Durham E-Theses

Durham E-Theses Housing, class and politics: Ashington 1896-1939 Murphy, John Michael How to cite: Murphy, John Michael (1982) Housing, class and politics: Ashington 1896-1939, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7514/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk HOUSING, CLASS AND POLITICS IN A COMPANY TOWN: ASHINGTON 1896-1939. JOHN MICHAEL MURPHY MASTER OF ARTS DEGREE UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY AND SOCIAL ADMINISTRATION 1982 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. / \ . - -'./ 25. JAN. 1984 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Ho quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged.. Housing, Class and Politic^ in a Company Town: Asbington 18^6-1939. An abstract of thesis. The thesis focusses upon class relations in a mining town in North East England with particular emphasis upon housing as an example of these relations. Distinct class opposition is identified and coal company policy is related to attempts to circumscribe working class militancy by concrete and ideologic measures. It is asserted that the extent of class conflict in Ashingtcn has been greatly underestimated by previous students of the area because of restricting the area of study to the industrial arena. An examination of all aspects of class relation reveals extensive class opposition to the coal owners. The importance of ideology in the class conflict is emphasised and coal company policy is identified as increasingly concerned with fractioning working class unity by assertion of dominant ideological ideas. CONTENTS CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION i'AGES I - 19 CHAPTER 2 1896 - 1914 20 - 67 CHAITER 3 1914 - 1926 68 - HO CHAPTER 4 1927 -1939 III - 148 CHAPTER 5 CONCLUSION 149 - 165 FOOTNOTE REFERENCES 166 - 177 BIBLIOGRAPHY 178 - 188 I CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The period chosen for the study dates from the formation of the Ashington Urban District Council which superseded the parish council in April I896, through to the outbreak of the Second World War. This period saw continued urban and population growth which led to a tripling of population due entirely to a single industry, coal mining. In examining the changes in the area the central concern will be that of ideology, especially that of the working class, and the impact this had on local events. In introducing the study two elements are present*, first a chronological description of the changes which did occur; and secondly an outline of concepts which have been of particular use and appositeness in shaping an understanding of Ashington in the period of study. Three distinct periods occur within this overall t irae scale* Each is characterised by a different stage of working class power and assertiveness with differences in approach and tactics in the conflict with the Coal Capitalists. The period up to 1914 was one of working class ideological development characterised by a distinct move from Lib/Lab to socialism as the dominant ideological working class mood, especially of the leaders. This burgeoning mood of militancy occurred when Ashington was indeed a classic 'company town'» Moreover it was a boom town with rapid population, housing, urban and colliery development with a huge influx of population. It V took some years before a pattern of social life developed which began to change the town from a mining cam:: to a settled community„ The earlier 'frontiersman' atmosphere of the mining camp with its individualistic emphasis had given way to a collective working class approach to relations with the coal owners by 1910. Not only an examination of relations between working class and capitalist illustrates this but the changing role of the •• etit-bourgeoisie, especially in local politics, contributes to an understanding of the developing strength and unity of the local working class. Engaged as the other major element in the class struggle v/as a wealthy, economically developing, powerful coal company whose extensive extra-industrial enterprises brought it into daily contact and potential conflict with its employees and their families. Housing was but one of a cluster of near feudal social needs which were dominated by the coal barons in the ::re- World War I period. But the struggleswhich increasingly developed between the miners and owners in all aspects of social relations were much more than attempts to liberalise the harsher aspects of this relationship; rather they represented repeated rehearsals of the strength of working class ;ower with the overthrow of capitalism ^specially as applied to the mining industry as the ultimate goal. The period of gestation in the class struggle saw an uneven move from working class deference in class relations,through a tentative engagement of the enemy,culminating in a full scale I assertion of working class aims whose central element was the overthrow of capitalism as a social system. Counterposed against its economic strength and wealth was the more latent but developing power of local labour, essentially reformist in character but with revolutionary overtones. Throughout all three periods there is a dynamic relationship between the actual and potential working class stuggle, best exemplified nationally in the 1926 General Strike. The result is a constant tension within the working class between approaches; as opposition but collaboration; and opposition as the overthrow of capitalism. What is most telling however is the extent to which both big and petit-bourgeois engaged in the ideological struggle to influence the working class to the least radical course of action after 1918. It resulted from a powerful, concerted, successful campaign by local labour leaders in the immediate pre-war period t allied to the operation of a semi-socialist system of coal prodaetios 'wffl:^ saw partial fruition in the war time control of the coal industry. From 1918 to 1927 saw a distinct change in the Ashington Coal Company's approach to its workforce, industrially and socially„ Pre-war 'moral suasiofl' had been urged by some local leaders in relations with the Ashington Coal Company. 'Suasion' without the morality, of necessity ; became the new Coal Company weapon to divide, confuse and reduce working class attempts to destroy private coal ownership. Dominant ideological propaganda was geared to fractioning working class unity by winning moderate labourist support or at the very least neutralising it. An ideological war was fought for the support of the uncommitted miners between on the one hand left wing socialists /co-operative party/ labour reformists and the coal capitalists/ petit bourgeoisie on the other. The local authority, in labour hands in the 1920's, was a major arena for this latter conflict and the related internal socialist debate as to reluctant co-operation with the employers or all out conflict. Not surprisingly this period is typified by a disjunction between actual and potential working class gains, depending on how the capitalists were able to subvert and confuse working class goals and principles. It must be stressed however that this was possible largely due to the lack of a confident, consistent radical counter-hegemonic ideology and unity of purpose amongst labour leaders. Against a background of local and national militancy, however, the coal owners used a gentle, persuasive, cajoling approach in marked contrast to their pre-war mood of haughter, indifference and p.ig- headedness. This new coal company courting of its employees was accompanied by an attempt to greatly reduce its powers and responsibilities in the non-industrial field, which had led it into frequent bitter and extensive disputes with its workforce before I9I4» Ceding such responsibilities to the local authority had the undesired effects of increasing the jurisdiction and powers of its political opponents on the local authority but was necessary to reduce the areas and intensity of class conflict 1 at this crucial period. I926 and the events of the General Strike produced a new relationship between the coal owners and the workers. The ideological position of the latter was greatly weakened in the ±930's by the split with the Independent Labour Party. The latter, though not electorally successful, was able to exert pressure on the labour reformists who were now squeezed between left and right wing political groupings. The Hew mood of accommodation with the coal owners was the result with the latter using the insecurity of the coal industry nationally (less so locally) to fu?ther reduce working class opposition to it. A similar situation has been replicated to-day in Thatcherite Britain and a similar erroneous response from the unions has been elicited. Recession producing greater docility of labour because of insecurity instead of a greater assertion of the need for a socialist system. Nevertheless it well illustrates the position of labour in Ashington up to 1939 with a continuing interplay between radical and accommodative policies. The focus of the thesis concerns itself with the ensemble of relations between the miners and their families on the one hand and the coal capitalists and petit-bourgeoisie on the other.

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