The Roots of Hate Michael J

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The Roots of Hate Michael J Michael J. Jordan has written about Eastern Europe’s post-communist transition since 1994. He was first based in Budapest, Hungary, and now lives in Bratislava, Slovakia. The Roots of Hate Michael J. Jordan heves, Hungary—The past few years mines, industries and agriculture that have been turbulent for Szabolcs Szedlak, were staples of the communist system— far worse than most Hungarians could especially in this region. Successive have imagined two decades ago, when governments have failed to fill the void they tore a hole in the Iron Curtain and with new jobs or re-training. Unemploy- changed their world. Szedlak, 34, came ment in the region now approaches 50 of age during the tumult of the post- percent among those aged 25 to 40, feed- communist transition from dictatorship ing widespread anger and disillusionment to democracy. Back then Hungarians were with Hungary’s brand of “democracy.” told, and many believed, they’d become As joblessness soars, so has support for a like neighboring Austrians—a BMW in new style of politics that harkens back to every driveway. Just don’t remind folks a bygone era, snuffed out by communism: of those daydreams in this bleak corner of Right-wing extremism is on the rise. Ac- northeastern Hungary. cording to one survey, it has doubled here Szedlak and his family live in Heves, since 2003. Hungary, once dubbed the a small, quiet town of 11,000 on the “happiest barrack in the Soviet camp,” is great Hungarian plains. Szedlak was born arguably the unhappiest of the 10 ex-com- here, in the heart of the country’s most munist members who have since joined depressed region. Twenty years ago, the the European Union. sudden and unexpected exposure to free Count Szabolcs Szedlak among the markets ravaged the state-controlled disgruntled. © 2010 World Policy Institute 99 For ten years, Szedlak toiled in a Not Your Father’s Economy furniture store before deciding to chase To many Hungarians, and tens of millions the capitalist dream. He bought the store of other Central and Eastern Europeans, from his boss in 2005, but high taxes this is no ordinary economic crisis. The choked the life out of his business. It fold- whipsawing booms and busts of the free ed in June 2008. At the same time, his market are still novelties that enrages folks wife gave birth to their first child. With like Szedlak, who find themselves all but a second on the way, this spring he found helpless in the face of a vicious economic a job as a maintenance man at a local downturn and joblessness. Nothing like it kindergarten. Unable to afford their own has occurred in these parts since the Great place, the couple now lives with Szed- Depression, which led to the rise of Hitler lak’s parents. Szedlak has taken whatever and the Nazi movement. It’s hardly sur- work he can find, from painting houses to prising that Hungary now pulsates with selling watermelons. Despite family and its most powerful far-right sympathies financial pressures, Szedlak still finds the since World War II. This dramatic shift time to volunteer. Politics has become his to the right has seeped into a part of the passion, and his bitter disenchantment world that, until two decades ago, saw the led him to help form the Heves chapter of state wield total control over both society Jobbik, the most dynamic new far-right and economy. The roots of democracy have party in all of Europe. grown, but they haven’t burrowed so deep The anti-western, anti-minority Job- that they cannot be shaken. bik boasts a red-and-white-striped sym- For 40 years, families like the Szedlaks bol—known as the ancient Hungarian were insulated from the economic cycles of “Arpad” coat of arms—that also resembles the West. Though far from affluent, they the emblem of the murderous Nazi-era Ar- were rarely wanting. Most families could row Cross Party. This group, which briefly even afford at least one modest holiday a held power from 1944-45, was responsible year. Then the Wall came down. A cor- for killing thousands of Hungarian Jews rupt brand of “Wild West” capitalism ran and Gypsies, and deported tens of thou- rampant through an authoritarian corner of sands more. Jobbik maintains a militant the globe, one with little or no tradition of arm, the Magyar Garda, or Hungarian democracy or rule of law, and no experience Guard, which has marched through mi- with any economic infrastructure resem- nority neighborhoods in black jackets and bling a free market. As a result, the entire black boots sporting the Arpad insignia. post-communist transition in Central and In April, Jobbik capitalized on popular Eastern Europe has been one grand experi- fury over the country’s faltering economy, ment, with Hungarians, Poles, Czechs, winning 16.7 percent of the vote in na- Slovaks, Romanians, Bulgarians and many tional elections—the greatest performance others serving as guinea pigs. so far for the ultra-right in any of the EU’s Some have flourished, but many have former communist states. not. Nearly everyone has been scarred in “I was just trying to provide for my some way since their pre-democratic world family and my baby,” Szedlak explains, was flipped upside-down. Last fall, a Pew tapping his cigarette ashes into an empty survey of economic attitudes reflected beer can. “But after she was born, I saw upon the trauma and growing nostalgia that sitting and yelling at my TV doesn’t among ex-communist states. Topping the do any good. I don’t want her to grow up list were the Hungarians. A whopping 72 in such a lousy world.” percent said they are economically “worse 100 WORLD POLICY JOURNAL • FALL 2010 © Michael J. Jordan Szabolcs Szedlak’s bitter disenchantment led him to Hungary’s far-right Jobbik party. off” today, never mind the dictatorship, Gyöngyösi, told me what has made his par- censorship and police repression of the old ty so popular: “More and more Hungarians order. “But Hungary’s malaise is not all realize the parties that emerged from the about economics—most are frustrated with communist system were not representing politics too,” Richard Wike, associate di- the interests of Hungarians or Hungary, rector of the Pew Global Attitudes Project, and made more compromises than they explained in his analysis of the results. This should have.” As the highest-ranking Job- frustration has only accelerated the swing bik member of the Parliament’s foreign- toward extremism. According to research affairs committee, Gyöngyösi pushes to re- by the Budapest-based think tank Politi- orient Hungarian foreign policy eastward, cal Capital, hard-right support in Hungary toward Russia and the Middle East. He’s more than doubled, from 10 percent in called for the withdrawal of Hungarian 2003 to 21 percent in 2009. In Poland, troops from the NATO coalition in Af- however, support for right-wing politics ghanistan, though Hungary eagerly joined dropped by almost a third. Over that same the NATO military alliance in 1999. period, anti-establishment anger in Hun- “This establishment running Hun- gary that “everything and everyone is bad” gary is some kind of grand coalition, soared from 12 percent to 46 percent. changing hands every four years, and Jobbik exploits the disillusion and they don’t like anyone else entering thrives on it. The party’s 33-year-old presi- the system,” Gyöngyösi explains. “The dent, Gabor Vona, leads its new faction majority of our supporters think even in Parliament. His cabinet chief, Marton now it’s not too late to get off this path, The Roots of Hate 101 to take our own fate into our hands, for (Slovakia, for example, passed a 2009 law what’s in the best interests of Hungary, preventing the Hungarian language from not what’s best for the IMF, Brussels, any government-underwritten actions, Washington or the World Bank.” even between a doctor and patient.) An equally maligned target is the despised minority group that has lived A Beacon Extinguished among Hungarians for centuries, the The 1990s seem so long ago, when Hun- Roma, who stand accused of both bleeding gary—home of Liszt, Bartok and a dispro- the welfare system and of Cigánybunözés, portionate number of Nobel prize-winners or “Gypsy criminality.” Earlier this year, for its population—was a beacon of newly the Jobbik magazine Barricade published democratic Eastern Europe, a darling of a drawing of a dark-skinned man on foreign investors, praised by the West for its cover, wearing a gold chain around its economic, social and political reforms. his thick neck. Above him, a headline After leading its neighbors into NATO screamed Gypsy Criminality! Over! Another in 1999, Hungary entered the European issue of the same magazine featured the Union in 2004. As recently as the 2006 statue of St. Gellert overlooking the scenic national elections, Jobbik and its poli- panorama of Budapest and the Danube. tics of resentment could barely muster In this rendering, though, the saint held 2 percent of the vote. Four years later, a Jewish menorah. The headline read, Wake everything has changed. Hungarian self- Up, Budapest! Is This What You Want? confidence is rattled, especially when they Not surprisingly for a political party see their neighbor nations leapfrogging whose rally cry is Szebb jövot! (A Brighter them into the regional pecking order. Future!), it’s younger Hungarians who For example, the Slovaks to the north, to are heavily responsible for Jobbik’s recent whom Hungarians have long been conde- success. In the April elections, exit polls scending, have adopted the Euro and are showed nearly a quarter of all ballots prospering, buying homes in cheap Aus- were cast by voters aged 18 to 29.
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