effects. Homes will be protected against evil powers if they are sprinkled with this water. People drink the water for healing and it is also used in exorcisms and at baptisms.

Incense of various kinds is used during the service in the belief that the incense’s scent will drive away bad spirits and create an atmosphere that will be conducive to the presence of God and the angels (Ndiokwere 1995: 59). ii) William Wadé Harris (The Harrist Church) William Wadé Harris (1860-1929) has been called one of the great prophets and leaders of the new religious movements in West Africa; he was as influential as Simon Kimbangu in Congo (Central Africa). Born in the village of Half-Graway (close to Cape Palmas, Liberia), Wadé was a member of the Methodist Church, his mother’s Christian denomination and began as a lay preacher for the Methodist Church. He married Rose Farr, the daughter of a teacher of the USA Episcopal Church at Graway where Wadé started to work in the mission of the Episcopal Church. At that time tensions between the Glebo population and the former African slaves from America, who had been liberated through the abolition of slavery in America and had been brought back to the coastal countries of West Africa (Liberia, Sierra Leone, etc.), was increasing and this became a matter of great concern to both the civil government and the missionary churches.

The Episcopal bishop, Monsignor Samuel Ferguson, was accused by the local people of identifying himself with the black immigrants from America. It is then,

196 HEALING IN AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES in 1899, that Wadé became the official spokesman for the people of Glebo. Wadé was therefore fired by the Episcopal Church and imprisoned by the civil government during the Liberian-Glebo Civil War in 1910.

Wadé claimed to have received consecration (anointing) by the “Spirit” during a visitation by the angel Gabriel while in prison. According to Wadé, it was during this trance experience in prison that he was called to obedience to Christ’s great commission (Matthew 28:19). Wadé said that he had received that mission as a “prophet of the latter days:” he saw himself as the black prophet Elijah who would appear before Christ’s return. He believed that his mission was to bring a kingdom of peace. Always accompanied by singing women, Wadé went to various parts of West Africa conveying his message: “The time has come and the kingdom of God is close at hand. Repent, and believe the Good News” (Mark 1:15). He proclaimed the power of God and Christ’s Cross, demanded penitence and that people be baptized and destroy their charms; he always walked barefoot, wearing a white dress, a turban and a cross-staff, carrying a Bible, a jingling fiasco-gourd, a baptism plate, and refused to receive money for his ministries; he would baptise people, drive away unclean spirits and heal. He taught people the Lord’s Prayer, the Ten Commandments and strict Sunday observance as a day of prayer and rest. He sent thousands of baptized people to be educated in doctrine by Catholic and Protestant missionaries. Where there were no missionaries, Wadé nominated “twelve apostles” from the local population, with the promise that he would ask the white missionaries to come to them soon to teach them (Anderson 1998: 281).

Wadé did not found his own church, asking people instead to join one of the existing Christian churches. In fact, his mission was prophetic and religious, as shown by his preaching and by the religious movement inspired by him. He died in April 1929, totally exhausted and in poverty. After Wadé’s death, the prophet Ahui Jonas (to whom Wadé had given his staff and a Bible) founded in the Ivory Cost in 1931 a church that carried Wadé’s name: the Harrist Church. Jonas Ahui had been consecrated by Wadé. Thus, the prophet Ahui Jonas is the self-proclaimed “Pope” of the independent Harrist Church. The Harrist Church is inter- ethnic and has congregations in the Ivory Coast, Ghana and Liberia. Services are held three times every Sunday in the local language, according to the tradition established by Harris: strong anti-fetishism, accent on God; prayer as a substitute for sacrifice, the use of local music and dance, the cross, the Bible, the fiasco- gourd and the baptism plate as liturgical instruments, liturgical dress in imitation of Wadé’s model; traditional matrimony, preachers with only one wife, a structural organization with “Twelve Apostles,” and self-supporting preachers chosen by the local congregation. Jonas Ahui remained the group’s spiritual leader until he died in 1992 (Shank 1994: 155-65).

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Healing in the New Testament and the Tradition of the Church The discussion on the origins and characteristics of African independent churches naturally leads us to the New Testament teaching and the church’s tradition on prayer and healing. How do we relate the practice of healing in the AICs to the church’s teaching and experience on the subject? What can the New Testament and the church’s teaching on healing ministry offer us today for a better evaluation of the healing activities in the AICs? To answer these questions, we shall devote this section of our study to a brief overview of the teaching of the New Testament and the tradition of the church on prayer and healing. Healing in the New Testament The New Testament teaches that miraculous healings characterized the public ministry of Christ: “Jesus went around to all the towns and villages, teaching in their synagogues, proclaiming the Gospel of the Kingdom, and curing every disease and illness” (Matthew 9:35; cf. 4:23). Large numbers of the sick approached Jesus during his public ministry, either directly or through friends and relatives, seeking restoration of their health. Jesus welcomed their requests and the Gospels contain not a single reproach for their prayers. Jesus’ only complaint concerns their possible lack of faith (cf. Mark 9:23). The New Testament depicts the miraculous healings as signs of Jesus’ messianic mission (cf. Luke 7:20-23). They manifest the victory of the Kingdom of God over every kind of evil and become the symbol of the restoration to health of the whole human person, body and soul. In addition, they serve to demonstrate that Jesus has the power to forgive sins (cf. Mark 2:1-12); they are signs of salvation: cf. the healing of the paralytic of Beth- esda (cf. John 5:2-9, 19-21) and the man born blind (cf. John 9) (Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith 2000: Instruction on Prayer and Healing (IPH),1-2).

Thus, in the New Testament, miraculous healings are depicted as corroborating the power of the Gospel proclamation. Miraculous healing was also the promise of the Risen Lord and the first Christian communities witnessed its realization in their midst: “These signs will accompany those who believe: … they will lay hands on the sick, and they will recover (Mark 16:17-18). Thus, the preaching of the apostles was accompanied by miraculous healings (cf. Acts 8:5-7; Romans 15:18-19; 1 Thessalonians 1:5; 1 Corinthians 2:4-5). Again, miraculous healings as manifestations of the power of God that accompanied the preaching of the Gos- pel were not limited to the apostles’ ministry and certain central figures in the early Christian community but also occurred among the faithful (Galatians 3:5). The book of Acts refers also to the miraculous healings worked by individual preachers of the Gospel like Peter (cf.Acts 3:1-10; 5:15; etc.), Stephen (cf. Acts 6:8), Philip (cf. Acts 8:6-7) and Paul (Acts 14:3, 8-10; 15:12, etc.). Thus, in the New Testament the activity of wondrous healings is not limited to the apostles. Paul speaks of the “charisms of healing” (1 Corinthians 12:9, 28-30). In this context the meaning of charisms (in the plural) refers to “gifts of healing obtained. These gifts are attributed to an individual and are not, therefore, to be understood in a

198 HEALING IN AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES distributive sense as the gifts of healing received by those who themselves have been healed. They are, rather, gifts granted to a person to obtain the grace of healing for others. This is given by the one Spirit. The New Testament does not spec- ify how a person obtains these healings. However, the practice of the early Chris- tians shows that it happens by means of prayer, perhaps accompanied by some symbolic gestures.

In the same vein the New Testament refers to the church’s action through priests praying for the restoration of the health of the sick—a ministry directed toward salvation in a physical sense as well as in the spiritual sense. This ministry is not to be confused with miraculous healing; it is different from the “charism of healing” of 1 Corinthians 12:9. Thus, as the Letter of James teaches: Is there anyone sick among you? He should call for the priests of the church and have them pray over him and anoint him with oil in the name of the Lord and the prayer of faith will save the sick person and will raise him up. If he has committed any sin, he will be forgiven. (James 5:14-15) This passage has been interpreted to refer to a sacramental action. In other words, it was not only a prayer of intercession or petition “over the sick” but also includes an efficacious act performed on the person. The prayer includes physical healing but at the same time points to spiritual salvation—also used in the New Testament with the sense of “to heal” (cf. Matthew 9:21). It indicates the act of “lifting up” a person who is lying down because of illness, healing the person in a miraculous fashion through the prayer of the church (IPH 3).

All this indicates that in the New Testament, the messianic victory over sickness, as over other human suffering, occurs not only through its elimination through miraculous healing but also because the voluntary and innocent suffering of Christ in his passion gives every person the possibility of uniting himself to Christ’s suffering. Added to this is the fact that the cross of Christ not only achieves redemption through suffering but also that human suffering itself has been redeemed. In bringing about redemption through suffering, Christ has also raised human suffering to the level of redemption. Thus, in one’s own suffering each person can also share in the redemptive suffering of Christ (John Paul II 1984: Salvifici doloris, 19).

In other words, the New Testament teaching on healing shows that the power to heal which Jesus exercised and which he also bestowed on his apostles and first preachers of the Gospel is given within a missionary context, not for their own ex- altation but to confirm their mission. In the call of the Twelve to their first mission, Jesus gave them “the power to drive out unclean spirits and to cure every disease and illness” (Matthew 10:1-10; cf. Luke 9:1). And in sending out the sev- enty-two disciples, Jesus charges them: “Cure the sick” (Luke 10:9). In general, the book of Acts refers to some of the miracles worked by the apostles (Acts 2:43;

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5:12). These were amazing deeds that manifested the truth and power of their mission.

One can therefore say that healing as a miracle in the New Testament, has a meaning only in the context of mission and salvation in Jesus Christ. Any attempt to isolate it from this context perverts its nature. To be valid, a healing ministry must therefore integrate the essential features of the practice in the Bible. Healing in the Tradition and Magisterium of the Church The first Christians after Christ and the apostles lived in great fear of persecution both at the hands of the Jewish community and the Roman emperors. At that time to be a Christian was dangerous. For example, Nero, having himself set fire to Rome, accused the Christians in 64 of being responsible for that. The Christian community was therefore persecuted and many became ill or were injured. They became an underground Christian community. Thus various miraculous healings were performed at that time. Unfortunately, historical narratives about this are few. The majority of the information available comes from the writings of the Church Fathers. However, it was not their intention to give a full description of the healing ministry practised at that time, but they did it casually, referring to it as an ordinary event experienced by the Christians of that period (Baldwin 1986: 38-39).

However, it is obvious that the healing charism existed and that works of healing were being done in Jesus Christ’s name. The methods used for healing included the laying on of hands, touching or breathing on a person who was mentally ill. At times, during the ceremony stories about Jesus’ healing were read and consecrated water was used (Meehan 1988: 22). So it happened that some Church Fathers and a few among the first Christian authors mentioned healing and its related exorcist ministry in their writings (Obiagwu 2000: 155-160). Among these Fathers we find Justin (100-65), Irenaeus (130-202), Tertullian (160-230), Origen (185-254), Augustine (354-430), Gregory (bishop of Tours) (573-94), Gregory the Great (590-604) and Thomas Aquinas (Latourelle 1988: 265ff).

Furthermore, the Church Fathers considered it normal for the believer to ask God not only for spiritual health but also for physical health. Concerning the wealth of life, of health and physical integrity, Augustine writes: “We must pray that we may preserve them if we have them, and that they may be given to us if we do not possess them” (quoted in Latourelle 1988: 267). This same Church Father testi- fies to the healing of a friend that occurred in his home and was obtained through the prayers of a bishop, a priest and some deacons.

We can note the same orientation in both the Western and Eastern liturgical rites. In one prayer after Communion it is asked for “the power of this sacrament … to pervade our body and soul” (Roman Missal, 563). During the solemn Holy Friday liturgy one is invited to pray to Almighty God “to be preserved from illness …

200 HEALING IN AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES and for ill people to be healed.” Among the most significant texts we find the blessing of the oil of the sick. Here God is asked to effuse his holy blessing “so that those that will be anointed with this oil may obtain solace for the body, the soul and the spirit, and be free from all pains, all weakness and all suffering.” (Roman Ritual: Pastoral Care of the Sick, 75).

The document, Instruction on Prayer and Healing (IPH n. 4) also mentions various expressions that can be read in the oriental rites of anointing of the sick. The document recalls only some of the most meaningful ones. In the Byzantine rite, during the anointing of the sick, they pray: “Holy Father, doctor of the souls and the bodies, you have sent your only Son Jesus Christ to cure every illness and to free us from death; heal also this your servant from the illness of his body and spirit that afflicts him, by the grace of your Christ” (Goar 1960: 338). Further- more, the Coptic rite invokes God to bless the oil so that all who are anointed with it may obtain health for the spirit and the body. Then, during the anointing of the sick, the priests, after mentioning that Jesus Christ was sent into the world “to heal from all sickness and liberate from death,” ask God “to heal the ill person from the illness of the body and show him the right path” (Denzinger 1961: 497-98).

In the Catholic Church in particular individual members are encouraged to ask for healing for themselves and for others. In its liturgy as well the church liturgy asks God to heal of the sick. Above all, there is the sacrament of the “anointing of the sick,” which is especially intended to strengthen those who are being tested by illness. Since the sacrament is a pledge and promise of the future kingdom, it is also a proclamation of the resurrection, when “there shall be no more death or mourn- ing, crying out or pain, because the old order has passed away” (Revelation 21:4). Furthermore, the Roman Missal contains a Mass pro infirmis in which, in addition to spiritual graces, the healing of the sick is requested (IPH 2).

There is abundant witness throughout the church’s history to healings connected with places of prayer (sanctuaries, in the presence of relics of martyrs and other saints, etc.); liturgical celebrations (such as the exposition of the Blessed Sacra- ment with Benediction); and non-liturgical expressions of popular piety encouraged by the church (such as the solemn recitation of the Rosary). However, such healings do not imply a “charism of healing,” because they are not connected with a person who has such a charism but need to be taken into account when we speak of the present practice in the healing churches. In other words, it is appropriate to distinguish between meetings connected to a “charism of healing,” whether real or apparent and those without such a connection. If there is no connection with any “charsim of healing” (for example, of the directors of the group that promotes the meetings being viewed as determinative for the efficacy of the prayer), then the celebrations provided in the liturgical books obviously assume their highest significance, if they are done with respect for liturgical norms. If the celebrations do not respect liturgical law, then they are questionable. Moreover, these cele-

201 STUDIES IN INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 15 (2005) 2 brations are recommended as long as their authentic sense is not altered. For the Catholic Church, one cannot make the desire to obtain healing for the sick the primary focus, in a way that might cause the Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament to lose its specific finality, which is to “bring the faithful to recognize in the Euchar- ist the wonderful presence of Christ and to invite them to a spiritual union with him, a union which finds its culmination in sacramental Communion” (IPH 5).

Therefore, throughout the course of the church’s history there have been workers and seekers of miraculous healings. This was not limited to the apostolic period. But the question is whether the “charism of healing” as we have them in the AICs and in the actual religious context fall within these phenomena as experienced in the tradition of the church. This is the question of whether the special prayer meetings organized for the purpose of obtaining miraculous healings among the sick who are present fall within the category of the healing ministry witnessed in the New Testament and in the church’s tradition. As already evident, the “charism of healing” is not attributable to a specific class of faithful (1 Corinthians 12). The logic which governs the distribution of such gifts is quite different: “one and the same Spirit produces all these, distributing them individually to each person just as the Spirit chooses (1 Corinthians 12:11).

Here lies the bone of contention: Is it legitimate to attribute miraculous healing to the power of those who organize such prayer services for healing? As our inves- tigations have shown, it would be completely arbitrary to attribute a “charism of healing” to a category of participants, e.g., the directors of the group. But there should, rather, be trust in the free decision of the Holy Spirit, who grants to some a special charism of healing in order to show the power of the grace of the Risen Christ. Moreover, miraculous healings do not depend, as such, on the intensity of the prayer said but on the grace of Christ which is made manifest in weakness (2 Corinthians 12:9). This is the meaning of the experience of suffering described by Paul: “In my flesh I complete what is lacking in Christ’s afflictions for the sake of his body, that is, the church” (Colossians 1:24).

The same orientation is seen in the Magisterium’s teaching on healing. Without wanting to draw from the Magisterial documents a complete definition of healing or of miracles, which is something they never intended to offer, we may, however, find in them three aspects of healing that have been stressed in R. Latourelle’s work, namely, psychological, factual-ontological and noetic or intentional aspects. They are the aspects of healing that are consistently present in both the Bible and tradition as discussed above (Latourelle 1988: 263ff.).

Vatican I states that healings (the miracles) are divine facts, that is, facts that have God as their author or at least as their principal cause (Denzinger (DS 3009). These facts are an excellent manifestation of God’s almightiness; i.e., as much as the prophecies in the new dispensation, they manifest God’s infinite knowledge.

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They are therefore distinct from the facts that are pertinent to God’s habitual Prov- idence, because they presuppose God’s special intervention. The Council seems therefore to affirm with equivalent terms the physical transcendence of miraculous healings. Miraculous healings are also very certain signs of revelation: this is their intentional aspect. These signs are given to us by God to help us recognize that God has spoken to humanity. Finally, as emerges from its current use, the term “healing” suggests the psychological aspect of healing.

Vatican II speaks of works, signs and miracles by means of which Christ reveals himself and at the same time attests to the Revelation which he himself is (Vatican II 1965: Dei Verbum n. 4). The three terms represent the three aspects of miracles. The recent document on prayer and healing (IPH n. 5), as we noted before, also mentions the “charism of healing” in the present context, with some indications for avoiding any abuse of the ministry of healing by those engaged in this ministry today. This refers to specific prayer meetings organized for the purpose of obtaining prodigious healings among the participants or healing prayers at the end of Eucharistic communions that have the same purpose. The issue is how to relate the practice of healing in the AICs and other new religious movements with the practice of healing in the New Testament and the tradition.

The Challenges of the Encounter The concern here is whether we should see the upsurge of prayer and healing in the AICs as something that could lead to an authentic African Christianity? Since healing has always accompanied the history of the growth of Christianity, what is it that some have seen in the AICs that make them wary? Obviously the concern is about some form of taking over elements from other traditions that may be incompatible with the Gospel and the traditional Christian belief about prayer and healing. In brief, let us consider some of the challenges brought about by the encounter with the AICs.

The main attraction of the prayer meetings as we have them in most of the AICs is to obtain physical healing or other personal needs. Because of this, some fear that these prayer meetings could turn or rather transform Christianity into a func- tional religion whose purpose would be to meet people’s temporal needs. They conceal the mystery of the cross in the life of Christians and the eschatological dimension of the Christian faith. Thus, the desire to avoid any witness to the sanctifying grace of suffering and to reflect on the eschatological goal of the Christian faith would be nothing but the continuation of the temptation of Christ—Christianity without the cross (Matthew 4:1-11). It is precisely this that is the main challenge posed by the healing ministry in the AICs.

Furthermore, the practice of the healers in the AICs is considered by some to threaten the authentic planting of the Christian faith in Africa. It is argued that what most of the AICs offer their adherents is a distortion of the Christian faith.

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Christianity is not primarily an emotional and utilitarian religion. It is good to offer consolation to people, but the Christian faith is not rooted in mere consolation for suffering. Christianity is defined by the cross through which humankind has been redeemed in Jesus Christ. It is rooted in the response to the faith in the crucified and Risen Lord, Jesus Christ. In other words, suffering for the sake of Christ and his church is a paschal joy, the fruit of the Holy Spirit and, like Paul, in the same way many can become bearers of the “joy inspired by the Holy Spirit in much affliction” and become witnesses to Jesus’ resurrection (1 Thessalonians 1:16). In many of these AICs this aspect of the salvific dimension of suffering is not emphasized. This is why some have argued that these prayer meetings for healing are a distortion of Christianity.

Moreover, some leaders of the AICs do not explain to their followers in Africa the fact that physiological sickness is part of human existence. When one is sick, has some difficulties in his business or place of work and when married couples cannot have children (especially male children), this does not mean that an evil spirit or witch is persecuting that person or family. These are facts of life that should in- spire the Christian to greater faith and not lapses in his religion or, worse still, seek miracles in these AICs.

Again, some argue that it is incorrect to assert that in these new churches we have what some refer to as the “African expression” of Christianity and ways of adap- ting the Christian faith to the cultural and religious sentiments of Africans, that it is only a clash of cultures—one African, the other European—and that this situation has brought about the emergence of the AICs. While some may subscribe to the above points, it is important, however, to note that many of the healing churches represent a transformation or deformation of African Traditional Religion (ATR). And as the bishops stated at the Synod for Africa in 1994, many of the practices of the leaders of these churches have little to do with true traditional religiosity. Again, some Christians who attend those prayer meetings for healing talk about the lively celebrations and the active participation of people that cannot be found in their mother church. That is why they attend these meetings—to experience spiritual growth and see signs and wonders happen. But it is clear that the practice of some who organize these prayer meetings is a distortion of true Christian spirituality.

Moreover, the way they advertise their healing ministry on television clearly indicates their deeper motivations—to make money, attract people, and to be recognized as famous healers. At times they try to convince their followers (especially sick people) to believe in miracles and healings that have never really occurred by predicting miracles that are anything but real. As a matter of fact, this behavior ridicules the faith. No doubt whoever believes in Christ will perform the same works as Christ did himself and will perform even greater works (John 14:12). But the problem is: who is performing that work? Here is where the challenge

204 HEALING IN AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES lies: while the existence and the need for charismatic gifts in the Christian churches are admitted, they should not be emphasized excessively because, although these charismatic gifts abounded in the Corinthian church (for example), scandals and abuses were also evident, unparalleled in other New Testament ecclesial communities. Thus, these charismatic gifts do not mark or guarantee an authentic Christian life. If the Spirit acts as he wills and when he wills, it is then evident that an authentic Christian life should be characterized by a true conversion that relies on God entirely (Akpunonu 1995: 16). “Priest-Healers” in the Mainline Churches The above could also apply to the popularity this type of prayer for healing has started to gain even in the mainline churches (including the Catholic Church). There is the unfortunate incidence of the so-called “priest-healers” in the mainline churches. The way some of these priests remove themselves from the community arises from the failure to understand that both the community and the individual are healed in the legitimate and orderly exercise of charisms within the church and under the supervision of the competent authority (the bishop). The gift of the Spir- it is given for the building up of the church as the one body of Christ. So, any healer who leaves the church on the grounds of what he claims to be his gift and begins his own congregation of healing ministry works against the Holy Spirit. In other words, the emerging trends of the abuse of “sacred power” and the misun- derstanding of order and charism in the Christian community complicates the mo- tive for which some priests have opted for organizing prayer groups for miraculous healing independent of the normal parish life.

In African Christianity today one notices this fascination with the gift or charism of healing. Gifted priests and charismatics show little restraint in publishing their “miracle rain” through “testimonies” in imitation of North American Pentecostal and fundamentalist Christian groups. The charismatic priests appear to be very conscious of their power—a power which is often maintained through the ex- ploitation of the superstitious and irrational, of which distressed people are easy victims. The orderly exercise of charisms for the benefit of the community appears not to be uppermost in the minds of some “healers.” In addition, most healers appear stubborn and bishops find it difficult at times to exercise their supervis- ory ministry over the powerful “priest-healers.” In fact, members often wonder why the gift of healing is lacking in other priests. In some parts of Africa we thus have priests who parade gifts to fascinate the members or to earn money. These priests are comparable to the healers in the towns who make real money from traditional medicine or the television preachers who publicize their gifts of healing so as to attract more people to their churches and healing centers.

All this challenges the gifted priests and laypeople in Africa and elsewhere who find themselves in healing ministry to revisit the traditional spirituality of being endowed with gifts for the service of the community in order to appreciate the deep meaning of charisms for the building up of the community as in the early

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Christian communities (1 Corinthians 12). This means that ministry in the church should be seen as essentially service and not as the ladder to social standing and privilege. On the other hand, the upsurge of healing centers in many parts of Afri- ca should challenge the church to show greater concern for the integral welfare of each and every Christian. This is crucial point for the liberation and health of the community itself. If Christians feel fully at home and cared for within their communities, their gifts will be fully deployed for the witness to the kingdom (Oborji 2001: 20). Some Practical Lessons Of course, there are certain things the church can learn from the AICs and other new religious movements that emphasize the ministry of healing. In addition to intensifying the teaching of catechism, the church has to bring into the limelight in the lives of the faithful the intimacy that each person enjoys with God. At the same time, the church should emphasize the importance of living a life of warmth, solidarity, and intimacy within the church family. Priests should learn how to min- ister in solidarity with the parish community and the world in order to transform and liberate each Christian from being locked within himself, so that each may be fully involved in the service of the community. The ecclesiology of Vatican II (Lumen gentium 2), which describes the presence of the Spirit of God in the midst of the baptized as transforming the body of Christians into servants, shows that the gifts of the Spirit given to each Christian are for the purpose of propagating the kingdom (1 Corinthians 12:4-11). Christian experience is not only of the “head” but essentially of the “heart.” Perhaps the AICs were so successful within such a short time because, when compared with the established churches, they arouse more participation and engender more fulfillment among their members, despite the fact that the formation of their church leadership is in many ways rudimentary. We must appreciate the fact that many of the AICs tune into the dimension of the spirit which is vital to the African notion of person. This impact of the spirit in the community is seen in the modes of worship in these churches where the human body is put in motion by the spirit through the clapping of hands, music, drumming, dancing, etc. However, this still touches on the issue of inculturation and how to avoid mere sentimentality in worship and liturgy (Uzukwu 1996: 109).

Again, we need to appreciate the fact that some of the independent churches de- light in what they see as manifestations of the Spirit or charisms among members. It is the aspect of the spiritual element of the person which should inform the fundamental dimensions of relationship between the Christian himself and God on the one hand and his fellow humans as well as the Christian community on the other. For the Christian, the presence of the Holy Spirit in the church generates intimacy with God and creates the favorable conditions for creativity and liberty of the children of God. In our catechism we learn that those born (baptized) into the church family are made children of God through the indwelling of the Holy Spirit. The Spirit prays within each member (cf. Romans 5:5; 8:9, 14-16). It is this

206 HEALING IN AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES indwelling Spirit who bestows gifts on each member of the church for the building up of the church (1 Corinthians 12; Romans 12:4-8). This personal and individual link with the Spirit in the church community is the basis of the freedom or liberation of each Christian. It is a freedom to create and build up the one church of Christ on earth, to renew our communities in the same Christ and to create a better world. In fact, the African renewed image of the church-as-family of God is rooted in this. At the 1994 Synod of Bishops for Africa (where this image of the church-as-family was highlighted), the bishops emphasized that the presence of the Spirit which fills the community and which dwells in each baptized Christian becomes manifest through the diverse gifts bestowed by the Spirit for the building up of the community. Thus, each baptized Christian is endowed with the gift of the Spirit to live out his personal relationship with God in and through the church and to bear witness to the kingdom. The creativity which is embodied in the charisms both builds the community up and heals the individual Christian.

Apart from their exaggerations, charisms experienced in Christian communities are in tune with the early experience of the apostolic church and with the African worldview. The services that the Spirit of God causes to be rendered to the community and the world are multiple and they are communicated through these gifts. Christians become wholesome persons through the act of rendering this service. So the task will be to discern which gift is really from the Spirit. Here the role of the competent authority (bishops) become paramount, since the gifts are given for the service in the community. They should be allowed to be scrutinized by those who are invested with the responsibility of shepherding the flock of Christ.

This last point is very important for an obvious reason. This is because these prayer meetings for healing cause the number of AICs and other New Religious Movements (NMR) to keep multiplying. They act against any effort to promote unity in the churches and in the faith in Christ. The Holy Spirit is a gift of the Ris- en Lord to his church; it is a gift that accompanies the church in its evangelizing mission. The Holy Spirit offers every person baptized in Christ the help for his salvation to be realized (Ad gentes 4). The stress is on conversion in Christ. Even when the Spirit works in the hearts of non-Christians and weak Christians (or neo- phytes), he always seeks the collaboration and guidance of the teaching authority of the church. So it happened with Cornelius’ experience (Acts 10). Cornelius was in touch with the Spirit, but when the Spirit decided to communicate salvation he required Cornelius to search for the apostle and to listen to him. This experience of the New Testament ecclesial community has a practical consequence for our healing ministry in the present religious context: Every charism in the church is linked with the work of evangelization and conversion to the Crucified and Risen Christ, in collaboration with the whole church. In other words, the authenticity of each charism has to be proven and has to respect the apostolic tradition and the Magisterium of the church. So the attitude of the organizers of prayer meetings for healing must be one of obedience to those works of the Spirit who calls us in

207 STUDIES IN INTERRELIGIOUS DIALOGUE 15 (2005) 2 the church to be engaged together in the marvelous works of mission. The organizers must behave in obedience to the teaching of the Magisterium for their ministry to be for the good of the common faith in Christ and for the believers’ edification in the mystery of the Risen Lord. This is how the healing ministry becomes a missionary activity: a kind of “con-celebration” of the Spirit with the ecclesial community, a sacred and liturgical action (cf. Romans 15:16) (Oborji 2002: 172).

Finally, we must say that if people are attending those prayer meetings today to obtain healing, it means that we need to intensify our catechesis on the riches that are ours in Christ and in the church; for no Christian who really knows the doctrine and riches of the faith of the church would leave it to attend prayer meetings conducted by these people (Ezeanya 1994: 203ff.). This means that people look for healing in those prayer meetings because of their ignorance of Christian doctrine and of the sanctifying role of suffering in our Christian life and because of human weakness. This is why people go there, to find emotional satisfaction in the way these prayer meetings develop their worship. There is also a lack in the necessary care people should take to preserve the gift of faith in their life. In other words, the growth of these prayer meetings to obtain healing is for the greater part due to a lack of deeper knowledge of the mystery of Christ and the church by those who attend these meetings. Therefore, the concern or rather challenge rest on imparting a catechesis to African Christians on the church which possesses all the means necessary for our sanctification and our salvation in Christ.

Conclusion We have already said that many independent churches represent a deformation and transformation of African traditional religiosity (Synod of Bishops for Africa 1993: Instrumentum Laboris, 103). If resistance to colonialism and discrimination against Africans are responsible for the emergence of independent churches in Africa, how can the renewed fact that these movements are again growing in contemporary Africa be explained? This is the real question, which we need to face today in Africa. The phenomenon of the African independent churches are a challenge to evangelization, a challenge that calls for more attention to be paid to catechesis on healings, to illness and healing in general, to therapy and counseling, to African medicine and cultural crises, to the missionary sanitary and health work in Africa and, above all to the salvific meaning of the cross and of suffering (Kolie 1987: 148-177).

In this context it is correct to stress that the situation on the continent which forces people to frequent these healing centers is characterized mostly by economic crises, unemployment, political instability, wars, injustice, marginalization, social disorientation, poverty, despair, etc. All these factors spur people on to seek out the charlatans of independent churches, looking for a way to survive in their daily life (John Paul II: Ecclesia in Africa 40-41). This means that in Africa a new

208 HEALING IN AFRICAN INDEPENDENT CHURCHES evangelization should face the problem created on the continent by the independent churches; it should deepen the people’s faith and the healing role of the church’s pastoral activities. This also means that the church should intensify its evangelizing work for human promotion in Africa.

Furthermore, Christianity in Africa will lack something important if it continues to grow and develop on the basis of the spirituality of workers and seekers of miracles and the sentimental worship that offers only temporal consolation to the people. Christianity is far more than a religion of consolation and sentimental worship. In other words, Africa needs a Christianity that is truly rooted in Christ’s Easter mystery, in which human beings encounter their personal dignity and the integral growth of body and spirit, as well as their culture and society as a whole.

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