Die Europäische Kommission Eine Bilanz Des Präsidenten

Die Europäische Kommission 2004 – 2014 Eine Bilanz des Präsidenten Mit ausgewählten Dokumenten

JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO

Die Europäische Kommission 2004 – 2014 Eine Bilanz des Präsidenten Mit ausgewählten Dokumenten

JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO

Inhalt

Die Europäische Kommission 2004-2014 Eine Bilanz des Präsidenten �� 11 Über Europa – Betrachtungen zur aktuellen Situation und zur Zukunft der Europäischen Union Humboldt-Universität Berlin, 8. Mai 2014 �� 61

Reden Building a Partnership for Europe: Prosperity, Solidarity, Security Vote of Approval, European Parliament 3 Strasbourg, 21 July 2004 �� 91 Messina, 50 years on: turning the crisis to our advantage 50th anniversary of the Messina Conference Messina, 4 June 2005 �� 99 France and Europe: a shared destiny French National Assembly Paris, 24 January 2006 ��105 Seeing Through The Hallucinations Third Hugo Young Memorial Lecture, Chatham House London, 16 October 2006 ��109 A stronger Europe for a successful globalisation 50th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome Berlin, 25 March 2007 ��119 The Treaty of Lisbon: a treaty for 21st century Europe Signature of the Treaty of Lisbon Lisbon, 13 December 2007 ��121 Political guidelines for the Commission 2009 – 2014 A message to the president of the European parliament Brussels, 3 September 2009 ��125 The creation of a Euro area instrument for coordinated assistance to Greece Statement Brussels, 19 March 2010 ��155 DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Statement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the Euro Area Statement to the European Parliament Brussels, 5 May 2010 ��157 Peoples of yesterday, peoples of tomorrow: 35 years of EU/China relations Tsinghua University global vision lectures series Beijing, 30 April 2010 ��163 State of the Union Address 2010 European Parliament Strasbourg, 7 September 2010 ��169 Statement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State or Government of the Euro area 4 Press statement Brussels, 20 July 2011 ��181 State of the Union Address 2011 — European renewal European Parliament Strasbourg, 28 September 2011 ��183 The State of Europe Die Europa-Rede Berlin, 9 November 2011 ��197 Speech at the opening session of the Rio+20 conference Earth Summit – Rio+20 Rio de Janeiro, 20 June 2012 ��211 State of the Union Address 2012 European Parliament Strasbourg, 12 September 2012 ��217 Speech to the European Union Heads of Delegation Annual Conference of EU Heads of Delegation, EUSR and Chargés d’Affaires Brussels, 4 September 2012 ��233 From war to peace: a European tale Acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize Award to the European Union Oslo, 10 December 2012 ��243 Europe as Solution: Facts and Myths Ambassadors' seminar Lisbon, 3 January 2013 ��253 The European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean: Global Partners for the 21st Century Editorial by José Manuel Durão Barroso and Herman Van Rompuy EU-Brazil summit 2013, 24 January 2013 ��263 The logic of interdependence and its consequences Building Bridges Conference Brussels, 7 March 2013 ��265 Moving into a Partnership of Choice Russia-European Union – Potential for Partnership conference Moscow, 21 March 2013 ��271 A new era of good feelings Bloomberg & European American Chamber of Commerce Conversation New York, 12 April 2013 ��279 5 The State of the EU in 2013: Heading towards Federalism or Fragmentation? Brussels Think Tank Dialogue Brussels, 22 April 2013 ��285 Statement on the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with U.S. President Barack Obama, the President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy and UK Prime Minister David Cameron, G8 Summit press conference Lough Erne, 17 June 2013 ��293 A united, strong and open Europe Address to European Union Heads of Delegation Brussels, 3 September 2013 ��295 State of the Union Address 2013 European Parliament Strasbourg, 11 September 2013 ��303 Statement at the Eastern Partnership Summit Eastern Partnership Summit Vilnius, 29 November 2013 ��317 Address on a New Narrative for Europe at the Opening of the Milan General Assembly New Narrative for Europe Milan, 9 December 2013 ��321 DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Acceptance Speech for the Charles V European Award European Academy of Yuste Foundation Yuste, 16 January 2014 ��327 Strengthening Europe security and defence sector High-level conference on the European security and defence sector Brussels, 4 March 2014 ��335 Speech at the EU-Africa Summit EU-Africa Summit Brussels, 2 April 2014 ��341 Acceptance speech for the Atlantic Council's Distinguished Leadership Award 2014 Distinguished Leadership Awards Washington DC, 30 April 2014 ��345 6 Let reason prevail over force Jagiellonian University – Conferral of the Plus Ratio Quam Vis Gold Medal Kraków, 10 May 2014 ��349 Paving the way for a European Energy Security Strategy Energy Security Strategy Conference Brussels, 21 May 2014 ��353 Statement at the signing of the Association Agreements with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine European Council Brussels, 27 June 2014 ��361 Mitteilungen der Europäischen Kommission/Dokumente Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon Brüssel, 2. Februar 2005 ��375 Der Beitrag der Kommission in der Zeit der Reflexion und danach: Plan D für Demokratie, Dialog und Diskussion Brüssel, 13. Oktober 2005 ��397 20 und 20 bis 2020: Chancen Europas im Klimawandel Brüssel, 23. Januar 2008 ��405 WWU@10: Zehn Jahre Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion – Errungenschaften und Herausforderungen Brüssel, 7. Mai 2008 ��415 7 Europäisches Konjunkturprogramm Brüssel, 26. November 2008 ��427 Aus der Finanzkrise in den Aufschwung: Ein Aktionsrahmen für Europa Brüssel, 29. Oktober 2008 ��441 Impulse für den Aufschwung in Europa Brüssel, 4. März 2009 ��449 EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum Brüssel, 3. März 2010 ��465 Verordnung des Rates zur Einführung eines europäischen Finanzstabilisierungsmechanismus Brüssel, 9. Mai 2010 ��489 Verstärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung Brüssel, 12. Mai 2010 ��493 Stärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung für Stabilität, Wachstum und Beschäftigung – Instrumente für bessere wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung der EU Brüssel, 30. Juni 2010 ��501 Ein Haushalt für „Europe 2020“ Brüssel, 29. Juni 2011 ��511 DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Für eine EU-Entwicklungspolitik mit größerer Wirkung: Agenda für den Wandel Brüssel, 13. Oktober 2011 ��529 Maßnahmen für Stabilität, Wachstum und Beschäftigung Brüssel, 30. Mai 2012 ��537 Fahrplan für eine Bankenunion Brüssel, 12. September 2012 ��551 Ein Konzept für eine vertiefte und echte WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion Brüssel, 28. November 2012 ��559 Ein menschenwürdiges Leben für alle: Beseitigung der Armut und Gestaltung einer nachhaltigen Zukunft 8 für die Welt Brüssel, 27. Februar 2013 ��587 Auf dem Weg zu einem wettbewerbsfähigen und effizienteren Verteidigungs- und Sicherheitssektor Brüssel, 24. Juli 2013 ��599 Ein neuer EU-Rahmen zur Stärkung des Rechtsstaatsprinzips Brüssel, 11. März 2014 ��615 Programm zur Gewährleistung der Effizienz und Leistungsfähigkeit der Rechtsetzung (REFIT): Bestandsaufnahme und Ausblick Brüssel, 18. Juni 2014 ��623 Unterstützungspaket für die Ukraine Brüssel, 25. Juni 2014 ��637 9

Die Europäische Kommission 2004 – 2014 Eine Bilanz des Präsidenten

JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO

Am 26. Juni 2004 beschrieb der frühere Kommissar für Außenbeziehungen, Chris 11 Patten, in einem Interview mit der BBC das Amt des Präsidenten der Europäischen Kommission als „so ziemlich den schwierigsten Job in der westlichen Welt“. Nach zehn Jahren auf diesem Posten kann ich dem nur zustimmen.

Als ich im November 2004 die Zentrale der Europäischen Kommission, das Berlay- mont-Gebäude, betrat, um meine Verantwortung als Kommissionspräsident aufzunehmen, war ich mir natürlich der Herausforderung bewusst, aber ich konnte nicht absehen, was auf mich zukam. Seitdem hat die EU in den vergangenen zehn Jahren den schwierigsten Abschnitt ihrer Geschichte durchlebt, mit der Ablehnung des Verfassungs- vertrags durch Frankreich und die Niederlande, einer langen Zeit niedrigen Wachstums und – in einigen Mitgliedstaaten – hoher Arbeitslosigkeit, mit der Finanzkrise, die sich zu einer Staatsschuldenkrise auswuchs, anhaltender Instabilität in vielen Regierungen und einer der gravierendsten politischen und Sicherheitskrisen seit dem Kalten Krieg, die durch den Konflikt zwischen der Ukraine und Russland ausgelöst wurde.

Und doch haben wir zusammengehalten und die Erweiterung erfolgreich bewältigt. Wir haben nach dem Vertrag von Lissabon einen neuen Arbeitsmodus gefunden. In diesem Jahrzehnt hat sich die Zahl der Mitgliedstaaten der EU fast verdoppelt, von 15 auf 28, und der Euroraum ist von zwölf auf 17 und bald 18 Länder gewachsen. Wir haben uns angepasst, sind stärker geworden und besser gerüstet für die Herausforderungen und die Chancen der Globalisierung. Auch unter ungünstigen Bedingungen und allen Unkenrufen zum Trotz haben wir die enorme Widerstandskraft der Europäischen Union bewiesen und deutlich gemacht, dass politischer Wille und Führungskraft in einer stärker politischen EU unerlässliche Antriebskräfte sind.

Dies sind noch nicht meine Memoiren – es ist eine erste persönliche Bilanz, die ich mit Ihnen teilen möchte, noch bevor ich mein Amt übergebe; sie wird illustriert und ergänzt durch einige Grundsatzpapiere und eine Reihe politischer Reden, die ich als Kommissionspräsident gehalten habe. Es soll kein umfassender Bericht über die Arbeit der Kommission in den letzten zehn Jahren sein, sondern einen – zwangsläufig subjek- tiven – Einblick in meine Erfahrungen geben und diese Initiativen in ihrem politischen Kontext präsentieren. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Natürlich wäre all das, was die Europäische Kommission geleistet hat, nicht möglich gewesen ohne die enge Zusammenarbeit und das Engagement des gesamten Kollegiums und unserer Mitarbeiter. Ich werde hier niemanden persönlich erwähnen – wir haben bereits eine Leistungsbilanz veröffentlicht, in der die wichtigsten Initiativen aller in diesen Jahren hervorgehoben werden –, aber meine Dankbarkeit gilt ihnen allen.

Gemeinsam haben wir hart und erfolgreich daran gearbeitet, ein geeintes und offenes Europa zu bewahren und es so stärker zu machen. Trotz aller Schwierigkeiten war es ein faszinierendes und mehr als erfülltes Jahrzehnt.

Ein geeintes Europa Von der Erweiterung zur Bewältigung der Wirtschaftskrise

12 Als ich die Aufgabe des Kommissionspräsidenten übernahm, war die allgemeine Er- wartung, dass die Umsetzung der historisch umfangreichsten Erweiterung die größte Herausforderung sein würde.

Ohne Frage, so war man sich damals sicher, würde der Übergang von 15 zu 25, dann 27 und schließlich 28 Mitgliedstaaten letztendlich das Kollegium destabilisieren oder geografisch, ideologisch oder politisch spalten. Das ist nicht passiert, aber nur wenige hätten damals dagegen gewettet. Die Europäische Kommission nach der Erweiterung erwies sich als stabil und effektiv. Ich sah es als eine meiner Hauptaufgaben an, die Einheit, Kohärenz und Effizienz der Kommission zu sichern, nicht nur als Voraussetzung dafür, dass sie ihre führende Rolle in Europa wahrnehmen konnte, sondern auch als Symbol für die Fähigkeit der Länder Europas, zusammenzuleben. Denn das ist der Kern der Einheit Europas: eine Heimat, die mehr und größer ist als unsere einzelnen Heimatländer.

Meine Hauptaufgabe, so zeigte sich, und manchmal auch meine größte Sorge in diesen Jahren war, dass die unvermeidlichen Differenzen und möglichen Reibungen zwischen den Mitgliedern der EU – zwischen Nord und Süd, zwischen Reich und Arm, zwischen Groß und Klein, zwischen dem Zentrum und der Peripherie – uns niemals aus- einanderbringen und unser gemeinsames Projekt gefährden dürfen. Die europäische Integration war stets der Weg, solche Diskrepanzen zu verringern und Schwierigkeiten zu überwinden. Die Europäische Union kann weder politisch voranschreiten noch wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Wohlstand schaffen, wenn wir Spaltung zulassen. In Europa kann nur eine auf Konsens aufbauende politische Führung der Fragmentierung entge- genwirken. Anders kommen wir nicht weiter. Das war meine Philosophie als Präsident der Kommission, und diese Überzeugung hat mich auch in den Beziehungen zum Rat und zum Europäischen Parlament getragen.

Wachsen, aber den Zusammenhalt bewahren

Meine Kommission war die erste im erweiterten, wiedervereinten Europa. Also habe ich es als meine Aufgabe angesehen, einige der Sorgen aufzugreifen, die vor allem die neuen Mitgliedstaaten hatten, um zu vermeiden, dass sie, die später dazugekommen sind, als Mitgliedstaaten zweiter Klasse behandelt würden. Von Anfang an waren der Zuschnitt der Portfolios und die Auswahl der Vizepräsidenten ein Element dieses Be- mühens. Ich habe bewusst der Versuchung widerstanden, den großen Mitgliedstaaten die wichtigsten Portfolios zuzuweisen. Es war kein Zufall, dass meine Haushaltskom- missare aus neuen Mitgliedstaaten stammten und dass politisch wichtige Posten an Vi- zepräsidenten aus den neuen Mitgliedstaaten gingen. Darum habe ich auch den Kon- takt zu den Visegrad-Ländern gepflegt, unter anderem durch Teilnahme an mehreren Treffen, darum hat die Kommission den Verbundplan für den baltischen Energiemarkt und andere Schlüsselmaßnahmen zur Sicherung der Energieversorgung vorgeschlagen, darum habe ich einen Sonderbeauftragten für die Zypernfrage ernannt; und darum haben wir uns besonders um Rumänien und Bulgarien gekümmert.

Als dann im Sommer 2014 beschlossen wurde, meine guten Freunde Jean-Claude Jun- cker zum Präsidenten der Kommission und Donald Tusk zum Präsidenten des Europäi- schen Rates zu ernennen, war ich mir sicher, dass unsere Investitionen in die europäische Erweiterung sich gelohnt haben. Das zeigt beispielhaft, wie Europa zusammenrückt, von 13 den Gründungsmitgliedstaaten bis zu den Neuzugängen. Wer hätte noch vor ein paar Jahren zu sagen gewagt, der Präsident des Europäischen Rates würde aus Polen kommen?

Die Erweiterung hat neue Impulse gegeben, mit einer frischen Dosis Enthusiasmus für das europäische Projekt aus den neuen Mitgliedstaaten, bis zum Beitritt Kroatiens 2013, der ein Signal für die gesamte Region ist. Die Erweiterung hat in keiner Weise die Substanz geschwächt oder unseren Fortschritt gebremst. Ich will damit keinesfalls sagen, das alles sei ein Spaziergang gewesen oder es sei jetzt alles perfekt. Aber jetzt, nach zehn Jahren, ist klar geworden, dass die neuen Mitglieder allgemein die Vertiefung der europäischen Integration unterstützen. Dies ist eine der am seltensten erwähnten Er- folgsgeschichten Europas, deren Bedeutung aber im Laufe der Zeit deutlicher zutage treten wird. Ich freue mich, durch meine Arbeit als Präsident der Kommission dazu beigetragen zu haben.

Die europäische Einigung zu bewahren war in den fünf Jahren meines ersten Mandats eine ständige Herausforderung. Die Gefahr der Spaltung war ständig gegeben, sei es zwischen Mitgliedstaaten, zwischen den Organen oder innerhalb der Kommission selbst.

Meine erste Kommission war schon bald mit einer Reihe von Dossiers konfrontiert, die zu großen Spannungen führten: Da war die mangelnde Glaubwürdigkeit der Stra- tegie von Lissabon, Europa zum wettbewerbsfähigsten und dynamischsten wissensbasierten Wirtschaftsraum der Welt zu machen; der Abschluss der Revision des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts 2005 und die Pattsituation beim EU-Haushalt und der Umgang mit einigen großen kontroversen Legislativvorschlägen, die die vorangegangene Kom- mission vorgelegt hatte, etwa der Bolkestein-Richtlinie für den Dienstleistungssektor. Hinzu kamen die Schockwellen, die die negativ ausgegangenen Referenden erzeugt haben, bei denen die Bürgerinnen und Bürger zweier Gründungsländer, Frankreich und Niederlande, den Verfassungsvertrag ablehnten.

Auch wenn die Gründe unterschiedlich waren, so machen doch beide Referenden die mangelnde Nähe zu den Sorgen der Bürger und das Unbehagen angesichts eines DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

erweiterten Europas deutlich, das sich auf die Globalisierung einzustellen versucht (Ähnliches ließe sich in gewissem Maße über das negative Ergebnis des irischen Refe- rendums zum Vertrag von Lissabon 2008 sagen). Natürlich war es hauptsächlich an den Mitgliedstaaten, einen praktikablen Weg zu finden, wie die wichtigsten Teile des Verfas- sungsvertrags bewahrt und gleichzeitig die Sorgen der Bürgerinnen und Bürger in zwei Gründungsmitgliedstaaten berücksichtigt und einbezogen werden konnten.

Die Kommission wirkte dabei nicht nur durch eine Konsultationskampagne – „Plan D für Demokratie, Dialog und Debatte“ – mit, sie war auch entscheidend daran beteiligt, die Voraussetzungen für eine Lösung zu schaffen, die dem ursprünglichen Vertrag so nahe wie möglich kam. Es waren Jean-Claude Juncker, zu der Zeit Vorsitzender des Rates, und Josep Borrell, Präsident des Europäischen Parlaments, mit denen ich in meinem Büro vor unserer Pressekonferenz, auf das französische Referendum reagierend, eine gemeinsame Basis für die Zusammenarbeit fand, was wiederum den Weg öffnete für einen schrittweisen Fortschritt aus der Blockade, die durch die beiden ablehnenden Referenden zum Verfassungsvertrag entstanden war. 14 Einen solchen positiven Impuls zu schaffen wurde nicht einfacher dadurch, dass die Bol- kestein-Richtlinie, auch wenn sie von der vorherigen Kommission einstimmig angenommen worden war, so kontroverse Reaktionen auslöste. Das Schreckensbild des „plombi- er polonais“ (polnischen Klempners) war zum geflügelten Wort geworden, etwa in der öffentlichen Meinung in Frankreich. Auf der anderen Seite, auch wenn dieser Teil der Geschichte oft unterschätzt wird, kamen in neuen Mitgliedstaaten tiefgreifende Ressen- timents auf, nachdem führende Persönlichkeiten in einigen älteren Mitgliedstaaten sich mehrfach äußerst negativ zu den vermeintlichen Folgen der Erweiterung geäußert hatten.

Und trotzdem, trotz Forderungen – um nicht zu sagen Drohungen –, den Vorschlag zu- rückzuziehen, entschied ich mich dagegen. Denn das würde, so meine Argumentation, die weitere Entwicklung des Binnenmarktes als Motor für Beschäftigung und Wachs- tum beeinträchtigen. Zwar waren wir bereit, über Änderungen am ursprünglichen Vor- schlag zu verhandeln, aber ein Ultimatum zu akzeptieren, das Projekt vollständig zu- rückzuziehen, hätte der Autorität der Kommission einen empfindlichen Schlag versetzt und letztendlich ein noch größeres Problem für Europa bedeutet. Ich war entschlossen sicherzustellen, dass die Autorität der Kommission und das ihr allein vorbehaltene Ini- tiativrecht erhalten blieben, damit die offensichtlichen zentrifugal wirkenden Spannun- gen zwischen Mitgliedstaaten nicht außer Kontrolle gerieten.

Vor demselben Dilemma stand ich bei dem Chemikalien-Paket REACH. Auch dieser Text war im letzten Jahr der vorangegangenen Kommission verabschiedet worden und sehr kontrovers. Es brauchte viele Stunden Verhandlungen, um einen vernünftigen Kompromiss zu finden, der unsere ehrgeizige Umweltagenda auf eine solide wirtschaftliche Grundlage stellte.

Kooperation, nicht Konfrontation

Um diese Schocks zu überwinden, mussten Kommission, Parlament und Mitglied- staaten zusammenarbeiten – nicht als Gegner, sondern als echte Partner in unserem gemeinsamen Projekt namens Europa. Die europäische Demokratie entwickelt sich auf der Basis einer offenen Diskussion mit Kompromissen und Konsensbildung, die die für politisches Handeln in Europa unerlässliche subtile Balance zwischen sozialer Gerech- tigkeit und wirtschaftlicher Leistungsfähigkeit, Wachstum und Stabilität, individuel- ler Verantwortung und kollektiver Solidarität sowie die Balance zwischen Zielen und Herausforderungen auf nationaler, europäischer und globaler Ebene berücksichtigen. Mit Blick auf unsere gemeinsamen Ziele war ich immer von der Notwendigkeit eines „Kooperationsverhältnisses“ zwischen den Organen der Union und den nationalen Ins- titutionen überzeugt, in dem sich ein solch differenzierter Ansatz artikulieren konnte.

Die europäische Integration erfordert „Regierungskunst“, die sich von der nationalen Politik unterscheidet, wie ich in meiner Humboldt-Rede im Mai 2014 dargelegt habe. Während meiner Amtszeit mussten wir die Gemeinschaftsmethode bewahren und erneuern. Natürlich haben wir als Folge der Zwänge, die aus der Finanzkrise folgten, auf einigen Gebieten Ansätze zwischenstaatlicher Zusammenarbeit gesehen, aber die Europäische Kommission und das Europäische Parlament konnten das Gemeinschafts- konzept verteidigen, die einzige Garantie für eine Europäische Union auf der Grundlage 15 des Rechts und der Gleichheit der Mitgliedstaaten. Selbst wenn es keine Einstimmigkeit bei den Regierungen für eine Lösung auf Unionsebene gab – wie beim Europäischen Fiskalpakt –, ist es bezeichnend, dass der Kommission dennoch eine wichtige Rolle zugewiesen wurde und die Mitgliedstaaten sich auf das Ziel einigten, den Fiskalpakt in der Zukunft in den Gemeinschaftsrahmen einzubeziehen.

Die Position des Europäischen Parlaments hat sich durch die verstärkten Befugnisse und die damit einhergehende größere Verantwortung weiterentwickelt, was sich unter dem Präsidenten Martin Schulz besonders deutlich gezeigt hat, was sich aber auch schon vorher, mit den Präsidenten Borrell, Pöttering und Buzek, abgezeichnet hatte; mit allen konnte ich eine zunehmend fruchtbare Arbeitsbeziehung aufbauen.

Im Gegensatz zu anderen, die die EU als Nullsummenspiel sehen, fand ich es stets erstrebenswert, unsere Institutionen zu stärken, ohne dass dies zu Lasten anderer geht, und ich hatte die Vision einer Kommission, die im Geiste der Gemeinschaftsmethode nicht in Konfrontation, sondern in Kooperation mit anderen arbeitet.

Ein Aspekt – zu dem ich mich bereits 2006 deutlich mit der „Barroso-Initiative“, wie sie später genannt wurde, zu Wort gemeldet habe – ist die Rolle der nationalen Parlamen- te. Ich habe angeregt, dass Legislativvorschläge der Kommission auch den nationalen Parlamenten zugeleitet werden sollen. Eine der Herausforderungen der nächsten Jahre wird es sein, die Mitverantwortung der nationalen Volksvertreter zu stärken, ohne die Entscheidungsstrukturen so kompliziert zu machen, dass sie nicht mehr funktionieren.

Es ist dieser Geist der Zusammenarbeit, mit dem wir es geschafft haben, Europa aus dem Tief zu holen, in das es durch die negativen Referenden gestürzt wurde. Da es offensichtlich kein Interesse an einem neuen Vertrag gab, hatte ich als Zwischenschritt eine Erklärung angeregt, um zum Wesentlichen zurückzukehren und uns auf einige grundsätzliche Elemente zu einigen, die uns zu unserem Ziel führen, nämlich, wie es so schön heißt, „zu unserem Glück vereint“. 2007, zum Zeitpunkt der Erklärung von Berlin anlässlich des 50. Jahrestags des Vertrags von Rom, wurde es dann tatsächlich DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

deutlich, dass Europa bereit war für einen Neustart. Mit Unterstützung von deutscher Seite starteten wir eine konstruktive Diskussion über das Projekt, das schließlich in den Vertrag von Lissabon mündete.

Diese Ereignisse, die die Komplexität der Interaktion zwischen der Kommission und den Mitgliedstaaten deutlich machen, haben in diesen zehn Jahren mein Denken ge- prägt, während ich versuchte, als Partner der Mitgliedstaaten und nicht als ihr Gegner zu agieren. Sie haben auch meine Überzeugung gestärkt, dass die europäische Integrati- on in der Wahrnehmung der Menschen nur gelingen kann, wenn die Mitgliedstaaten bereit sind, sich für Europa einzusetzen. Oft habe ich erlebt, dass das Hauptproblem nicht der Widerstand der Euroskeptiker ist, sondern die Verzagtheit der Pro-Europäer, ihre Enttäuschung, wenn ihre Vision keinen Rückhalt findet.

Meine Kooperation mit den Mitgliedstaaten, so wichtig sie ist, hat jedoch ihren Preis. Die Kommission wurde oft beschuldigt, Vorschläge auf den Tisch zu legen, die nur dem kleinsten gemeinsamen Nenner der Positionen der Mitgliedstaaten entsprachen – das ist 16 natürlich übertrieben. Die Kommission ist kein Think Tank, der Ideen als Provokation oder Denkanstoß um ihrer selbst willen einbringt, und sollte dies auch nicht sein; vielmehr sollte sie stets die Balance suchen zwischen dem notwendigen Ehrgeiz und der re- alistischen Chance auf Verabschiedung. Das macht die Kommission nicht zum Sekreta- riat oder Dienstboten der Mitgliedstaaten, nicht einmal der großen Mitgliedstaaten. Ich habe das stets so gesehen. Zwar braucht die Kommission Frankreich und Deutschland für die Integration und die Verabschiedung von Vorschlägen, aber das reicht nicht. Und ich bin nie davor zurückgeschreckt, die Geduld dieser großen Mitgliedstaaten auf die Probe zu stellen, wenn ich der Ansicht war, das Interesse Europas stünde auf dem Spiel. Ich habe viele lange und schwierige Kämpfe ausgefochten, etwa mit Berlin zu Themen

wie CO2-Emissionen bei Autos und Hilfen für benachteiligte Personen, oder mit Paris über das Verhältnis zwischen Euroraum und dem Rest der EU und über den Schutz der Rechte von Roma; nach der Deauville-Einigung hatte ich ernsthafte Diskussionen mit Deutschland und Frankreich zur Frage von "Eingriffen in die Privatwirtschaft". Mit anderen großen Mitgliedsstaaten wie Großbritannien gab es auch angespannte Diskussio- nen, zum Beispiel um das EU Budget. Daher ist die Behauptung, dass die Kommission nicht ausreichend unabhängig sei, sicherlich grundlos.

Die Interaktion mit den Mitgliedstaaten gewann eine völlig neue Dimension zu Beginn meiner zweiten Amtszeit mit der Schaffung eines neuen Postens in Brüssel, dem des Präsidenten des Europäischen Rates. Ich erinnere mich lebhaft daran, wie dies umgehend eine Welle von Kommentaren – vor allem im Dunstkreis von Brüssel – auslöste, dies würde zu einer Schwächung der Kommission führen. Diese Reform war eine der Neuerungen, die die Kommission unterstützt hatte. Einen ständigen Präsidenten des Europäischen Rates zu haben war für die Kontinuität und Stabilität der Arbeit des Eu- ropäischen Rates dringend notwendig. In all den Jahren haben Herman Van Rompuy und ich unsere jeweiligen Rollen definiert und eine gute und effektive Arbeitsbeziehung aufgebaut. Ich bin froh, dass wir die Zweifler widerlegen konnten.

Jean Monnets Wort, die europäische Einigung würde das Ergebnis von Krisen und ihren Lösungen sein, klang nie wahrer als heute. „L‘Europe se fera dans les crises et elle sera la somme des solutions apportées à ces crises“ – aber nur unter einer Bedingung: wenn und nur wenn die Führenden sich darauf konzentrieren, aus solchen Krisenmomenten zu Ergebnissen zu gelangen. Wenn mir aus der Erfahrung der Jahre eines klar geworden ist, dann dieses: Wie auch immer der Kontext und die konkrete Situation – Eu- ropa ist unsere Aufgabe, wir haben es in der Hand, es zum Erfolg zu führen oder zu zerstören, und wir dürfen es niemals als selbstverständlich ansehen.

Gemeinsam auf die Krise reagieren

Die Notwendigkeit der Einigkeit war auch einer der Gründe, warum ich so hart darum gekämpft habe, allen Widrigkeiten zum Trotz Griechenland im Euroraum zu halten und damit die Integrität des Euros zu bewahren. Ein großer Teil meiner zweiten Amts- zeit war damit gefüllt, die Union zusammenzuhalten, Mitgliedstaaten und EU-Insti- tutionen dazu zu bringen, Verantwortung und Solidarität angesichts der Finanz- und Schuldenkrise zu demonstrieren.

Es war auch der Grund, warum die Kommission und der Internationale Währungs- fonds, trotz eines anhaltenden guten und konstruktiven Verhältnisses, sich nicht immer 17 einig waren, wie die Krise zu bewältigen sei. Der IWF denkt mehr in den Dimensionen nationaler Volkswirtschaften. Sein Hauptaugenmerk gilt nicht so sehr internen Effekten im Euroraum oder in der EU – weshalb er leichter Überlegungen wie den griechischen Austritt aus dem Euroraum verfolgen konnte, was für mich absolut indiskutabel war. Die Kommission blieb fest in ihrem Bemühen, Griechenland zu helfen und dem Druck, es aus dem Euroraum zu drängen, zu widerstehen, weil dies im Interesse Griechenlands selbst war und weil alles andere ein schwerer Schlag für das Projekt der gemeinsamen Währung gewesen wäre. Vor allem hatten wir den möglichen Dominoeffekt vor Augen, nicht nur in finanz- und wirtschaftspolitischer, sondern auch in allgemeinpolitischer Hinsicht. Meine persönliche Interaktion mit den europäischen Führern in Schlüsselmo- menten der Krise war entscheidend dafür, dass Griechenland die politische und wirtschaftliche Unterstützung bekam, die es brauchte. Aus der Sicht des Marktes war es entscheidend, dass der Euroraum zusammenhielt, wobei alle Augen auf Deutschland gerichtet waren. Dass Bundeskanzlerin Merkel sich letztlich für die Einigkeit des Eu- roraums entschied, wofür ich stets plädiert habe, war sicherlich entscheidend. Genauso hielten wir daran fest, die griechische Führung zu überzeugen, dass sie ihren Teil dazu beitragen musste, die nötige politische Stabilität zu schaffen, um die notwendigen Re- formen durchzuführen, die die Erfüllung ihrer Verpflichtungen garantieren konnten. Seit Beginn der Krise habe ich mich ständig mit den Ministerpräsidenten Papandreou, Papademos und Pikrammenos sowie mit Präsident Papoulias ausgetauscht, und es war eine Genugtuung zu sehen, dass seit Sommer 2012 unter Ministerpräsident Samaras die Zuversicht wiederkehren konnte.

Die Einigkeit der EU und des Euroraums zu wahren war mein durchgängiges Motto im Europäischen Rat und in Krisensitzungen unterschiedlicher Art.

Ich habe endlose Stunden am Telefon und in Sitzungen damit zugebracht, mit politischen Führern zu sprechen und diese von unserer Position zu überzeugen, mit soliden Argumenten, die von den Dienststellen der Kommission geliefert wurden, und mit meinen eigenen politischen Überzeugungen. Nicht nur in den Sitzungen des Europäischen Rates und auf den Gipfeltreffen der Euroländer, sondern auch in anderen Gremien wie DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

etwa der „Frankfurt-Gruppe“, zusammen mit dem Europäischen Rat, der Europäischen Zentralbank, der Eurogruppe, Frankreich und Deutschland und gelegentlich auch dem IWF. Ich erinnere mich an dramatische Augenblicke wie die kritischen Sitzungen am Rande des G20-Treffens in Cannes 2011, als wir mit der griechischen Krise konfrontiert waren, die ihren Höhepunkt erreicht hatte, während der Druck auf Italien und Spanien anstieg. Heute, wo diese Phase der Krise hinter uns liegt, fällt es schwer sich vorzustel- len, unter welcher Anspannung einige dieser Sitzungen standen und welche politischen Anstrengungen und welche Energie notwendig waren, um – oft unter starkem Druck, eine drohende Katastrophe abzuwenden – weit entfernte Positionen zusammenzubringen für ein gemeinsames Ziel. Vieles der kompetenten politischen Arbeit der Kom- mission war diskret und abseits der Öffentlichkeit, eben weil es die Finanzmärkte so leicht verunsichern konnte. Wir sind nicht immer in den Medien erwähnt worden, aber gemeinsam mit anderen waren wir erfolgreich.

Die Wege und Umwege und das Timing der europäischen Entscheidungen haben ebenfalls gelegentlich international Ungeduld erzeugt und waren für unsere strategischen 18 Partner nicht immer zu verstehen. Wir haben uns dazu frei und offen ausgetauscht beispielsweise mit dem Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten, der chinesischen Führung und mit Partnern wie Japan und Brasilien, um zu erklären, dass es kein Patentrezept gibt, dass wir tatsächlich „mitten im Sturm ein Boot bauen“ –, dass aber an der Entschlossen- heit der Europäischen Union und ihrer Mitgliedstaaten, das Nötige zur Überwindung der Probleme zu tun, kein Zweifel besteht.

Ein anderes Anliegen war die Notwendigkeit, die Vertiefung des Euroraums voranzutreiben und gleichzeitig die Integrität der Europäischen Union insgesamt zu wahren. Dies wird in der nahen Zukunft ein kritischer Aspekt sein angesichts der sogenannten „britischen Frage“. Dieses Prinzip ist mittlerweile in der Europäischen Kommission fest verankert – wir haben die Grundsätze im Konzept für eine vertiefte und echte Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion vom November 2012 festgelegt –, und ich hoffe, es ist auch bei den politischen Führern in der Union allgemein akzeptiert. Aber das war nicht immer selbstverständlich. So ist bekannt, dass von manchen völlig separate Institutionen für den Euroraum befürwortet wurden. Ich war stets überzeugt, dass eine verstärkte Zusam- menarbeit in einem Europa unterschiedlicher Geschwindigkeiten notwendig werden könnte, aber ein Mehrklassen-Europa haben wir stets vermieden – und müssen wir auch in Zukunft um jeden Preis vermeiden. Wir müssen vor allem im Euroraum eine weitere Vertiefung anstreben, aber dies kann und sollte so geschehen, dass es keine Spaltung auslöst. Ein klares Zeichen, dass dieses Konzept allgemein anerkannt wird, ist die kürzlich getroffene Entscheidung, dass der Präsident des Europäischen Rates, der aus einem Land kommt, das noch nicht zum Euroraum gehört, auch bei den Gipfeltref- fen des Euroraums den Vorsitz führen wird. Ein offenes Europa Die Vorteile der wirtschaftlichen Globalisierung und die Notwendigkeit einer aktiven Außenpolitik

Die Notwendigkeit der Offenheit nach außen war das andere Hauptthema dieser zehn Jahre. Die europäische Integration ist seit jeher durch Faktoren vorangetrieben worden, die ihren Ursprung mindestens genauso oft außerhalb Europas hatten wie innerhalb. Das gilt ganz besonders für dieses Jahrhundert. Nach dem Zweiten Welt- krieg bildete die Aussöhnung zwischen Frankreich und Deutschland das Leitmotiv für so außergewöhnliche Persönlichkeiten wie Monnet, Schuman, De Gasperi, Adenauer und Spaak. Sie betrachteten die wirtschaftliche Integration als ein Mittel, das politische Wohlergehen ihrer Länder zu fördern und einen Krieg unmöglich, ja gar undenkbar zu machen. Neben diesen innereuropäischen Erwägungen muss dem Europa des 21. Jahr- hunderts aber auch ein aus globalen Erwägungen gespeistes Fundament zugrunde gelegt werden: Die Mitgliedstaaten sind für sich genommen einfach nicht länger in der 19 Lage, den Erwartungen ihrer Bürger gerecht zu werden, ihre Interessen zu schützen und die Werte, für die wir einstehen, nach außen zu vertreten. Selbst größere Mit- gliedstaaten verfügen nicht über die erforderliche kritische Masse, um mit Großmäch- ten wie den USA oder China ausgewogene Beziehungen zu unterhalten, wenn sie sich nicht untereinander abstimmen und ihre Interessen fest in einem europäischen Rahmen zusammenfügen.

Die Globalisierung gestalten

Europa muss mit der Globalisierung gehen und sie sowohl als wirtschaftliche Chance als auch als eine Quelle für Wissen und Innovation begreifen, die zu offenen und kul- turell blühenden Gesellschaften unweigerlich hinzugehört. Tatsächlich ist Europa insgesamt gesehen entgegen der in bestimmten Kreisen vorherrschenden Wahrnehmung ein Gewinner der Globalisierung. Unsere Handelsbilanzen legen davon ein eindeutiges Zeugnis ab. Wir haben durch die Globalisierung viel mehr zu gewinnen als zu verlieren – aber nur, wenn wir sie wirklich mitgestalten und politische Führungsstärke zeigen.

Allerdings ist nicht zu bestreiten, dass während der gesamten Zeit, ganz besonders jedoch unmittelbar nach der Finanzkrise, Bedrohungen sehr gegenwärtig waren. Mehr denn je musste die EU offen bleiben und eine weltweite Antwort herbeiführen, die darin bestand, den lauten Rufen nach nacktem und hässlichem Protektionismus gemeinsam zu widerstehen. Und es war die EU, die die Welt dazu bewogen hat, in abge- stimmter Weise und überzeugend gegen die Krise anzukämpfen. Ich erinnere mich noch sehr lebhaft daran, wie Präsident Sarkozy, damals Inhaber des rotierenden Ratsvorsitzes, und ich uns im Oktober 2008 gemeinsam nach Camp David aufgemacht haben, um den US-Präsidenten George W. Bush zu überzeugen, mit uns gemeinsam auf eine weltweite Reaktion hinzuwirken. Dies hat zur G20 in ihrer heutigen Form auf der Ebene der Staats- und Regierungschefs geführt, um eine weltumspannende Antwort auf die Krise zu geben, was von immenser Wichtigkeit war. Die USA gaben ihre ursprüngli- chen Bedenken gegen ein gemeinsames Vorgehen schließlich auf und akzeptierten, dass DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

ein gemeinsames weltweites Vorgehen notwendig war. Auch sie hatten aus der großen Depression der 1930er Jahre ihre Lehren gezogen, und so konnten wir letzten Endes im November 2008 erstmals auf dieser Ebene zusammenkommen. Ein zweiter Gipfel fand nur vier Monate später in London statt, mit Premierminister Gordon Brown als Vorsitzendem, und seither sind die G20 zum wichtigsten Forum für die wirtschaftspolitische Abstimmung unter den beteiligten Ländern geworden. Sie haben zahlreichen von der EU zur Diskussion gestellten Konzepten Form und Gestalt gegeben, beispielsweise einem Rahmen für ausgewogenes und nachhaltiges Wachstum, Regulierung und Be- aufsichtigung der Finanzmärkte, Maßnahmen gegen Steuerflucht und -hinterziehung. Die Herausbildung der G20 stellt eine der bedeutendsten Weiterentwicklungen der internationalen Politik dar und hat sicherlich dazu beigetragen, weitaus schlimmere Krisenszenarien zu verhindern.

Ein offenes Europa braucht eine aktive Handelspolitik, und auch hier hat die Kommis- sion entsprechend gehandelt. Dank unserer Handelsabkommen können wir von den Chancen, die uns offene neue Märkte in anderen Erdteilen bieten, profitieren. Dabei 20 ging es uns vor allem darum, Handels- und Investitionsabkommen auszuhandeln und zu unterzeichnen, durch die Märkte erschlossen, Wachstum gefördert und Arbeitsplätze für Europa geschaffen werden. Das Engagement für einen offenen Welthandel hat uns aber nicht davon abgehalten, handelspolitische Verteidigungsinstrumente zu nutzen, wann und wo immer das notwendig war. Das haben wir in den Handelsstreitigkeiten über Einfuhren von Schuhen aus Asien oder bei den Solarmodulen unter Beweis gestellt, wo wir – selbst gegen den Widerstand einiger Regierungen – ein weitreichendes Verfahren eröffnet haben. Tatsächlich muss offener Handel auf festen, allgemeingül- tigen Regeln und gleichen Wettbewerbsvoraussetzungen für alle Nationen und Wirt- schaftsbeteiligten beruhen. Dass die Doha-Runde trotz unseres beharrlichen Engage- ments in den multilateralen Verhandlungen und in der Welthandelsorganisation immer noch kaum vorangekommen ist, liegt tatsächlich vor allem an Differenzen zwischen anderen wichtigen Akteuren. Deshalb haben wir uns in letzter Zeit wieder verstärkt um bilaterale Handelsabkommen bemüht. Und die Ergebnisse können sich sehen lassen. In den vergangenen fünf Jahren konnten wir neue, zeitgemäße Abkommen mit Südkorea, Singapur, Kolumbien, Peru, Mittelamerika und Kanada schließen, Abkom- men über Wirtschaftspartnerschaften mit Westafrika und mit der Entwicklungsgemein- schaft Südliches Afrika (SADC) aushandeln, die Verhandlungen mit dem Gemeinsa- men Markt Südamerikas (Mercosur) wiederaufnehmen sowie wichtige Verhandlungen über Freihandelsabkommen mit Japan, Indien, Vietnam und Thailand sowie über ein Investitionsabkommen mit China in Gang bringen. Nicht zuletzt haben wir mit der Aufnahme von Verhandlungen mit den Vereinigten Staaten über eine umfassende transatlantische Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaft (TTIP) Neuland betreten.

Den geopolitischen Veränderungen begegnen

Unser Zusammenwachsen muss dem Modell eines offenen Regionalismus folgen. Wir stehen für ein offenes Europa, das als Brücke und nicht als Festung auftritt. Ich trat mein Amt als Kommissionspräsident bewusst mit einer außenpolitisch offenen Einstellung an, nachdem ich einen Großteil meines Lebens in der einen oder anderen Weise mit Außenpolitik zu tun hatte. Nie war das außenpolitische Engagement der Kommission in guten wie in schlechten Zeiten bedeutsamer. Das reicht von unserem Einsatz für weltweite Klima- und Entwicklungsziele bis zur Förderung weltweiter wirtschaftlicher Stabilität und Offenheit, von der G20 und der G8 (aus denen nach der völkerrechtswidrigen Annexion der Krim durch Russland wieder die G7 geworden ist) bis zu unserer Unterstützung des Multilateralismus, der seinen Ausdruck in den Vereinten Nationen findet. In den Jahren meiner Amtszeit habe ich enge Beziehungen zu den UN-Generalsekretären entwickelt, zuerst zu Kofi Annan und dann zu Ban Ki Moon. Für ihre Unterstützung einer stärkeren Rolle der Europäischen Union in ihren Beziehungen zu den Vereinten Nationen bin ich sehr dankbar. Außenpolitik muss als ein Zusammenwirken politischer und wirtschaftlicher Maßnahmen betrachtet werden, und Wirtschaftspolitik ist dementsprechend in ein weiteres geopolitisches Spektrum einzubetten. Deshalb können wir uns nicht vor der Welt verschließen. Die Welt braucht ein offenes Europa, und Europa muss sich in die Welt einfügen. Interdependenz ist heute eine Realität, aber auch Interdependenz bedarf der Steuerung; andernfalls würden wir eher unter ihr leiden als von ihr profitieren. Deshalb haben wir sehr aktiv den Dialog mit wichtigen internationalen Partnern und Organisationen gepflegt. 21 Wie groß die außenpolitischen Herausforderungen sind, hat sich jüngst erst wieder an der Bedrohung gezeigt, die das unakzeptable Verhalten Russlands gegenüber der Ukraine für die Staatengemeinschaft der Welt und ganz sicher für die Interessen Eu- ropas darstellt. Die Entwicklungen – vom Druck auf die Ukraine, das mit der Europäi- schen Union ausgehandelte Assoziationsabkommen nicht zu unterzeichnen, bis hin zur rechtswidrigen Annexion der Krim und den Aufständen in den östlichen Landesteilen – sind uns allen bekannt. Die Europäische Kommission hat in dieser Krise durchgehend eine grundsatzorientierte Haltung eingenommen. An erster Stelle stand für uns eine politische, friedliche Lösung des Konflikts. Nicht irgendeine Lösung, sondern eine, die die Souveränität, Unabhängigkeit und Einheit der Ukraine wahrt. Wir haben bei jeder Gelegenheit betont, dass unsere Beziehungen zu unseren östlichen Nachbarn nicht den Beziehungen dieser Länder zu ihren übrigen Nachbarn entgegenstehen. Wir waren in unseren Beziehungen zu anderen Ländern nie auf Exklusivität bedacht. Tatsächlich hat die Europäische Union viel in eine strategische Partnerschaft mit der Russischen Födera- tion investiert in der Überzeugung, dass eine Zusammenarbeit der EU und Russlands in beiderseitigem Interesse liegt. Aber sie wird nie Vorgänge legitimieren, die nicht legitim sein können. Die explizite Rückkehr einer Doktrin von begrenzter staatlicher Souve- ränität auf den europäischen Kontinent ist für uns nicht hinnehmbar. Wir mussten unsere Unterstützung für die Ukraine unter Beweis stellen, und das haben wir getan. Wir werden uns nicht dafür entschuldigen, dass wir das demokratische Recht eines Drittstaats respektieren, mit der Europäischen Union engere Beziehungen anzustreben. Dieses Ansinnen des ukrainischen Volkes zurückzuweisen wäre einer moralischen Bank- rotterklärung gleichgekommen. Und es war unvermeidlich, Russland die Konsequenzen seines Vorgehens aufzuzeigen. Die Krise ist noch nicht vorüber. Die Europäische Union setzt sich weiter für eine politische Lösung auf dem Verhandlungsweg ein. Die Kom- mission hat keine Mühen gescheut und trilaterale Verhandlungen in die Wege geleitet, um sensible Fragen wie Handel und Energie anzugehen. Dabei stand ich in ständigem Kontakt mit den Präsidenten Poroschenko und Putin. In manchen Dingen erinnert mich die Lage an die Gaskrise der Jahre 2008/09, als ich ebenfalls dafür sorgte, dass der Gesprächsfaden zwischen der ukrainischen und der russischen Führung nicht abriss. Würde die EU nicht mit Festigkeit reagieren, wäre nicht nur die Unabhängigkeit der DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Ukraine in Gefahr, sondern auch die Stabilität und die Glaubwürdigkeit einer auf Wer- te, Gleichheit und Recht gegründeten multilateralen Ordnung.

Unsere Entschlossenheit wurde aber nicht nur in unserer östlichen Nachbarschaft auf die Probe gestellt. Auch die Veränderungen in den südlichen Anrainerstaaten des Mit- telmeers waren dramatisch und von historischem Ausmaß. Der „Arabische Frühling“ war eine der beeindruckendsten Umwälzungen der jüngeren Geschichte. Niemand hatte die Entwicklung vorhergesehen. Ursache für den Umsturz autoritärer Regime war der Wunsch der Völker nach mehr Demokratie und einem würdevolleren Leben. Ge- genüber diesen Ländern setzten wir auf Demokratie, obgleich wir sehr wohl einschätzen konnten, wie unsicher die Aussichten von Ländern ohne jegliche Tradition an Rechts- staatlichkeit und Meinungsvielfalt oder sogar ohne alle modernen staatlichen Struktu- ren (wie im Falle Libyens) auf eine lebendige und stabile demokratische Zukunft sind. Wir wussten um das hohe Risiko, aber welche Alternative hätten wir gehabt? Hätten wir nichts unternehmen oder die Millionen oft jungen Menschen, die sich für Wandel und Demokratie einsetzten, alleine lassen sollen? Der Europäischen Union blieb gar nichts 22 anderes übrig, als auf die Demokratie zu setzen, da wir – um einmal die Pascal’sche Wet- te auf die Politik zu übertragen – erkannt hatten, dass sich unser Engagement auch im Falle eines Misserfolgs immer noch lohnen würde. Deshalb hat die Kommission 2011 mit dem Vorschlag für eine „Partnerschaft für Demokratie und gemeinsamen Wohl- stand“ auf diese Revolutionen reagiert.

Unsere Erfahrungen auf dem europäischen Kontinent haben uns gelehrt, dass es schwerer ist, eine ausgereifte und stabile Demokratie aufzubauen als Diktaturen zu stürzen. Demokratischer Aufbau ist ein langfristiger Prozess. Wir müssen uns weiter in der Region engagieren, um zu vermeiden, dass extremistische Kräfte, die ganz andere Pläne verfolgen, die Entwicklung an sich reißen. Die politische Instabilität und das Sicherheitsvakuum sind in einigen dieser Länder Wasser auf den Mühlen radika- ler Gruppen und religiöser Fundamentalisten. Der „Islamische Staat“ stellt heute die größte Bedrohung für die Zivilisation und unser Gesellschaftsmodell dar. Europa muss sich an den internationalen Bemühungen zur Überwindung und Beseitigung dieser Bedrohung beteiligen.

Für die EU gibt es keinen wichtigeren Partner als die Vereinigten Staaten. Unseren Beziehungen haben wir mit bilateralen Vorarbeiten, die zur von Präsident Obama und mir im nordirischen Lough Erne im Frühjahr 2013 in die Wege geleiteten Aufnahme der Verhandlungen über eine transatlantische Handels- und Investitionspartnerschaft geführt haben, neuen Schwung verliehen. Damit wurde ein lange angestrebtes Ziel Wirklichkeit. Viele hatten sich über Jahre hinweg um diese Verhandlungen bemüht, aber bislang hatten die Widerstände und Schwierigkeiten stets die Oberhand behalten. Während meiner beiden Amtszeiten konnten wir die Schwierigkeiten überwinden und uns auf die Arbeit an einem Abkommen konzentrieren, das hoffentlich den erwarteten wirtschaftlichen, aber auch politischen und geostrategischen Nutzen bringen wird.

Mir persönlich sehr am Herzen lag auch unsere Afrikapolitik. Meine sechs Jahre als portugiesischer Staatssekretär für Äußeres und internationale Zusammenarbeit, in denen ich ausdrücklich für Entwicklungsländer zuständig war, haben mein besonderes Interesse an unserem Nachbarkontinent geweckt. Afrika galt lange ausschließlich als ein problematischer Erdteil, als Herd von Instabilität und Konflikten und als Quelle illegaler Einwanderung. Und dennoch ist es auch und vor allem ein aufstrebender Kontinent, der im vergangenen Jahrzehnt ein jährliches Wirtschaftswachstum von mehr als 5 % aufweisen konnte. Seine demografische Expansion macht ihn zum jüngsten Kontinent der Welt und stärkt sein enormes Potenzial zusätzlich. Wir teilen viele wichtige Ziele, von einer nachhaltigen Wirtschaftsentwicklung bis zur Bewältigung des Klimawandels. Deshalb muss die Partnerschaft mit Afrika für Europa Priorität genießen. Über die EU-Afrika-Gipfel haben wir eine gemeinsame Strategie und eine echte Partnerschaft unter Gleichen auf den Weg gebracht. Und wir haben unseren Beziehungen mit stän- digen Konsultationen zwischen der Kommission und der Afrikanischen Union und auf der politischen Ebene mit regelmäßigen Treffen der Europäischen Kommission und der Kommission der Afrikanischen Union zusätzliche Substanz verliehen.

Darüber hinaus haben wir die besonders bedürftigen oder bedrohten Länder unmittelbar unterstützt. Wir haben beispielsweise Mali bei der Konsolidierung seiner staatlichen Strukturen und der Durchführung des Fahrplans für den Übergang zur Seite gestanden und in einer internationalen Konferenz, in der Präsident François Hollande und ich den 23 Vorsitz führten, die politisch Verantwortlichen aus dem Sahel und Westafrika an einen Tisch geholt. In Somalia haben wir zusammen mit der Hohen Vertreterin und dem Europäischen Auswärtigen Dienst (EAD) eine umfassende Strategie entwickelt, um die Piraterie vor der Küste zu bekämpfen und die Entwicklung im Landesinnern zu fördern.

Lateinamerika hat in diesem Jahrzehnt ebenfalls beträchtliche Veränderungen erlebt. Ich habe mich intensiv dafür eingesetzt, unsere Beziehungen im interkontinentalen oder bilateralen Dialog zu stärken. Unter anderem habe ich vorgeschlagen, Brasilien und Me- xiko, mit dem wir über ein umfassendes Abkommen verfügen, den Status eines strategischen Partners zu verleihen. Mir erschien es seltsam, Partner von Nordamerika bis Asien als „strategisch“ zu bezeichnen, Brasilien – immerhin die sechstgrößte Volkswirtschaft der Welt – aber diesen Status vorzuenthalten. Der erste EU-Brasilien-Gipfel wurde zusammen mit dem portugiesischen Ratsvorsitz 2007 in Lissabon abgehalten. Ich habe eine Reihe von südamerikanischen Ländern (u. a. Chile, Peru und Kolumbien) besucht, um unsere Beziehungen zu fördern, und mit den mittelamerikanischen Ländern haben wir das erste Handelsabkommen von Region zu Region geschlossen.

Eine der beeindruckendsten Umwälzungen in jenem Zeitraum war der wirtschaftliche und politische Aufstieg Asiens, auf den wir mit einer Intensivierung unserer Bezie- hungen zum ganzen Kontinent reagierten. Besonderes Augenmerk galt dabei unseren strategischen Partnern in der Region – China, Indien, Japan und Südkorea. Mit China konnten wir 2014 den zehnten Jahrestag unserer strategischen Partnerschaft begehen; dabei haben wir ein langfristiges Kooperationspaket auf den Weg gebracht und die Ver- handlungen über ein Investitionsabkommen eingeleitet. Mit Indien sind wir 2007 in Verhandlungen über ein Freihandelsabkommen eingetreten, um das ganze Potenzial unserer Beziehungen zur Entfaltung zu bringen. Mit Japan haben wir, dem erneuerten Interesse an einer Vertiefung unserer Beziehungen Rechnung tragend, 2013 Verhand- lungen über ein Rahmenabkommen und ein Freihandelsabkommen aufgenommen. Wir erleben, wie unsere Partnerschaft an Dynamik gewinnt. Und mit Südkorea haben wir 2011 das erste Freihandelsabkommen neuen Typs sowie ein Rahmenabkommen geschlossen, das unsere Beziehungen auf eine neue Stufe hob. Ferner unterstützen wir die DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

regionale Integration, die friedliche Streitbeilegung sowie eine stärkere politische und strategische Partnerschaft mit den südostasiatischen Ländern über unsere bilateralen Kontakte mit dem Verband Südostasiatischer Nationen (ASEAN). Unter den Entwick- lungen der letzten Jahre positiv hervorzuheben ist auch der Wandel in Myanmar, das ich 2012 besucht habe und das von uns massiv unterstützt wird.

Europas Außenvertretung und Europas Werte

Die Gestaltung der Globalisierung erforderte auch eine Verbesserung unserer institutionellen außenpolitischen Strukturen. Wie schon weiter oben erwähnt haben Herman Van Rompuy als Präsident des Europäischen Rates und ich auf der Grundlage der im Vertrag festgelegten Kompetenzen zu einer guten Zusammenarbeit und Arbeitsteilung gefunden. An wichtigster Stelle wäre hier die Ernennung eines Hohen Vertreters zu nennen, der auch Vizepräsident der Kommission ist, sowie der Aufbau des EAD, den ich immer unterstützt habe. Als früherer Außenminister war mir nur zu bewusst, dass es 24 Formen der Koordinierung der einzelstaatlichen Außenpolitik und der diplomatischen Dienste bedurfte, die über den Handlungsspielraum der Europäischen Kommission hinausgingen. Aus diesem Grunde begrüßte ich die Einführung des Amts des Hohen Vertreters. Gemeinsam mit der mir gut bekannten Catherine Ashton war ich bestrebt, etwaige Quellen für Kompetenzgerangel aus dem Wege zu räumen und eine funktionierende Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Dienststellen herbeizuführen. Einige Hauptstädte waren vom Mehrwert eines europäischen auswärtigen Dienstes weniger überzeugt und deshalb auch weniger geneigt, diesen zu unterstützen, so dass dem Dienst nicht alle für die volle Wahrnehmung der ihm zugedachten Aufgaben erforderlichen finanziellen und sonstigen Ressourcen zur Verfügung standen.

Welche Synergien Diplomatie, gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik und Ge- meinschaftsinstrumente wie die Erweiterungspolitik entfalten können, wurde mit der von der Hohen Vertreterin vermittelten historischen Vereinbarung zwischen dem Koso- vo1 und Serbien eindrucksvoll unter Beweis gestellt. Ein beeindruckenderes Beispiel für die Stärke der Anziehungskraft Europas und die entscheidende Bedeutung unserer vorsichtigen und engagierten Erweiterungspolitik dürfte kaum zu finden sein.

Auch in der Verteidigungspolitik war ein größeres Engagement der Europäischen Uni- on geboten, wie ich in meinen Reden zur Lage der Union mehrfach betont habe. Wir müssen unsere Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik ausbauen und in Vertei- digungsangelegenheiten häufiger gemeinsam handeln, da wir nur gemeinsam über ge- nügend Macht und kritische Masse verfügen, um der Fairness und der Achtung fester Regeln und der Menschenrechte größeres Gewicht in der Welt zu verschaffen. Die Ge- meinsame Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik sollte auch künftig in Ergänzung zur NATO weiterentwickelt werden, wobei die Entscheidungsautonomie beider Organisati- onen zu respektieren ist. In den letzten Jahren hat sich die strategische Partnerschaft mit der NATO gefestigt, und es ist bezeichnend, dass ich zusammen mit dem Präsidenten des Europäischen Rates seit 2007 zu allen NATO-Gipfeln eingeladen war und teilge- nommen habe und dass der NATO-Generalsekretär auch dem der Verteidigungspolitik

1 Diese Bezeichnung berührt nicht die Standpunkte zum Status und steht im Einklang mit der Resolution 1244/99 des UN-Sicherheitsrates und dem Gutachten des Internationalen Gerichtshofs zur Unabhängigkeitserklärung des Kosovo. gewidmeten Europäischen Rat von Dezember 2013 beigewohnt hat. Die Kommission hat zur GSVP im Rahmen ihrer spezifischen Kompetenzen beigetragen, beispielsweise mit der Mitteilung Auf dem Weg zu einem wettbewerbsfähigeren und effizienteren Vertei- digungs- und Sicherheitssektor. Verteidigung hat ihren Preis, aber unsere Sicherheit nicht.

Schließlich verstehe ich unter einem offenen Europa ein Europa, das seine Solidarität in die Weltgemeinschaft einbringt. Das entwicklungspolitische Engagement Europas hatte sogar in den Krisenjahren Bestand. Zusammen mit den Mitgliedstaaten sind wir weiterhin der größte Geber von Entwicklungsgeldern, und wir werden unserer Verant- wortung gerecht, wenn es darauf ankommt. Während der Nahrungsmittelkrise 2007/08 hat die Kommission beispielsweise über die Nahrungsmittelfazilität eine Soforthilfe von 1 Mrd. EUR aufgebracht. Hervorzuheben sind ferner Initiativen wie die zu den Mil- lennium-Entwicklungszielen, die auf dem gleichnamigen Gipfel in New York im Jahr 2010 ins Leben gerufen wurde und in deren Rahmen wir 1 Mrd. EUR für die raschere Verwirklichung dieser Ziele zur Verfügung gestellt haben, ferner die Friedensfazilität für Afrika, da Entwicklung und Sicherheit sich gegenseitig bedingen. Wir haben unsere Entwicklungspolitik mit unserer Agenda für Wandel an die neuen Realitäten der Glo- 25 balisierung angepasst und sind in unserem humanitären Engagement vorbildlich – etwa indem wir unsere Fähigkeit zur Hilfeleistung innerhalb und außerhalb Europas durch die Einrichtung des Europäischen Zentrums für die Koordination von Notfallmaßnah- men (Emergency Response Coordination Centre – ERCC) verbessert haben –, was uns weltweit Anerkennung eingebracht hat.

Selbst in Zeiten rückläufiger Konjunktur haben wir in unserem entwicklungspolitischen Engagement nicht nachgelassen, denn auch dafür steht Europa: Solidarität nach innen und nach außen. Das ist nicht nur politisch und moralisch richtig, sondern liegt auch in unserem strategischen Interesse.

Hervorheben möchte ich auch unsere Zusammenarbeit mit dem privaten Sektor und Organisationen wie ONE von Bono und Bob Geldof oder die Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. Ich erinnere mich gut, wie wir zusammen erörtert haben, wie diese The- men weltweit vorangebracht, aber auch wie die Staaten zu größerer Geberbereitschaft gebracht werden können.

Die Europäische Union war und ist bereit, konkret Solidarität zu leisten, wann und wo immer dies notwendig sein sollte – nach innen wie nach außen. Davon konnte ich mich bei meinen vielen Besuchen in Katastrophengebieten innerhalb wie außerhalb der EU selbst überzeugen, sei es in Indonesien nach dem Tsunami, in den Flüchtlingslagern in Darfur oder im jordanischen Zaatari, in den Überschwemmungsgebieten Serbiens, den Waldbrandgebieten an den Ruinen Olympias oder im Erdbebengebiet von L’Aquila. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Ein stärkeres Europa Über wirtschaftliche und institutionelle Reformen bis hin zu Energie- und Klimaschutzmaßnahmen

In den letzten zehn Jahren ging es vor allem darum, Europa geeint und weltoffen zu halten und dafür Sorge zu tragen, dass sich Europa gestärkt und gut gewappnet den Herausforderungen der Globalisierung stellen kann.

Als 2005, also ganz zu Beginn meiner ersten Amtszeit, ein schwieriges Jahr zu Ende ging, war eine neue Dynamik in Europa zu spüren, zu der die Kommission mit ihrem Konzept „Europa der Ergebnisse“ maßgeblich beigetragen hatte. Grundlage hierfür waren die Einigung über den Finanzrahmen 2007-2013 und das Ergebnis der informellen Tagung des Europäischen Rates von Hampton Court über die Zukunft Europas und die mit der Globalisierung verbundenen Herausforderungen. Die damals ausgehandelten 26 Lösungen weckten bei den Mitgliedstaaten wieder die Bereitschaft, an gemeinsamen Zielen zu arbeiten, und bewirkten nach der großen Enttäuschung über die gescheiterten Volksabstimmungen zum Verfassungsvertrag einen Stimmungswechsel in der Europäi- schen Union. Vor allem aber waren die erzielten Einigungen ein wichtiger Beweis dafür, dass die EU selbst unter schwierigsten Umständen in der Lage war, Entscheidungen zu treffen. In dieser Zeit wurde auch das Klima- und Energiepaket geschnürt, dem aus historischer und politisch-strategischer Sicht größte Bedeutung beizumessen ist. Dieses Paket ist alles andere als eine Einigung auf den kleinsten gemeinsamen Nenner, sondern vielmehr das Ergebnis ausgesprochen ehrgeiziger Bemühungen um eine Lösung, in der im Wesentlichen zwei Komponenten – die Umwelt- und die Energiepolitik – miteinander verknüpft wurden, um einen Konsens zu erzielen.

Die Verhandlungen über den EU-Haushalt

In den ersten Jahren meiner Amtszeit galt es nicht nur, einen neuen Vertrag auszuarbeiten und ein neues Maß an Konsens zu finden, damit Europa funktionieren konnte, sondern auch Einigung über einen neuen Haushalt zu erzielen. Die 2005 geführte Debatte über den mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen (MFR) erwies sich als ausgesprochen schwierig, so dass viele zuweilen nicht mehr an einen erfolgreichen Abschluss glaubten.

Ich wusste aufgrund früherer Erfahrungen, dass Haushaltsverhandlungen in Europa kein Zuckerschlecken sind. Die meisten Regierungen gehen mit einer rein nationalen Sicht in die Verhandlungen, ihnen geht es letztlich vor allem um die „juste retour“, d. h. einen angemessenen Mittelrückfluss. Die Nettozahler sind an einem möglichst hohen Gewinn interessiert und konzentrieren sich auf ganz bestimmte Teile des Haushalts in Bereichen, die für ihr Land von besonders großer Bedeutung sind. Die Nettoempfän- ger wiederum bemühen sich nach allen Kräften darum, ihre Einnahmen zu maximieren, um innenpolitisch mit guten Zahlen trumpfen zu können, wobei sie allerdings der Qualität der Finanzierung nicht immer die nötige Aufmerksamkeit schenken. Solche kurzsichtigen Herangehensweisen sind häufig der Grund für lange und kräfteraubende Haushaltsdebatten. Der Haushaltsvorschlag, der noch unter meinem Vorgänger unterbreitet worden war, wurde von den meisten Regierungen von Anfang an als unrealistisch betrachtet. Ich kann mich sehr gut daran erinnern – damals war ich Premierminister Portugals –, mit welch großer Skepsis meine Amtskollegen im Europäischen Rat dem Vorschlag begegneten. Das größte Problem war jedoch, dass die neue Kommission die Verhandlungen nicht wirklich steuern konnte. Da die Verhandlungen im Wesentlichen während der Ratspräsidentschaft Luxemburgs stattfanden und somit bei dem erfahrenen Jean-Clau- de Juncker in guten Händen waren, bestand eine gewisse Hoffnung, dass trotz aller Schwierigkeiten ein Kompromiss gefunden werden würde. Letztlich scheiterten die Ver- handlungen dann daran, dass der Vorschlag grundsätzlich nicht als eine geeignete und realistische Verhandlungsgrundlage akzeptiert wurde.

Die Erkenntnis, dass – aus welchen Gründen auch immer – keine Einigung erzielt werden konnte, hinterließ bittere Enttäuschung. Damit lagen die Verantwortung und die Last in der zweiten Jahreshälfte 2005 beim Vereinigten Königreich. Dass gerade das Ver- einigte Königreich jetzt die Aufgabe hatte, eine Lösung zu finden, wurde mit Argwohn betrachtet. Einerseits war das Vereinigte Königreich eigentlich kein Befürworter eines 27 „europäischen“ Haushalts. Die Forderung von Margaret Thatcher „I want my money back!“ („Ich will mein Geld zurück!“) ist für viele in den europäischen Institutionen nach wie vor ein rotes Tuch. Andererseits musste ein großes Land wie das Vereinigte Königreich letztlich in der Lage sein, einen Kompromiss herbeizuführen, insbesondere da es sich den Vorwurf gefallen lassen musste, einen früheren Kompromiss verhindert zu haben.

Mit diesen Gedanken im Hinterkopf ging ich in die Verhandlungen. Was immer die britische Ratspräsidentschaft auch von dem Kommissionsvorschlag halten mochte, war ihr doch klar, dass sie bei den Verhandlungen die Kommission als Institution an ihrer Seite brauchte. So bat mich Premierminister Blair damals, bei den wichtigeren bilateralen Budgettreffen mit den Staats- und Regierungschefs, an denen die Kommission in der Regel nicht teilnimmt, anwesend zu sein. Zu vielen seiner bilateralen Gespräche bat der Premierminister sogar meinen Kabinettschef hinzu. Letztlich wurde eine Eini- gung erzielt, die auch eine Mittelerhöhung beinhaltete. Die Kommission hatte gemeinsam mit dem Europäischen Parlament ihren ehrgeizigen Haushaltsvorschlag mit viel Engagement verteidigt, wobei die Schwierigkeit darin bestand, die allzu simplistische Sichtweise einiger Regierungen, zwischen „alten“ Politikbereichen wie der Kohäsions- politik und „neuen“ Politikbereichen wie der Forschung und Innovation zu unterscheiden, zu durchbrechen. Unser Ziel – das wir letztlich auch erreicht haben – war es, die Alt-Neu-Dichotomie durch neue Konzepte zu ersetzen. Hierzu zählte unter anderem die Reform der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik (kurz GAP) und der Kohäsionspolitik durch eine Neuausrichtung auf wirtschaftliche Reformen und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, um die GAP zu einem modernen Instrument der wirtschaftlichen Förderung zu entwickeln.

Die britische Ratspräsidentschaft musste davon abgehalten werden, Prioritäten zu setzen, die vor allem für die reicheren Mitgliedstaaten und weniger für die finanziell schwä- cheren von Belang waren. So gab es jenen kritischen Moment, in dem ich Tony Blair vorwarf, er führe sich auf wie ein „umgekehrter“ Robin Hood, der nicht den Reichen das Geld stehle, sondern den Armen. Der britische Premier nahm die Kritik gelassen und brachte die Haushaltsdebatte unter extrem schwierigen Bedingungen zum Abschluss. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Die historische Bedeutung dieser ersten Maßnahmen zur Modernisierung und Europäi- sierung des Haushalts sollte nicht unterschätzt werden, denn es war der erste Schritt zur Überwindung der politischen Gräben und einer politisch verfahrenen Situation.

Ohne die Kommission bzw. ihr – wie ich es gern nenne – „technisches Charisma“, mit dem ich die Effizienz meine, mit der Kommissionsdienststellen aller Ebenen Kompro- misslösungen oder eine andere gangbare Vorgehensweise vorschlagen, wäre es nicht zu einem erfolgreichen Abschluss der Verhandlungen gekommen. Wir haben aber auch unser politisches Gewicht und unsere politische Erfahrung eingebracht; wir haben gezeigt, wie man Politik steuert, die richtigen Allianzen bildet und seine Ziele erreicht. Diese politische Rolle war nicht nur für sich genommen wichtig. Das Jahr 2005 sah schwierige Momente, in denen es zudem galt, die Glaubwürdigkeit der Kommission gegenüber dem Europäischen Parlament und den neuen Mitgliedstaaten zu stärken, die von der Kommission erwarteten, dass sie gegenüber den großen Mitgliedstaaten als ehrliche Vermittlerin ihrer Interessen tätig würde.

28 Die Rolle der Kommission war 2013 bei den Verhandlungen über den nächsten mehr- jährigen Finanzrahmen (MFR) für die Zeit bis 2020 entscheidend. Die Verhandlun- gen erwiesen sich sogar als noch schwieriger, möglichweise auch aufgrund der Folgen der Finanzkrise für die nationalen Haushalte.

Die Regierung in London unterlag eindeutig einem noch stärkeren Druck ihres nationalen Parlaments als das letzte Mal. Die Forderung des Vereinigten Königreichs nach einer allgemeinen Kürzung des MFR konnte in Anbetracht der Tatsache, dass dessen Verabschiedung im Rat der Einstimmigkeit bedurfte, nicht ignoriert werden. Das Ver- einigte Königreich war diesmal weniger isoliert als in früheren Haushaltverhandlungen, denn die Verhandlungen fanden in einer Zeit statt, in der die Menschen die Wirt- schaftskrise bereits in ihrem Portemonnaie spürten. Die Mitgliedstaaten wollten ge- genüber der Öffentlichkeit zeigen, dass aus ihrer Sicht auch die EU einige bittere Pillen schlucken musste. Zu den Befürwortern gehörten natürlich die Niederlande, aber auch Deutschland zeigte sich der Position des Vereinigten Königreichs nicht abgeneigt. Die Kommission war – ungeachtet des Für und Wider der Argumente – immer bestrebt, nicht nur eine Verhandlungsgrundlage mit einem höheren Anspruch als jenem der Mit- gliedstaaten einzubringen, sondern zugleich auch eine Struktur und Neuerungen, die in den Verhandlungen Bestand haben würden.

Eine Revision der Kohäsionspolitik war beispielsweise unumgänglich. Ich persönlich wurde für meine Teilnahme an mehreren informellen Gipfeltreffen mit Ländern, die Mittel aus dem Kohäsionsfonds erhielten, kritisiert. Demgegenüber begrüßten Donald Tusk und Pedro Passos Coelho, interessanterweise zwei Premierminister aus ganz unterschiedlichen Ecken Europas, mein Vorgehen. Aus meiner Sicht war es wichtig zu zeigen, dass wir zu unserem Wort stehen und welche Bedeutung die Kommission der Kohäsi- onspolitik beimisst – und zwar insbesondere in einer Zeit, als es in einigen Hauptstäd- ten populär war, die Kohäsionspolitik der Kommission zu attackieren. Wir haben nicht nur das Kohäsionsziel an intelligente Spezialisierung und die Klima- und Energieziele geknüpft, sondern grundlegende Änderungen bewirkt: Wir haben die Abkehr von der sogenannten „Anspruchskultur“ eingeleitet – in der die Regierungen letztlich nur auf eine möglichst gute Mittelzuweisung für ihr Land bedacht waren – und sind zu einer Priorisierung von Programmen und Projekten übergegangen, die Innovation, die Ökologisierung der Wirtschaft und andere in der Strategie Europa 2020 verankerte Ziele befördern. Des Weiteren wurde die Kohäsionspolitik in einen engeren Zusam- menhang mit der allgemeinen Wirtschaftsleistung der Empfängerländer gestellt. Dieser Ansatz war die Grundlage für die mit jedem Mitgliedstaat geschlossene Partnerschafts- vereinbarung. Diese Logik der Verträge wird in der praktischen Umsetzung fortgesetzt werden und ihren Niederschlag in einer qualitativ besseren Finanzierung finden.

Der für die EU so existenzielle Grundsatz der Solidarität findet sich uneingeschränkt auch in unserer Politik gegenüber Regionen in äußerster Randlage sowie überseeischen Ländern und Gebieten sowie in unserer Regionalpolitik, die wir im Sinne der Priori- täten für die EU als Ganzes, aber auch unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Belange der schwächeren Regionen überarbeitet haben. Die Bedeutung unserer Regionalpolitik zeigt sich besonders gut an folgendem Beispiel: Als ich 2007 – als erster internationaler Politiker – mit dem mittlerweile verstorbenen Ian Paisley und Martin McGuinness, den Vertretern der neuen inklusiven Regierung Nordirlands, zusammentraf, sagten sie mir, dass einer der wenigen konfessionsübergreifenden Dialoge, der überhaupt über die Jahre 29 aufrechterhalten werden konnte, der regionalen Unterstützung Europas zu verdanken sei. Wir setzten deshalb das erfolgreiche, in seiner Art einmalige Friedensprogramm fort und richteten die Taskforce Nordirland ein. Diese sollte die Region dabei unterstützen, sich in eigenem Interesse stärker in die europäische politische Arbeit einzubringen, und somit zu den Bemühungen um einen dauerhaften Frieden und zur wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung, zu Wirtschaftswachstum und Beschäftigung beitragen.

Die Fazilität „Connecting Europe“ war eine weitere Innovation, in der vor allem das Konzept der transeuropäischen Netze in den Bereichen Verkehr, Energie und digitale Dienste zum Tragen kam. Sie verdeutlichte, mit welchem Mehrwert der EU-Haushalt verbunden ist, wenn es darum geht, große Lücken in Netzen zu schließen, für deren Überbrückung in den nationalen Haushalten keine Mittel vorgesehen sind. Galileo wiederum ist ein gutes Beispiel dafür, was alles durch gemeinsame Anstrengungen der EU und Mitgliedstaaten erreicht werden kann. Und selbst wenn es im Bereich der digitalen Dienste – deren Bedeutung ich bereits zuvor durch die Schaffung eines eigenen Portfo- lios „Digitale Agenda“ unter der Verantwortung eines Vizepräsidenten zum Ausdruck gebracht hatte – leider in Bezug auf die erforderlichen Mittel an der nötigen Ambition fehlte, sei an dieser Stelle dennoch herausgestellt, dass sich das Konzept zunehmend in Europa durchsetzt.

Trotz der schwierigen finanziellen Lage haben wir es geschafft, die Mitgliedstaaten unserem Ziel für den Forschungsbereich näher zu bringen. Mit dem neuen Forschungs- programm Horizont 2020 wurden die Mittel um 30 %, d. h. um rund 80 Mrd. EUR, aufgestockt, so dass Horizont 2020 heute zu den weltweit größten Programmen der Wissenschaftsförderung gehört. Die Mitgliedstaaten stimmten ferner einer Mittelauf- stockung für das Programm „Kreatives Europa“ zu, das das erweiterte Erasmus-Pro- gramm Erasmus+ sowie das Programm Media umfasst, und ermöglichen damit der wissensbasierten Wirtschaft – eine der expliziten Prioritäten der Strategie Europa 2020 – eine stärkere Verankerung. Darüber hinaus habe ich dem Bereich Forschung und Ent- wicklung sehr viel Aufmerksamkeit geschenkt. Besonders zu nennen ist die Einrichtung des Europäischen Innovations- und Technologieinstituts, das neue Instrumente wie den DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

renommierten Europäischen Forschungsrat unterstützen soll, und die Beteiligung Eu- ropas an Vorhaben wie dem internationalen thermonuklearen Versuchsreaktor (ITER).

Ein besonders heikles Thema, das die allgemeine Verhandlungsatmosphäre ebenfalls prägte, war der von einigen Hauptstädten ausgehende Druck, die Stellung der europä- ischen Beamten erheblich zu schwächen. Wir konnten die Forderungen nach gewissen Einsparungen zwar verstehen, hatten aber bereits seit 2004 erhebliche Kosteneinspa- rungen vorgeschlagen. Ich habe jedoch alle Bestrebungen seitens der nationalen Re- gierungen abgewehrt, Änderungen im Statut des EU-Personals vorzunehmen, die die Leistungsfähigkeit der Institutionen unterminiert und für diese bedeutet hätten, dass sie nicht mehr in der Lage wären, ihren Aufgaben gerecht zu werden. Selbst Regierungen, die etwas mehr Verständnis für den Standpunkt der Europäischen Kommission hatten, mussten nationale Aspekte im Blick behalten und wollten ihr Verhandlungskapital nicht für die Verteidigung der EU-Institutionen verwenden. So bin ich in die Bresche gesprungen. In zum Teil sehr heftigen Debatten habe ich dafür gestritten, nicht die Qualität und Effektivität der europäischen Institutionen, deren Aufgaben ständig zu- 30 nehmen, aufs Spiel zu setzen.

Der EU-Haushalt wird sich – davon bin ich fest überzeugt – bewähren und im Rück- blick als wirkliche Innovation gelten. Im Vergleich zum Volumen der nationalen Etats ist die Mittelausstattung des EU-Haushalts verschwindend gering. Er wird aber hoffentlich wachsen. Im Zuge der beiden Verhandlungsrunden während meiner Amts- zeit wurde der EU-Haushalt in einen modernen Investitionshaushalt umgestaltet, der Wachstum und Beschäftigung in den Mittelpunkt stellt, der die nationalen Haushalte durch eine europäische Dimension sinnvoll ergänzt und der nicht mehr nur als Ersatz- finanzierung für nationale Ausgaben herhalten muss.

Die Finanz- und Staatsschuldenkrise

Es braucht nicht eigens betont zu werden, dass Europas Stärke in den letzten fünf Jahren durch die Krise im finanziellen, wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Bereich auf eine harte Probe gestellt wurde.

Dabei dürfen wir allerdings nicht vergessen, dass das Wachstum schon vor der Krise abgeschwächt war. Die oberste Priorität meines ersten Programms als Kommissions- präsident, das ich Anfang 2005 vorlegte und das ganz im Zeichen des Bedarfs an wirtschaftlichen Reformen stand, waren Wachstum und Beschäftigung.

In der Folge wurde die Lissabon-Strategie überarbeitet, die nicht mehr so vielverspre- chend erschien wie am Anfang und wegen zu vieler Ziele und verschiedener Governan- ce-Probleme – auf die Mängel war bereits im Herbst 2004 im Kok-Bericht hingewiesen worden – an Glaubwürdigkeit verloren hatte. Auf die erneuerte Lissabon-Strategie folgte in meiner zweiten Amtszeit die Strategie Europa 2020 für ein nachhaltiges, intelligentes und integratives Wachstum, die klarere wirtschaftliche Zielvorgaben vorsieht, die sich die Mitgliedstaaten leichter zu eigen machen können. Diese Strategie bot einen Anknüpfungspunkt für viele andere Politiken, etwa die Art und Weise, in der wir den EU-Haushalt einsetzen, oder für unseren Beschluss, Politikbereiche im Rahmen eines ganzheitlichen Verständnisses von Wachstum zu modernisieren, etwa bei der Umgestal- tung der traditionellen Fischereipolitik zu einer zeitgemäßen Meerespolitik.

Die Finanz- und Staatsschuldenkrise löste einen enormen Druck und akuten Hand- lungsbedarf aus, der die Aufmerksamkeit von Politik und Medien trotz der anhaltenden Bemühungen der Kommission und anderer, insbesondere der OECD, in gewissem Maße von der Notwendigkeit ablenkte, Strukturreformen durchzuführen und die Wett- bewerbsfähigkeit zu stärken. Inzwischen ist jedoch deutlich geworden, dass das euro- päische Leitmotiv, durch Reformen Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen, immer präsent war, und wie wir dem kürzlich von der Kommission veröffentlichten Überblick der Europäischen Kommission über die Wirtschaftsreformen entnehmen können, haben die Mitgliedstaaten mit unterschiedlich starkem Engagement viele dieser Reformen angenommen. Durch die länderspezifischen Empfehlungen und regelmäßige Diskussionen, u. a. im Europäischen Rat, setzte sich zunehmend die Erkenntnis durch, dass insbesondere im Interesse der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit Europas hinsichtlich der Kosten Struktur- reformen erforderlich sind. Auch wenn es noch zu früh ist, um die Gesamtwirkung zu ermessen, und die Fortschritte zweifellos unterschiedlich sind, lassen die mikroöko- 31 nomischen Indikatoren doch erkennen, dass die strukturellen Reformen Wirkung zeigen. Als Beispiel wären der zunehmend flexible Arbeitsmarkt, Reformen des Altersver- sorgungssystems – die oft mit einer Erhöhung des Renteneintrittsalters einhergehen –, eine erhöhte Eigenkapitalquote der Banken, die Umstellung auf wachstumsfreundliche Steuern und eine Verkürzung der Zeit, die für die Gründung eines Unternehmens benö- tigt wird, zu nennen. Reformen der öffentlichen Verwaltung, des Steuerwesens oder der Produktmärkte wurden auf den Weg gebracht. Trotz der bisherigen Fortschritte ist die Wirtschaftsreform in der EU jedoch noch nicht abgeschlossen und sollte weiterverfolgt werden.

Mit den Binnenmarktakten I und II wurde durch die weitere Integration des Binnen- marktes nicht nur auf nationaler, sondern auch auf europäischer Ebene eine Reforma- genda verfolgt. Diese Reformen waren keinesfalls selbstverständlich. Vor allem inmitten der Krise mussten wir dem Druck der Mitgliedstaaten standhalten, die Grundsätze von Binnenmarkt und fairem Wettbewerb auszuhöhlen. Die Kommission hielt jedoch an den Vorschriften für Wettbewerb und staatliche Beihilfen fest, und Mario Monti erhielt von mir den Auftrag, einen Bericht über weitere Schritte auszuarbeiten, der dazu beitrug, dem Binnenmarkt neue Impulse zu geben.

Als sinnvolle Ergänzung zu dieser Entwicklung wurden die sozialen Aspekte der Re- form stärker in den Vordergrund gerückt. Das sozialpolitische Engagement der Kom- mission wurde im Europäischen Hilfsfonds für die am stärksten benachteiligten Perso- nen deutlich, den wir 2012 vorschlugen und der das Programm der Europäischen Union für die Verteilung von Nahrungsmitteln an besonders Bedürftige in der Gemeinschaft ablösen sollte. In einigen Hauptstädten gab es erheblichen Widerstand, da der Fonds als nicht mit dem Subsidiaritätsgrundsatz vereinbar angesehen wurde, und ich habe die Staats- und Regierungschefs immer wieder darauf hingewiesen, dass sie sich weitaus leichter damit getan haben, der Kommission Disziplinierungsbefugnisse zur verleihen, als sie mit Instrumenten der Solidarität auszustatten. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Der Widerstand gegenüber solchen Initiativen im sozialpolitischen Bereich wurde auch deutlich, als wir den Fonds für die Anpassung an die Globalisierung vorschlugen, um diejenigen zu unterstützen, die sich schwer damit tun, die aufgrund der Globalisierung des Handels erforderliche Umstrukturierung zu bewältigen. Weitere Beispiele für unser geschärftes Bewusstsein in diesem Bereich ist die Aufmerksamkeit, die wir der Bekämp- fung der Jugendarbeitslosigkeit und der Rolle der beruflichen Bildung zuteilwerden lie- ßen. Nachdem ich einige dieser Projekte besucht habe – unter anderem, zusammen mit Bundeskanzler Faymann, in Österreich, einem der Länder, die in diesem Bereich am besten abschneiden –, fühle ich mich in meiner Überzeugung noch bestärkt.

Den Sozialpartnern habe ich viel Zeit und Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet – angefangen bei den üblichen Dreiergipfeln bis zu zahlreichen informellen Treffen in der Kommission –, und im Mai 2013 wurden die europäischen Sozialpartner erstmals eingeladen, einer regulären Sitzung des Kollegiums beizuwohnen. Auch wenn Arbeitgeber und Gewerk- schaften oftmals sehr unterschiedliche Positionen einnehmen, ist allen das Engagement für Europa gemeinsam. Von John Monks über Bernadette Ségol und Candido Mendez 32 im Europäischen Gewerkschaftsbund (EGB), von Philippe de Buck bis zu Emma Mar- cegaglia von BusinessEurope haben wir es glücklicherweise mit Vertretern von Sozial- partnern zu tun, die vom europäischen Ideal beseelt sind.

Somit haben wir also die Krise nicht ungenutzt verstreichen lassen. Unsere erste Reakti- on gleich am Anfang, die sich in die von der G20 befürwortete globale makroökonomi- sche Antwort einfügte, war das Europäische Konjunkturprogramm, in dem als Sofort- maßnahme vorgeschlagen wurde, dass sich die Mitgliedstaaten und die EU auf einen unmittelbaren budgetären Impuls im Umfang von 200 Mrd. EUR (1,5 % des BIP der EU) verständigen, um die Nachfrage zu beleben. Im Rahmen der umfassenden antizyk- lischen Reaktion auf den wirtschaftlichen Abschwung war unser Ziel ein zeitnahes, ziel- gerichtetes und befristetes Handeln, auch wenn das in Bezug auf Zielgerichtetheit und Befristung nicht von allen Regierungen so verstanden wurde. Auf diese Weise sollten die im überarbeiteten Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt vorgesehenen Haushaltsregeln aufrechterhalten werden, die einige Regierungen in Anbetracht der außergewöhnlichen Umstände einfach fallen lassen wollten. Die Abschaffung des gemeinsamen haushaltspolitischen Rahmens in einer Zeit, in der die gegenseitige Abhängigkeit unserer Volks- wirtschaften deutlicher zutage trat als jemals zuvor, hätte katastrophale Folgen gehabt.

Eine solche Entwicklung konnte jedoch vermieden werden, und was die wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung und haushaltspolitische Überwachung sowie die Banken- und Finanz- marktregulierung anbelangt, ist die Europäische Union inzwischen sogar stärker integriert. Die Schritte, die zwischen 2009 und 2013 erfolgt sind, stellen in der Summe den größten Fortschritt in der europäischen Integration seit der Einführung des Euro dar. Die Reformen haben die Art und Weise, in der Volkswirtschaften und Finanzsektor in Europa gesetzlich geregelt, beaufsichtigt und reguliert sind, verändert.

Durch die Krise traten in vielen europäischen Ländern grundlegende Probleme und nicht tragfähige Tendenzen zutage, und es zeigte sich, dass diese Länder wegen hoher Staatsverschuldung und erheblicher Ungleichgewichte auf makroökonomischer Ebene, die auch auf andere ausstrahlen, verwundbar sind. Diese Probleme erforderten ein entschlossenes Handeln. Die EU reagierte mit Maß- nahmen, die sich auf drei Grundlagen stützen: die Schaffung von Finanzmechanismen, um die finanzielle Stabilität im Euroraum zu erhalten, eine tiefgehende Reform und Erweiterung der wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung und Maßnahmen zur Sanierung des Finanzsystems.

In jedem dieser drei Bereiche legte die Kommission entscheidende, oftmals weitsichtige Vorschläge vor, die nicht nur die dringenden Fragen behandelten, sondern auch eine mittelfristige Vision beinhalteten, auch wenn die Mitgliedstaaten dafür noch nicht bereit waren. Ich war oft in der Situation, die reicheren Mitgliedstaaten zu drängen, mehr Solidarität gegenüber den schwächeren Ländern zu zeigen (etwa, indem ich für längere Laufzeiten und geringere Zinssätze für Griechenland, Irland und Portugal plädierte), und indem ich entschlossenere Schritte in einer umfassenden Antwort forderte, auch wenn mir bewusst war, dass die Natur des Entscheidungsprozesses in der EU uns zu einem schrittweisen Vorgehen zwangen. Somit trug die Kommission entscheidend dazu bei, dass der Euroraum und letztendlich die EU in ihrer Reaktion auf die Finanzkrise nicht den Anschluss verloren. In vielen Phasen der Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise spielte 33 die Europäische Kommission eine entscheidende Rolle, auch wenn wir das seinerzeit nicht hinausposaunen wollten. So war es wichtig, der Sprunghaftigkeit von Märkten, die angesichts einer oftmals ohrenbetäubenden Kakophonie überreagierten, mit Beson- nenheit zu begegnen.

Am Sonntag, dem 9. Mai 2010 nahm die Kommission einen Vorschlag zur Schaf- fung des sogenannten Europäischen Finanzstabilisierungsmechanismus (EFSM) an, um in Schwierigkeiten geratenen Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets mit Unterstützung durch den EU-Haushalt finanziellen Beistand zu leisten. Zuvor hatte ich mit den Staats- und Regierungschefs des Euro-Währungsraums bei einem langen Abendessen am vorausgegangenen Freitagabend dramatische Diskussionen geführt. Wir erklärten, „in der derzeitigen Krise … unsere Entschlossenheit [zu bekräftigen], die Stabilität, die Einheit und die Integrität des Euro-Währungsgebiets zu wahren“, und erzielten Einvernehmen darüber, dass „alle Institutionen des Euro-Währungsge- biets (Rat, Kommission, EZB) sowie alle dem Euro-Währungsgebiet angehörenden Mitgliedstaaten … alle Mittel ausschöpfen, die zur Verfügung stehen, um die Stabilität des Euro-Währungsgebiets zu wahren“. Der Ecofin-Rat, der den Vorschlag noch am Nachmittag des 9. Mai erörterte, beschloss zwei Finanzhilfemechanismen für die Län- der des Euro-Währungsgebiets: den gemeinschaftlichen EFSM, der alle vorhandenen Spielräume des mehrjährigen Finanzrahmens – die damals auf 60 Mrd. Euro veranschlagt wurden – nutzen konnte, und einen zwischenstaatlichen Mechanismus, der als Europäische Finanzstabilisierungsfazilität bzw. EFSF bezeichnet wurde und sich auf Garantien der Länder des Euro-Währungsgebiets in Höhe von 440 Mrd. Euro stützte. EFSM und EFSF wurden sehr schnell in Anspruch genommen: zum ersten Mal im November des Jahres, um Irland zu unterstützen, und schließlich im Frühjahr 2011 für Portugal. Sowohl der EFSM als auch die EFSF waren befristet. Drei Jahre später wurden sie mit Unterstützung der Kommission durch den Europäischen Stabilitätsmecha- nismus (ESM) ersetzt, dem dauerhaften Krisenbewältigungsmechanismus mit einem Volumen von 500 Mrd. EUR, der sich auf die bereits im ursprünglichen Vorschlag der Kommission enthaltenen Grundsätze stützte. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Mit dem Aufspannen von Rettungsschirmen war es indessen nicht getan. Vielmehr musste das System der wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung überholt werden, um ein Wiederaufflammen der Krise zu verhindern. Am 12. Mai 2010, nur drei Tage nach dem zukunftsweisenden Vorschlag für die Rettungsschirme, nahm die Kommission eine Mitteilung zur Verstärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung und am 30. Mai eine Mitteilung zur Stärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung für Stabilität, Wachs- tum und Beschäftigung – Instrumente für bessere wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung der EU an. Diese beiden Mitteilungen enthalten die Grundzüge der späteren Rechtsvorschriften des „Sechserpakets“, das zusammen mit dem von der Kommission im November 2011 vorgeschlagenen „Zweierpaket“ das gegenwärtige System der wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung der EU, insbesondere für das Euro-Währungsgebiet, bildet: Verstärkung der präventiven Komponente des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts, Beschleunigung der korrektiven Komponente in einem nahezu automatischen Beschlussfassungsprozess, Ausdehnung der Überwachung auf andere Bereiche als den Haushalt durch die Einfüh- rung des Verfahrens bei einem makroökonomischen Ungleichgewicht und verstärkte Haushaltsüberwachung im Euro-Währungsgebiet. 34 Bezüglich der Regulierung des Finanzsektors haben wir bereits im Mai 2008 in unserem Bericht über die ersten zehn Jahre der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion (EMU@10-Be- richt) vor Ineffizienz in Aufsichtsrahmen und Krisenmanagement gewarnt, die dazu führen kann, dass auf Ansteckungsrisiken innerhalb eines integrierten Finanzsystems nicht angemessen reagiert wird. Damals bestand jedoch keine Bereitschaft, zu handeln. Als dann im Oktober 2008 die Krise eintrat, ergriffen wir unverzüglich Maßnahmen, um die Ersparnisse der Bürgerinnen und Bürger zu schützen, einen Massenansturm auf die Banken zu verhindern und den gemeinsamen Regeln für die staatliche Unter- stützung von Banken sowie zur Aufrechterhaltung des fairen Wettbewerbs im Binnen- markt Geltung zu verschaffen. Die Bankenkrise machte deutlich, dass die Regulierung und Beaufsichtigung des Bankensektors in der ganzen Welt nicht mit der zunehmenden Integration der Kapitalmärkte Schritt gehalten hatte. In Europa waren wir aufgrund unseres Binnenmarktes und unserer gemeinsamen Währung noch stärker miteinander verbunden als andere. Dennoch blieben die Bankenaufsicht und das Vorgehen bei einer Bankeninsolvenz nach wie vor größtenteils nationale Angelegenheiten, weshalb die Ban- kenkrise zu einer Staatsschuldenkrise führte. Da ich aber auch eine strukturelle Antwort wollte, beauftragte ich Jacques de Larosière im Oktober 2008 mit der Leitung einer hochrangigen Gruppe, die herausfinden sollte, weshalb es so weit kommen konnte und inwieweit Regulierung und Aufsicht lückenhaft waren. Mein Mandat für die Gruppe lautete: „Damit die Finanzmarktintegration wirksam greift und die systemische Sta- bilität gewährleistet, die Kosten senkt und den Wettbewerb ankurbelt, ist es von wesentlicher Bedeutung, die laufende Reform des Aufsichtssystems zu beschleunigen. Die Gruppe ist deshalb aufgefordert, Vorschläge zur Stärkung der europäischen Aufsichts- vereinbarungen für alle Finanzsektoren mit dem Ziel auszuarbeiten, ein effizienteres, integrierteres und nachhaltigeres europäisches Aufsichtssystem zu schaffen.“

Seitdem haben wir viel getan, um diese Lücken zu schließen, und über 40 Rechtsakte vorgelegt, die für solidere Bankbilanzen sorgen, einflussreiche Akteure wie Hedgefonds und Ratingagenturen sowie kritische Infrastrukturen wie zentrale Gegenparteien in den Geltungsbereich der Regulierungsaufsicht einbeziehen, komplexe Handelspraktiken durchsichtiger machen und den Verbraucherschutz verbessern sollen. Die meisten Vor- schläge wurden in Rekordzeit rechtswirksam angenommen.

Allerdings wollte ich noch weiter gehen und darlegen, was für eine echte Banken- union erforderlich ist. Die Kommission verwendete bereits in ihrer Mitteilung vom 30. Mai 2012 den Begriff der „Bankenunion“, als andere dieses Konzept noch strikt ablehnten oder höchstens einen vagen „Rahmen für die Finanzmarktstabilität“ akzeptieren konnten. Ein politischer Akteur sagte mir, ich solle nicht den Ausdruck "Bankenunion" verwenden, da es nicht im Vertrag vorkäme. In der Financial Times wurde ich damals in einem Artikel mit der Überschrift „Barroso dringt auf eine EU-Bankenunion“ (12. Juni 2012) folgendermaßen zitiert: „Das europäische Projekt wurde stets Schritt für Schritt vorangetrieben. Das sollten wir auch weiterhin so halten, allerdings ist jetzt ein sehr gro- ßer Schritt erforderlich. Entweder macht Europa jetzt einen Sprung nach vorn, oder es droht die Spaltung.“ Wir haben die politische Unterstützung für ein solches tiefergrei- fendes Konzept mobilisiert und mehrfach die Legislativvorschläge vorgelegt, mit denen es verwirklicht werden kann. 35 Ein Aspekt, den die Krise beleuchtet hat, waren die Lücken in einem Governance-Sys- tem, bei dem Instrumente, die unserer offensichtlichen Verflechtung entsprechend auf europäischer Ebene vonnöten gewesen wären, auf der Ebene der Mitgliedstaaten ver- blieben. So hatte die Kommission beispielsweise bereits im September 2004 eine Mit- teilung zu den Statistiken über die staatlichen Einnahmen und Ausgaben angenommen, nachdem sich herausgestellt hatte, dass Griechenland systematisch falsche Angaben zu Haushaltsdefizit und Staatsschulden übermittelt hatte und Eurostat nicht einmal befugt war, dies festzustellen. Entsprechende Vorschläge der Kommission wurden im Rat auf die lange Bank geschoben und verwässert. Erst acht Jahre später, im Dezember 2012, als die griechische Blase schließlich geplatzt war, rangen sich die Mitgliedstaaten zu einer Reaktion durch und stimmten unseren Vorschlägen zu, die Befugnisse von Eurostat erheblich zu stärken.

Im Hinblick auf Maßnahmen zur Wachstumsförderung konnten wir ähnliche Beobach- tungen machen. Die ursprüngliche Strategie von Lissabon war rasch zu einem Sinnbild für eine Europäische Union geworden, die viele leere Versprechungen machte, wäh- rend die Mitgliedstaaten nahezu untätig blieben. Bereits Anfang 2005 hatte ich einen „Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon“ vorgeschlagen. Wie bereits ausgeführt, war ich davon überzeugt, dass die Kommission angesichts der politischen Spannungen am Anfang meiner Amtszeit unbedingt Ergebnisse liefern musste. Sollte es uns nicht gelingen, unser Handeln zu fokussieren und unser Engagement für die Lissabon-Ziele zu verstärken, würde nicht nur unsere Glaubwürdigkeit, sondern auch unser soziales und wirtschaftliches Modell auf dem Spiel stehen. Uns war klar, dass unser Modell der sozialen Marktwirtschaft nur dann Bestand haben konnte, wenn wir Reformen einleiteten. Es wurden erhebliche, allerdings ungleichmäßige Fortschritte erzielt; da aber die meisten Mitgliedstaaten nicht mitzogen, gelang der Durchbruch erst nach der Krise, als unser wirtschaftspolitisches Konzept dank der Europa-2020-Strategie und der Governance-Reformen einer vertieften Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion (WWU) die Schlagkraft und Zielgerichtetheit erhielt, die es zuvor entbehrte. Die Kommissi- on war sich während der gesamten Krise darüber im Klaren, dass Europas Probleme nur durch eine Kombination aus Haushaltskonsolidierung, Strukturreformen und DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

gezielte Investitionen gelöst werden können. Sie hielt die Mitgliedstaaten dazu an, Konsolidierung und Investitionen zu kombinieren, indem sie sich auf die Qualität der Ausgaben konzentrieren und die Haushaltsregeln einhalten. Wir haben einen Vorschlag für einen ehrgeizigen, wachstumsorientierten Mehrjahreshaushalt vorgelegt und vorgeschlagen, alle verfügbaren Instrumente zu prüfen – und sogar neue zu schaffen. Wie ich im September 2011 in meiner Rede zur Lage der Union im Europäischen Parlament ausgeführt habe, sollten die Regierungen die Vorschläge der Kommission für EU-Pro- jektanleihen und die Umsetzung durch Pilotvorhaben sowie die Stärkung von Kapital- basis und Mittelausstattung der EIB, damit sie Kredite an die Realwirtschaft vergeben kann, unterstützen. Es brauchte Zeit, aber schließlich billigten die Mitgliedstaaten diese Vorschläge. Auch hier spielte die Kommission ihre Rolle als Triebfeder der europäischen Politik, die allerdings voraussetzt, dass sie von anderen europäischen Akteuren, die ihre Vorschläge aufgreifen, mit Entschlossenheit unterstützt wird, was vor allem in den letzten Jahren zunehmend der Fall war. Wir hoffen, dass nunmehr die Voraussetzungen da- für geschaffen werden, damit der Widerstand, auf den wir bei der Einreichung unserer Vorschläge stießen, überwunden werden kann. 36 Die Beziehungen der Kommission zu ihren wichtigsten Partnern – vor allem der EZB – haben sich intensiviert. In den letzten fünf Jahren haben Kommission und EZB auf jedem Höhepunkt der Krise zusammengehalten, sind im Wesentlichen zu identischen Einschätzungen der Lage gelangt und haben sich gegenseitig in ihren unterschiedlichen Rollen respektiert. Mit Jean-Claude Trichet und Mario Draghi bin ich darin einig, dass für eine an Preisstabilität ausgerichtete Geldpolitik eine angemessene Mischung aus Haushaltskonsolidierung und Strukturreformen erforderlich ist. Im Gegensatz zum Standpunkt einiger Staats- und Regierungschefs habe ich mehrfach betont, dass die Unabhängigkeit der EZB respektiert werden muss. Der EZB gebührt Anerkennung für ihren Beitrag zur Wiederherstellung der Stabilität in Europa – insbesondere durch das „Programm für die Wertpapiermärkte“ im Mai 2010, durch die Bekräftigung vom Juli 2012, „alles Erforderliche zu tun“, sowie durch die unmittelbar danach erfolgte Bekanntgabe der Möglichkeit, auf geldpolitische Outright-Geschäfte (OMT) zurückzu- greifen. Diese unabhängigen Entscheidungen konnte die Europäische Zentralbank treffen, weil die Zeit dafür reif war. Eine Voraussetzung für solche Entscheidungen war das System der wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung, um zu gewährleisten, dass die Mitglied- staaten die schwere Aufgabe anpacken, ihre Staatshaushalte in Ordnung zu bringen, makroökonomische Ungleichgewichte zu bekämpfen und ihre Wettbewerbsfähigkeit durch Reformen zu verbessern. Die Instrumente zur Unterstützung in Schwierigkeiten geratener Länder waren bereit, und die sich daraus ergebenden Anpassungsprogramme zeitigten Ergebnisse. Während der gesamten Krise setzte sich die Kommission für Haus- haltskonsolidierung und Strukturreformen ein, ebenso wie für gezielte Investitionen und – zur Unterstützung all dessen – für eine Reform der Steuerung des Euroraums. Wie ich mit Zufriedenheit feststellen konnte, trat die Europäische Zentralbank ebenso fordernd auf wie wir, als es darum ging, die Mitgliedstaaten zu überzeugen, ihre zöger- liche Haltung aufzugeben und Ergebnisse zu liefern.

Auch wenn die EZB unabhängig ist, trifft sie ihre Entscheidungen nicht im luftleeren Raum, sondern ist Teil des Systems der Politikgestaltung im Euroraum. Ohne die weitreichenden Governance- und Politikreformen hätte sich Mario Draghi im Juli 2012 womöglich nicht imstande gesehen, diese denkwürdige Erklärung abzugeben. Ebenfalls eine Rolle mag dabei das Gipfeltreffen der Mitglieder des Euro-Währungsgebiets im Monat zuvor gespielt haben, bei dem die Staats- und Regierungschefs nach einer sehr langen und intensiven Debatte bekräftigten, dass sie „nachdrücklich dafür eintreten, alle notwendigen Maßnahmen zu ergreifen, um die Finanzstabilität im Euro-Währungsge- biet sicherzustellen, insbesondere durch flexible und effiziente Nutzung der vorhandenen EFSF/ESM-Instrumente, um die Märkte für die Mitgliedstaaten zu stabilisieren, die im Rahmen des Europäischen Semesters, des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts bzw. des Verfahrens bei einem übermäßigen Ungleichgewicht ihre länderspezifischen Empfeh- lungen und ihre anderen Verpflichtungen einschließlich ihrer jeweiligen Fristvorgaben einhalten“. Die EZB wurde oft angegriffen, vor allem von bestimmten „orthodoxen“ Sektoren, die die Notwendigkeit unkonventioneller Maßnahmen in außergewöhnlicher Situation nicht verstanden hatten. Ich musste die Rolle der EZB mehrfach verteidigen, so im September 2012 in meiner Rede zur Lage der Union vor dem Europäischen Parlament; die Sicherung der Stabilität des Euroraums, betonte ich, liege „in der gemeinsamen Verantwortung der Mitgliedstaaten und der Europäischen Organe. Die EZB kann und wird keine Staatsfinanzierung betreiben. Doch wenn die geldpolitischen Stellschrauben nicht richtig funktionieren, liegt es nach Auffassung der Kommission im 37 Rahmen des Mandats der EZB, die erforderlichen Maßnahmen zu treffen, beispielsweise durch Staatsanleihenkäufe auf dem Sekundärmarkt. Die EZB hat nicht nur das Recht, sondern auch die Pflicht, die Integrität der Geldpolitik wiederherzustellen.“

Eine der spürbarsten Folgen der Krise war die Stärkung dieses Systems – und zwar nicht nur durch neue Rechtsvorschriften, sondern auch durch eine Politikgestaltung, in der von EZB und Kommission gemeinsam eingenommene Positionen für den erforderlichen Konsens entscheidend waren. Ein Musterbeispiel dafür ist die Ausarbeitung des sogenannten Berichts der vier Präsidenten, der schließlich dazu führte, dass die Mit- glieder des Gipfeltreffens des Eurogebiets den Präsidenten des Rates zusammen mit den Präsidenten von Kommission, Eurogruppe und Europäischer Zentralbank aufforderten, einen spezifischen Fahrplan mit Terminvorgaben für die Verwirklichung einer echten Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion zu entwickeln. Wie ich mit Zufriedenheit feststellen konnte, fand jedes Mal, wenn der Präsident der EZB beim Europäischen Rat eingeladen war, das von der Kommission nahegelegte Gesamtkonzept einhellige Unterstützung.

Beim Rückblick auf die letzten fünf Jahre meiner Amtszeit stelle ich fest, dass die Europäische Kommission in den Bereichen der Wirtschafts-, Haushalts- und Finan- zaufsicht erhebliche Befugnisse und Aufgaben dazugewonnen hat. Die Krise hat uns die wechselseitige Abhängigkeit der Mitgliedstaaten vor Augen geführt und deutlich gemacht, dass diese Befugnisse auf europäischer Ebene angesiedelt werden müssen. Die offensichtlichen Ausstrahlungseffekte stützten unsere Argumente für ein stärker integriertes System der wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung, in dem die Kommission als von den Regierungen unabhängiges Organ gewährleisten kann, dass die Wirtschaftspolitik wirklich als Angelegenheit von gemeinsamem Interesse behandelt wird.

Ich bin fest davon überzeugt, dass die Europäische Union gestärkt aus der Krise hervorgeht. In Zeiten, in denen Teile der öffentlichen Meinung und des Europäischen Parlaments immer deutlicher und vehementer euroskeptische Positionen einnehmen, mag dies nicht unbedingt dem allgemeinen Eindruck entsprechen. Bevor wir Bilanz ziehen, sollten wir aber den gesamten Verlauf und nicht nur eine Momentaufnahme DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

betrachten. Die EU hat sich im Umgang mit der Krise durch Standfestigkeit und ein- fallsreiche Strategien Respekt verschafft. Das ist eine völlig andere Situation als am An- fang der Krise, als einige Drittländer – auch solche, die selbst wirtschaftliche und soziale Probleme haben – in den Sitzungen der G20 mir und meinen europäischen Mitstreite- rinnen und Mitstreitern mit ausgeprägter Skepsis begegneten und nicht der Versuchung widerstehen konnten, unsere Reaktion auf die Krise schulmeisterlich zu kritisieren.

Führend in Klima- und Energiepolitik

Und dann war da dieser andere Brennpunkt erneuter politischer Dynamik in Europa: das Klima- und Energiepaket.

Das von uns 2007 geschnürte Bündel an Vorschlägen zur Klima- und Energiepolitik wurde sogleich als wichtigster Beitrag zur Bekämpfung des Klimawandels wahrgenommen und ist heute weithin als solcher anerkannt. Seine Bedeutung war geostra- 38 tegisch, lag aber auch darin, dass wir Ost und West zusammenbrachten und grund- sätzlich anders an die Umweltpolitik herangingen. Wir überzeugten Umweltschützer von den wirtschaftlichen Gründen für einen Neuansatz und brachten die Industrie dazu, den wirtschaftlichen Nutzen klimafreundlicher Innovationen und Investitionen anzuerkennen. Das Klima- und Energiepaket machte die EU zur weltweiten Vorreiterin in diesem Bereich, und wir in der Kommission schufen die Bedingungen für Europas spätere ehrgeizige 20-20-20-Ziele. Das war möglich, weil wir unser Blickfeld erweiterten und unsere unmittelbaren umweltpolitischen Ziele mit den Sensibilitäten jener Mitgliedstaaten verknüpften, die aufgrund ihrer Abhängigkeit von Russland vor allem um die Energiesicherheit besorgt waren. Die erste ukrainische Gaskrise von 2006/07 ließ erahnen, was noch bevorstand. Initiativen wie die des südlichen Gaskorridors – für die ich mich sehr eingesetzt habe, seitdem ich im Januar 2011 zusammen mit Präsident Aliyev in Aserbaidschan die Erklärung unterzeichnet hatte – haben erheblich an Zug- kraft gewonnen und besitzen nun eine reale strategische Dimension. Von den jüngsten Problemen im Bereich unserer politischen und militärischen Sicherheit gehen weitere Impulse aus, so dass das Ziel der Energiesicherheit unsere allgemeine Agenda für den Klimaschutz mehr denn je stärkt.

Außerdem konnte sich die Kommission in diesem Bereich von ihrer besten Seite zeigen, eben weil die verschiedensten Aspekte einflossen – Umweltschutz, Energiepolitik, wirtschaftliche Auswirkungen, Umsetzbarkeit politischer Alternativen sowie Sachkompetenz und die Kunst der Aushandlung politischer Kompromisse. Die damalige Unterstützung durch die britische Präsidentschaft war entscheidend dafür, dass das Paket unter Dach und Fach gebracht werden konnte. Zudem wird hier deutlich, welchen Stellenwert ich einem wissenschaftsbasierten Ansatz beimesse und welchen Nutzen ein solcher Ansatz hat. Für das Klima- und Energiepaket setzte ich eine Beratergruppe für Energie und Klimawandel mit weltweit so renommierten Experten wie etwa Nicholas Stern ein, um unser Vorgehen auf ein eindeutiges Fundament an wissenschaftlichen Daten zu stüt- zen. Tatsächlich bedarf es m. E. für die Tätigkeiten der Europäischen Kommission, die mitunter Entscheidungen von extremer technischer Komplexität beinhalten, einer soliden und unabhängigen wissenschaftlichen Expertise, von der systematischer Gebrauch gemacht werden sollte. In diesem Sinne habe ich auch den Posten eines Chefberaters des Präsidenten für Wissenschaft geschaffen. Und da die Entwicklung der Wissenschaft mitunter Fragen oder sogar Bedenken ethischer Art aufwirft, wird die Europäische Kommission von der Europäischen Gruppe für Ethik der Naturwissenschaften und der Neuen Technologien beraten, einem unabhängigen, pluralistischen und interdisziplinä- ren Gremium, dessen Funktion inzwischen fest etabliert ist.

Europas Handeln wurde von allen, die sich mit dem Thema befassten, begrüßt. Die kleine Minderheit der Leugner des Klimawandels war die berühmte Ausnahme, die die Regel bestätigt. Und doch kollidierte unsere ehrgeizige Initiative leider mit der politischen Realität einer Zeit, in der die beiden wichtigsten Verschmutzer, die USA und China, keine bindende Vereinbarung treffen wollten. Die öffentliche Meinung in Euro- pa akzeptierte die 20-20-20-Ziele für das Jahr 2020, obwohl ihr die Schwierigkeiten der Umsetzung bewusst waren, erwartete aber auch, dass andere nachziehen würden – und fühlte sich im Stich gelassen, als dies ausblieb. Der Kopenhagener Gipfel von 2009 führ- te zu tiefster Frustration, da es bei der globalen Bekämpfung des Klimawandels keine Fortschritte gab. Faktisch sahen wir uns einem auf eine Minimallösung ausgerichteten Bündnis zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten und China gegenüber. Präsident Obama 39 – das muss man ihm zugutehalten – hatte stets erklärt, es reiche nicht aus, voranzu- schreiten, wenn aufstrebende Volkswirtschaften nicht mitziehen. Wie dem auch sei, der Gipfel galt als Niederlage für die Ziele der EU. Ich teilte diese Enttäuschung, und bei der Analyse der Ergebnisse nahmen Ministerpräsident Reinfeldt, damals Präsident des Rates, und ich als EU-Vertreter kein Blatt vor den Mund. Tatsächlich ist es leicht, eine Vereinbarung zu erzielen, wenn man sich mit einem bescheidenen Ergebnis zufrieden- gibt. Den Kampf für ein ehrgeizigeres Ziel fortzusetzen erfordert hingegen mehr Mut. Sicher konnten wir unsere Absichten nicht verwirklichen, in der Sache hatten wir in Kopenhagen jedoch recht, auch wenn man realistischerweise einräumen muss, dass die Bedingungen damals noch nicht reif waren. Spätere Entwicklungen haben gezeigt, dass die Debatte nicht ignoriert werden kann. Und jetzt wurde dem Klimawandel in China und den USA aufs Neue Beachtung geschenkt.

Mit der gegenwärtigen Diskussion über den Rahmen für eine Klima- und Energiepo- litik bis 2030 und unserem Vorschlag einer 40% Reduktion der CO2 Emissionen bis zum selben Jahr, und der Zusammenführung verschiedener Politikbereiche in unseren Vorschlägen für die Energieeffizienz befindet sich Europa weiter an vorderster Front der weltweiten Anstrengungen. Sowohl Klimawandel als auch Energiesicherheit stehen so weit oben auf unserer Agenda wie eh und je. Im Rückblick sehen wir jetzt deutlicher, warum dies so bedeutend und ein für alte wie neue Mitgliedstaaten so wichtiger Um- schwung war. Und dieser Wandel wird Bestand haben. Nachdem wir sowohl in der Eu- ropäischen Union als auch international gespalten waren, ist es uns gelungen, Denken und Debatte im Bereich der Klima- und Energiepolitik zu revolutionieren.

Im Klima- und Energiepaket zeigen sich konkret die Grundzüge meines Herangehens an die EU-Politik – eine Kommission, die sich den wichtigen strategischen Fragen zuwen- det und Politikvorschläge unterbreitet, die sowohl ehrgeizig sind als auch Aussicht auf Erfolg haben und es der Europäischen Union erlauben, einig, offen und stark zu sein. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Wahrung der Rechtsstaatlichkeit

Europa ist weit mehr als ein Markt – es ist eine Wertegemeinschaft, die sich auf die Achtung der Menschenwürde, Freiheit, Gleichheit und Solidarität gründet. Ein starkes Europa muss fest in der Rechtsstaatlichkeit verankert sein, da diese für die Euro- päische Union von zentraler Bedeutung ist. Daher hat die Kommission in den vergangenen zehn Jahren im Bereich Justiz und Inneres umfangreiche Aktivitäten entfaltet, deren Auswirkungen die Union auch in den kommenden Jahrzehnten begleiten werden.

Ganz zu Beginn meiner Amtszeit als Präsident der Kommission beschlossen wir, sämt- liche Legislativvorschläge auf der Grundlage der Charta der Grundrechte zu prüfen, die zu diesem Zeitpunkt noch nicht wie heute fester Bestandteil der Verträge war. Im Ver- trag von Lissabon verpflichtete sich die EU zudem, der Europäischen Konvention zum Schutz der Menschenrechte beizutreten; die Kommission leitete die Verhandlungen, bei denen beträchtliche Fortschritte erzielt wurden. Die Förderung der Rechte der Bürge- rinnen und Bürger lag unter anderem auch den Vorschlägen zu den Verbraucherrechten 40 oder zum Datenschutz zugrunde. Dabei trieb die Kommission sowohl innerhalb der EU als auch in unseren Beziehungen zu Drittstaaten und insbesondere den USA Re- formen voran, um für die Privatsphäre des Einzelnen die höchsten Schutznormen zu gewährleisten.

In den letzten Jahren waren jedoch in einigen Ländern in Bereichen wie dem der Be- handlung von Minderheiten wie den Roma, der Unabhängigkeit der Justiz oder des Pluralismus der Medien problematische Entwicklungen zu verzeichnen. War die Kom- mission in solchen Fällen aufgerufen, die Rechtstaatlichkeit zu überwachen und zu verteidigen, scheute sie sich nie zu handeln, gegebenenfalls in enger Abstimmung mit dem Europarat und dessen Generalsekretär Jagland.

Verschiedene Debatten über die Bedrohung der Werte der Union und vor allem der Rechtsstaatlichkeit in bestimmten Mitgliedstaaten haben eindeutig gezeigt, dass in solchen Fällen die Wirksamkeit eines Peer-to-Peer-Ansatzes begrenzt ist, da die Beteiligten oft divergierende Auffassungen über die Zweckmäßigkeit eines Tätigwerdens haben, diese aber umso leidenschaftlicher vertreten. Daher wurde allgemein anerkannt, welchen Gewinn es bedeutet, die Kommission als objektiven und unabhängigen Schiedsrichter zu haben.

Einmal – ein besseres Beispiel ist kaum denkbar – stellte der ungarische Premierminister Viktor Orbán im Europäischen Rat explizit fest, er könne zwar die Kritik anderer Regie- rungschefs am Tisch nicht akzeptieren, dafür aber den Standpunkt der Kommission, weil er sicher sei, dass dieser fair und objektiv sei und die gemeinsamen EU-Werte widerspiegele.

Vielleicht mehr als in jedem anderen Bereich sind hier die Grenzen der zwischenstaatlichen Methode zu erkennen, bei der nie alle Regierungen davon überzeugt werden können, dass Gleichberechtigung und Objektivität und nicht Macht und Einfluss bei einer bestimmten Bewertung Pate stehen. Nur die Kommission mit ihrer Erfahrung bei der Anwendung des Gemeinschaftsrechts genießt das Vertrauen, das erforderlich ist, um bei Fragen, die ihrer Natur nach äußerst sensibel sind, einen Konsens zu erzielen. Daher haben sich in solchen Fällen alle Regierungen und selbst das Europäische Parlament systematisch an die Europäische Kommission gewandt. Gegen Ende meiner Amtszeit nahm die Kommission Rahmenvorschriften zum Schutz der Rechtsstaatlichkeit in der Union an. Darin wird dargelegt, wie die Kommission in Fällen schwerwiegender und systembedingter Gefahren für die Rechtsstaatlichkeit in einem Mitgliedstaat frühzeitig und transparent in einem abgestuften Verfahren der Bewertung, des Dialogs und der Empfehlungen tätig werden wird, um einer Eskala- tion vorzubeugen. Diese Vorschriften ergänzen das Recht der Kommission, Vertrags- verletzungsverfahren einzuleiten. Das letzte Mittel, um eine Krise zu beizulegen und die Achtung der Werte der EU zu gewährleisten, bleibt Artikel 7 des Vertrags über die Europäische Union.

Heute nehmen mehr und mehr europäische Bürgerinnen und Bürger und Unterneh- men ihr Recht in Anspruch, ohne Rücksicht auf nationale Grenzen ihr Leben zu gestalten, ihre Arbeitsstelle zu wählen und sich unternehmerisch zu betätigen. Dieses Recht und die sich daraus für den Einzelnen und die Wirtschaft ergebenden Vorteile sollten nie als Selbstverständlichkeit angesehen werden.

In den vergangenen zehn Jahren wurde durch die Vorschläge der Kommission ein eu- 41 ropäischer Rechtsraum geschaffen, so dass Bürgerinnen und Bürger und Unternehmen überall in der Union auf einen effektiven Zugang zur Justiz vertrauen können. Es wurden mehr als 20 Legislativinstrumente angenommen, mit denen gewährleistet ist, dass die nationalen Gerichte bei Entscheidungen in grenzüberschreitenden Fragen, die sowohl Bürgerinnen und Bürger als auch Unternehmen betreffen, besser zusammenarbeiten.

Was die Freizügigkeit angeht, arbeitete die Kommission darauf hin, im Dezember 2007 die Aufhebung der Grenzkontrollen zwischen weiteren neun Mitgliedstaaten zu er- möglichen. Heute leben weit über 400 Millionen Menschen im Schengen-Raum. Die meisten europäischen Bürgerinnen und Bürger ziehen in einen anderen Mitgliedstaat um, um dort zu arbeiten oder zu studieren. Entscheidend ist dabei, dass dieses zentrale Recht – das für den Binnenmarkt wesentlich ist und von den Bürgerinnen und Bürgern als eine der bedeutendsten Errungenschaften der EU angesehen wird – nicht infrage gestellt wird. Daher hilft die Kommission den Mitgliedstaaten, etwaigem Missbrauch entgegenzutreten.

Ein anschauliches Beispiel für die Rolle der Kommission als ehrliche Maklerin boten nicht zuletzt die Spannungen zwischen dem Vereinigten Königreich und Spanien wegen des freien Personen- und Warenverkehrs durch Gibraltar. Premierminister Cameron rief mich an, und über unsere Kontakte zu beiden Regierungen – ich sprach auch mit Mi- nisterpräsident Rajoy – sowie unsere Empfehlungen konnten wir praktische Lösungen anbahnen, die uneingeschränkt mit dem Gemeinschaftsrecht vereinbar waren.

Die ungehinderte Mobilität innerhalb Europas darf jedoch nicht zum Risiko für andere Grundrechte werden, weswegen die Kommission weitere Maßnahmen ergriffen hat, um zu gewährleisten, dass die öffentliche Sicherheit nicht beeinträchtigt wird und Polizei und Strafjustiz europaweit wirksam zusammenarbeiten. Der europäische Haftbefehl im Fall schwerwiegender Straftaten, der das komplizierte Geflecht an schwerfälligen Auslie- ferungsvereinbarungen zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten ersetzt, ist ein Beispiel für die hier erzielten Fortschritte. Ein anderes Beispiel ist die Einbeziehung des Vertrags von Prüm zur zwischenstaatlichen Zusammenarbeit in das Regelwerk der Gemeinschaft, die es der DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Polizei erlaubt, in anderen Ländern verfügbare DNA-Informationen und Fingerabdrü- cke abzufragen, um schwerwiegenden Straftaten und terroristischen Angriffen wie den tragischen Bombenanschlägen in Madrid und London 2004 bzw. 2005 auf die Spur zu kommen und vorzubeugen. Menschenhandel und sexuellen Missbrauch von Kindern bekämpfen wir in einem verstärkten, an die digitale Welt von heute angepassten Rechts- rahmen. Ferner haben wir die Einrichtung einer Europäischen Staatsanwaltschaft vorgeschlagen, um sicherzustellen, dass jeder Verdacht auf Betrug zulasten des EU-Haushalts gründlich untersucht wird.

Außerdem hat die Kommission gemeinsame Normen zur Kontrolle der Außengrenzen sowie eine Stärkung der Europäischen Agentur für die operative Zusammenarbeit an den Außengrenzen (Frontex) vorgeschlagen, um die Mitgliedstaaten beim Management der Außengrenzen bzw. der Bewältigung der großen Herausforderung der irregulären Einwan- derung und insbesondere der Lage im Mittelmeerraum zu unterstützen. Die tragischen Ereignisse von Lampedusa im Oktober 2013, der Tod von mehr als 350 Menschen, die in der Hoffnung auf ein neues und besseres Leben Europa erreichen wollten, haben gezeigt 42 und versinnbildlicht, wie schwierig es für einzelne Mitgliedstaaten ist, mit den komplexen Migrationsfragen einer globalisierten Welt umzugehen, und uns alle zu erneuten Anstren- gungen veranlasst. Wir haben eine umfassende Strategie zur Bewältigung solcher Prob- leme ausgearbeitet; darin empfehlen wir konkrete Maßnahmen für die Zusammenarbeit mit Drittstaaten, für regionale Schutzprogramme, Neuansiedlung und verstärkte legale Migration, für die Bekämpfung der Schleuserkriminalität und der Organisierten Krimina- lität, für das angemessene Management und die verbesserte Überwachung der Seegrenzen und für die Solidarität mit Mitgliedstaaten, die besonders hohem Einwanderungsdruck ausgesetzt sind. Leider wird aufgrund der jüngsten Ereignisse in unserer südlichen Nach- barschaft der Strom an Menschen, die bei der Überfahrt über das Mittelmeer ihr Leben riskieren und oftmals verlieren, nicht abreißen, und dies wird in den kommenden Jahren ein zentraler Prüfstein für die Solidarität unter den Staaten bleiben.

Während all dieser Ereignisse, die politisch so sensibel sind und solche Herausforderun- gen darstellen, ist das Bekenntnis der Kommission zur Achtung der Grundrechte nie ins Wanken geraten.

Neue Wege in der Rechtsetzung

Sich in großen Fragen stark zu engagieren liegt nahe, doch sich in kleineren Fragen zurückzuhalten ist nicht so einfach. In meinen beiden Amtszeiten war ich bemüht, die Energie der Kommission auf die strategischen Prioritäten und Herausforderungen für Europa zu konzentrieren. Gleichzeitig hat die Kommission hart daran gearbeitet, den Umfang der Rechtsvorschriften zu verringern, ihre Qualität aber zu verbessern, um so den Verwaltungsaufwand zu verringern. Nicht immer erschließt sich die EU in ihrem Handeln unmittelbar, und sie greift zu häufig ein. Sie macht der Wirtschaft das Leben nicht immer einfacher und sich selbst nicht unbedingt beliebter bei den Bürgern. Mir war stets bewusst, dass es ganz und gar nicht einfach ist, eine Maschine neu zu program- mieren, die immer neue Vorschriften produziert. Doch der politische Kontext im Jahr 2004, den ich bereits beschrieb, brachte mich zu der Überzeugung, dass sich hier etwas ändern musste. Die Reaktion auf meine Initiativen in diesem Bereich war zunächst eher abweisend. Das gilt für das Europäische Parlament, in dem die meisten Parteien und Fraktionen ganz selbstverständlich zu einem Mehr an Vorschriften tendieren, da sie dies als Weg betrachten, um ihren Einfluss zu stärken. Es gilt jedoch auch für die Kommission selbst, sagte mir doch ein langjähriger Generaldirektor bei einem Gespräch bald nach meinem Amtsantritt ganz höflich, aber direkt, mein Anliegen würde bei der Kommission zu „chômage technique“, also Kurzarbeit, führen.

Von vielen Akteuren der Europapolitik – in einigen der informellen Strukturen, Inte- ressengruppen oder Nichtregierungsorganisationen um die europäischen Institutionen herum – wurde das Bestreben abwertend gleichgesetzt mit weniger ehrgeizigen Zielen für Europa, so als könne man am Umfang der erlassenen Rechtsvorschriften messen, wie europäisch wir sind. Ich bitte doch um stärkere Differenzierung! Im Jahr 2007 rief ich die Stoiber-Gruppe für Bürokratieabbau ins Leben und sorgte dafür, dass die Kommis- sion die Ergebnisse der Gruppe umsetzte: Über die Jahre wurden mehrere Initiativen gestartet, um den Verwaltungsaufwand einzuschränken, abzubauen bzw. gar nicht erst entstehen zu lassen. In den letzten fünf Jahren wurden so fast 6 000 Rechtsakte aufgehoben, und durch Bürokratieabbau haben wir Einsparungen im Umfang von 41 Mrd. 43 EUR für Unternehmen in der EU ermöglicht. Inzwischen wird diese Vorgehensweise in europäischen Kreisen allgemein als sinnvoll erachtet. Mit unserem Programm zur Gewährleistung der Effizienz und Leistungsfähigkeit der Rechtsetzung (REFIT – „Re- gulatory Fitness and Performance“) haben wir das Vereinfachungsbestreben um eine Dimension erweitert und überdenken nun beständig die Auswirkungen unserer Arbeit auf verwaltungstechnische Anforderungen, sehen es als Priorität an, den besten Weg zu finden, und überprüfen systematisch bereits bestehende Rechtsvorschriften.

Den Mitgliedstaaten gefiel der Gedanke, doch glaubten sie irrtümlicherweise oft, nur Europa müsse Vorschriften vereinfachen, sie selbst seien aber nicht betroffen. Die britischen Regierungen setzten sich nacheinander definitiv für weniger Bürokratie ein, nur zuweilen in einer Art und Weise, die eher als antieuropäisch wahrgenommen wurde. Ich selbst war überzeugt, dass alle Regierungsebenen, also auch, aber gewiss nicht aus- schließlich die europäische Ebene, diese Anstrengung gemeinsam unternehmen müssen. So war es umso wichtiger, dass die EU und die Kommission die Initiative zu Reformen ergriffen, um nicht den Eindruck zu erwecken, die EU reagiere lediglich und nehme Kritik nur widerwillig an, und um den Euroskeptikern nicht in die Hand zu spielen.

Ironischerweise erheben einige der europapolitischen Akteure, die meine Vereinfa- chungsbestrebungen damals nicht unterstützten, nun ein Weniger an Vorschriften, die gleichzeitig einfacher und kostengünstiger sein sollen, zum Mantra. Hingegen musste ich erleben, dass sich fast alle politischen Kräfte im Europäischen Parlament den Bemü- hungen um Vereinfachung fast während meiner gesamten Amtszeit widersetzten. Ich freue mich daher zu sehen, dass die von mir in meiner Rede zur Lage der Union 2013 vorgestellte Auffassung, der zufolge Europa sich in großen Fragen stark engagieren, in kleineren Fragen aber zurückhalten sollte, sich immer weiter verbreitet. Theoretisch zumindest. Wir werden sehr darauf achten müssen, was in den kommenden Jahren in der Praxis geschehen wird. Aber ich bin überzeugt, dass auch der Vereinfachungsgedanke Bestand haben wird. Jedenfalls ist Europa dadurch unzweifelhaft gestärkt worden. Daher bin ich dankbar nicht nur für die Anstrengungen führender Politiker wie Cameron und Merkel, sondern auch für das Engagement zahlreicher Premierminister wie Rutte und DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Reinfeldt oder Ansip und Katainen, um nur einige wenige zu nennen, die sich sehr für das Reformprogramm eingesetzt haben.

Fazit Ich bin nun, da sich die letzten Tage meiner Zeit im 13. Stockwerk des Berlaymont-Gebäudes nähern und ich mich auf die Übergabe dieser großen Aufgabe an Jean-Claude Juncker vorbereite, fest überzeugt, dass Europa besser in der Lage ist als zuvor, den Herausforderungen dieses Jahrhunderts zu begegnen.

Dass wir dies angesichts der größten Erweiterung der Union und trotz einer Verfassungskrise und der schwersten Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise der Welt geschafft haben, zeugt von unserer Entschlossenheit und unserem 44 Willen, als Kontinent zusammenzustehen.

Mehr denn je schätze ich die Einzigartigkeit des europäischen Projekts und den herausragenden Beitrag derer, die sich für dieses Projekt einsetzen und es verteidigen. Europa entsteht nicht dadurch, dass wir unterschiedliche Strukturen gegeneinander antreten lassen, sondern nur durch gemeinsames Handeln. Wir haben uns außenpolitisch für Rechtsstaatlich- keit eingesetzt und sind geschlossener aufgetreten. Wir haben in institutioneller, wirtschaftlicher und politischer Hinsicht viele Fortschritte erzielt. Und auch wenn man nie wissen kann, was die Zukunft bringen wird, und Kritik an Europa oder Euroskepsis Zweifel entstehen lassen, sollten wir das als Chance wahrnehmen und als Gelegenheit für europäische Po- litiker, Denker und Akteure künftiger Generationen, sich einzusetzen für das, woran sie glauben, und andere von ihren Ansichten zu überzeugen. In der Initiative „Ein neues Leitmotiv für Europa“, die ich gemeinsam mit dem Europäischen Parlament, mit Intellektuellen und Künstlern gestartet habe, um solche Fragen zu beantworten und Brücken zu bauen, heißt es: „Europa ist eine moralische und politische Verantwortung, die nicht nur von Institutionen und Politikern, sondern von sämtlichen Eu- ropäerinnen und Europäern gelebt werden muss.“ Soll Europa stark und lebendig bleiben, muss es seine institutionelle und wirtschaftliche Stärke auch verankern in intellektueller politischer Festigkeit und hartnäckiger Überzeugungsarbeit bei Bürgerinnen und Bürgern. Denn Europa ist auch ein kulturelles Projekt. Selbst wenn es zweifellos Menschen gibt, die ausschließlich den eigenen wirtschaftlichen Vorteil sehen, glauben doch andere mit ganzem Herzen an dieses Projekt. Mit meinem starken En- gagement im kulturellen Bereich habe ich zum Ausdruck gebracht, dass das kulturelle Fundament und die intellektuelle Vielfalt das Herz Euro- pas sind und das, was Jacques Delors als Seele Europas bezeichnete, auch wenn dies nicht zu den Kernkompetenzen der Kommission gehört. Nach all diesen Jahren ist mir nun umso bewusster, wie unentbehrlich die Europäische Kommission im Herzen des komplexen institutionellen Gefüges in Europa ist. Nicht nur ist die Kommission der Motor Europas, sondern sie bleibt auch aufgrund ihres geschärften Bewusstseins für die Vielfalt in Europa und ihrer unvergleichlichen Kennt- nis der europäischen Politik und ihrer Umsetzung unersetzlich. Sie hat ihr Vorschlags- recht bewahrt und wird zweifellos weiter daran festhalten. Auch wenn sie als Institution von der Öffentlichkeit vielleicht weniger stark wahrgenommen wird als andere, besitzt die Kommission doch das, was ich ihr „technisches Charisma“ nennen würde, um die Schicksalsgemeinschaft – denn um eine solche handelt es sich bei der Europäischen Union – mit Sachverstand durch die Zukunft zu steuern, wie auch immer diese aussehen mag.

Als Präsident der Kommission habe ich Augenblicke großer Trauer erlebt, wie meinen Besuch mit Ministerpräsident Letta in Lampedusa kurz nach der Tragödie, und Mo- mente höchster Dramatik, wie die mehrfache Zuspitzung der Finanzkrise, als das wirtschaftliche Schicksal einiger unserer Länder und unserer gemeinsamen Währung aufs schlimmste bedroht war. Ebenso erlebte ich sehr gefühlsstarke Momente, wie meinen 45 Besuch in den Flüchtlingslagern Jordaniens, wo ich mit eigenen Augen sehen konnte, wie viel Gutes unser Beitrag bewirkt hat, oder den Besuch in Darfur, wo der Mut junger Europäer, die für Nichtregierungsorganisationen arbeiteten, den Geist der Solidarität unter extrem gefährlichen Umständen lebendig erhielt. Gerne blicke ich zurück auf die stolzen Augenblicke, wie die Unterzeichnung des Vertrags von Lissabon oder die Auf- nahme neuer Mitgliedstaaten in die Europäische Union oder das Euro-Währungsgebiet. Und unvergessen wird mir der ganz besondere Tag bleiben, an dem ich gemeinsam mit dem Präsidenten des Europäischen Rates, Herman Van Rompuy, und dem Präsidenten des Europäischen Parlaments, Martin Schulz, die Ehre hatte, im Namen der Europäi- schen Union den Friedensnobelpreis entgegenzunehmen, der eine großartige Anerken- nung der Europäischen Union als Friedensprojekt bedeutet, das viele Menschen in der ganzen Welt inspiriert.

Über eines müssen wir uns im Klaren sein: Das Zusammenwachsen Europas darf nie für selbstverständlich gehalten werden. Es wäre falsch zu glauben, dass Lösungen sich von selbst auftun, ohne politisches Engagement und ohne Druck und Unterstützung der Öffentlichkeit. Ich habe in den schwierigsten Momenten, die wir durchgemacht haben, so intensiv wie ich konnte an die moralische Aufgabe Europas appelliert, die wir nie vergessen dürfen. Die schlimmsten Augenblicke, und besonders die Krise in Grie- chenland, waren in dieser Hinsicht auch die erhellendsten. Als Portugiese habe ich die Opfer, die die Bevölkerung in einigen Ländern gebracht hat, sehr intensiv mitempfun- den. Nicht nur einmal hatte ich unter den dramatischen Umständen – wie sicher auch andere Menschen – den Eindruck, dass sich vor uns ein Abgrund auftat und gewisse politische Entscheidungen – bzw. ihr Fehlen – uns in den Abgrund stürzen könnten. Wir mussten einfach den richtigen Weg gehen, mussten unserer Verantwortung gerecht werden, was zeigt, wie wichtig die Politik eben doch ist! Politische Entscheidungen bleiben nie folgenlos. Wir haben dies oft unter extremen Bedingungen erlebt. Ich hoffe, dass die Lehren aus dieser Zeit genügend verinnerlicht worden sind. Worst-Case-Szena- rien sind nie auszuschließen. Die Zukunft kann uns vor neue Herausforderungen und ebenso schwierige Entscheidungen stellen. Europa ist immer für Überraschungen gut. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

In den vergangenen zehn Jahren haben wir nicht immer – und nicht immer gleich – die richtigen Entscheidungen getroffen, aber wir haben die Untergangsprophezeiungen wi- derlegt. Entgegen den Prognosen einer Desintegration des Euroraums oder einer Frag- mentierung der EU haben wir die außerordentliche Widerstandskraft unserer Union demonstriert und bekräftigt, dass die Kräfte der Integration stärker sind.

Wir können über uns selbst hinauswachsen. Europa ist geeint, offen und stärker denn je.

Ein Europa, das für die Zukunft gerüstet ist.

Brüssel, 15. September 2014

José Manuel Durão Barroso

DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Unterzeichnung des Vertrags von Lissabon: das Ende eines langen Prozesses, aber auch der Beginn eines neuen Europas. Ein unvergesslicher Augenblick: Entgegennahme des Friedensnobelpreises 2012 im Namen der Europäischen Union, gemeinsam mit Herman Van Rompuy und Martin Schulz. Überwindung von Grenzen 2007: Feier anlässlich der Erweiterung des Schengen-Raums in Zittau, im Dreiländereck zwischen Deutschland, Polen und der Tschechischen Republik. 49

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Engagement für Europa: mit dem früheren britischen Premierminister Tony Blair. Begegnung mit Führern der neuen, inklusiven nordirischen Regierung, dem mittlerweile verstorbenen Ian Paisley und Martin McGuinness. Mit Premierminister Enda Kenny: Irland war – gefolgt von Portugal – das erste Land, das ordnungsgemäß aus dem Anpassungsprogramm ausgeschieden ist. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Angela Merkel weiß, dass Zuhören genauso wichtig ist wie Reden (auf dem dramatischen G20-Gipfel in Cannes 2011). Bereit für einen Neubeginn: Die Erklärung von Berlin aus Anlass des 50. Jahrestags der europäischen Einigung. Blumen für Angela Merkel: Anerkennung für einen erfolgreichen Vorsitz im Europäischen Rat. 51

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Zusammen für Europa: mit Herman Van Rompuy, dem Präsidenten des Europäischen Rats – stets eine hervorragende Zusammenarbeit zur Verteidigung der EU- Position in der Welt. Gespräch mit der Presse bei meiner Ankunft auf dem informellen Europäischen Gipfel in Brüssel 2009. Meine Rede zur Lage der Union vor dem Europäischen Parlament in Straßburg 2013. Am Anfang nicht perfekt, aber schließlich entwickelte sich eine sehr enge Zusammenarbeit mit Martin Schulz, Präsident des Europäischen Parlaments (Nobel Peace Centre, Oslo, 2012). DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Immer denke ich auch an Portugal: mit Anibal Cavaco Silva, Präsident der Republik, und Ministerpräsident Pedro Passos Coelho. „Porreiro, pá!“ – „Verdammt gut’“, flüstert Ministerpräsident José Sócrates mir ins Ohr – und ins Mikrophon –, als wir endlich eine Einigung über den Vertrag von Lissabon erzielen. 53

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Das perfekte Bild des Zusammenrückens in Europa: der polnische Premierminister und künftige Präsident des Europäischen Rates, Donald Tusk. Ein bewegender Moment, als zum ersten Mal die europäische Flagge auf der Prager Burg gehisst wird – mit dem tschechischen Präsidenten Miloš Zeman. Begegnung mit den Visegrad-Ländern; und bei der Übergabezeremonie des Partnerschaftsabkommens in Tallinn mit den Führungspersonen der baltischen Länder. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Zwei meiner skandinavischen Freunde: mit den Ministerpräsidenten Andrus Ansip aus Estland und Jyrki Katainen aus Finnland. Diskussion der Analysen vor dem Europäischen Rat: mit dem zyprischen Präsidenten Nicos Anastasiades, dem schwedischen Ministerpräsidenten Fredrik Reinfeldt und der slowenischen Ministerpräsidentin Alenka Bratušek. In der Universität Kopenhagen mit der dänischen Ministerpräsidentin Helle Thorning-Schmidt 2012. 55

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Chancen für die Jugend Europas aufzeigen: Besuch eines Berufsbildungsprogramms, gemeinsam mit dem österreichischen Bundeskanzler Werner Faymann. Mit Ministerpräsident Antonis Samaras: stets an Griechenlands Seite. Mit Ministerpräsident Matteo Renzi: neue Energie für Italien. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Nachbarn und Kollegen: mit dem spanischen Ministerpräsidenten Mariano Rajoy und mit seinem Vorgänger José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, bei der Verleihung des Großkreuzes Karls III (Real y Distinguida Orden Española de Carlos III). Ein iberischer Moment – mit dem portugiesischen Ministerpräsidenten Pedro Passos Coelho und seinem spanischen Kollegen Mariano Rajoy. 57 © EPA/Julien Warnand

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] König Philippe von Belgien beim Besuch der Europäischen Kommission, als er noch Kronprinz war, und mit König Albert II aus Anlass der 2000. wöchentlichen Sitzung des Kollegiums der Kommissionsmitglieder. Begrüßung von Prinz Felipe von Spanien (jetzt König Felipe VI) in der Europäischen Kommission 2008. Empfang der Königin Beatrix der Niederlande in der Europäischen Kommission 2010. Mit dem früheren spanischen König Juan Carlos I – ein echter Freund. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Jacques Delors: Humor, nicht nur Weisheit. Vier Kommissionspräsidenten: mit François-Xavier Ortoli, Romano Prodi und Jacques Delors. Weggefährten: in meinem Büro mit Jean-Claude Juncker unmittelbar nach seiner Ernennung durch den Europäischen Rat. 59

Wert der Teamarbeit: meine erste und meine zweite Kommission.

Über Europa – Betrachtungen zur aktuellen Situation und zur Zukunft der Europäischen Union

REDE VON JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO, PRÄSIDENT DER EUROPÄISCHEN KOMMISSION HUMBOLDT-UNIVERSITÄT BERLIN, 8. MAI 2014

‘Nós estamos na Europa e é na Europa que nós nos salvamos ou nos perdemos todos.’ (1) Eduardo Lourenço

61 rlauben Sie mir zunächst, Ihnen zu danken für Ihre freundliche Einladung hier in diese große deutsche und europäische Einrichtung, die Humboldt-Universi- E tät. Mich bewegt der Gedanke, in der Universität Hegels, Max Plancks, Albert Einsteins zu stehen. Und ich danke Ihnen für die Möglichkeit, diese Humboldt-Rede über Europa zu halten. Ich habe mich bisher zurückgehalten, weil ich es für angemessener hielt, diese Rede als mein Vermächtnis am Ende meiner zehnjährigen Erfahrung in der Europäischen Kommission zu präsentieren. Und auch, weil ich gehört habe, dass die Studierenden an dieser Universität es gewohnt sind, Vorlesungen von ein- einhalb Stunden Dauer zu hören. Ich werde versuchen, mich etwas kürzer zu fassen. Aber ich glaube, es ist dies der Augenblick und der Ort, um in sehr klaren Worten meine Erfahrung und meine Gedanken zur Zukunft Europas darzulegen.

Meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren!

Seit 30 Jahren bin ich aktiv in den europäischen Integrationsprozess eingebunden. zu- nächst als Außenminister und Premierminister meines Heimatlandes Portugal und dann in den letzten zehn Jahren als Präsident der Europäischen Kommission. Daher empfinde ich als meine Pflicht, vor dem Ende meiner Amtszeit als Kommissionspräsident meine Erfahrungen weiterzugeben und mit Ihnen meine Vorstellungen darüber zu teilen, wie wir auf dem Erreichten aufbauen und den Weg weiterbeschreiten können.

Ich empfinde diese Verantwortung – nein, mehr als Verantwortung: diese Leidenschaft, denn ich empfinde in der Tat leidenschaftlich für Europa. Und ich glaube, dies ist der Moment, über die Zukunft unseres Kontinents nachzudenken und zu entscheiden.

Die Entwicklungen der vergangenen zehn Jahre, die positiven wie die negativen, waren spektakulär.

(1) Wir sind in Europa, und wir sind auf Gedeih und Verderb mit Europa verbunden. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Der europäische Integrationsprozess wurde in dieser Zeit zweifellos von historischen Ereignissen geprägt, darunter der Beitritt mittel- und osteuropäischer Länder sowie weiterer Mittelmeerländer seit 2004. Doch diese Periode war auch von Krisen bisher ungekannten Ausmaßes gekennzeichnet. Die erste Krise begann mit der gescheiterten Ratifizierung des Verfassungsvertrags und endete erst mit dem Inkrafttreten des Vertrags von Lissabon im Jahr 2009. Seit 2008 hat sich die Finanzkrise zu einer Staatsschulden-, Wirtschafts- und Sozialkrise ausgewachsen. Für die Stabilität der Europäischen Union und insbesondere für die gemeinsame Währung, den Euro, stellte dies eine erhebliche Belastung dar, zu deren Bewältigung außergewöhnliche Maßnahmen notwendig waren, bis hin zur Schaffung völlig neuer Instrumente.

Darüber hinaus sind wir zurzeit mit neuen Herausforderungen konfrontiert, die sich aus den jüngsten Entwicklungen in der Ukraine und Russland ergeben: Dies ist vermut- lich die größte Gefährdung der Sicherheit und des Friedens in Europa seit dem Fall des Eisernen Vorhangs und der Berliner Mauer.

62 Die aus den Erfahrungen der letzten zehn Jahre gewonnenen Erkenntnisse werden auf jeden Fall in die Debatte über die Zukunft der Europäischen Union einfließen. Zu dieser Debatte möchte ich mit den folgenden Betrachtungen beitragen.

Ich nenne sie Betrachtungen zur aktuellen Situation und zur Zukunft der Europäi- schen Union, weil ich davon überzeugt bin, dass sich die Europäische Union weiterentwickeln muss und dass eine solche Entwicklung ein organischer Prozess sein muss und nicht abrupt verlaufen darf.

Reform, nicht Revolution.

Evolution, nicht Gegenrevolution.

Meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren,

Geschichte verläuft nicht immer geradlinig und glatt, sondern mit Schlenkern und Um- wegen. Und gelegentlich nimmt sie unerwartet Tempo auf. Wir durchleben gerade eine Zeit immer rascherer Entwicklung; in Europa wie weltweit haben Staaten und andere Akteure Mühe, diese zu bewältigen.

Von Anfang an war die europäische Integration stets ein Weg, mit solchen Änderungen fertig zu werden, Staaten dabei zu helfen, sich auf historische Herausforderungen einzustellen, die ihre eigene Kraft übersteigen.

Und wieder einmal zeugen die Ereignisse des letzten Jahrzehnts von der außerordentli- chen Anpassungsfähigkeit der Institutionen der Europäischen Union. Man könnte von „Plastizität“ sprechen: Sie passen ihre Form den Gegebenheiten an, bewahren aber ihre Substanz.

Was ist also der Kern, das Wesen des europäischen Projekts? ÜBER EUROPA – BETRACHTUNGEN ZUR AKTUELLEN SITUATION UND ZUR ZUKUNFT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION

In der ersten Phase – quasi „Europa 1.0“ –, nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, ging es beim Projekt Europa darum, durch wirtschaftliche Integration und aufbauend auf der franzö- sisch-deutschen Aussöhnung Frieden und Wohlstand im freien Teil Europas zu sichern.

Nach der Öffnung des Eisernen Vorhangs und dem Fall der Berliner Mauer war das überarbeitete – nennen wir es Europa 2.0 – dann darauf fokussiert, die Vorteile offener Märkte und einer offenen Gesellschaft auf ein vergrößertes, wiedervereinigtes Europa auszuweiten.

Mit den negativen Konsequenzen der Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise und der Heraus- bildung einer multipolaren globalisierten Welt hat die dritte Phase der europäischen Integration begonnen. Nunmehr müssen wir eine Aktualisierung auf – sagen wir – „Eu- ropa 3.0“ vornehmen.

Jeder Schritt auf diesem Weg hat zu einer interaktiveren und komplexeren Europäischen Union mit größerer Tiefenwirkung geführt; die Herausforderungen wurden größer, schwerer greifbar und forderten ausgeklügeltere Formen der Zusammenarbeit. 63

In der dritten Phase geht es hauptsächlich — oder sollte es hauptsächlich gehen – um die Macht und den Einfluss, die notwendig sind, um Frieden und Wohlstand vor dem Hintergrund der Globalisierung zu sichern. Die Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise hat insbesondere gezeigt, dass eine bessere Steuerung des Euro unerlässlich für die langfristige Nachhaltigkeit der einheitlichen Währung ist. Weitere institutionelle Anpassungen eher politischer Natur könnten unumgänglich werden. Die Herausforderung liegt darin, diese Schritte so zu gestalten, dass die Integrität des Binnenmarktes und unserer Union insgesamt gewahrt bleibt. Eine verstärkte Kooperation der unterschiedlichen Geschwin- digkeiten in Europa mag notwendig werden. Aber ein Europa der unterschiedlichen Klassen haben wir nicht zugelassen – und dürfen wir niemals zulassen. Also Flexibilität ja, aber keine Schichtenbildung.

Bevor wir die Einzelheiten dieser institutionellen Herausforderungen und vor allem die Frage der Macht und des Einflusses Europas in der Welt diskutieren, lassen Sie uns nicht vergessen, dass die Hauptziele seit der Gründung der Europäische Gemeinschaften – Frieden und Wohlstand – auch heute für uns im Mittelpunkt stehen. Jüngste Entwick- lungen bestätigen dies.

Frieden und Stabilität, weil die sehr realen Bedrohungen der wirtschaftlichen Funda- mente Europas letztendlich unser Selbstvertrauen untergraben und zu einer fast surrea- len und sich selbst bewahrheitenden Panik geführt haben, die das Gefüge der europäi- schen Einigung als solches gefährdet. Der potenzielle Zerfall des Euro wurde als Beginn des Zerfalls Europas gesehen. Wäre es dazu gekommen, hätte er Europa ohne Zweifel erneut in Zwei-Klassen-Volkswirtschaften und damit in Zwei-Klassen-Gesellschaften gespalten. Und er hätte sicherlich das Ende der Vision eines Kontinents gleichberech- tigter Partner in einer immer engeren Union bedeutet.

Dafür haben sich Spannungen zwischen Nord und Süd, zwischen Reich und Arm, zwischen Nehmer- und Geberländern, zwischen dem Zentrum und der Peripherie eingestellt. Aber wir haben nicht zugelassen, dass sie Europa spalten. Im Gegenteil: Mehr DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

als je zuvor in der jüngsten Geschichte sind wir nun auf dem Weg zu einer Vertiefung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion, während wir gleichzeitig die Prinzipien hochhal- ten, die die Integrität der Europäischen Union insgesamt bewahren. Kompetenzen und Macht der Institutionen der Europäischen Union, von der Europäischen Kommission bis zur Europäischen Zentralbank, wurden gestärkt. Einige dieser Kompetenzen waren vor einigen Jahren, vor der Krise, noch unvorstellbar. Die europäische Ebene hat stetig an Relevanz gewonnen. In puncto wirtschaftlicher Gehalt war diese Entwicklung der größte institutionelle Wandel seit Einführung des Euro.

Wer meint, der Aspekt „Frieden“ sei im Kontext der europäischen Integration ein The- ma der Vergangenheit, braucht nur auf die Ukraine zu schauen. Frieden ist niemals selbstverständlich, niemals absolute Gewissheit. Frieden muss immer wieder erarbeitet werden, von Generation zu Generation, durch die europäische Einigung, durch gemeinsames europäisches Handeln in unserem Teil der Welt und global. Der Friedensge- danke ist für die europäische Integration so stark wie je.

64 Auch Wohlstand, der die Europäische Union seit Beginn der europäischen Integration so attraktiv gemacht hat, ist nicht mehr selbstverständlich in der Finanz- und Wirt- schaftskrise. Es war dies eine Krise der Wachstumsmodelle, die die Versuche enttarnt hat, wirtschaftliches Wachstum durch Finanzzauberei aufzublähen und Wachstum durch staatliche oder private Verschuldung zu stützen – Ansätze, mit denen die ameri- kanische bzw. die europäische Wirtschaft experimentiert haben.

Jetzt müssen wir uns wieder dem schwierigeren Weg zuwenden, der Innovation und den Strukturreformen für unsere globale Wettbewerbsfähigkeit. Die am härtesten getroffenen Länder zeigen sich ausgesprochen kämpferisch. Irland, Spanien und Portugal können deutliche Fortschritte verzeichnen. Erst diese Woche hat mein Heimatland, Portugal, angekündigt, aus dem Programm auszusteigen und keine weiteren Hilfen von der Europäischen Union mehr zu benötigen. Allen Schwierigkeiten zum Trotz sind auch Griechenland und Zypern auf dem richtigen Weg. Entgegen zahlreichen Voraussagen hat niemand den Euro-Raum verlassen, Lettland konnte nach beeindruckenden An- strengungen sogar den Euro einführen. Die Länder Europas wenden die Lehren an, die sie in puncto Schulden und makroökonomisches Ungleichgewicht aus der Krise gezogen haben. Die Volkswirtschaften reformieren sich, auch wenn einige, darunter auch große Volkswirtschaften, rascher Ergebnisse vorweisen müssen. Diese Bemühun- gen stehen jedoch nicht mehr isoliert im Raum, sondern sind zunehmend abgestimmt auf die Maßnahmen und Effekte jenseits der eigenen Grenzen.

Europa braucht diese Legitimation durch Ergebnisse, und diese kann nur ein anhaltender Wille zu Innovation und Reform bringen: Reform unserer Wirtschaftsstrukturen, der öffentlichen Verwaltung, der Arbeitsmärkte, des Binnenmarkts, der Energie- und Klimapolitik usw. Diese Ergebnisse zu liefern, ist Teil der Gemeinschaftlichkeit, die wir brauchen.

Natürlich waren einige dieser Anpassungen extrem schmerzhaft. Und in einigen unserer Länder haben wir eine Situation sozialer Not erlebt. Aber es ist auch wichtig zu sehen, dass mit oder ohne Euro, mit oder ohne Europäische Union diese Anpassungen un- umgänglich waren. Und dass weder der Euro noch die Europäische Union die Ursache ÜBER EUROPA – BETRACHTUNGEN ZUR AKTUELLEN SITUATION UND ZUR ZUKUNFT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION

der Schwierigkeiten waren. Tatsächlich war Europa nicht die Ursache des Problems, sondern Europa ist Teil der Lösung.

Die europäische soziale Marktwirtschaft beruht auf einem einmaligen Sozialmodell. Und trotz Unterschieden zwischen Mitgliedstaaten hebt uns unser Sozialstaat von allen anderen großen Volkswirtschaften und Gesellschaften ab, von entwickelten Volkswirt- schaften bis zu den Schwellenländern. Dies sehen unsere Bürgerinnen und Bürger als wertvolles Gut. Ein Modell, das ihre Werte verkörpert – die einmalige Kombination aus Eigenverantwortung und gesellschaftlicher und generationenübergreifender Solidarität. Ein Modell, das die Dinge bietet, die sie anstreben, beispielsweise Sicherheit im Alter und bei Schicksalsschlägen. Nur durch Zusammenarbeit und Anpassung können wir unsere soziale Marktwirtschaft bewahren.

Kehren wir nun zum Hauptaspekt dessen zurück, was wir die dritte Phase der euro- päischen Integration genannt haben, die Phase von Einfluss und Macht: Wir müssen sehen, dass wir, um Frieden und Wohlstand für alle zu sichern, ein Europa brauchen, das viel mehr bereit ist, diese Macht und diesen Einfluss in der Welt einzusetzen. In 65 der Krise war das Vertrauen in den globalen Einfluss Europas international erheblich geschwächt. Vorübergehend hat das europäische Wirtschaftsmodell weltweit an Attrak- tivität verloren. Und damit wurden auch unsere Werte und die Autorität der Union als „global player“ angezweifelt. Jetzt müssen wir dagegen ankämpfen und unsere Rolle und unseren Einfluss zurückgewinnen. Globalisierung als Herausforderung geht weit über wirtschaftliche Aspekte hinaus. Wir müssen unser diplomatisches Vorgehen überden- ken. Wir müssen unsere Verteidigungskapazitäten bündeln. Wir müssen stärker als je zuvor für unsere Werte einstehen.

Auch das Weltsystem selbst durchläuft derzeit Anpassungsprozesse, es entsteht eine neue Weltordnung. Entweder tragen wir dazu bei, diese neue Ordnung zu gestalten, oder wir verpassen die Zukunft. Auch hier zeigen uns die Entwicklungen rund um die Ukraine, dass wir wachsam sein müssen – und einig. Europa wird entweder weiter zusammen- halten und seinen Willen bekräftigen, Macht und Einfluss auszuüben, oder es wird in der Bedeutungslosigkeit versinken.

Dafür ist es unerlässlich, dass wir den innenpolitischen Zustand der Europäischen Uni- on stabiler machen.

Drei Lücken müssen wir zu schließen versuchen. Es gibt eine Governance-Lücke: Die Mitgliedstaaten allein können ihren Bürgerinnen und Bürgern nicht mehr all das bieten, was diese brauchen, während die europäischen Institutionen noch nicht über das gesamte dafür nötige Instrumentarium verfügen. Es gibt eine Legitimationslücke: In der Wahrnehmung der Bürgerinnen und Bürger werden Entscheidungen auf einer Ebene getroffen, die zu weit von ihnen entfernt ist. Und es gibt eine Erwartungslücke: Die Menschen erwarten mehr, als das politische System liefern kann. Es gibt keinen Auto- matismus, nach dem die Mitgliedstaaten sich darauf einigen können, wie diese Lücken geschlossen werden sollen; daher ist es offensichtlich notwendig zu definieren, wie viel Gemeinschaftlichkeit wir wollen. Hiervon hängt unsere Rolle in der Welt ab. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Stabilität erwächst nur aus einem neugefundenen Gleichgewicht auf einer höheren Ebe- ne der Gemeinschaftlichkeit.

Sehr verehrte Damen und Herren,

niemand hat je gesagt, Anpassung sei einfach – auch wenn sie zweifellos notwendig ist.

Der tiefgreifende Wandel ist besonders schwierig für die europäischen Länder, die – als Demokratien – nicht nur darüber nachdenken müssen, was zu tun ist, sondern auch, wie sie dies angehen müssen. Uns mit neuen Gegebenheiten abzufinden, reicht nicht; wir müssen neue Realitäten bereitwillig annehmen und überzeugend vermitteln, dass sie zum Vorteil aller sind. Ich erinnere mich daran, dass zwei Regierungschefs auf Sitzungen des Europäischen Rates sagten: „Wir wissen schon, was wir zu tun haben. Das Problem ist nur: Wenn wir das tun, verlieren wir die nächste Wahl.“

Das darf aber keine Entschuldigung dafür sein, das Notwendige zu unterlassen, die 66 mühsame Überzeugungsarbeit zu scheuen. „Rendre possible ce qui est nécessai- re“ – das Nötige möglich machen –, das ist die Voraussetzung für verantwortliches Regierungshandeln.

Dies ist nicht ein Test für die Europäische Union allein. Regierungen weltweit sind, auf unterschiedliche Weise, mit ähnlichen Herausforderungen konfrontiert. Demokratie, so zeigt sich wieder einmal, ist der beste und stabilste Weg, damit fertig zu werden. Und doch braucht Demokratie gleichzeitig und mehr als jedes andere System staatsmänni- sches Handeln und mutige Führung.

Früher kam der Impuls für die europäische Integration – entgegen der in manchen Krei- sen populären Wahrnehmung – stets sowohl von unten als auch von oben.

Dies galt für die Widerstandsbewegungen, Gewerkschaften und Unternehmer, die nach dem Schrecken des Kriegs zusammenfanden. Dies galt für die jungen Deutschen und Franzosen, die in den 50er Jahren bestrebt waren, mentale und reale Grenzen zu über- winden. Dies galt für die Griechen, Portugiesen und Spanier, die in den 70er Jahren die Diktatur abschüttelten, um sich als Teil Europas zu fühlen, die erkannten, dass die Regime, unter denen sie lebten, nicht fähig und nicht willens waren, sich anzupassen, während sich die Welt sich ohne sie weiterdrehte. Dies galt für die Menschen in Mittel- und Osteuropa in den 80ern und 90ern, von der Solidarność in Polen bis zur Samtenen Revolution in Prag, von den Unabhängigkeitsbewegungen in den baltischen Staaten bis zu den Ungarn, die als erste den Eisernen Vorhang öffneten. Für sie war die Erlangung der Demokratie weitgehend gleichbedeutend mit der Zugehörigkeit zur Europäischen Union. Meine Generation empfand so in Portugal, dasselbe fühlte später eine andere Generation in Mittel- und Osteuropa. Sie wussten, dass, wie Václav Havel es formulier- te, „Europa … die Heimat unserer Heimatländer“ ist!

1951 beschrieb Konrad Adenauer in einer Rede in London, wie ein solch umfassendes Verständnis dessen, was auf dem Spiel stand, Deutschland zu einem so entschlossenen Akteur in der Anfangsphase der europäischen Integration machte: „Es ist nicht allein die Furcht vor dem Bolschewismus, sondern die [...] Erkenntnis, dass die Probleme, vor ÜBER EUROPA – BETRACHTUNGEN ZUR AKTUELLEN SITUATION UND ZUR ZUKUNFT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION

die uns die Gegenwart gestellt hat – die Erhaltung des Friedens und die Verteidigung der Freiheit – nur in der größeren Gemeinschaft zu lösen sind. Diese Überzeugung wird von den breiten Massen in Deutschland geteilt. Ich darf in diesem Zusammenhang darauf hinweisen, dass der deutsche Bundestag am 26. Juli 1950 sich einmütig für die Schaffung eines Europäischen Bundesstaates aussprach.“

Heute ist eine solche politische und gesellschaftliche Unterstützung auf breiter Basis so elementar wie eh und je. Ohne Schwung können wir nicht vorwärtskommen. Die öffentliche Meinung können wir nicht – und sollten wir nicht – forcieren. Aber wir können uns bemühen, den notwendigen Konsens zu schmieden. Hier kommt die politische Führungsfähigkeit ins Spiel. Führung heißt Verantwortung zu übernehmen. Führungsfähigkeit heißt, nicht einfach populären oder populistischen Trends zu folgen. Denn die Europäische Union ist nicht mehr, was sie einmal war. Sie ist zu einem immer demokratischeren System des Regierungshandelns gereift, vor allem durch den Vertrag von Lissabon, zu einem System, dessen Auswirkungen auf das Leben der Menschen weit über frühere Versionen hinausgehen. Wir haben tatsächlich diese viel engere Union aufgebaut, die zuvor nur eine Ambition war. 67

Damit reichen rein bürokratische, technokratische und diplomatische Entscheidungs- prozesse nicht mehr aus. Auch die Gipfelpolitik stößt an ihre Grenzen. Wir brauchen eine neue Debatte, einen neuen Dialog, der den Prozess weiter voranbringt – eine echte Identifizierung mit dem europäischen Projekt auf nationaler wie auf transnationaler Ebene.

Dies ist der Kern des Problems: Grundlage von politischen Programmen und politischer Verfasstheit muss ein Konsens darüber sein, wie viel Gemeinschaftlichkeit wir wollen – und, wie wir dahin kommen können.

Der einzigartige Charakter des europäischen Projekts – von seiner Natur her ein noch nicht abgeschlossener Prozess – spiegelt sich in einer Reihe von Vertragsdiskussionen wider, die seit Maastricht die Debatte bestimmt haben. Die Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise hat wiederum weitere vertragsrechtliche Fragen aufgeworfen. Auch die Verfassungsfrage ist noch nicht endgültig ad acta gelegt.

Ich möchte sogar behaupten, sie lässt sich nicht definitiv beantworten, jedenfalls nicht heute.

Die Anhänger eines radikalen Integrationsmodells können nicht ignorieren, dass die große Mehrheit der Menschen keine europäische Einigung auf Kosten des National- staats will. Diejenigen mit einer rein nationalen oder zwischenstaatlichen Perspektive kommen wiederum nicht umhin einzuräumen, dass Nationalstaaten alleine den Bürge- rinnen und Bürgern nicht mehr all das bieten können, was diese erwarten. Der Versuch, so oder so einen Endpunkt für die europäische Integration zu definieren, ist müßig.

Vernünftig ist hingegen ein anderer Weg. In jeder Phase basierte die europäische Integ- ration stets auf einer klaren Zielvorstellung, einer klaren Idee der Notwendigkeit Euro- pas. Die passenden Instrumente, die Verträge und Institutionen, waren stets Ausdruck des politischen Willens. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Bevor wir also jetzt die technischen Einzelheiten eines weiteren Vertragswerks diskutieren, müssen wir die folgende Frage beantworten: Welchen Grad der Gemeinschaftlich- keit zwischen Brüssel und den Hauptstädten erachten wir als notwendig, unverzichtbar und unvermeidbar? Was erkennen wir als Themen an, die wir auf jeden Fall gemeinsam angehen müssen? Was ist der vereinbarte, fest verankerte, gemeinsame Zweck unserer Union? Inwieweit verknüpfen wir unser Schicksal miteinander, unwiderruflich und vor- behaltlos? Kurz gesagt: Was ist unsere Vision?

Die Krise hat das Ende der Ära des „impliziten Konsens“, der quasi-intuitiven Natur der europäischen Integration, eingeläutet. Jetzt müssen wir einen expliziten Konsens erreichen. Jetzt ist der Moment für eine politische und gesellschaftliche Debatte darü- ber, welchen Grad der Gemeinschaftlichkeit wir in der EU wollen, wie weit und wie tief die Integration gehen soll, wer woran beteiligt sein will und zu welchem Zweck.

Meine Damen und Herren,

68 lassen Sie mich jetzt die Maßnahmen, die Grundsätze und die Politikbereiche skizzie- ren, von denen ich glaube, dass wir sie in den Mittelpunkt unserer Anstrengungen um einen solchen Konsens stellen müssen.

Im April 1978 befand sich Roy Jenkins, der damalige Präsident der Europäischen Kom- mission, in einer Lage, die ich selber – Jahrzehnte später – nur allzu gut nachempfinden kann.

Sinngemäß meinte er damals: „Bei der Wirtschaft der Gemeinschaft geht es um Arbeits- plätze, notleidende Wirtschaftszweige, Währungsstabilität, Regionalpolitik, energiepo- litische Optionen. All diese Dinge sind Sache der Politik, nicht der Bürokratie.“

Damit schien er zwar nur das Selbstverständliche auszusprechen, doch er zog daraus einen interessanten Schluss: „Auch wenn manche anderer Ansicht sind – die Institutio- nen der Gemeinschaft wurden sorgfältig geplant und darüber hinaus im Laufe der Zeit reformiert, so dass Argumente und Gegenargumente ausgetauscht und sowohl auf fach- licher wie auf politischer Ebene Lösungen gefunden werden können. Die Institutionen sind nicht perfekt, aber der Rahmen für Entscheidungen ist vorhanden.“

Tatsächlich bestand sehr oft – und besteht nach wie vor – die Versuchung, die Diskussi- on über den „Rahmen für Entscheidungen“ vor die, wie Roy Jenkins es nannte, „Sache der Politik“ zu stellen.

In den europapolitischen Debatten geht es viel zu häufig um institutionelle oder kons- titutionelle Fragen. Die zwanghafte Fixierung auf die Konstruktion, die Verfasstheit des europäischen Systems, hat die Aufmerksamkeit von den notwendigen politischen Stra- tegien und Maßnahmen weggelenkt. Anstatt Entscheidungen zu treffen, diskutieren wir darüber, wie und von wem sie getroffen werden sollen.

Ich warne heute ebenso davor, wie Jenkins dies vor vierzig Jahren getan hat. ÜBER EUROPA – BETRACHTUNGEN ZUR AKTUELLEN SITUATION UND ZUR ZUKUNFT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION

Mit Blick auf die Herausforderungen, die jetzt in der dritten Phase der europäischen Integration vor uns liegen, ist Folgendes zu prüfen – und zwar in dieser Reihenfolge: 1.) Welche Politik ist notwendig? 2.) Welche Maßnahmen sind erforderlich? 3.) Wie muss der Rahmen aussehen, um die ersten beiden Punkte zu erreichen?

Daher muss die Debatte über die Zukunft Europas zuallererst eine Debatte über Maß- nahmen und Strategien sein und nicht über Institutionen und Verträge. Es muss eine Debatte darüber sein, was wir gemeinsam tun wollen und warum. Ohne einen Konsens hierüber können wir endlos über Subsidiaritätsklauseln und Opt-out-Möglichkeiten diskutieren, ohne dass dies irgendjemanden überzeugen oder zufriedenstellen wird. Wir müssen vielmehr individuell und kollektiv entscheiden, was wir gemeinsam tun wollen und was wir nicht gemeinsam tun müssen oder wollen.

Der Rahmen für Entscheidungen hat sich über die Jahre erheblich verändert, nicht nur seit Jenkins‘ Zeit, sondern auch noch während meiner Zeit. Wenn Sie vergleichen, wo wir vor zwanzig Jahren standen und wo wir jetzt stehen – die Entwicklung ist gewaltig. 69 Dabei denke ich nicht nur an die Zuständigkeiten, sondern hauptsächlich an die Art und die Dynamik des Entscheidungsprozesses. Ich hatte das Privileg, seit 1987 an Ta- gungen des Rates und in den Jahren 1992 bis 1995 an Tagungen des Europäischen Rates teilzunehmen. Und ich kann bezeugen, dass diese Unterschiede sehr groß sind. In einigen Fällen hat sich die gesamte Kultur der Institutionen fundamental gewandelt.

Anfang der 1990er-Jahre, in der Europäischen Gemeinschaft, stand noch der Rat im Mittelpunkt des Geschehens. Die Kommission besaß zwar das Initiativrecht, doch die Entscheidungsgewalt lag zum Großteil bei den Mitgliedstaaten. Seitdem haben sich unser System und unsere Verfahren entscheidend gewandelt.

Vor allem hat das Europäische Parlament mehr Befugnisse erhalten und sich von einer beratenden Versammlung zum unentbehrlichen Mitgesetzgeber entwickelt. Allerdings schwankt es immer noch oft zwischen seiner Rolle als Volkstribun und seiner Rolle als Entscheidungsgremium. Nach wie vor können nicht alle Akteure im Europäischen Par- lament ganz der Versuchung widerstehen, bei manchen Entscheidungen die politischen Gegebenheiten zu unterschätzen und Forderungen ohne Rücksicht auf deren Erfüll- barkeit zu stellen. Einige ziehen sich auf eine Protest- oder sogar Verweigerungshaltung zurück, statt sich an der Notwendigkeit zu orientieren, gemeinsam mit den anderen Institutionen pragmatische Lösungen zu finden. Dies liegt wahrscheinlich auch daran, dass das Parlament selbst kein Initiativrecht besitzt. Wir sollten jedoch anerkennen, dass der Beitrag des Parlaments im Wesentlichen konstruktiv gewesen ist. In den letzten zehn Jahren hat das Parlament hoch gepokert, doch letzten Endes immer mitgespielt – bei der Verabschiedung des EU-Haushalts ebenso wie beim Abschluss der Bankenunion.

Sehr verändert haben sich auch die Beziehungen der Mitgliedstaaten untereinander. Gründe dafür sind die andere Dynamik zwischen heute 28 gegenüber früher 12 Län- dern 1992 oder 1994. Anders als es der Brüssel-Mythos besagt, hat dies weniger mit den Größen- und Machtverhältnissen zu tun als mit einer Vision und einer Agenda. Ich kann die Dynamik des Europäischen Rates 1992 oder 1994, als wir 12 Mitglieder waren und Außenminister an den Sitzungen teilnahmen, mit der Situation heute vergleichen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Ich erinnere mich gut an Helmut Kohl, François Mitterrand oder Felipe González bei diesen Sitzungen. Und so kann ich die unterschiedliche Dynamik der Ratstagungen damals und heute bezeugen.

Es gibt Regierungen, die sich mit einer Defensivhaltung an den Verhandlungstisch setzen; andere kommen mit einem einzigen, ganz bestimmten Anliegen und wieder andere ohne echtes Interesse. Nur wenige führende Politikerinnen und Politiker kommen mit Überblick, mit einem Gesamtkonzept. Sie fühlen sich für Europa verantwortlich. Aber nicht alle empfinden diese Verantwortung im selben Maße. Und es ist gerade dieses Verantwortungsgefühl, das in einem politischen Prozess wie dem der EU den Ausschlag gibt.

Ebenso hat sich auch das Gravitationszentrum innerhalb des Rates deutlich verlagert. In der ursprünglichen Vertragskonzeption war der mit den Außenministern besetzte Rat „Allgemeine Angelegenheiten“ der politische Dreh- und Angelpunkt auf der Seite des Rates. Heute ist es der Europäische Rat. Europa ist zur Chefsache geworden. Der Euro- 70 päische Rat, also das Gremium, in dem die Staats- und Regierungschefs zusammentre- ten, hat mehr Gewicht bekommen, und zwar schon vor dem Vertrag von Lissabon, mit dem das Amt des ständigen Präsidenten geschaffen und dadurch die Einsatzfähigkeit und Stabilität des Europäischen Rates erhöht wurden. Ja, ein Teil der Dynamik des Eu- ropäischen Rates ist dem Sonderfall der Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise geschuldet, in der es notwendig war, rasch finanzielle Mittel zu mobilisieren, die nur die Mitgliedstaaten freigeben konnten. Diese Dynamik mag sich mit der Zeit wieder abschwächen. Die Staats- und Regierungschefs dürfen sich nicht nur in einer nationalen Rolle, sondern müssen auch eine europäische Rolle wahrnehmen.

Diese Schwerpunktverlagerung vom Rat auf den Europäischen Rat hat jedoch eine gewisse Lücke bei der Umsetzung hinterlassen. Zum Beispiel führte das anfängliche Be- dürfnis, angesichts jeder neuen Entwicklung eine Tagung des Europäischen Rates oder ein Gipfeltreffen der Euro-Länder anzuberaumen, zu einer Häufung solcher Veranstal- tungen. Dies hatte zwar den Vorteil, dass die Spitzenpolitiker unter Entscheidungsdruck standen, aber es führte auch zu einer Banalisierung der Gipfeltreffen. Und es verstärkte den Eindruck, dass die Beschlüsse immer zu kurz griffen und ihre Umsetzung immer zu spät kam, denn die von den Staats- und Regierungschefs getroffenen Entscheidungen wurden auf nationaler Ebene nicht wirklich weiterverfolgt. Es gab zu viel Druck und zu wenig Sorgfalt.

Die Kommission ist aus all diesen Entwicklungen gestärkt als die Stelle hervorgegan- gen, an der die Fäden zusammenlaufen. Während der gesamten Krise hat sie von ihrem Initiativrecht Gebrauch gemacht. Und ihr – wenn ich es so nennen darf – von Walter Hallstein initiiertes und von Jacques Delors weiterentwickeltes Initiativtalent war stets gegenwärtig und der Ursprung der entscheidenden Konzepte: von der Schaffung des Finanzstabilisierungsmechanismus (EFSM), der Finanzstabilitätsfazilität (EFSF) und später des Stabilitätsmechanismus (ESM), die letztlich auf Kommissionsvorschläge zurückgingen, bis hin zur Bankenunion (2); von der Projektanleihen-Initiative bis hin zu den Legislativvorschlägen der Kommission zur Reform der wirtschaftspolitischen

(2) Mitteilung der Kommission „Maßnahmen für Stabilität, Wachstum und Beschäftigung“, 30. Mai 2012 ÜBER EUROPA – BETRACHTUNGEN ZUR AKTUELLEN SITUATION UND ZUR ZUKUNFT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION

Steuerung, einschließlich eines neuen Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts. Stets hat sich die Kommission bei der Ausübung ihres Initiativrechts von einem wahrhaft europäi- schen Ansatz leiten lassen.

Interessanterweise gibt es kein besseres Beispiel für die Unentbehrlichkeit der Rolle der Kommission als den zwischenstaatlichen Fiskalpakt. Während der gesamten Verhand- lungen waren das Fachwissen und die kreative Gesetzgebungstechnik der Kommission unverzichtbar. Und am Ende war es selbst in diesem – zwischenstaatlichen - Rahmen die Kommission, die in vorderster Linie stand, als es darum ging, die konsequente Um- setzung zu garantieren. Die Tatsache, dass die Kommission, um Ergebnisse zu erzielen, es mitunter schafft, nicht alle Lorbeeren für sich zu beanspruchen, sollte nicht mit einem Bedeutungsschwund verwechselt werden. In keinem anderen Bereich der Union sind horizontales Wissen – die Kenntnis der unterschiedlichen Gegebenheiten in den Mitgliedstaaten – und vertikales Wissen – die europapolitische Expertise – stärker ge- bündelt als in der Kommission.

Doch um wirklich zu verstehen, was seit damals geschehen ist, muss man sich auch 71 mit der medialen Kontrolle befassen. Diese ist genauer, schneller, sehr viel umfassender und kritischer geworden. Gipfeltreffen und ihre Teilnehmer werden nicht mehr mit Samthandschuhen angefasst. Erfolg wird an Ergebnissen gemessen, und zwar sehr an sofortigen Ergebnissen. Wenn diese dem kritischen Urteil der Medien nicht standhalten, schmelzen sie dahin – wie das vor den Augen der Öffentlichkeit ein- oder zweimal während der Krise passiert ist. Dies erklärt bis zu einem gewissen Grad das „Stottern“, die verzögerten Reaktionen auf die Krise.

Das ist einer der Gründe, weswegen der Aufbau der Europäischen Union mit einem Baugerüst verglichen wird. Europa erscheint als etwas, an dem ständig gebaut und re- noviert wird. Doch verdeckt das Gerüst sehr oft die „Schönheit“ des dahinter liegenden Gebäudes.

Ich wage sogar zu behaupten, dass es ein zentraler Wesenszug des europäischen Projekts ist, einer Dauerbaustelle zu gleichen. Und wer sich an der fehlenden Einheitlichkeit und Symmetrie stört, täte gut daran, sich mit der architektonischen Sichtweise anzufreun- den, dass neue Formen und Konzepte notwendig sind, um neue Aufgaben bewältigen zu können. In der EU funktioniert der „l‘èsprit de système” nicht besonders gut.

Wir können behaupten, dass der Integrationsprozess den Dauertest be- und die Kri- sen überstanden hat, weil es immer einen Ergebnisdruck gab, auf den mit wirksamen Ergebnissen geantwortet wurde. Wir haben eine so ausgereifte Form der Governance entwickelt, dass wir Beschlüsse auf Basis eines breiten Konsenses herbeiführen können. Was wir gesehen haben und sehen, ist vor allem eines: Führungsstärke zählt.

Spaltungen lassen sich nur durch einen Führungsstil verhindern, der auf Konsensbil- dung abzielt.

Deswegen habe ich auch dafür gesorgt, dass die von mir geleiteten Kommissionen kollektiv die Verantwortung für ihre Entscheidungen übernehmen. Der Präsident der Kommission ist der Garant der Kollegialität; das vermeidet Ressortdenken und DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Scheuklappenmentalität. Am Anfang standen in der Regel ziemlich unterschiedliche Meinungen und ernst geführte Diskussionen. Am Ende wurden jedoch fast alle Be- schlüsse in diesen zehn Jahren im Konsens gefasst. Eine politische Exekutive ist schließ- lich kein Miniatur-Parlament. Und als Exekutive muss die Kommission Verantwortung für die Initiativen übernehmen, die sie gemeinsam für notwendig hält. Entsprechend den Verträgen trifft die Kommission ihre Entscheidungen daher als Kollegialentschei- dungen. Ein 28-köpfiges Kollegium ist durchaus arbeitsfähig. Dies hat vor allem etwas mit gelebter Gemeinschaftskultur und effizientem Management der Institution zu tun.

Da der Beginn meiner ersten Amtszeit als Kommissionspräsident (2004) mit der größ- ten Erweiterung zusammenfiel, die die Europäische Union je erlebt hat, war ich besonders darauf bedacht, eine Aufsplitterung entlang geografischer, ideologischer oder anderer Trennlinien zu verhindern. Ich bin fest davon überzeugt, dass es wichtig ist, den politischen Charakter der Kommission anzuerkennen; genauso wichtig ist es jedoch auch zu verhindern, dass die Kommission von einer Seite vereinnahmt wird.

72 Die Kommission hat nicht nur politische Aufgaben, sondern erfüllt auch eine administrative und eine, wie ich sie nenne, quasi „rechtsprechende“ Funktion. Dies erfordert ein hohes Maß an politischer Weisheit und Ausgewogenheit auf der Ebene der Ent- scheidungsfindung, damit die Glaubwürdigkeit der Kommission in ihren verschiedenen Rollen nicht leidet und damit die Unabhängigkeit und Professionalität der Kommission nicht gefährdet werden.

In den letzten zwei Jahrzehnten hat die Europäische Union eine deutlich höhere Stufe der politischen und institutionellen Reife erreicht. Und dank dieses politischen Rah- mens sind wir durch die Krise gekommen. Doch das, was wir heute haben, bedarf der Konsolidierung, wenn es Bestand haben soll.

Heute gilt es darüber zu diskutieren, wie diese Konsolidierung und wie die nächsten Schritte aussehen sollen. Diese Diskussion ist Voraussetzung für das, was wir erreichen müssen: Wachstum und Beschäftigung durch die Weiterentwicklung des Binnenmark- tes und unserer gemeinsamen Währung sowie der Politik in den Bereichen Handel, Energie, Klima, Infrastruktur, Wissenschaft und Innovation, Industrie und digitale Wirtschaft; wir müssen Frieden und Sicherheit durch unsere gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik sowie unsere Politik in den Bereichen Justiz und Inneres schaffen; wir müssen sozialen Wohlstand durch unsere gemeinsamen Anstrengungen auf den Gebie- ten Bildung, Kultur und Jugend sowie die Suche nach Antworten auf die gemeinsamen Herausforderungen im Zusammenhang mit der demografischen Entwicklung und den Systemen der sozialen Sicherheit erreichen.

Meine sehr verehrten Damen und Herren,

der Rahmen für Entscheidungen ist zwar vorhanden, wir müssen uns aber zugleich ein- gestehen, dass es im europäischen Politikbetrieb Störungen gibt, die uns daran hindern, diesen Rahmen zu nutzen.

Dies ist ein echtes Problem für die Demokratie in Europa. ÜBER EUROPA – BETRACHTUNGEN ZUR AKTUELLEN SITUATION UND ZUR ZUKUNFT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION

In der europäischen Politik fehlt es an dem Mut und der Bereitschaft, sich zu Europa zu bekennen und Verantwortung zu übernehmen, und keine institutionelle Reform allein kann dies ausgleichen.

Solange sich demokratische Politikverantwortliche weigern, ihre gemeinsamen Be- schlüsse anzuerkennen, zu vertreten und zu verteidigen, wird die europäische Legiti- mität leiden.

Allzu oft werden politische Kontroversen mit systemischen Mängeln gleichgesetzt. An- statt die Debatte auf den Inhalt zu beschränken und zu fragen, ob es eine bessere Lö- sung für das Problem (zum Beispiel) der Glühbirnen oder der Olivenölkännchen gibt, werden umstrittene Entscheidungen als das unvermeidliche, absurde Ergebnis eines fehlerhaften Brüsseler Systems dargestellt. Und dies, obwohl derartige Debatten, wenn sie auf nationaler Ebene stattfänden, ähnlich oder sogar genau gleich ablaufen und ähn- liche oder genau gleiche Resultate liefern würden. Regelungen zu Gesundheitsfragen, Produktstandards, Arbeitnehmerrechten, Umweltstandards und Verkehrssicherheit sind nicht einfach das Ergebnis des „Brüsseler Zentralismus“, sondern einer gesellschaftli- 73 chen Debatte sowie der Forderung von Bürgerinnen und Bürgern, auf ihre Anliegen zu reagieren. In aller Regel gehen Gesetzgebungsinitiativen nicht von Brüssel aus. Vielmehr beginnen sie mit der Formulierung gesellschaftlicher, unternehmerischer oder arbeit- nehmerspezifischer Anliegen, mit öffentlichen Debatten und politischen Prozessen. Die Regulierung von Glühbirnen und Olivenölkännchen basierte zum Beispiel auf nationalen Ideen. Wir haben die Idee der Regulierung von Glühbirnen aufgenommen, weil Energieeffizienz eine gute Sache ist. Aber die Initiative zur Regulierung von Olivenöl- kännchen haben wir gestoppt, da wir nicht glauben, dass dies auf EU-Ebene geregelt werden muss.

Darüber hinaus besteht eine Asymmetrie zwischen der nationalen und der europäischen politischen Dialektik. Auf nationaler Ebene stehen sich Regierung und Opposition ge- genüber, so dass es bei allen Themen eine „Partei dafür“ und eine „Partei dagegen“ gibt. Auf europäischer Ebene gibt es diese Logik nicht und somit auch keine Partei, die alles befürwortet, was Europa tut. Meist wird von der Kommission, die aufgrund der Ver- träge das übergeordnete europäische Interesse zu vertreten hat, erwartet, dass sie für die gemeinsam getroffenen Entscheidungen einsteht. Dabei erfährt sie jedoch allzu selten Unterstützung in einem System, in dem alle anderen es sich leisten können, ein bisschen Regierung und ein bisschen Opposition zu sein.

Zwischen den politischen Prozessen auf nationaler und auf europäischer Ebene besteht somit eine „kognitive Dissonanz“. Was wiederum zu fast schizophrenem politischem Verhalten führt. Auf der europäischen Ebene können nationale Politikerinnen und Po- litiker viel mehr verlangen als bei sich zu Hause, ohne dann die Verantwortung für einen entsprechenden Beschluss und dessen Umsetzung übernehmen zu müssen. Es gibt mannigfaltige Versuchungen und Gelegenheiten, sich der Verantwortung zu entziehen. Und aus meiner Erfahrung kann ich Ihnen sagen, dass es nicht ungewöhnlich ist, dass dieselbe Partei in der eigenen Hauptstadt einen Standpunkt vertritt und das genaue Gegenteil – also nicht nur etwas anderes, sondern tatsächlich das Gegenteil – im Euro- päischen Parlament in Straßburg. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Und die Rechnung bekommen alle Akteure – nationale wie europäische – immer noch bei Wahlen auf nationaler Ebene präsentiert. Es gibt kein echtes, europaweites und von der nationalen Ebene losgelöstes Votum für das europäische Verdienst.

Das Problem ist letztlich Folgendes: Alle Länder sähen Europa gerne als großformatige Projektion ihrer eigenen Ambitionen, und wenn die anderen nicht mitmachen wollen, sagen sie einfach, „Europa“ habe ein Problem. Zahlreiche Mitgliedstaaten hoffen oder behaupten, dass Europa am Ende einfach eine größere Version ihrer selbst sein werde, aber das wird nie der Fall sein.

Ebenso hätscheln viele Politikerinnen und Politiker ihre eigene Lieblingsmikroregulie- rung, werfen jedoch gleichzeitig anderen, die das Gleiche tun, unzulässige Einmischung vor. Nichts schadet unserer Union mehr als das Verhalten derjenigen, die ihr Unvermö- gen, eine Mehrheit für die eigenen Ideen zu gewinnen, nicht sich selbst zuschreiben, sondern der Unzulänglichkeit Europas. Dies wiederum bringt uns zu dem enormen Dilemma, das die Diskussion über die Zukunft beherrscht: Wenn den Menschen eine 74 nationale Entscheidung nicht gefällt, wählen sie im Normalfall die dafür Verantwort- lichen ab. Wenn sie eine europäische Entscheidung nicht mögen, wenden sie sich tendenziell gegen Europa selbst.

Der politische Aspekt ist in der Tat der erste, um den wir uns kümmern müssen. Wenn man mich also fragt, „Was ist denn nun das Problem?“, so antworte ich „It’s the politics, stupid!“

Im Nationalstaat ist die Frage der Legitimität grundsätzlich geklärt. Politische Mei- nungsverschiedenheiten führen normalerweise nicht dazu, dass die politische Verfasst- heit, das politische System in Frage gestellt wird. In der Europäischen Union jedoch hängt die Legitimität immer noch davon ab, dass wir konkrete Ergebnisse liefern. Dies ist der Grund, warum mangelnde Unterstützung für nationale Institutionen oder politische Parteien für die nationale Einheit generell keine Bedrohung darstellt, während mangelnde Unterstützung für die Institutionen der Union sehr wohl die europäische Integration per se gefährden kann. Jedes politische Projekt braucht ein Mindestmaß an anhaltendem Engagement – explizit oder implizit. Neben den generellen Zweifeln, der Angst, die im Zeitalter der Globalisierung in der Wahrnehmung der meisten Insti- tutionen und Eliten durch die Bürgerinnen und Bürger mitschwingt, stellt sich für die Europäische Union in letzter Zeit folgende spezifische Herausforderung: Konfrontiert mit immer lauter werdender Euroskepsis oder gar Europhobie haben manche Mainstre- am-Politiker populistische Argumente übernommen, statt ihnen entgegenzutreten. Von Mitte-links bis Mitte-rechts: Politische Kräfte und Akteure müssen ihre Wohlfühlzone verlassen, so meine ich. Statt die Debatte den Extremen zu überlassen, müssen sie wieder die Initiative ergreifen. Sie müssen für eine positive Agenda für Europa eintreten, auf nationaler wie auf Unionsebene.

Keine Vertragsänderung, keine institutionellen Maßnahmen können den politischen Willen ersetzen, Europa voranzubringen. Ich schöpfe Mut aus der Tatsache, dass diese Idee bereits auf dem Vormarsch ist. Wie Friedrich Hölderlin einmal sagte, „Wo die Ge- fahr ist, wächst das Rettende auch.“ ÜBER EUROPA – BETRACHTUNGEN ZUR AKTUELLEN SITUATION UND ZUR ZUKUNFT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION

Solche politischen Hemmnisse müssen vorrangig angepackt werden, damit sowohl die Legitimität als auch die Effektivität Europas gestärkt werden.

Um hier gegenzusteuern, brauchen wir Führungsstärke, Tatkraft und Verantwortungs- bewusstsein für das Projekt der Union, wahrgenommen als Teil des politischen und gesellschaftlichen Gefüges ihrer Mitgliedstaaten. Wir müssen verstehen, dass Europapo- litik keine Außenpolitik mehr ist. Heute ist Europapolitik in unseren Mitgliedstaaten Innenpolitik.

Wir müssen ein neues Kooperationsverhältnis zwischen der Union, ihren Institutio- nen und den Mitgliedstaaten entwickeln. Mit „Kooperationsverhältnis“ meine ich eine Struktur, bei der die Institutionen und die Mitgliedstaaten über die in den Verträgen – insbesondere in Artikel 4 EUV – verankerte loyale Zusammenarbeit hinausgehen und sich so verhalten, dass die auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen getroffenen Entscheidungen so umfassend wie möglich miteinander vereinbar sind.

Zu lange bestand – zumindest in der Brüsseler Blase – die Erwartung, dass die EU-In- 75 stitutionen stets versuchen würden, über die ihnen mit den Verträgen eingeräumten Zuständigkeiten hinauszugehen, während man in den Mitgliedstaaten davon ausging, dass man gegenhalten und die EU-Institutionen in ihrem Tatendrang bremsen müsse. Dieses kindische Verhaltensmuster gilt es zu überwinden.

Was wir brauchen, ist eine wohlüberlegte Ausübung klarer Mandate für unterschiedliche Akteure und Ebenen unserer Union, von der lokalen über die regionale und nationale bis zur europäischen Ebene. Dabei müssen sowohl der Spielraum als auch die Grenzen dieser Mandate von allen Seiten voll respektiert werden.

Wollen wir weg vom Konkurrenzdenken und hin zu einer Kooperation der EU-Insti- tutionen untereinander und zwischen den EU-Institutionen und den Mitgliedstaaten, so brauchen wir eine stärkere Rolle der politischen Parteien auf Unionsebene, damit politische Interessen gebündelt, politische Prioritäten strukturiert und politische Kohärenz durchgehend gewährleistet werden.

Daher kann die Wahldynamik, die durch die Nominierung von Spitzenkandidaten der politischen Parteien für das Amt des Kommissionspräsidenten ausgelöst wurde, ein Schritt in die richtige Richtung sein.

Dieses System hat zwar seine Schwächen, meiner Ansicht könnte es jedoch die euro- päische Dimension dieser Wahl intensivieren. Es kann den Parteien, die es aufgreifen möchten, helfen, schrittweise einen europäischen öffentlichen Raum zu modellieren. Merkwürdig ist – oder vielleicht auch gerade nicht –, dass die politischen Kräfte, die in der Union immer einen Mangel an demokratischer Rechenschaftspflicht kritisiert haben, jetzt neue Maßnahmen ablehnen, die genau diese Rechenschaftspflicht stärken sollen. Sicherlich ist nationale Demokratie für die Legitimität der Europäischen Union unabdingbar, doch wäre es ein Fehler, wollten wir uns einer eigenständigen europäi- schen Demokratie in den Weg stellen. Das Konzept steckt zugegebenermaßen noch in den Kinderschuhen, doch der Versuch es zu blockieren wäre ein Schritt in die falsche Richtung. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Dieser Dynamik muss nach der Wahl auch eine Verständigung auf politische Prioritä- ten folgen, nicht nur auf Personalien. Dies gilt nicht nur innerhalb der, sondern auch zwischen den Institutionen. Eine konkrete Lösung wäre eine Vereinbarung zwischen dem Parlament, dem Rat und der Kommission über die – sowohl positiven als auch negativen – Prioritäten der neuen Legislaturperiode. Ergänzend könnte auch eine neue interinstitutionelle Vereinbarung über bessere Rechtsetzung zur Begrenzung des Verwal- tungsaufwands getroffen werden.

Sonst wird es nie einen überzeugenden und zwingenden Konsens darüber geben, in welchen Fragen die Union die Entscheidungen vorgeben und in welchen Fragen sie sich zurückhalten sollte.

Meine Damen und Herren,

nur auf einer solchen Grundlage sind mehr als die unvermeidbaren, einschneidenden Anpassungen des derzeitigen Rechtsrahmens der Union möglich. 76 In absehbarer Zukunft, so glaube ich, wird es keinen europäischen „Philadelphia-Mo- ment“, keine Schaffung einer von Grund auf neuen Verfassung, geben. Der Entwick- lungsmodus der Union wird weiterhin eine permanente Reform und keine permanente Revolution sein.

Damit diese permanente Reform gelingt und sie in jeder Phase der dahinterstehenden großen Vision entspricht, gilt es meiner Überzeugung nach eine Reihe von Grundsätzen zu wahren:

Erstens: Jegliche Weiterentwicklung der Union sollte sich auf die derzeitigen Verträge und die Gemeinschaftsmethode stützen, denn: diesen Rahmen zu verlassen, würde zu Fragmentierung, sich überschneidenden Strukturen und letztlich zu Inkohärenz und suboptimalen Ergebnissen führen.

Zweitens: Bevor neue Bestimmungen hinzugefügt werden, sollten die derzeit vorhandene übermäßige Komplexität und die Widersprüche innerhalb der Verträge und zwischen den Verträgen und anderen Instrumenten bereinigt werden. Das heißt insbesondere, dass zwischenstaatliche Instrumente wie der Europäische Stabilitätsmechanismus und der Fiskalpakt so bald wie möglich in die Verträge integriert werden sollten.

Drittens: Jegliche neue zwischenstaatliche Lösung sollte nur ausnahmsweise und als Übergangslösung in Erwägung gezogen werden, um Probleme in puncto Rechenschafts- pflicht und Kohärenz zu vermeiden.

Viertens: Die Union sollte stets danach streben, sich soweit möglich in ihrer Gesamtheit mit heute 28 Mitgliedstaaten weiterzuentwickeln. Wenn eine tiefergehende Integration in anderen Formationen unumgänglich ist – z. B. zwischen den derzeitigen und den künftigen Mitgliedern des Euro-Raums –, so sollte die Teilnahme daran allen Teilnah- mewilligen offenstehen. Die bevorzugte Methode für eine stärkere Integration innerhalb einer Gruppe von Mitgliedstaaten ist die in den Verträgen vorgesehene Verstärkte Zusammenarbeit. ÜBER EUROPA – BETRACHTUNGEN ZUR AKTUELLEN SITUATION UND ZUR ZUKUNFT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION

Fünftens: Jegliche Weiterentwicklung der Union sollte auf einer klaren Zeit- und Ab- laufplanung basieren, wobei künftige Schritte zunächst durch Ausnutzung aller von den bestehenden Verträgen gebotenen Möglichkeiten und ohne Rückgriff auf dort nicht vorgesehene Ausnahmen getan werden sollten, so dass eine Vertragsänderung nur vorgenommen werden muss, wenn in den Verträgen keine abgeleiteten Rechtsakte vorgesehen sind.

Sechstens: Das Tempo der Entwicklung darf nicht von den Zauderern bestimmt werden. Europa darf sich nicht mit der Geschwindigkeit des Langsamsten voranbewegen.

Siebtens: Wenn eine weitere Vertragsänderung als notwendig erachtet wird, muss das Für und Wider umfassend erörtert und debattiert werden, auch in der Öffentlichkeit, bevor sie ausgehandelt und zur Ratifizierung vorgelegt wird.

In dieser Phase stehen wir natürlich vor einer besonderen Herausforderung, wenn es um das Verhältnis zwischen der einheitlichen Währung, dem Euro-Raum und der EU in ihrer Gesamtheit geht. Ich glaube aber, dass die Logik der Verträge in dieser Hinsicht 77 nützliche Hinweise enthält.

Laut den Verträgen ist die einheitliche Währung für alle Mitgliedstaaten gedacht, außer für diejenigen, die sich dauerhaft gegen die Einführung des Euro entschieden haben. Und in Wahrheit gibt es nur einen einzigen Mitgliedstaat – das Vereinigte Königreich –, der sich so entschieden hat.

Sogar der Status Dänemarks lässt sich besser als „mögliche Teilnahme“ denn als dauerhafte Absage beschreiben. Alle anderen Mitgliedstaaten wollen den Euro einführen. Dies wird eine Weile dauern, und ganz bestimmt ist eine gründlichere Vorbereitung als in der Vergangenheit erforderlich.

Es wäre jedoch ein Fehler, eine Logik der Konvergenz in eine Struktur der Divergenz zu verkehren. Dies gilt umso mehr, als die praktischen Erfahrungen bei der Entwick- lung der Krisenreaktion gezeigt haben, dass die Verwerfungslinien bei den Diskussionen nicht zwischen den derzeitigen und den künftigen Mitgliedern des Euro-Raums verlaufen. Vom Euro-Plus-Pakt zum Fiskalpakt, vom einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus zum einheitlichen Abwicklungsmechanismus: Immer, wenn 17 oder 18 Mitgliedstaaten ein ehrgeizigeres Projekt in Angriff genommen haben, haben fast alle anderen Mitglied- staaten mitgemacht und mitgezogen. Die Zentripetalkräfte haben sich immer wieder als stärker erwiesen als die Zentrifugalkräfte.

Der Hang einiger, von einer Neugründung der Union in Form eines eingeschränkteren, kleineren Euro-Raums als dem der EU der 28 zu träumen, spiegelt keineswegs systembedingte Schwächen oder das fehlende Potenzial der 28 Mitgliedstaaten wider, sondern ist Ausdruck der Sehnsucht nach einer „intimeren“ Vereinbarung, nach einer Rückkehr zu der – irrtümlich so wahrgenommenen – Behaglichkeit früherer Zeiten mit weniger Mitgliedstaaten, weniger Schwierigkeiten und vermeintlich größerer Kohärenz und engerer Integration. Aber die Zeit bleibt nicht stehen, und die Geschichte geht weiter. Die Rivalität zwischen einem wie auch immer gestalteten Kerneuropa und einer wie auch immer gestalteten Peripherie wird beide Seiten schwächen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

An dieser Stelle sollte ich vielleicht auf das Verhältnis zwischen der Europäischen Union und dem Vereinigten Königreich eingehen. Ich bin der festen Überzeugung, dass Euro- pa mit dem Vereinigten Königreich als Mitglied stärker ist, und dass auch das Vereinigte Königreich als Mitglied der Europäischen Union stärker ist als allein auf sich gestellt. Ich räume jedoch ein, dass das Vereinigte Königreich aus historischen, geopolitischen und wirtschaftlichen Gründen als Sonderfall betrachtet werden kann. Und gerade aus diesem Grund wäre es falsch, aus der Ausnahme für das Vereinigte Königreich eine Regel für alle anderen Mitgliedstaaten zu machen. Wir können und sollten Wege finden, der Sonderstellung des Vereinigten Königreichs Rechnung zu tragen, sofern dies nicht den Gesamtzusammenhalt der Union gefährdet.

Wir sollten aber diese Sonderstellung – selbst wenn sie zuzeiten und bei einigen Aspek- ten auch für andere Regierungen gilt – nicht mit der Gesamtlage der Union verwechseln.

Meine Damen und Herren,

78 im Kontext dieser Prinzipien zeichnen sich einige Politikbereiche ab, die in den kommenden Jahren ein besonderes Maß an Diskussion, Handlung und Entscheidung über konkrete institutionelle Verbesserungen erfordern: (1) Vertiefung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion nach dem Konzept der Kommission; (2) effizientere Außenvertretung der Union; (3) Stärkung der Werte der Union und der Unionsbürgerschaft; (4) eine bessere Arbeitsteilung in der Rechtssetzung und (5) die Notwendigkeit, unsere politische Union auszubauen.

Für die Vertiefung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion bleibt das Konzept der Kom- mission für eine vertiefte und echte Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion maßgeblich. Es kombiniert ehrgeizige Ziele mit sorgfältiger Planung. Zuerst muss die reformierte wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung in vollem Umfang umgesetzt werden. Ist dies erreicht, sollte der schrittweise Aufbau einer Fiskalkapazität für den Euro-Raum in Erwägung gezogen werden, ergänzt durch eine zusätzliche Koordinierung von Steuerpolitik und Ar- beitsmärkten. Eine solche Entwicklung, die schließlich Vertragsänderungen erfordern wird, muss durch entsprechende demokratische Legitimität und Rechenschaftspflicht abgesichert werden. Ein stärker „fiskalföderaler“ Ansatz im Euro-Raum darf nicht auf die derzeitigen Mitglieder des Euro-Raums beschränkt sein. Er muss allen zukünftigen und potenziellen Mitgliedern offenstehen und die Integrität des Binnenmarktes und der von der Union als Gesamtheit verfolgten Strategien wahren.

Eine effizientere Außenvertretung erfordert eine kooperative Arbeitsteilung zwischen den Verantwortungsträgern in der Union und den Mitgliedstaaten. Die derzeitige Bilanz der Zusammenarbeit zwischen dem Präsidenten des Europäischen Rates und dem Präsidenten der Kommission kann hier Inspirationsquelle sein. Der Hohen Ver- treterin/Vizepräsidentin der Kommission müssen handlungsfähige Stellvertreter sowohl aus der der Kommission als auch aus dem Rat zur Seite gestellt werden. Das Potenzi- al der gemeinsamen Vertretung nach außen, wie im Vertrag von Lissabon vorgesehen, muss voll ausgeschöpft werden. Die Kombination von Außenpolitik mit den externen Aspekten der Innenpolitik verleiht der Union eine weltweite Hebelkraft. Sie ermög- licht eine effizientere Lastenverteilung zwischen der Union und ihren Mitgliedstaaten. Ganz wichtig ist ein engmaschiges Follow-up der ersten Schritte hin zu einer stärker ÜBER EUROPA – BETRACHTUNGEN ZUR AKTUELLEN SITUATION UND ZUR ZUKUNFT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION

koordinierten Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik. Ein sehr wichtiger Aspekt dieser Bestrebungen ist auch eine kohärentere Außenvertretung des Euro-Raums in internationalen Finanzinstitutionen.

Die Stärkung der Werte der Union und der Unionsbürgerschaft erfordert die vollstän- dige Einhaltung und Umsetzung des Rechtsstaatsprinzips und der Rechte, Garantien und Freiheiten der Union. Instrumente wie die Grundrechteprüfung in Folgenabschät- zungen für Rechtsakte und die Rahmenvorschriften der Kommission zum Schutz der Rechtsstaatlichkeit müssen konsolidiert werden. Der Kampf gegen den Missbrauch von Unionsrechten, insbesondere des Rechts auf Freizügigkeit, kann und muss durch ab- geleitete Rechtsvorschriften geführt werden, nicht durch Infragestellung des Prinzips.

Die Arbeitsteilung in der Rechtsetzung muss von dem Grundsatz ausgehen, dass die Mitgliedstaaten der Union nicht weniger reguliert sind als die Union selbst. Wenn es auch zweifellos Fälle von Übereifer bei den Institutionen, auch seitens der Kommission, gibt, dürfen wir nicht aus den Augen verlieren, dass die eigentliche Triebkraft hinter der Regulierung der Union die Notwendigkeit ist, die detaillierten Rechtsvorschriften 79 von 28 Mitgliedstaaten miteinander vereinbar zu machen. Die Frage, wie in wichtigen Dingen viel und in kleineren Dingen weniger reguliert wird, ist demnach nicht so sehr eine Frage nach Negativ- oder Positivlisten von Betätigungsfeldern, sondern vielmehr eine Frage der Dichte und Tiefe einzelner Initiativen. Die beste Herangehensweise ist hier eine neue interinstitutionelle Vereinbarung über bessere Rechtsetzung, die die Prü- fung der Effizienz der Rechtsetzung, die Folgenabschätzung und den Bürokratieabbau, die von der Kommission bereits heute im gesamten Rechtsetzungsverfahren angewendet werden, noch ausbauen würde. Schließlich geht es darum, regelmäßig zu überprüfen, ob ein Konsens über die politischen Prioritäten besteht. In diesem Zusammenhang könnte die Einführung einer Sunset-Klausel oder des Diskontinuitätsprinzips beim Wechsel des Europäischen Parlaments sinnvoll sein.

Die Notwendigkeit einer umfassenderen politischen Union und einer Stärkung der demokratischen Legitimität, die das, was ich Europa 3.0 nenne, untermauern sollten, müssen auf der Gemeinschaftsmethode basieren – dem System für gegenseitige Kont- rolle und Ausgewogenheit zwischen den Institutionen und den Mitgliedstaaten, das den besten Ausgangspunkt für weitere supranationale Demokratie bietet. Diese supranationale Demokratie darf nicht als vielschichtiges Konstrukt von Einspruchsmöglichkeiten konzipiert sein, sondern sollte ein System der Rechenschaftspflicht auf der Ebene sein, auf der Exekutiventscheidungen getroffen werden. Wenn Exekutiventscheidungen von der europäischen Exekutive, nämlich der Kommission, getroffen werden, ist es die euro- päische Legislative, also das Europäische Parlament und – im Rahmen seiner legislativen Aufgaben – der Rat, die für demokratische Legitimität und Rechenschaftspflicht sorgen muss. Im Gegenzug obliegt es den nationalen Parlamenten, Legitimität und Rechen- schaftspflicht für Entscheidungen zu gewährleisten, die auf Ebene der Mitgliedstaaten getroffen werden, d. h. auch für die Tätigkeit der Mitgliedstaaten im Rat. Die Bezie- hungen zwischen den Parlamenten der Mitgliedstaaten und dem Europäischen Parla- ment sollten ebenfalls ein wichtiger Teil des Kooperationsverhältnisses sein, für das ich plädiere. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

In genau diesem Sinne sollte die weitere Entwicklung in Richtung auf die Einsetzung einer reformierten Kommission als Exekutive der Union gehen, dazu zählt auch die Funktion des Schatzamtes der Union. Rechenschaft abzulegen hätte sie gegenüber einer Zwei-Kammer-Legislative bestehend aus dem Europäischen Parlament und dem Rat als den beiden Kammern. Um das richtige Gleichgewicht zwischen politischer Gestaltung und funktionaler Unabhängigkeit der Kommission zu gewährleisten, sollte das aktuelle Verfahren des destruktiven Misstrauensvotums gegenüber der Kommission durch ein konstruktives Misstrauensvotum ersetzt werden, bei dem die Europäische Kommission nur zu Fall gebracht werden kann, wenn das Europäische Parlament mit absoluter Mehrheit einen neuen Kommissionspräsidenten vorschlägt.

Und schließlich können im Sinne maximaler Kohärenz und Effizienz zwischen den verschiedenen exekutiven Funktionen auf Unionsebene sowie zur Gewährleistung von deren demokratischer Legitimität und Rechenschaftspflicht weitere Neuerungen ins Auge gefasst werden. Mittelfristig könnte das Amt des für Wirtschaft und Währung und den Euro zuständigen Vizepräsidenten der Kommission mit dem Amt des Präsidenten der 80 Eurogruppe verschmolzen werden. Eine radikalere Neuerung wie die Verschmelzung des Amts des Präsidenten der Europäischen Kommission mit dem Amt des Präsiden- ten des Europäischen Rates wäre sicherlich eine auf längere Sicht zu klärende Frage.

Doch vor dem Hintergrund der voraussichtlichen weiteren Entwicklung der europäi- schen Integration, insbesondere im Euro-Raum, ist diese Zusammenführung sinnvoll, da sie die Kohärenz und Prägnanz des politischen Systems der Europäischen Union sowohl nach innen als auch nach außen stärkt. Auch Übergangsphasen und Zwischen- lösungen sind denkbar. Wir müssen uns jedoch klarmachen, dass die institutionellen Entwicklungen nur erfolgreich sein können, wenn zunächst die unverzichtbaren Fort- schritte im politischen Handeln und in der Zusammenführung der politischen Grund- sätze erreicht werden.

Noch einmal: It’s the politics, stupid!

Es ist die Politik, die das möglich machen kann oder nicht, und die institutionelle Ent- wicklung muss folgen – nicht umgekehrt.

Meine Damen und Herren, lassen Sie mich zum Schluss kommen.

Die europäische Integration wird immer schrittweise vor sich gehen. Das wussten wir von Anfang an: „L’Europe ne se fera pas d’un coup, ni dans une construction d’ensemble.“, wie es in der Schuman-Deklaration heißt.

Ein solcher pragmatischer Ansatz stand nie im Widerspruch zur Verwirklichung einer Vision! Unsere Ambitionen, unser Traum, was der deutsche Philosoph Peter Sloterdijk einen „luziden Traum“ nennt.

Die europäische Integration ist und bleibt das ambitionierteste Projekt der jüngsten Geschichte. Ihre Energie und Anziehungskraft sind außerordentlich, ihre Anpassungs- fähigkeit beispiellos. Aber nur, wenn bestimmte Voraussetzungen erfüllt sind: wenn die ÜBER EUROPA – BETRACHTUNGEN ZUR AKTUELLEN SITUATION UND ZUR ZUKUNFT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION

Führung klar die Richtung vorgibt, die Zusammenarbeit einen neuen Reifegrad erreicht und die europäische Politik in die Offensive geht.

Genau darum geht es bei der bevorstehenden Europawahl. Sie ist der geeignete Mo- ment, sich für die bisherigen Errungenschaften einzusetzen und einen Konsens darüber zu finden, was getan werden muss, für das wirkliche Europa einzutreten und eine Vision davon zu entwerfen, wie Europa sein könnte.

Diese Wahl ist überaus wichtig!

In den zehn Jahren als Präsident der Europäischen Kommission habe ich versucht, die Fundamente einer pragmatischen, kohärenten und widerstandsfähigen Europäischen Union zu verstärken. Wenn die Europäische Union auch ihre ursprünglichen Ansprü- che nicht immer erfüllen konnten, so glaube ich doch, dass die Kommission eine wichtige Rolle gespielt hat und weiterhin spielen wird.

Wir haben uns für die Bewahrung der Einheit Europas eingesetzt, um Europa offener 81 und stärker zu machen. Stärker heißt, dass die Volkswirtschaften der Mitgliedstaaten wettbewerbsfähiger werden und dem globalen Wettbewerb standhalten können. Und stärker heißt auch, dass unser wirtschafts- und finanzpolitisches Handeln auf europäi- scher Ebene spektakulär an Wirksamkeit gewonnen hat.

Auf dieser Grundlage kann vieles aufgebaut werden. Ein einzigartiges Projekt. Ein not- wendiges Projekt. Ein Projekt, das mit Stolz erfüllt.

Ich durfte einen Beitrag leisten, als es darum ging, einige äußerst bedrohliche Krisen in der Geschichte der Europäischen Union zu meistern, und war in der Lage, ausgehend von den daraus gelernten Lektionen Reformen einzuleiten. Der wahre Lohn für alle Beteiligten erwächst jedoch nicht aus der Einleitung, sondern der Vollendung der notwendigen Schritte.

Lassen Sie uns also weiterarbeiten.

Lassen Sie uns „la réforme de tous les jours“ in Angriff nehmen.

Lassen Sie uns weitermachen mit der von einem meiner Vorgänger, François-Xavier Ortoli, so genannten „courage de chaque jour“.

Und für alle, die wie ich – und ich hoffe, wie Sie auch – diese Passion teilen, diese Liebe für Europa, lassen Sie uns auf das Ziel hinarbeiten, für alle in Europa die Chance zu schaffen, in einer lebenswerten Gesellschaft zu leben. Letztlich geht es doch nicht um Konzepte, nicht um Zahlen, nicht um die Wirtschaft – es geht um Werte. Und ich glaube, Europa steht genau für diese Werte: Frieden, Freiheit und Solidarität.

Ich danke Ihnen für Ihre Aufmerksamkeit. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Rede vor der Generalversammlung der Vereinten Nationen: seit dem Vertrag von Lissabon hat die EU bei den Vereinten Nationen mehr Gewicht. UN-Generalsekretäre Ban Ki-Moon und Kofi Annan: sehr gute Freunde der EU bei den Vereinten Nationen. 83

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Überzeugungsarbeit bei Präsident George W. Bush, die Krise gemeinsam zu bewältigen – in Camp David mit dem französischen Präsidenten Nicolas Sarkozy im Oktober 2008. Mit meiner Frau Margarida und den Obamas auf dem G20-Gipfel in Pittsburgh 2010. Mit Präsident Barack Obama auf dem NATO-Gipfel 2010 in Lissabon und auf dem G8-Treffen in Camp David 2012. Start des TTIP auf dem G8-Gipfel in Lough Erne, Nordirland 2013. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Ein erstarkender Riese, verstärkte Beziehungen: mit dem chinesischen Ministerpräsidenten Wen Jiabao und seinem Nachfolger Li Keqiang. Xi Jinping besucht die Kommission – das erste Mal für einen chinesischen Präsidenten. 85

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Die strategische Bedeutung Brasiliens war für mich eine Selbstverständlichkeit – mit den Präsidenten Lula da Silva und Dilma Rousseff. Mit unseren lateinamerikanischen Partnern in Lima. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Ein Hilferuf, den die EU nicht ignorieren kann: mit dem ukrainischen Präsidenten Petro Poroshenko. Energiesicherheit für Europa: mit Präsident Ilham Aliyev in Baku nach der Unterzeichnung der Vereinbarung über den südlichen Gaskorridor 2011. Mit Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, dem früheren Ministerpräsidenten und derzeitigen Präsidenten der Türkei, einem sehr wichtigen Partner der EU. Mit dem serbischen Präsidenten Tomislav Nikolić und mit dem Vorsitzenden der Präsidentschaft von Bosnien und Herzegowina, Bakir Izetbegović: unsere Union für die Balkanländer offen halten. 87

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Stärkung der Beziehungen zu Japan: mit dem japanischen Kaiser Akihito und dem Ministerpräsidenten Shinzō Abe. Gemeinsame Ziele: OK für das Freihandelsabkommen mit dem kanadischen Premierminister Stephen Harper. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Die Beziehung zum russischen Präsidenten Vladimir Putin war oft angespannt...

aber nicht immer ... DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Reden

Building a Partnership for Europe: Prosperity, Solidarity, Security

VOTE OF APPROVAL, EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 21 JULY 2004

Mr President, Honourable Members of the European Parliament 91

feel privileged to stand here before the first democratically elected Parliament of an enlarged European Union. You are the representatives of 450 million Europe- I ans. Your election brings an end to half a century of division. This assembly symbolises the renaissance of freedom and democracy – spreading to every corner of our continent from the Mediterranean to the Baltic Sea.

We are united in our rich diversity - national, regional, cultural, linguistic and political.

Never before has there been an experiment like ours: to forge, democratically, a union out of the diverse nations of Europe.

Over fifty years we have designed a new and unique way of working together. We have pooled limited parts of our sovereignty to face common challenges. We have shown that our Nation-states are stronger when we act together in areas where Europe delivers the best results.

Let us never underestimate this great European achievement. We must be optimistic, visionary and courageous for the future.

Our vision of integration provides an example for other regions. As Jean Monnet has said:, « la Communauté n’est qu’une étape vers les formes d’organisation du monde de demain. »

The 1st of May was an event of historic proportions with the accession of ten new Member States. But now we have to work to ensure that the success of a reunited Europe, in order to guarantee prosperity, solidarity and security of our continent. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Mr President, Honourable Members,

I come from a small country which has known the transition from dictatorship to democracy; a country on the edge of our continent, but with its heart in the centre.

I stand for the basic values that underpin our Union:

• Freedom

• Respect for Human Rights

• The Rule of Law

• Equality of Opportunity

• Solidarity and social justice 92 I have seen the benefits of the Union in my country. But I have also seen that the accession of Portugal has enriched our Union.

My values and my experiences will allow me, if I receive your endorsement, to build bridges across the Union. This is why I believe I received the unanimous support of the European Council.

I am conscious that one of the main tasks of the President of the Commission is to manage the dynamic consensus that Europe needs. Our Union must more than ever have a strong and independent Commission. Only then can we create results that translate into concrete benefits for our citizens.

Mobilising Europe: Meeting expectations

Mr President, Honourable Members,

It is these beliefs, these convictions that lead me today to launch a challenge.

I would like us – together with Member States, the Social Partners, businesses and citizens across the Union - to build a Partnership for Europe. A Partnership for prosperity, solidarity and security in our Continent.

We must build our Europe together. Words must be transformed into actions. We must argue every day the case for our Union. And the best argument is our results.

We must show to our citizens that Europe can deliver what it promises. Effectively, efficiently, transparently. But we must also be aware of the level at which things are best done - European, national or regional, in full respect of the principle of subsidiarity. What we do we must do well. This means we must concentrate on questions that are most important to our citizens. BUILDING A PARTNERSHIP FOR EUROPE: PROSPERITY, SOLIDARITY, SECURITY

Mr President, Honourable Members,

In building our Partnership for Europe, we must recognise that the biggest challenge we face is not the Euro-scepticism of the few, but the Euro-apathy of the many.

We must listen to those that voted in last month’s European elections.

But we must also hear the silence of those, who for whatever reason, chose not to vote.

Our goals are prosperity, solidarity and security. And for that we must show concrete results.

• The euro – delivering monetary stability and investment.

• A single market - fuelling growth, competition and jobs.

• A unique social model - protecting the weakest in our society and helping people 93 adapt to changing circumstances.

• Quality public services – offering affordable access for all.

• A sustainable approach to the environment.

• And – perhaps of greatest importance - peace and stability in our region and beyond.

Last month, we put the final touches to our Constitutional Treaty. This is also Europe in practice – delivering a vision and adapting to change.

That Treaty consolidates and simplifies the Union. It strengthens our democratic base, by extending this Parliament’s powers, and by finding innovative ways to give a greater voice to national Parliaments and to Europe’s citizens.

It will make us more effective in tackling areas where common action is needed.

The challenge now is ratification.

It will be a crucial moment and lead to a broad discussion on the kind of Europe that people want.

The new Commission, this Parliament and the Member States must be ready with answers. We must make the case for Europe and this will be a huge communication challenge. To win that debate we should not have a technocratic approach. We need instead political leadership and courage.

Mr President, Honourable Members

The partnership I propose must, therefore, respond to the concerns of our citizens. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Today is not the moment to unveil a detailed programme. If I receive your backing, I first want to discuss policy ideas within the College and then with you and with the Council.

The new Constitutional Treaty already foresees that we must set our objectives together. If confirmed, I would bring before you and the Council early in 2005 proposals for the overall strategic priorities to guide our work for the years ahead.

Such an agenda – an agenda of prosperity, solidarity and security - must deal with the most pressing challenges for our peoples today:

• Europe and the world are changing and we need to change too. Reforms are needed. If we want Europe to work, we must give people jobs. But employment will only be created if we get the right environment for enterprise. And, at the same time, we must invest more in skills and training.

94 • We must put growth centre stage. Our social ambition must be fuelled by economic success. Wealth creation is the key to our model of social solidarity and sustainability. This is at the core of the Lisbon agenda. Entrepreneurship and innovation must be harnessed to deliver a better quality of life.

• We must never forget the economy is there to serve the people, and not the other way round. This is the spirit in which we must also interpret the stability and growth pact. This means ensuring the flexibility needed to keep us on the path to growth and employment, whilst preserving monetary stability.

• We must meet the challenges of globalisation. This means facing up to competition in open, global markets. It also means spreading prosperity and opportunity around the world.

• The Union needs to match its political ambition with its financial resources. You cannot have more Europe for less money, especially if we want a similar level of solidarity towards the new Member States as we have shown to the less developed regions in the past. However we must also be able to show to taxpayers that the money they entrust to Europe is prudently spent.

• We need to ensure that we foster stability and invest for growth. This means sound public finances but also twenty-first century networks and strong services of general interest to knit our economies and continent together.

• Health and social protection systems need to prepare for an ageing population. And together with education, these services must be more than just a safety net.

• Our future success will depend on our willingness to take risks, be ready for change and to introduce reforms. Our scientists, universities and companies should keep us at the cutting edge of technology. BUILDING A PARTNERSHIP FOR EUROPE: PROSPERITY, SOLIDARITY, SECURITY

• We must ensure that understandable public fears about new science are properly and democratically addressed.

• We must deliver a better quality of life. This means taking decisions now to create the right incentives for cleaner energy and cleaner transport. We must live up to our international agreements in Kyoto and make sure that our partners do the same.

• We must balance decisions today against their impact on growth, jobs and the environment tomorrow if we are to offer coming generations a truly sustainable future.

• The construction of an area of freedom, security and justice remains one of our most important strategic objectives. The Commission should remain a driving force, helping to create the conditions needed for the removal of internal borders, and the strengthening of the Union external borders.

• Taking forward policies on immigration, asylum and on the integration of immigrants in our society are other key elements. In addition we must implement the 95 Counter-Terrorism Action Plan. Terrorism is the biggest threat today to freedom in Europe and in the World.

• On the world stage, we must spread peace and stability. This applies as much to our nearest neighbours as to the support that we give to the role of international institutions such as the United Nations. We must keep the spotlight on conflict prevention and on the eradication of poverty and disease, particularly in Africa.

These are some of the issues that will provide a policy backdrop for our action.

In all of these, our challenge is one of changing attitudes, not changing values.

What sort of Commission does Europe need?

Mr President, Honourable Members

The European Union represents a bold and unprecedented experiment. The Commis- sion is a unique institutional innovation in our European journey.

A strong Commission must be open. It must consult and listen through a permanent dialogue with civil society, the Social Partners and the regions.

To do all this, the Commission depends on the quality and independence of the Commissioners and on the ability and dedication of its officials.

I can assure you today that I am determined to lead a Commission that acts as a team and combines the very best of national traditions, diverse skills and talents; a Com- mission that must adhere to the highest standards of public life. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

I want the next Commission to have a higher proportion of women Commissioners than any previous Commission, but to achieve this I will need your help. We make this clear to the Council, which shares with me the responsibility for drawing up the list of nominees.

I will make full use of my powers under the Treaty in selecting nominee Commis- sioners, in allocating portfolios at the start and during our term, and in steering the work of the College.

Underpinning all this is the importance of collegiality within a College and of ensuring that a 25 Member College can act quickly, coherently and effectively.

But let me make one thing clear:

There will be no first and second class Commissioners in my Commission.

96 Partnership with the Parliament

We need a close positive relationship between the Commission and the Parliament, while respecting their respective roles and responsibilities.

I therefore give you a firm commitment to work closely and in a transparent manner with the Parliament and always to take your views into account, even if there will be times where we do not agree.

I would like to make three specific promises:

• First, if a Commissioner clearly underperforms or fails in his or her duties under the Treaty, I will not hesitate to ask them to resign.

• Second, I recognise the importance of the democratic oversight role of this Parlia- ment. I will work to provide full and timely information on matters needed for you to exercise that control. I also commit to provide the Parliament with information about documents sent to other institutions, as well as information concerning the consultative bodies which provide expertise to the Commission.

• Third, I will continue a regular dialogue with this Parliament. In addition to coming to the first Plenary Session each year to set out the State of the Union, I will meet at regular intervals with the Conference of the Presidents of the Political Groups.

Conclusion

Mr President, Honourable Members,

The Commission is most effective and Europe comes out on top whenever it has your active engagement and support. BUILDING A PARTNERSHIP FOR EUROPE: PROSPERITY, SOLIDARITY, SECURITY

You are the voice of the peoples of Europe.

I need your strong endorsement.

My promise is to actively work to build a Europe that is much more than just a simple market place. I want a Europe with a social and cultural dimension; a Europe where everyone can find their place.

Let turn together a new page in European integration and send a strong signal of our joint will to work in the interest of Europe’s citizens.

We must not fear the future; the future is in our hands.

Messina, 50 years on: turning the crisis to our advantage

50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE MESSINA CONFERENCE MESSINA, 4 JUNE 2005

Cari Messinesi, miei carissimi europei, Ladies and Gentlemen, 99

t is an honour for me to speak to you here today, just as I did ten years ago as the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs, to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the I Messina conference. This time, however, I come in rather unusual circumstances. The French have rejected a major European treaty with a resounding "non". The newspaper headlines declared Europe to be "in crisis". Politicians called for calm. But that was in 1955, on the eve of the Messina conference.

Mark Twain once said: "History doesn't repeat itself, but it does rhyme". Well, for the 50th anniversary of this conference, history has composed rhymes even Dante would be proud of. Once again, some voices in the press are predicting catastrophe for Europe. This time, France was accompanied by the Netherlands in its rejection of the European Constitution.

How should we react to the French "non" and the Dutch "nee"? What can we learn in this difficult period from the Messina Conference, the anniversary of which we celebrate today?

First of all, I must admit that my first reaction to the rejection of the Constitution by two founding members of the European Union was one of sadness. A negative vote is the sign of a worrying lack of confidence among European citizens. It suggests that some of us fear the future, are resistant to change and no longer believe that the EU can provide solutions to the challenges which we all face today.

Of course, we must take heart from the fact that the concerns of citizens have been expressed by a democratic vote, following a very lively debate. This is positive in itself and we must respect the people's will. However, this debate has often been tied to national issues and, let's be clear, the arguments put forward in the two campaigns often had little to do with the European Constitution. Setting aside purely national considerations, the truth is that the Constitution has become the scapegoat for citi- DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

zens' fears. Fear of losing the social model. Fear of "relocations". Fear that Europe will go too fast and too far. Fear of the euro or fear of globalisation.

But the vote was not about these matters. It was not concerned with past or future enlargements. It was not about the single market and its four freedoms – the free movement of goods, services, persons and capital – which are as old as the Treaty which resulted from the Messina Conference fifty years ago. All too often during the campaign, this was not made sufficiently clear. One thing which was clearly confirmed, however, was that it is difficult during a referendum campaign to avoid the issue at hand from being tainted by other matters, even when they are not directly linked to the consultation.

Let's take a look at the main issues during the referendum campaigns.

Some are concerned by the erosion of the European social model. And yet, the draft Constitution protects this model. An explicit "social clause" (Article III-117) requires 100 the Union to take into account, in defining its policies, social aspects such as the promotion of a high level of employment, the guarantee of adequate social protection and the fight against social exclusion. Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Many express concern over a lack of democracy within the European institutions. And yet the draft Constitution makes a substantial contribution towards reducing the democratic deficit. It gives the European Parliament a much bigger role in the decision-making process, granting it the power to amend and approve almost all new legislation. The doors of the Council, in its role as legislator, will also be wide open to the public, allowing citizens and national parliaments to become more familiar with the positions of the governments. Indeed, participative democracy is gaining constitutional status, with an entire title of the Constitution (Title VI) dedicated to "The democratic life of the Union". Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Others fear that "Europe" is an elitist project, imposed on citizens despite their convictions. And yet the draft Constitution brings Europe closer to both citizens and the national parliaments. It gives citizens the right to ask the Commission to present proposals on appropriate matters, if they manage to collect one million signatures in a significant number of Member States. And it gives the national parliaments significant new competences in order to put subsidiarity into practice. They will be informed of all new legislative proposals of the Commission and will be able to refer them back to the Commission for review. Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Still others are worried by globalisation and by possible threats to the role of Europe. And yet the draft Constitution strengthens the European Union's influence in the world, and the visibility, coherence and efficiency of its actions. Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Citizens generally fear that Europe is too distant and too complex, with its sometimes protracted procedures which can disconcert even the experts. And yet the draft Con- stitution would bring about considerable simplification. It makes one legible text out MESSINA, 50 YEARS ON: TURNING THE CRISIS TO OUR ADVANTAGE of a confusing collection of overlapping treaties. Almost 36 different types of legal instruments are replaced by only six. Do we really want to give up on such a move?

Have these aspects of the draft Constitution often been discussed? As the President of the European Parliament, the President of the Council and I myself said in our joint declaration last Sunday, following the French referendum:

"National and European policy-makers must do more to explain the true magnitude of what is at stake and the nature of the solutions which only Europe can provide … Each and every one of us must think about our role – national governments, Europe- an institutions, civil society – in helping to improve the understanding of this project, whose legitimacy depends on citizens' views being taken into account."

So what are we going to do now? Must we give up on Europe just fifty years after the courageous visionaries of Messina started it off on a new policy of stability and prosperity? Or should we fight to find a new political consensus and use this difficult time as a chance to revive Europe? 101

First of all, it should be made quite clear that the ratifications are above all a matter for the Member States. It is up to them to decide when and how to ratify and whether they wish to continue with the commitment they undertook, or change their position. Nevertheless, what I consider to be important today is for the Member States to react together and for us to avoid unilateral, disorganised action. That is why I asked them to wait for the European Council of 16 and 17 June to adopt their position. It is important for the Council to discuss ratification and to send a clear message to all Eu- ropeans. I am convinced that a message of consensus is possible and desirable. While it is true that we will have to consider the implications of the French and Dutch "no" in due time, we owe it to the Constitution and democracy to allow each Member State to express its opinion. All Member States have the same rights and they must all have the chance to set out their position. We must not forget that ten Member States, representing half of Europeans, have already said "yes" to the Constitution. And Italy is one of them. By ratifying the Constitution, the parliament of Italy, a founding country, sent a strong signal to Europe. Italy must continue to play its traditional role in encouraging the integration process.

At the same time, I have difficulty seeing how we could re-open negotiations with a view to revising the Constitution. Its text is a very delicate compromise which took several years to achieve. It is hard to imagine how a new compromise, noticeably different from the current one, could be approved. And if we tried to take account of the fears of those who voted no, which "no" should we focus on? The Dutch and French who voted "no" had very different reasons for doing so. We must recognise that the "no" in these two countries clearly constitutes opposition to the proposal presented to them, but does not take the form of support for an alternative project.

It is in times like this that we can learn from the events which led to the Messina Con- ference. All too easily, we forget that, until1954, the French National Assembly voted "no" to the European Defence Community. The shock experienced by the European DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

leaders at the time was comparable to what we are feeling today, faced with the French and Dutch "no" votes.

Yet European leaders did not give up on their European ideals. On the contrary. There was a widespread belief that we need a strong, rapid response. Paul-Henri Spaak, who became Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, therefore suggested convening a conference to prepare a relaunch plan. The initiative was well received by Johan Willem Beyen, Dutch Minister for Foreign Affairs, who wanted to go even further, towards "general economic integration". The conference, following a proposal by the Italian Minister Gaetano Martino, took place in Messina and resulted, as we all know, in the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community.

In 1954, a crisis led to the relaunch and strengthening of Europe. Rather than bringing everything to a sudden halt, European leaders redoubled their efforts to offer a solution tailored to the concerns of their fellow citizens, namely peace and prosperity. It is interesting today to see that, faced with the institutional crisis at the time, the 102 chosen approach was to look for a solution by means of economic integration.

It is therefore our responsibility to keep moving forward. We must show our fellow citizens, who are sometimes a little sceptical, that the European Union is now more than ever able to offer an effective response to their concerns. This week's referendum results are a setback, yes, but Europe is more than ever firmly established; we have to remember that there is life beyond the constitutional debate.

The Commission is continuing, and will continue, to make important decisions which offer real advantages to all European citizens. We have a programme to put into action, a programme supported unanimously by the European Council and the European Parliament, a partnership which specifically responds to citizens' concerns by focusing on prosperity, solidarity and security. Indeed, all the European institutions must be united in their aim to forge ahead in implementing the programme and thus to solve the problems causing concern. We aim to create more and better jobs, foster economic growth and sustainable development, preserve and modernise the European social model and guarantee greater security for citizens. That is how we will restore their trust in Europe and in its institutions.

The first major test will perhaps be to reach an agreement on financial perspectives for the period 2007-2013. The European Union needs a new budgetary framework to finance the policies and activities of the Union, and there is no reason to postpone negotiations. On the contrary, everything prompts us now to show that Europe can act with determination. The Commission will do its utmost to achieve a result which conveys our desire to create a more competitive, solidarity-based Europe.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As the six Ministers for Foreign Affairs in Messina fifty years ago knew only too well, the construction of Europe is a complex exercise, exposed to occasional crises. How- MESSINA, 50 YEARS ON: TURNING THE CRISIS TO OUR ADVANTAGE ever, it was by demonstrating true leadership that they transformed the crisis into an opportunity, and allowed a stronger, improved Europe to emerge, a Europe ready to meet the new challenges and assume its responsibilities.

The fate of the Constitution is now in the hands of the Member States. The ball is in their court. In Rome, just over six months ago, the 25 governments of the Member States signed the constitutional treaty. Now it is crucial for the 25 to analyse the situation together and agree on which path to take. The time has come, once again, to show the Messina spirit, and refuse to baulk at difficulties or abandon the values and principles underpinning our project.

It is vital for us to seize this opportunity to forge a new political consensus. As I see it, the Commission's role is to facilitate consensus and avoid a clash between the various models or perceptions of Europe. Without this new consensus, which is now vital, compromise and solutions will be more difficult.

At the same time, however, there are two dangerous traps which must be avoided. 103

The first would be to become entrenched in ideological divisions. Divisions based around the two political doctrines of the market and the State are not in Europe's best interests. Neither of the two will solve all the problems, and any attempt to impose one of the two in Europe is destined to fail. What we need now is an effective combination of market and State which can help Europe to win, rather than lose, in the face of globalisation.

The second trap would be to engage in the "blame game", i.e. in useless and dangerous accusations, and in particular to transform the European institutions on the basis of the difficulties encountered either at national level or in the context of global challenges. Admittedly, the European institutions are not perfect. Who is? It is because we acknowledged that certain problems exist that, since taking up office six months ago, my Commission decided to prepare initiatives for better communication and improved legislative quality (the "better regulation" initiative). Indeed, we know that we can do better in terms of trust, transparency and responsibility between citizens and the European institutions, and that they can do more to ensure respect for the principle of subsidiarity and for the simplification of its decisions, when it comes to relationships with citizens and businesses. But the temptation to attribute unpopular decisions to Brussels has caused serious harm in the past, and continues to do so. This is the case when we perceive meetings in Brussels as battles in which the winners and losers confront each other every day, rather than seeing them as opportunities to debate, achieve consensus and find compromises in difficult but shared problems.

If we attack "Brussels" six days a week, from Monday to Saturday, can we hope for a complete reversal of opinion the next day, and expect citizens to support Europe on Sunday?

If today's Heads of State and Government show the same sense of responsibility as the political leaders fifty years ago in Messina, and avoid these two traps, I think that the future looks promising and that we can turn this crisis to our advantage. That is DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

why, here in Messina, I wish to launch a call to rally around European values, the civilisation and soul of Europe, to strive to find the support which will allow us to achieve a dynamic consensus for a Europe capable of adapting to the new challenges of globalisation. Perhaps then, when the European leaders of tomorrow meet here to celebrate the centenary of the Conference of Messina, they will also remember the crisis in 2005 which was transformed into opportunity, and from which a stronger, better Europe emerged.

Thank you for your attention.

104 France and Europe: a shared destiny

FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY PARIS, 24 JANUARY 2006

Mr President, Ministers, Honourable Members, 105

am particularly honoured to speak to you today, in this prestigious house, and to respond to the invitation from Mr Jean-Louis Debré, President of your Assembly, I whom I wish to warmly thank for this opportunity to engage in discussion with the French national representatives. I am here today to talk to you about the development of Europe of course, but also to look back at a situation which needs to be recalled with strength and conviction, just after the lively, passionate debates in your country. I want to talk about the unshakeable link which creates a far-reaching shared destiny between France and Europe.

I do not need to remind you, the elected representatives of the French people, of the eminent role played by France in the construction of Europe. Europe would not have been created or grown without France and its audacious policy, guided by a bold and generous vision underpinned by solidarity, and driven by men and women who so successfully embodied its spirit.

But France has also been able to count on Europe. Europe has been the melting pot for its economic and cultural influence over recent decades. The challenges which it must face today are common to all European countries, and no one country can meet them alone without the support of Europe. The main flagship projects on which our future competitiveness hinges would not be viable without European cooperation. Without our combined efforts, Galileo would not have come into being and Iter would be in Asia today, not in Cadarache, in the Marseilles region.

The year 2005, which has just ended, marked a turning point. We have of course experienced difficulties but we managed to overcome them together, as shown by the constructive review of the Hampton Court summit and the positive conclusion of the European Council of December, in which I see sound proof of Europe's vitality. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Does our shared history not show that, in times of tension, Europe has always managed to unite, to relaunch its project and reinvent itself, with the unfailing support of France, a founding country and the driving force behind Europe?

It is from the viewpoint of this extraordinary capacity to recover that I see the recent debate which took place in France on the occasion of the referendum. In the French decision, which was reached democratically, I do not see a rejection of Europe but rather the will of citizens to be heard and to shape their shared destiny.

The French debate raised real questions, which require us to provide real answers. Citizens have the feeling that they are not listened to or heard enough regarding the European project. They urge us all – national political leaders and European institutions – to provide specific answers for their concerns, and urge us to shoulder our common responsibility in this respect.

That is why I am calling on politicians, men and women, the active population, 106 French intellectuals: engage in Europe, discuss Europe, explain Europe! We must stop allowing people to believe that Europe does not concern them, that it refers to Brussels. We are all Europe! We are all stakeholders in the construction of Europe!

Some of our citizens fear the future because they fear globalisation. Yet the history of France has always been one of openness to the world and not of withdrawal! The universal values of humanism which quite rightly have been the pride of your country would not have had such influence if France, the country of their birth, had remained closed to the rest of the world!

We have no reason to fear the future. I myself and the European Commission are entirely confident: Europe has the means to impact world developments thanks to our considerable assets.

In view of globalisation, the European dimension is the only one able to make the difference and allow us stay on top of this process. Think about the energy challenges, development aid particularly in Africa, or the fight against crime and terrorism. In all these fields, we need more input from Europe because not even the larger Member States are able today to deal with these issues on their own.

If we prepare to optimise the benefits of globalisation, the global opening of markets and the growth of new technologies – a source of business and therefore of employment – can become a powerful and positive driving force for the economy, social well-being, security and culture.

Now it is time for results. To restore the confidence and support of citizens, we must endeavour to meet their three priority concerns, which we have made our own - prosperity, solidarity and security.

By giving a new boost to growth through innovation, entrepreneurship and research, by supporting in particular small- and medium-sized businesses in order to create more and better quality jobs, we will be fostering the prosperity so essential to the FRANCE AND EUROPE: A SHARED DESTINY blossoming of our European project. And this campaign for competitiveness will also be waged in partnership with the regions of Europe. The Commission thus welcomes the adoption by the European Council of its regional policy proposals which will make it possible to support development in the regions of metropolitan France and the overseas departments.

By strengthening the social dimension of job-creation through the promotion of equal opportunities and the anticipation of problems linked to restructuring and the management of an ageing population, we will be giving substance to the principle of solidarity, which is at the very heart of the European project.

By improving health and food safety, consumer protection, access to justice, border control and the fight against terrorism, we will be ensuring the safety to which our citizens are entitled.

After the European Council of December cleared our budget horizon, we can now translate the "renewed Lisbon Strategy" into reality. To preserve and strengthen our 107 common values, we urgently need to modernise our policies and reform our economies.

We are all the more determined since the informal summit at Hampton Court last October made it possible to achieve a very strong convergence of opinions on urgent dossiers, on the basis of the Commission proposals and spurred on by France – universities and research, demography, energy, security. Beyond political divisions, we have been able to find consensus and a sense of direction in the common interest of Europe, because we have no time to lose and we want a successful Europe!

I am also convinced that public support for the modernisation of the institutions provided for in the draft constitutional treaty will come in time, when the conditions have been met and confidence restored.

Yes, we need to reform our institutions and equip ourselves with the necessary means to effectively meet the challenges of the 21st century.

But I am convinced that political impetus will give momentum to institutional change, rather than the other way round.

So let's create that political impetus. In 2006, let's stop talking and start achieving results, real results. I have no doubt that France will fully assume its role in the fulfil- ment of our shared ambitions.

As an avid reader of your national press, I see here and there that France apparently suffers from melancholy, or even malaise. I wonder whether the country of Molière is not falling into the mindset of the "Imaginary Invalid"...

I, on the other hand, think that France has every reason to be confident! DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

In Europe and throughout the world, France has a voice which is heeded, a voice which counts.

France, a major exporter, is also a leading industrial force and a global player in the services sector, the birthplace of outstanding success stories in the high-tech sector and a hub for international investment. How could we forget resounding world successes like Airbus and Ariane, which owe so much to French initiative?

The choice of being open to the world is therefore a winning choice for France and for Europe.

In order to progress, Europe needs France.

To progress, France must lean on Europe, a Europe determined to promote our common values at global level.

108 In the joint effort to which we must all contribute, your Assembly, like all national parliaments, has a role and a special responsibility. It is also through you, and with you, that the legitimacy of Europe will be reinforced.

So let's join forces, for the sake of our citizens. Together, we will succeed!

Mr President, Honourable Members,

As Jean Monnet said so appositely: "the roots of the Community are strong now, and they are firmly planted in Europe. They have survived bad seasons, and can survive others. On the surface, appearances change and it is normal that the images of the past fade, that the balance of the world is renewed. Yet when we see the persistence of European sentiment in this evolving context, we cannot doubt the strength of this fundamental movement, which is so in keeping with the various periods in history".

In conclusion, it is a great honour for me to assure you today, in my own name and on behalf of the European Commission, of our attachment and loyalty to the principles and values which were handed down to us by the "founding fathers", the most prominent of whom are your fellow countrymen Jean Monnet and Robert Schuman.

Peace, freedom, democracy and solidarity are more than ever at the heart of the Euro- pean project, a lucid dream which we wish to transform into reality.

Thank you for your attention. Seeing Through The Hallucinations

THIRD HUGO YOUNG MEMORIAL LECTURE, CHATHAM HOUSE LONDON, 16 OCTOBER 2006

Ladies and gentlemen, 109

et me start by saying what an honour it is to be the first non-Briton to be invited to give the Hugo Young Lecture. The first non-Briton but not, I hope, the L first European. And Britain’s place in Europe is what I would like to explore today. I will argue that we must set aside what Hugo Young called ‘the hallucinations, both positive and negative, that have driven the British debate for so long’. The time has come to recast the whole framework of this debate to take account of the new realities of the 21st century.

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Europe’s raison d’être was crystal clear from the beginning. It was not the common market. It was not the CAP. It was certainly not some plot ‘blessed’ or not, created by foreigners for the sole purpose of eroding the sovereignty of the United Kingdom, or indeed any other country.

No. Its fundamental raison d’être was a noble one, and Robert Schuman, in his declaration of 9 May 1950, made sure everyone knew it. It’s there in the very first sentence: ‘World peace cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it.’

The words ‘peace’ and ‘peaceful’ appear no less than five times in this historic declaration of a mere few hundred words. This was not some vague aspiration, an empty declaration. This was a pragmatic, muscular, concrete peace. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Schuman said that pooling the production of coal and steel – the raw materials of war – under a supranational authority, ‘will make it plain that any war between France and Germany becomes not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible.’

Schuman, Jean Monnet and the other founding fathers were right, and their plan worked. Today, the success of this strategy is self-evident. Not only has war between France and Germany indeed become unimaginable, but thanks to successive enlargements we have spread peace, stability and prosperity across the European continent.

Those enlargements reinforced another rationale for Europe – freedom. That is an argument for Europe which is easily forgotten, but very important to me personally. When I started university in Portugal, I could not buy the books I wanted, or listen to the music I liked. To buy a copy of “Je t´aime” was a prohibited act; not by the police of political correctness but by the government authorities.

Like many of my age, I rebelled against this dull authoritarianism. My generation 110 saw Europe as an inspiration, a destination for those who wanted freedom and democracy. To my generation in Portugal, to those living in the dictatorships of central and southern Europe which the magnetic power of the European Union helped to overthrow, Europe meant, and still means, freedom.

But, for all its triumphs, the European Union has become the victim of its own success.

60 years of peace has meant that the image of Europe as a bastion against war is losing its resonance. 30 years of pluralist democracy in southern Europe is doing the same to the idea of Europe as a source of freedom.

Equally, the freedoms that Europe offers to its citizens – to travel, to study, to work and to live in any EU Member State are now taken for granted; which is understandable, but perhaps unwise. What the member states of the European Union have created, they can easily destroy. To take fundamental freedoms for granted is to put them at risk. We only have to look at what is happening today to freedom of expression and thought to realise that those dangers are there.

So let me turn to the political landscape of today’s Europe. It is one characterised by a basic tension between those who fear the future, who fear the world, and want protection from it, and those who reach out to it. In truth, that is a tension which exists inside each one of us. That tension is played out at a European level in the reactions to the extraordinary changes going on in the world. Should we close, or should we open, our doors to the people, the products, the ideas that come from outside?

My answer is clear. We must have an open Europe. A Europe which is open to each other and to the rest of the world. A Europe which is engaging with the rest of the world, promoting its interests, its ideas and its values beyond its borders. A Europe which is confident enough to promote change in order to sustain its values, its interests, its ambitions. SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS

To achieve an open Europe, we must find a path through two extremes. On one side, ‘market fundamentalists’ reject any European political action as unnecessary med- dling in the business of the nation state or individuals. On the other, ‘statist fundamentalists’ whip up fear of change and see a plot behind every economic action.

Both are wrong. As Hugo Young described in “This Blessed Plot” the European Un- ion was never just a political project or just an economic project. The two go hand- in-hand.

First, Europe needs a strong and open economy to underpin its political ambitions. That is why this Commission’s agenda of jobs and growth is an essential element of a strong Europe, not a distraction from it.

Second, Europe needs a strong political dimension to nurture and sustain its economic achievements. The economic dynamism which this Commission is fighting for will not happen on its own; it needs strong institutions to make it happen. To create, defend and extend the single market, you need the European Commission and the 111 European Court of Justice. You cannot do this without them. If you want an open Europe, you need a political Europe. You will not get one without the other.

But, as I have argued, the European Union needs new foundations. A new core purpose. One which looks forward, recognises new realities, that draws inspiration from but does not depend upon the achievements of the past. One in which, as I said in my first speech as Commission President elect, everyone can find themselves.

And as chance would have it, our purpose is staring us in the face.

In 1950, the challenge was securing a lasting peace. But look at the challenges facing Europe today. Climate change. Growing competition from China and India. Global pandemics. Mass migration. International terrorism. Demographic change. Energy security.

These challenges are shared by all Europeans, from London to Lisbon and Ljubljana. They are also challenges which no nation state can hope to tackle successfully alone. The smaller member states know that. The larger ones may not feel this as strongly. But I think it is true for all EU members, large and small. Size is relative. The United Kingdom looks big next to Ireland. It looks small next to China.

The fact is, the European Union is a uniquely effective instrument for helping the United Kingdom and other European countries to develop solutions to these new, cross-border challenges.

And surely this is the EU’s raison d’être for the 21st century: to help Europeans prosper in a globalised world.

There are those who claim that in our interconnected age, it is grassroots politics that matters. That globalisation has liberated the local. There’s a lot in this. But there are those who then argue that the EU is rendered irrelevant in this globalised world. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

They are wrong. The opposite is true. Globalisation makes the case for the European Union.

Because size matters in the globalised world. The actors of globalisation; the United States, China, India, dwarf any single member of the EU in terms of population, and in some cases in terms of economic size and security strength. The EU has that size; 500 million people, the biggest single market in the world, the biggest exporter in the world, the biggest aid donor in the world.

Yes, countries like the UK will have special relationships with India or China, and it is to the EU’s benefit that they do. But one of the reasons that these countries want to keep good relations with the UK is precisely because it is an influential member of the EU. Lose that influence, and you lose some of that interest.

You also lose the leverage which size brings. Let me take a topical example. On Friday Tony Blair, myself and other EU leaders will sit with President Putin to discuss energy 112 policy. There are common energy challenges which all the EU’s members face, and which the Commission will address with a package of proposals in January. The UK’s influence in tackling those challenges is increased, literally tenfold, by being part of a united European bloc when sitting down with the president of Russia.

In other words, globalisation has reduced the ability of the nation state alone to provide solutions, while failing to provide a realistic alternative at the global level. Europe – with its weight, wealth, shared values, diversity of expertise and unique range of instruments - fills that gap.

This is not to deny an important truth; the nation state is and will, I think, remain the principal source of political power, because it is to the nation state that most Eu- ropeans feel greatest allegiance. But in an era when the challenges facing nation states are global, governments can best deliver for their citizens by leveraging our common strength as Europe.

Let me look at what some of those challenges are.

• Tackling climate change and promoting energy security.

• Fighting global poverty, especially in Africa.

• Boosting Europe’s security.

• Increasing Europe’s ability to compete.

The European balance sheet in all these areas is encouraging.

Take climate change. The EU was the prime mover in the Kyoto Protocol negotiations. It was EU leadership which secured the final agreement on multilateral action to tackle climate change. SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS

Today, the EU Emissions Trading Scheme is a vital instrument to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in a cost effective way. The European Commission designed and proposed the EU Emissions Trading Scheme. We will develop it further. It is exactly the sort of market-based mechanism that British political leaders, across the spectrum, are calling for.

Take energy. The problems faced by the UK - high energy prices, ageing infrastructure, increasing dependency on imported hydrocarbons - are European problems. Having 27 energy mini-markets will get us nowhere.

European problems require European solutions, and as the largest importer and second largest consumer of energy in the world, the EU is well placed to find them. European leaders recognised this at Hampton Court last year when they gave the go ahead to the Commission to develop a common approach to energy policy – a classic example of demand-driven integration.

So the Commission will drive forward consumer choice and competitiveness with 113 a new legislative package to strengthen the energy single market next year. We will build up co-operation with strategically important transit and supply countries. We will extend the principles of the internal energy market beyond the EU’s borders. We will adopt this week an ambitious plan to increase Europe’s energy efficiency. We will invest more in research in renewable and other forms of low carbon energy. Through all this we will encourage greater diversity - of energy sources, of country of origin, of country of transit. It is through energy diversity that we will get energy security.

Now, take Africa and the fight against poverty. Trade is essential to help the poor get out of poverty. It is at the heart of our development strategy. The European Union is the most open market in the world for the poorest countries, and their largest trading partner.

Those who like to complain about Europe’s agricultural policies might be surprised to learn that the European Union buys 85 per cent of all Africa’s agriculture exports. In fact, it imports more goods from Africa than all the other G8 countries combined (you can throw in Australia and New Zealand as well, if you like). By 2009, the 50 poorest countries in the world will be able to export all their goods, apart from arms, duty and quota free. No other major trading bloc can match this.

Collectively, the EU also accounts for 55 per cent of all official development aid spent worldwide – a figure projected to rise to 63 per cent by 2010. It has agreed to double aid by 2010, and to provide 80 per cent of the 50 billion dollars pledged to Africa at the G8 Summit in Gleneagles last year.

In all these areas, our aim is to accelerate Africa’s progress towards meeting the Mil- lennium Development Goals, and keep development at the centre of global concerns. Where it belongs.

There is a human element to this as well. I was in Darfur last week, on my way to co-chair the first ever meeting of the European Commission outside Europe, in Addis DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Ababa – the home of the Commission of the Africa Union. I am amazed at what I have seen in these young people that travel so far to help the people of Africa. I am proud of this Europe, I feel proud to feel European.

Let us look at security. There is a rising demand for a European role in external crises. And the EU is responding. It has doubled the number of peace and security missions in recent years. It is playing a central role in conflict prevention and resolution from Darfur to Palestine, from the Congo to Lebanon.

It is an effective actor because of the range of instruments at its disposal. In Darfur, for example, it is the biggest contributor to humanitarian aid, the main supporter of the African peacekeepers there, and playing a political role in pushing the Sudanese government to avoid another humanitarian catastrophe. The same is true in Congo, further from the eyes of the world’s media. So too in Palestine, or in Indonesia, Acheh or closer to home in Kosovo and Bosnia. This work is raising Europe’s credibility as a stabilizing force, and raising expectations for even greater commitment. It is happen- 114 ing without a great fanfare. But it is happening. It is a major development in Europe’s role. It is a responsibility we shouldn’t duck.

Finally, helping Europe compete. We must unleash the full potential of the single market to generate growth and jobs. That is why this European Commission will defend, extend and modernise the single market.

We have an ambitious agenda. Financial services, health services, postal services, cop- yright levies, and defence procurement are some of the areas that will come under the spotlight in the months to come.

This is important because a competitive single market is a vital ground for sharpening Europe’s industries; to enable them to compete not just in Europe but in the global marketplace. So this Commission will fight hard to ensure that Community law is respected, and that this important playing field remains an open, fair and level one, for all our companies.

Of course, some talk of economic nationalism and patriotism. But I ask you to look at the facts before listening to the comments. European markets are opening up. Energy cross border mergers notified to the Commission are up 75% since 2000. The Com- mission has already looked at ten cross-border energy mergers this year, three more than in the whole of 2005. The rhetoric about protectionism may point one way, but the reality points the other. And, in fact, this rhetoric is resistance. There is resistance because of movement.

So Europe’s agenda, this Commission’s agenda, is not some alien construction; it is one which responds to the challenges being addressed by the UK and by others in Europe.

Let me put it another way. If the United Kingdom wants to tackle climate change; if it wants to fight poverty in Africa; if it wants to deliver greater external security, if it SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS wants a more open, competitive environment, then the United Kingdom needs the European Union.

But, ladies and gentlemen, let us recognise another very important truth. That the EU needs the United Kingdom.

Because what is striking is that in all these policy areas, Britain is a lead player in Europe.

On climate change, for example, the UK’s support was vital for putting the emissions trading scheme in place as quickly as it was. And it will be equally important in its further development.

On energy, the UK is leading the drive for more open markets, more sustainability and greater security.

On security and defence, the UK was there from the beginning, thanks to the An- 115 glo-French St Malo Declaration. Last year you were the biggest contributor of troops to European Security and Defence Policy operations. The British play a significant role within the EU’s military structures. The next head of the EU’s military staff will be British.

On Africa, Prime Minister Blair has shown a clear commitment, making it a priority of the British Presidency of the EU and the G8. Moreover, Britons have taken a lead on Africa at the grassroots level, too. The Make Poverty History campaign was a driving force behind global efforts by civil society to tackle poverty.

Finally, on open economies and competitiveness, the UK was a driving force for the creation of the single market and for the Lisbon agenda, and has been a leader in pushing for open trade; to the benefit of the EU and? I would suggest, the UK.

So the UK is playing a central role. That is good for the EU; and I think good for the UK. The world has changed. Europe has changed too. And the UK now finds itself at the centre of efforts to build a successful, open and global Europe.

Why? Not out of altruism, or because of a vague notion of “influence”, but because you judge that it is in your interest to do so. To pursue British objectives of an open, secure and just world, you need the European Union.

The UK’s role in developing Europe is a vital role and the UK can take pride in its contribution. And yet it sometimes seems reluctant to do so. This may be because of your native modesty. But it will never work as a means of convincing the British public of the need for Europe. You will never persuade people to support an organisation which sometimes you pretend does not exist.

The UK will always have influence in Europe. Its size, its economic power and its international networks will ensure that. So the question is: does the UK want to shape a positive agenda which reflects its own agenda, or be dragged along as a reluctant DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

partner? Does the United Kingdom want to continue to drive from the centre; or return to sulking from the periphery?

The choice is yours.

I spoke a few minutes ago about the role of the UK in the launch of the single market. It is an instructive example. It may seem strange to bring Margaret Thatcher into the Hugo Young lecture about Europe, although he wrote excellent books on both sub- jects. But she accepted, in the Single European Act, the need for effective institutions to drive an ambitious policy agenda. And what was true then remains true now. Eu- rope cannot fight climate change, poverty, threats to security, economic nationalism, without effective institutions. My experience shows that without strong institutions at the centre, even the internal market will be put into question. If you want these ends, then you must have the means to deliver them.

So talk of fulfilling Europe’s new core purpose will come to nothing unless the EU 116 is able to adapt to the new rules of the game. Becoming an effective, global Europe requires improving Europe’s capacity to act. That is why institutional reform is necessary.

The Constitution would have helped. But perhaps the grand finality of the word ‘constitution’ set it up as a hostage to fortune, both to intergovernmentalists who felt it went too far, and to federalists, who felt it did not go far enough. Let us be clear about the label which should be attached to further institutional reform. What Eu- rope needs is a Capacity to Act.

Of course, there is a lot we can do, and have been doing, on the basis of the existing treaties. I do not subscribe to the view that Europe is stuck. I hope the agenda I have just described to you is evidence of that. And I doubt that many will be convinced of the argument that Europe isn’t working, so we need more of it.

But the fact remains that the current set-up is less than optimal. In any event, the Nice Treaty legally obliges us to revise the composition of the Commission as soon as there are 27 Member States - and that day is less than three months away. And finally, the last European Summit set up a process to look at the institutional question in the coming year.

We need this reform. We need this institutional reform for three reasons:

First, we must improve the efficiency of decision-making. As the number of Member States rises, the time it takes to reach a decision increases. Agreement, and action, becomes more difficult to reach. This has to change. There is no point reaching the right policies on globalisation if they arrive 5 years too late.

Second, the distance is growing between Europe and its citizens. Again, that must change. Injecting greater accountability and transparency into Europe’s institutions will help to close that gap. That means letting fresh air into the smoke-filled rooms, SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS and developing a more political way of building Europe, rather than a diplomatic, bureaucratic or technocratic one.

I regard our better regulation agenda as central to that. I agree with those who say that the regulatory burden is too heavy. I am trying to reduce it. But don’t forget that sometimes this extra burden comes not from the Commission, but from the member states; both when they adopt the regulations and when they implement them.

Third, there can be no global Europe without greater external coherence. There is no single number for the United States to call. The EU is not a federal state. But a Euro- pean Foreign Minister, who is simultaneously responsible to the Member States and a Vice-President of the Commission, would go a long way to achieving that coherence. But we must go further than that. We need to join together the combined weight of the Community and inter-governmental forces on external policy. Europe must become more than the sum of its parts.

There is another reason I might add; we need reform to enable enlargement to contin- 117 ue. I do not believe we will be able to get popular support for enlargement, or be able to make the institutions of an enlarged Europe work, without reform. And I want enlargement to continue; that is another reason why we need reform.

But if we are to have further institutional reform, we must have a policy purpose behind it. I have put policies before institutions in this lecture for that very reason; institutions cannot exist in a vacuum – they must work for a purpose. In thinking through Europe’s capacity to act, we need to examine afresh which policy fields require a further pooling of sovereignty, and also examine which require less.

A new institutional settlement for the EU should be seen within the same intellectual framework as the continued reform of existing EU policies. This Commission is already analysing what reforms are needed to the Single Market, what kind of modern social policies Europe needs and how a budget designed for the political priorities of a previous generation can be reformed to serve the needs of the future.

Let me take a moment to talk about the budget. The budget for 2007 to 2013 points in a more forward-looking direction, thanks to the deal brokered under the British Presidency. It is a deal which reduces agricultural spending by 2013, especially on direct support to production. It is a deal which increases spending in areas that reflect Europe’s new agenda – like competitiveness, growth and jobs, innovation and security. And, crucially, it will shift money to where it is most needed; the new member states. They will get 50% of the regional and rural development funds, despite having only around 6% of the EU’s GDP. That is an important investment in Europe’s future; and one which will benefit all in Europe, just as the UK and others have benefited from the economic development of Ireland, Spain and Portugal.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I have tried to show that Europe’s old raison d’être - consolidating peace – must be reinforced by a new sense of purpose. I have tried to show that Europe’s new vocation DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

is to be open, global and engaged, delivering 21st century solutions to 21st century concerns.

It is a vocation which I think the UK shares, and which gives it a central role to play. Europe is also an essential instrument for delivering UK policy objectives. The difference is, this is no longer just a UK agenda. It’s a European agenda. And it requires a European response. With effective institutions. If there was ever a case to argue that the agendas of the UK and the EU were in conflict that is now, quite simply, absurd.

And let us also get off the old debates about sovereignty. There are those who accept that effective action requires something more than just cooperation, and those who think that cooperation without effective sovereignty sharing is enough. I like the answer which Harold Macmillan gave to that question in 1962. He said, “Accession... would not involve a one-sided surrender of sovereignty on our part but a pooling of sovereignty by all concerned...In renouncing some of our sovereignty we would receive in return a share of the sovereignty renounced by other members”. 118 I am passionate about Europe; its values, its culture, its history, its truly extraordinary achievements in the last fifty years. No-one is forced to love Europe. What I ask is that the United Kingdom demands more from Europe, and keeps giving more in return. It is no longer a question of whether people are for or against Europe. Those are the debates of the last century. The question is – do you want to make the European Union work?

I know that Hugo Young’s answer was “yes”. In the years to come, let that voice to be heard louder, not less, in Britain’s political arena.

Thank you. A stronger Europe for a successful globalisation

50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE TREATIES OF ROME BERLIN, 25 MARCH 2007

Mrs Merkel, Excellencies, 119

oday we are marking half a century of European union. We have every reason to celebrate, and we are doing so in Berlin, the capital of the united Germany. T Right from the start, Germany has been a reliable driving force in this united Europe. Today’s European Union - our enlarged Europe - would not have been possible without Germany’s commitment and solidarity.

Berlin is thus a symbol of the new, united Europe. The fact that these 27 Member States are here celebrating in Berlin today is in itself symbolic of this free and united Europe. Just 20 years ago, this would still have been unthinkable.

As we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, the past and the future meet. Let us first recognise 50 years of achievement. Peace, liberty and prosperity, beyond the dreams of even the most optimistic founding father of Europe. In 1957 15 of our 27 members were either under dictatorship or were not allowed to exist as independent countries. Now we all are prospering democracies.

The EU of today is around 50 times more prosperous and with 3 times the population of the EC of 1957.

This enlarged European Union gives us not just economic but also political and strategic dimension. This dimension makes each member state stronger, amplifies each of our voices.

Size matters in today’s world. Together we can achieve results we could never dream of alone, tackling the challenges of the globalised world: climate change, energy security, terrorism and organized crime, mass migration, a more competitive economic environment and global poverty. The conflicts of the twentieth century made us small, European unity can give our greatness back. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Here, let me be clear. My vision of Europe is not one where only European institutions promote unity and Member States defend diversity. A real partnership is where European Institutions respect diversity and national governments promote unity. That’s why we need the community method and subsidiarity.

Our unity is based on deep ties: common roots and common values. It is those values that make us a Community and a Union, not just a market. The triumph of the last 50 years has been the triumph of those values in Europe, of freedom and solidarity, delivered through a Community of law. Our challenge for the next 50 years is to propose, but not to impose, those values beyond Europe’s borders. This is the unfinished European adventure.

To complete our unfinished adventure requires not just scale and values. It requires something from each of us, as leaders. Political will. As Robert Schuman put it: “Il n’est plus question de vaines paroles, mais d’un acte, d’un acte hardi, d’un acte con- structif.” 120 First, “European Union” is not a “foreign power” invading our countries; it is our common project. Europe is not “them”, it is “us”. It is tempting, but it is not honest for national politicians to take all the credit and give “Brussels” all the blame. Let us resist that temptation. This is the ethic of European responsibility which we must all share.

Second, the political will to be open, not closed, to be brave, not frightened. To have the courage of our vision to shape globalisation with our values.

Third, the will to give Europe the capacity to act. A Europe of results demands efficient, democratic and coherent institutions. We must equip the European Union for globalisation.

This is the kind of historical test that a generation of political leaders faces once in their lifetime. So let me finish with an appeal. Let’s work together: European Com- mission, European Parliament, Member States and European citizens, to take the great legacy we received from our founding fathers into the 21st century. Together, I believe we can win: Europa gelingt gemeinsam.

Thank you. The Treaty of Lisbon: a treaty for 21st century Europe

SIGNATURE OF THE TREATY OF LISBON LISBON, 13 DECEMBER 2007

isbon, so often the meeting point between Europe and the world, is today the 121 place where Europeans meet among themselves, and the Treaty of Lisbon is the L result of this meeting. In this old continent, a new Europe is being born; a Eu- rope enlarged to 27 Member States, reunited in freedom and democracy. In resolving its institutional issues, Europe is preparing to tackle global problems.

A long time has passed since Europe was the centre of the world. Moreover, it is doubtful that the modern world even has a real centre. Yet, if we match the capacity to act which the Treaty of Lisbon confers on us with a political will to act, Europe will be better placed than any other country or group of countries to propose – rather than impose – global solutions which the world urgently needs.

By signing the Treaty of Lisbon, we are bringing to an end six years of negotiations on our institutions. I wish to applaud the commitment of all the governments and of the European Parliament during the Intergovernmental Conference. The Commission, true to its role of defender of the general European interest, is also proud of the impetus it has lent to this process.

Allow me to highlight the exceptional contribution of the German Presidency of the Council which, following the Berlin Declaration, garnered the political will of the Member States in support of the Intergovernmental Conference's mandate, and the competence and determination of the Portuguese Presidency of the Council, which made this Treaty of Lisbon possible.

In order to achieve this result, all governments had to demonstrate political courage and I would invite you to show the same determination during the ratification period.

It is particularly important to draw attention to the added value of the Treaty and the efficiency gains it brings to our decision-making process, the increased democracy it affords our institutions and the potential for greater coherence it represents for our external action. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Now is the time to move forward. Europe must face many challenges, both external and internal, and our citizens want results. Globalisation is the common denominator for all these challenges.

If we are to ensure that Europeans enjoy prosperity and social justice, freedom and security, the European Union must be able to take decisive action on the world stage.

If we are to have an international order built on open and fair societies and economies, collective security, good governance, human rights and sustainable development to guarantee our planet's future, in particular in face of the major challenge of climate change, the European Union must have adequate tools to shape globalisation.

If we are to have strategic relationships with our partners and the means to firmly defend our interests in our relations with other great powers, the European Union must be strong and united. As the great poet Fernando Pessoa said in 1917, “Europe is thirsting to be created and hungry for the future”. He added “Europe wants to de- 122 velop from a mere geographical designation into a civilised person”.

The Treaty of Lisbon will reinforce the Union’s capacity to act and the ability to achieve those goals in an effective way. As such, it will help the Union to deliver better results to European citizens.

The Treaty of Lisbon will also strengthen European democracy and the community method, by giving more competences to the European Parliament, but will also reinforce the respect for subsidiarity through an increased role of national parliaments in European matters.

The Treaty of Lisbon will give further legal protections to European citizens through the Charter of Fundamental Rights, thus reinforcing the principles and values which define us as a “community of law”.

The Treaty of Lisbon will also provide increased coherence in our external action. A good illustration of this is the fact that the High Representative will also be Vice-Pres- ident of the Commission.

But the Treaty of Lisbon also has a very special political significance. It is the Treaty of an enlarged Europe from the Mediterranean to the Baltic, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Black sea. A Europe that shares common values and common ambitions. For the first time, the countries that were once divided by a totalitarian curtain, are now united in support of a common Treaty that they had themselves negotiated.

The enlarged European Union gives us a new economic, political and strategic dimension. This dimension makes each Member State stronger. And it makes Europe, united in its diversity, better equipped to promote its interests and values in the world.

But dimension is not enough. We need increased coherence, which can only be achieved if we are able to match the new capacity to act with a renewed political will. THE TREATY OF LISBON: A TREATY FOR 21ST CENTURY EUROPE

The Treaty of Lisbon gives the Union this capacity to act. But the determination to act requires political will and committed leadership.

Fifty years after the Treaty of Rome, we can be proud of what we have achieved in the past. Today, as we sign the Treaty of Lisbon, we can be confident about what we will achieve in the future.

Let us now work together – European institutions, Member States – to make freedom, prosperity and solidarity a reality for the everyday life of European citizens.

123

Political guidelines for the Commission 2009 – 2014

A MESSAGE TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT BRUSSELS, 3 SEPTEMBER 2009

e live in extraordinary times. The crisis that we face is not just a financial 125 or an economic crisis. It is also a crisis for the values of our societies. At W the same time, it shows to what extent the world of the 21st century has become interdependent. It confirms what may become fundamental changes in the relations and the balances between world powers.

This is why we need a far-reaching reflection about the kind of society we want to live in.

For Europe, this is a moment of truth. Europe has to answer a decisive question. Do we want to lead, shaping globalisation on the basis of our values and our interests – or will we leave the initiative to others and accept an outcome shaped by them?

The alternatives are clear. A stark choice has to be made. Either Europeans accept to face this challenge together – or else we slide towards irrelevance.

I am convinced that Europe can, and should, together with our partners, provide globalisation with the leadership it needs. In order to play its proper role, Europe must take the acknowledgement of global interdependence as the starting point of its own “declaration of interdependence”. Combining the dimension of its internal market with the joint forces of the European institutions and of its 27 Member States, the European Union has the critical mass to project our values and to defend our interests. And the European Union is particularly well-suited to take up this task because of our experience in establishing supranational rules and institutions. The European Union has had almost 60 years as a laboratory for cross border supranational cooperation, making it a natural champion of global governance.

The Lisbon Treaty, which I hope will soon be ratified, will give us the institutional capacity to act. But facing these challenges is also a question of political will. This is not the time for business as usual or for routine – what we need is a transformational agenda. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

More than ever, this requires a strong European Union. But let me be clear: this does not mean more centralisation of powers in Brussels. The Lisbon Treaty and the principles of subsidiarity and solidarity it enshrines determine the proper level for efficient delivery.

What needs to be recognized is that the European dimension, the European spirit, the European culture in decision-making at all levels, the Community method are decisive to use Europe’s assets to achieve the best results for citizens. To productively deploy our economic and commercial leverage. From the internal market and the Euro to the cohesion policy.

Europe has managed to develop a social market economy and a model of society that surpasses the destructive dichotomy of unregulated markets or over-powerful states. Our common history and experience show that the answers to today’s challenges do not lie in the market alone, or in the state alone. They must come from society so that they can respond to people’s needs. We must put human dignity at the heart of our 126 endeavours. A values based approach provides the right foundation for the pragmatic task of delivering solutions for our citizens. European policies must be policies aimed at results for the citizens. This is the way to close the gap between the reality of Euro- pean integration and people’s perceptions.

It is obvious that the short-term priority must be the successful exit from the crisis, sustaining demand and stemming the rise in unemployment. This means implementing the European Economic Recovery Programme with vigour, keeping interest rates low, returning banks to viability, and using our state aid rules to support governments in their efforts to revitalise the economy without adverse effects in other Member States – all of this as part of an overall coordinated European strategy. It is too early to withdraw the stimuli and support measures to the economy and the financial sector.

Under the present circumstances, employment is clearly the number one concern. It is essential to use all possible instruments to hold back further job losses and to help those who now find themselves unemployed. Given the uncertainties which people are facing at this moment, we need a new, much stronger focus on the social dimension in Europe at all levels of decision making. At the same time, an effective and responsible reform of financial markets must be implemented swiftly, so as to re-centre markets on the ethical basis essential for both success and legitimacy.

But to lay the foundations for a more sustainable future, we must already look beyond the short term. Setting the priorities for Europe in a ten year horizon will allow us to define better the work the Commission should do in the next five years. Such a framework will help us to make the right decisions for the longer term, guiding our decisions on how and where to invest now in the deep and innovative changes needed to sustain the European model of society and to succeed in an increasingly competitive world.

We already have several of the ingredients in the different strategies and instruments the EU has developed in recent years. What I propose is to bring the different strategies and instruments together, adapting them where necessary. In particular, we need POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 to revise the current Lisbon strategy to fit the post 2010 period, turning it into a strategy for an integrated vision of “EU 2020”.

This strategy for the “EU 2020” will comprise a more convergent and coordinated approach for the reform of Europe’s economies through investment in new sources of growth. This means boosting research, development and innovation. This means upgrading of skills as the basis for more employment. This means more competitiveness and less administrative burden to strengthen our industrial base, a modern service sector and a thriving rural economy. This means closing the “missing links” in the internal market to realize its full potential. This means action against climate change and for energy security to make our economies and societies sustainable. This means deploying the networks of the future, be it broadband or a new European supergrid for electricity and gas. And this means securing sound public finances. I want a strategy for concrete action – which this paper details further – to deliver the kind of inclusive and sustainable social market economy we want to live in.

The basis for the strategy is our commitment to open and sound markets. Internally, 127 it is based on a staunch defence of the internal market, and the competition and state aid rules, which provide a level playing field guaranteeing access and opportunity for all, irrespective of size or might – namely consumers and SMEs. Externally, it is based on the rejection of all forms of economic protectionism, whilst defending the Euro- pean interest firmly and without being naïve.

I have a passion for Europe. For me, the European project goes much further than its economic dimension. It is based on the values of peace, freedom, justice and solidarity, and it must mean advancing people’s Europe. The European Union offers its citizens rights, protection and opportunities in the marketplace and beyond. And it helps to bring people together, using Europe’s cultural diversity as a powerful channel to communicate. The principles of free movement and equal treatment for EU citizens must become a reality in people’s everyday lives.

Moving ahead in this way, Europe can promote its values and interests not only in her immediate neighbourhood. Europe can become a true partner in leadership on the global scale. At the multilateral level, in the UN context, with our partners in the G8 and the G20. By engaging with emerging economies and calling them to take on increased responsibility. And Europe can credibly champion the cause of human rights and of development, notably in the fight against poverty in Africa.

To accomplish this, we need a more political Europe. This requires a special partnership of the two European institutions “par excellence” – the Commission and the European Parliament. We hold a joint responsibility for the common European good: it is when we work together, when we have a clear consensus on our vision for Europe, that we can best realise our ambitions for the transformational agenda that the Europe of tomorrow demands of us. I set out in broad terms my vision for Europe for the next five years in a letter to the Members of the European Council in June. In the days to come, I will meet with the different political groups ahead of the debate and vote in the plenary of the EP. This is why I have decided to expand on this vision DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

and to set out not only the policy objectives and ideas that I think should inspire our partnership for the next five years, but also my convictions and beliefs.

This document does not aim at being exhaustive. It is not a Commission work programme. That will have to wait for a new College. The initiatives put forward should be read not as a catalogue, but as illustrations of the political guidelines on which I would like to build a consensus among all pro-European forces. It aims to give all of you – those who have worked with me over the past five years, and those elected to the Parliament for the first time – a direct insight into my ambition for Europe. Should I be approved by the European Parliament on the basis of this vision, I would work with the incoming Commissioners to develop the guidelines set out in this text into the more detailed programme. My first mandate was about consolidating Europe at 27. The enlarged European Union now gives us a springboard to use our reach and strength to best effect. We are now in a position to move on with conviction and determination to a new phase of ambition. If I am reconfirmed by the European Parliament, I will redouble my efforts to do everything possible to make an ambitious 128 Europe happen. I will use the powers of the Commission to the full. I will take the special partnership with the European Parliament to a new level, to ensure that the two Institutions at the heart of the European project together pull their weight for a prosperous, secure and sustainable Europe – a Europe of freedom and solidarity.

J.M.B.

“Nos pays sont devenus trop petits pour le monde actuel à l’échelle des moyens techniques modernes, à la mesure de l’Amérique et de la Russie d’aujourd’hui, de la Chine et de l’Inde de demain.”4 (Jean Monnet, 1954)

“Et la Communauté elle-même n’est qu’une étape vers les formes d’organisation du monde de demain.”5 (Jean Monnet, “Mémoires”, 1976)

“The twentieth century — America’s Century — had seen Europe plunge into the abyss. The old continent’s recovery had been a slow and uncertain process. In some ways it would never be complete: America would have the biggest army and China would make more, and cheaper, goods. But neither

4 “Our countries have become too small for the present-day world, for the scale of modern technology and of America and Russia today, or China and India tomorrow.” 5 “The Community… is only a stage on the way to the organised world of tomorrow.” POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

America nor China had a serviceable model to propose for universal emulation. In spite of the horrors of their recent past — and in large measure because of them — it was Europeans who were now uniquely placed to offer the world some modest advice on how to avoid repeating their own mistakes. Few would have predicted it sixty years before, but the twenty-first century might yet belong to Europe.” (Tony Judt, “Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945”, 2007)

The Europe I believe in 129 The world is at a turning point. So is Europe. Our action now will determine the vitality of the European model of society for future generations. It will determine how much influence we have in shaping a new world order, how well we use our assets to assert Europe’s interests and values in the age of globalisation. The European Union now has 50 years of experience in how to successfully promote rights, prosperity and solidarity for Europeans. We have, sometimes painfully, learned how to manage interdependence in Europe – we now need to bring this experience in a united Eu- ropean response to the global level. These are no ordinary times. What Europe needs is a transformational agenda. Only by working together can Europe have the critical mass needed. We face a choice: either we collectively shape the new order, or Europe will become irrelevant.

This is of course not the first time Europe has had to reinvent itself: it started out as a peace project, aimed at healing a war-torn continent in the 1950s. With the 1960s and 1970s, it transformed into a project for economic prosperity, and became a freedom project for those Europeans still outside. For my generation, Europe was a beacon of freedom and democracy, the very embodiment of the political and social rights that people aspired to while still living under oppressive dictatorships. I experienced first-hand the capacity of the European project to surpass the aspirations and expectations of Europeans, and I know that this is an experience I share with many of you.

I know that these days it is fashionable to speculate about Europe’s decline. I take a radically different view. I am convinced that now is Europe’s moment, Europe’s opportunity. I want to rekindle a passion for Europe, a new pride and feeling of con- nection between the EU and its citizens, based on my conviction that the EU with its social market economy is the route to a better future for us, our children and for the wider world. I want to make my contribution to helping Europe to realise its full promise, and to shape a future where Europe exploits its full potential as the leading force for progress in a challenging world. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

… is a Europe of ambition, defending and promoting the European interest with vigour

The Europe I believe in is a Europe that:

• puts opportunity, responsibility and solidarity at the heart of a social market economy. An open, competitive, and prosperous Europe which uses the full potential of our internal market and of the euro; which fosters an advanced and high-value added industrial base, and nurtures excellence in our services sector; which promotes the development of our agricultural sector; and which helps create more and better jobs for our citizens;

• invests in its future: in modern infrastructure, in research and development, in innovation, in developing our skills base. A Europe committed to the radical transformation towards a knowledge-based society;

130 • leads our economies out of the current crisis, and paves the way for smarter, greener and more sustainable growth, promoting economic and social cohesion and ensuring long term fiscal sustainability;

• keeps world leadership in fighting climate change and promoting energy security, while helping European technology and European companies to pioneer the development of a low carbon economy;

• refuses all forms of economic protectionism but is clear in its determination to protect and promote the European interest worldwide;

• continues to lead the drive towards effective regulation and supervision of global financial markets, shaping globalisation with our own values, respecting ethical principles and promoting higher social and environmental standards worldwide; which acts as a champion for the promotion of human rights and development and speaks loud and clear, with one voice, in the world scene.

In short, a Europe of responsibility and action, where citizens can exercise their rights in an environment of justice, freedom and security.

… is a Europe of values

I have a passion for Europe. It is far more than just a market – its achievements inspire pride, its potential rouses the imagination. It is a Community of values, founded on human dignity, freedom, equality, and solidarity. As the world around us changes, these values come under pressure – from changes in society as well as from scientific and technological development. I believe in a Europe that gives every man and woman the freedom and security to develop their potential to the full, free from dis- crimination. A Europe that celebrates diversity as a major asset and ensures that every human being is treated with the same dignity. A Europe that is proud of its cultural and linguistic heritage, that protects and promotes its diversity as the essence of our POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

identity, the foundation of the values we stand for and the basis on which we engage with the rest of the world.

Solidarity is a cornerstone for European society and its social market economy. When Portugal joined the EU in 1986, I saw at first hand that solidarity in action, helping my country to accelerate its social and economic development and use its potential to the full. We need to continue to give practical expression to solidarity in its different dimensions: political, as we did in the Russia/Ukraine gas crisis; economic, as we do through cohesion policy; and social, where I proposed both the Globalisation Adjust- ment Fund and the Food Facility, and fought for their passage into law.

Our interdependence, inside Europe and worldwide, has never been clearer. Tackling climate change, putting sustainable energy policies in place, helping our societies to face demographic change, rebuilding the world financial system, tackling the scourge of poverty: in today’s complex world, we will only make progress if we join forces. That means we all have the responsibility to play our part: EU Institutions, Member States, civil society – at home and abroad. 131

… and is a Europe that puts people at the heart of the agenda

Europe’s raison d’être is to empower Europeans, to protect their rights and to foster social progress. In the age of globalisation, these tasks can no longer be fulfilled solely by national governments. The EU represents a real plus for Europeans as they try to build a better future, and allows them to shape the world we live in with confidence. In the past, I think the EU Institutions and the Member States have often failed to make clear what European action means concretely for citizens: how do Europeans benefit from the Single Market, from market opening and regulation in energy or telecoms, from competition policy or from structural funds? What exactly are the rights of Europeans as students, workers, businesspeople or consumers? In short, I want the European policy agenda to be built much more clearly around the rights and the needs of Europeans.

Rights and obligations only become a reality when those concerned have easy access to them. I believe the Commission, the European Parliament and the Member States need to put aside time and attention to defining, communicating and enforcing these rights. The Lisbon Treaty, if ratified, will give new opportunities to make this objective a reality.

I have always preferred, and I will always prefer, solid achievements over empty rhetoric. That is how Europe has been constructed – not on castles in the air but on the solid foundations of the basic values which are at the heart of the European Union.

Policy guidelines for the next Commission

The challenges Europe faces are enormous…

This is a time of transformation, a time for the EU to seize the opportunity to find fresh answers to new questions and to use its underlying strengths in new ways. We DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

must act jointly to build a sustainable recovery. People are worried about the future, for themselves and their families. Just continuing with the same policies will not suffice – we need a new approach to provide solutions that work – and last. Only an integrated EU-wide strategy can set Europe on course for a return to strong and sustainable economic growth and employment creation, to the benefit of its citizens.

I see five key challenges confronting Europe today:

1. Restarting economic growth today and ensuring long-term sustainability and competitiveness for the future. GDP is forecast to decrease in the EU by around 4% this year. It is clear that global growth will not return to pre-crisis levels for some time – if at all. Those growth rates – and the economic model behind them – were simply not sustainable. Recovery will require a different approach from the past.

2. Fighting unemployment and reinforcing our social cohesion. While 18 million jobs were created between 1997 and 2007, the crisis has brought job losses across 132 the EU, with the added risk of increased social problems such as rising poverty. Between 2007 and 2010, the number of unemployed people in the EU is likely to have increased by more than 8 million. These are exceptional times: we need a new, much stronger focus on the social dimension in Europe, at all levels of government. Immediate action will be required to fight unemployment today, but also to look ahead to those facing long-term structural barriers to employment, such as the young and low skilled. At the same time, we need to remember the needs of our ageing population and the most vulnerable in our society. This is the only way for us to ensure strong social cohesion as the hallmark of the European model of society.

3. Turning the challenge of a sustainable Europe to our competitive advantage. The EU has shown leadership in international environmental negotiations in areas such as climate change and biodiversity. We have set binding targets for reducing our greenhouse gas emissions by 2020. Now we need to show how fighting climate change can help to modernise our economies, how it offers the right platform to reap the benefits from technological leadership.

4. Ensuring the security of Europeans. The fight against terrorism, international crime and human trafficking is a battle we must win. The current crisis creates additional risks, increasing the danger of a rise in extremism, exploiting social and ethnic tensions. A secure Europe also means a Europe confident in its supply of energy, food and other raw materials, in the face of increasing international competition.

5. Reinforcing EU citizenship and participation. Revitalising the link between the peoples of Europe and the EU will make it both more legitimate and more effective. Empowering citizens to be involved in decisions affecting their lives, including by ensuring transparency on how they are taken, will help to achieve these aims. This means that the rights of European citizens must have real effect: citizens today should not find that they still face obstacles when they move across borders within the EU.

Europe must work together on these issues. They cannot be solved solely by Member States. But working together, we can succeed. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

… but so are the assets we can build on

I have every confidence in Europe’s ability to succeed by building on our strengths and remaining true to our values.

• We are a continent of stable democracies, with the largest transnational democratic system in the world.

• We are a community with the rule of law and strong institutions.

• We have a tried and tested social market economy. We have a wealth of human talent, underpinning world class manufacturing, agriculture and services.

• We have a sophisticated single market which has proved its resilience in the tough- est of circumstances and has consolidated its position as the key driver for European growth. 133 • We have a single currency which has proved an anchor of stability and can continue to grow in importance.

• We have well developed Community policies that allow us to share experience, exploit economies of scale and to accelerate economic and social cohesion across all our regions.

• We have made a success of enlargement which has made us stronger at home and abroad.

• We have strong standing in the world: partners from across the globe are looking to the EU for inspiration and leadership.

The current crisis, by showing that we have reached unprecedented levels of global interdependence, has highlighted a particular asset of the EU. No region of the world can match the EU’s experience of setting transnational standards and running transnational institutions. This makes us a natural champion for the global governance the world now needs.. I am convinced that if we seize this moment of change, we can propose to the global community some solutions which will answer the challenge of interdependence in the 21st century.

Setting our priorities in a longer term perspective: a vision for EU 2020

The next months and years will determine how quickly and strongly we will recover from the crisis and how much influence we have in shaping a new world order. In order to set the right priorities for the next Commission, we need to take a longer perspective. We have already fixed 2020 as the date for delivery of our ambitious climate change and energy targets. Setting the priorities for Europe in a ten year horizon will allow us to define better the work the Commission should do in the next five years. A longer term framework will help us to make the right decisions on how and where to DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

invest now in the deep and innovative changes needed to deliver a transformational agenda for tomorrow’s EU. With the right vision for the EU in 2020, we can harness Europe’s talents and assets, and reinvigorate the inclusive social market economy that is the hallmark of the European way of life.

We already have several of the ingredients in the different strategies and instruments the EU has developed in recent years – the Lisbon strategy for growth and jobs, the renewed social agenda, the Stability and Growth Pact, competition and state aid policy, the Sustainable Development Strategy, our climate change and energy strategy, the European Research Area, the Hague and now the Stockholm programmes.

But each of these was developed separately: they do not offer a holistic view of the kind of society we want to build for the future. What I propose is to channel these different strategies and instruments, adapting them where necessary, to deliver the kind of inclusive and sustainable social market economy we all want to live in. We need to revise the current Lisbon strategy to fit the post 2010 period, turning it into a 134 strategy for convergence and co-ordination to deliver on this integrated vision of EU 2020. This will require both immediate and longerterm action:

• Making a successful exit from the crisis

• Leading on climate change

• Developing new sources of sustainable growth and social cohesion

• Advancing a people’s Europe

• Opening a new era for Global Europe

We need urgent action on all these now, so that results start to flow quickly, even if some will take longer than others to come to fruition.

Making a successful exit from the crisis

… requires a vigorous and coordinated EU wide economic strategy

European and national policies under the European Economic Recovery Plan have been crucial in restoring a measure of confidence more quickly than many expected. Confidence is starting to recover, lending is starting to flow. Interest rates are at his- torically low levels.

Europe has intervened on a massive scale. The huge budgetary effort of European governments will inject up to 6% of GDP into our economy in 2009- 2010. In line with Commission guidelines, guarantees and recapitalisation programmes are stabilising the banks, with the Commission having now approved some €3.6 trillion in state aid for the financial sector since October last year, almost a third of EU GDP. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

This has not been designed to bail out bankers, but to avoid economic meltdown, protect savings and prevent job losses. The Commission accelerated structural fund payments of €11 billion, and proposed a €5bn investment programme for innovative energy projects and broadband in rural areas. We also re-programmed the European Social Fund to keep people in work with training or retraining and widened access to the European Globalisation Fund. We doubled the ceiling for balance of payments support to Member States outside the euro zone to € 50 billion.

The EU’s core economic assets – the single market and the euro – have weathered the storm and protected Europeans from the worst. It was Europe that set the agenda for global action in the G20 to stabilise financial markets, giving more resources to the International Monetary Fund and revamping financial regulation.

The priority now is to continue to sustain demand and stem the rise in unemployment. This means implementing the European Economic Recovery Programme with vigour, keeping interest rates low, and using our state aid rules to support governments in their efforts to revitalise the economy without adverse effects in other Mem- 135 ber States. It is too early to withdraw these stimulus and support measures to the economy and the financial sector, but an exit strategy must be prepared. The room for further stimulus to demand in the EU is very limited, as a further, generalised fiscal expansion could meet with adverse reactions from the financial markets. At the same time, there must be no contradiction between the short-term measures taken today and the long-term sustainability and competitiveness of the European economy.

Most Member States in the EU will have an excessive deficit this year. This is due to cyclical reasons, discretionary action and, in some cases, both. Excessive deficits must be corrected, in a determined and intelligent way, in keeping with the revised Stability and Growth Pact. The Commission will analyse carefully the right timing for the deadline needed to correct each excessive deficit, with different deadlines for different Member States – for example, balance of payments assistance means some Member States need to act particularly quickly. Overall it will take time to bring the deficits below 3% of GDP.

This will require broader and deeper budgetary surveillance by the Commission, including the quality of public finances: a typical example of where it is in the interests of all to see economic policy coordination taken a step further. Under my leadership, the Commission will use the full range of possibilities in the Treaty to strengthen the convergence of objectives and the coherence of the effects of economic policy, particularly in the euro area. Enhanced coordination will be central to a successful exit strategy. The wide range of existing Community policies can also be used to foster greater policy co-ordination. For example, the Commission has been reviewing its state aids policy to ensure that subsidies are well targeted on Community objectives such as the promotion of research and development, environmentally friendly technologies and the development of new skills. It will continue to ensure that this is done in ways that provide a level playing field across the EU: the exit from the crisis will only be successful if we keep a strong single market at the heart of our strategy. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

The timing of the exit strategy should also be coordinated at the global level. The full role now played by the Commission in the G20 as well as in the G8 gives it a springboard to help shape decisions at the global level. It will reassure markets that the recent increase in government debt will be reversed; while also ensuring that a premature exit does not put recovery at risk.

… stemming the rise in unemployment

Unemployment is a personal drama - it also affects the whole of our society. Com- munities, households and individuals across Europe are facing great hardship or uncertainty as unemployment rises. It is essential to use all possible instruments to hold back further job losses and to help those who now find themselves unemployed. Europe cannot afford the social and economic cost of failing to use our human talent, our prize asset; and it cannot fail to respond to the anxiety felt by so many of our fellow Europeans. The Commission has an important role to play – even if most of 136 the competences for employment policy lie with Member States. We can bring the leverage of the EU budget into play, as we have done in adapting the European Social Fund; we can help national actions to take the EU dimension fully into account; we can use our power to bring expertise together to promote good solutions and practices and find new ways of dealing with unemployment and creating new jobs. Good examples of the positive role the Commission can play here are our proposals to adapt EU funding rules to today’s pressing needs, for example by supporting short time working combined with retraining as a way of keeping people in work during the crisis and upgrading their skills so they are ready for the upturn. Our recent work on establishing Community principles on flexicurity to be implemented through national pathways has provided a positive framework to build for the future.

So the EU must step up still further its help to give people the skills they need. But if these skills are to secure jobs for people into the future, with more high quality jobs, the training needs to be well targeted. We need to work already on a significantup - grading of skills and quality of education, including much wider take up of lifelong learning. Work gives dignity to people and vitality to communities. Education helps people realise their potential. We can meet and even go beyond our 70% employment target by giving people the skills they need to remain competitive, and by preparing them through high quality traineeships and apprenticeships. Millions of new jobs can be created, with big growth potential for “green jobs” and “white jobs” (in health care and social services for children and the elderly). We can start making this happen by mapping the skills needed for the future and using EU programmes to help Member States to equip people with the necessary education and skills.

… and a new generation of responsible financial regulation

Europe must exit from the current crisis confident that it has a more ethical, robust and responsible financial system. This requires permanent, coordinated action by the EU and its Member States. Of course, individual governments remain responsible for how they use their taxpayers’ money. But at the European level we can ensure POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

that banks are subject to transparent stress tests, based on common criteria, and that common Commission guidelines govern the work to deal with impaired assets. We need to secure the return of the banks to viability, in the context of an overall coordinated exit strategy. There is a clear role here for the European Commission. Na- tional rescue and recapitalisation plans must not distort the single market. The EU’s competition and state aid rules provide a guarantee of viable solutions that do not discriminate against healthy institutions or between Member States. Tough decisions might have to be taken as regards the size and business model of restructured banks. As the process of reshaping the banking system in Europe continues, the Commission will ensure that we have a level playing field not only between European banks, but also vis-à-vis external competitors which benefited from significant help from their domestic taxpayers.

We must also complete the new era in regulation of financial markets to prevent a repeat of the crisis. This means the full adoption and implementation of the Commis- sion proposals on regulation of capital requirements, hedge funds and private equity, rules on remuneration, rating agencies, and deposit guarantees. We must also improve 137 crisis management systems: . European Deposit Protection System that would insure deposits in cross-border Institutions would re-establish confidence. I also envisage the Commission coming forward with ambitious legislation to regulate derivatives in 2010.

An effective European system offinancial supervisionis essential to restore confidence. We need full and swift implementation of the legislation inspired by the report I commissioned from the de Larosière Group, to maintain the current momentum for reform and as a key signal to our international partners that Europe is determined to act. The next Commission will have to review the results to ensure that our ambitions are met.

Leading on climate change

The crisis struck just as Europe was taking historic decisions on climate change. The Commission’s ambitious 2008 proposals agreed by the European Parliament and the Member States were an acknowledgement that Europe had embraced the fight against climate change and is determined to ensure its future energy security. European society now accepts this as a central challenge for decades to come.

The economic and financial crisis and the scientific evidence of climate change have shown us that we need to invest more in sustainability. But this is not just about doing the right thing for the future of the planet – Europe stands to benefit enormously from investing in new low carbon technologies for future jobs and growth. Fighting climate change and the move towards a low carbon economy provide huge opportunities and will enhance our energy security.

This has given Europe the strength to lead on climate change: not just to agree binding targets but to approach the climate change negotiations in Copenhagen this year with a clear vision of how the global community can address the problem it faces, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

and a clear commitment to climate finance for developing countries. Implementation of this vision and commitments both within Europe and worldwide will be a major challenge for the next Commission.

We have already begun to show that the EU can create new jobs and new industries through low carbon technologies. First-mover advantages can be gained by exploiting the potential of EU environmentally-friendly industries, services and technology through fostering their uptake by enterprises, especially SMEs, and designing the appropriate regulatory environment. An industrial base which is modernised to use and produce environmental-friendly technologies and which exploits the potential for energy efficiency is the key to sustainable growth in Europe.

We need to start working now on a radical pathway to reaching a far more sustainable Europe by 2020. We have the political will to do this, now we need to find the right mix of regulation, technological development and funding to make it happen. This means finding ways to transform our energy supply in a well regulated EU internal 138 market, to use our energy much more efficiently, to recognise the true cost of carbon emissions. Technology is critical to this, and we must do more to exploit the potential of research and development on a European scale. But we must do far more than this: we must work together to find ways to smooth the path of change for our societies, to stimulate businesses, public authorities and citizens to seize the chance and to take the leap to the sustainable future we need.

The next Commission needs to maintain the momentum towards a low emission economy, and in particular towards decarbonising our electricity supply and the transport sector – all transport, including maritime transport and aviation, as well as the development of clean and electric cars. Decarbonising electricity supply and transport will also bring additional benefits in terms of security of energy supply.

This work is not just about lessening our future impact on our climate. We also need to deal with the legacy of past emissions and the climate change that they will inevitably bring. Each and every Community policy will need to be assessed and if necessary adapted in the light of climate change, whether we are talking about water use in agriculture, how to deal with coastal erosion or the implications for fisheries policy. Therefore I intend to launch a major initiative to help the EU anticipate the changes that need to be made so that we can cope with the climate change that is already happening, at the same time as we reduce our emissions for the future. This work will involve marshalling all the necessary scientific and economic data that exists to help the EU to adapt its policies to the challenge of climate change. Here too the EU can lead the search for new solutions to the climate induced problems that we are already beginning to experience.

Boosting the new sources of growth and social cohesion

In the current crisis, part of our economic activity is coming from the stimulus to demand. But we cannot rely forever on short-term stimulus. New sources of growth will have to take up the baton – sources of growth that are sustainable. Sustainability POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 means keeping up the pace of reform, targeting our skills and technology on tomorrow’s competitiveness and tomorrow’s markets; modernising to keep up with social change; and ensuring that our economy can respect the need to protect the European environment, its countryside, its maritime zones, and its biodiversity. This in turn calls for a radical shift in policy making. We need to invest heavily in new skills for the jobs of tomorrow. We need to make technological change and innovation the central theme of how the European economy works. We need to invest in new infrastructure networks for tomorrow’s technologies.

This policy shift must be built on open markets and investment regimes at the service of European interests, with smart regulation for sound markets in the EU and at global level.

Every sector of Europe’s economy will benefit from such an approach – creating new opportunities, and new jobs.

139 … requires a strengthening of Europe’s industrial base

The EU needs a strong industrial base. Our manufacturing sector is driven by huge investments in technology and a highly skilled and creative workforce. Our industry is transformed in ways we could not have imagined ten years ago. We have built new industries on reusing scarce materials. We are producing high tech, low energy solutions to old problems like heating and cooling and helping our climate change goals in a win-win partnership with industry.

In order to ensure that the EU exploits this potential for change and remains an attractive industrial location in 2020, we need a fresh approach to industrial policy, supporting industry, putting the emphasis on sustainability, innovation and the human skills needed to keep EU industry competitive in world markets. I am committed to a policy that continues to remove unnecessary administrative burdens and provide the legal certainty companies need to make the long term investments. The next Commission should seek new ways of giving new dynamism to small and medium size enterprises, by pursuing issues such as late payments, a private company statute and the implementation of public procurement rules inside the EU, and by supporting the efforts of SMEs to internationalise in major growth markets round the world.

… a modern service sector

More than two thirds of Europeans now work in the service sector, providing a huge range of services both locally and across the globe. The reforms to the financial sector will already help Europe to keep its leading role in financial services. The EU’s dom- inance in other services underpinning the economy – such as tourism, logistics, and business services, as well as IT and environmental services – will also remain a core asset. The changes that are taking place in our society will also bring demand for new services and thus new jobs. For example, with the ageing of our population there will be a need for more health and care services. This implies a need to give a boost DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

to the overall development of the social and health services’ sector, for instance by establishing a quality framework for public and social services, thus recognising their importance in the European model of society.

… a thriving rural economy

Europe has a long and proud history as an agricultural producer. Thanks to the efforts of her farmers, a common policy and the investments made in technology, education, research and market development the EU is not only able to feed itself but has become an important agricultural exporter. Agriculture will continue to have an important place in Europe’s future development, not only in ensuring food security, preserving the environment and cherishing the countryside, but also in facing new challenges such as climate change while providing a fair standard of living for farmers. But it needs to adapt. Just as the common agricultural policy has proved able to transform itself in recent years, there is a need to decide on the future needs and role 140 of agriculture and rural development in the EU 2020 vision and to gear public investment and innovation efforts to deliver a thriving rural economy.

… as well as the maritime sector

The current Commission has, for the first time, brought together the different policy strands in an integrated approach to the maritime sector. But more needs to be done to further extend our maritime policy. For example, I want to see Europe make the Motorways of the Sea a reality. Europe should develop maritime spatial planning; integrate maritime surveillance across borders and across countries; and build a marine observation and data network.

This Commission has also launched an important review of the common fisheries policy. On the basis of the consultations which are now underway, the next Com- mission should set out how European fisheries policy can be placed on a sustainable footing.

… a research and innovation revolution for a knowledge society

Europeans have always been pioneers, pushing out the frontiers of knowledge and science, finding new solutions in every generation. We value education and training, recognising that they equip us to achieve our potential and are essential ingredients for a sustainable society. We have already put in place beacons of excellence to help us become a knowledge-based society, like the European Research Council, and launched the European Institute of Innovation and Technology. We have significantly increased the share of the EU budget that is spent on research and innovation and are working with Member States to raise the share of national and private funding in these areas.

The next Commission must take EU Research policy to a new level and make it one of the motors of our sustainable development. The United States draws great benefit POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 from its continental scale in research, from a long tradition of close university-business co-operation and from the ease of movement enjoyed by researchers within and to the US. In contrast, despite its excellence, the European research effort remains fragmented. We need to stretch ourselves to achieve world excellence and to find new ways of combining our resources to make a reality of the European Research Area. I would envisage refocusing on key areas to secure:

• world excellence in basic research. Our future agenda for science driven frontier research, should be set by the scientific community, principally working through the European Research Council;

• more industry-driven applied R&D, in areas ranging from nanotechnologies to space, to bring new, leading edge products and clean technologies to markets and to boost the competitiveness of EU industry;

• new opportunities for researchers, extending exchange programmes like Marie Cu- rie, and attracting world class researchers to the EU; 141

• a bigger focus on spreading R&D capacities to the regions.

We will also need to put much greater emphasis on innovation as a cross cutting way of equipping all sectors of our economy to be more competitive so that they face the future with confidence. Innovation is not just about product development: it is about how our society changes and improves. Innovation is about the way we do business, the way we work, the options we choose as consumers and citizens. The next Com- mission will work to bring together the power of public procurement, a new strategy on intellectual property rights and Community funds and instruments to promote innovation. For example, it will continue to develop its “lead markets” concept, where public authorities facilitate industry-led innovation by creating the conditions for a successful market uptake of innovative products and services in a focused way in areas such as e-health, internal security, eco-innovation and eco-construction.

I also want Europe to develop a new entrepreneurial culture to match the knowledge and innovation society. Europe should aspire to increase by 50% the share of its population involved in entrepreneurial ventures, from less than the 10% today to 15% (US: 14%). To achieve this means not only tackling ‘hard’ factors like access to risk capital and credit, but also ‘soft’ factors, like mindsets, attitudes towards failure, education and providing role models. Entrepreneur support networks and other connections can make sure that good ideas are spread throughout the EU.

… and an employment agenda for a changing workplace

At the same time as we need to adapt skills in the workplace to guarantee decent work and quality jobs for the future, we also face profound changes in the way we work. Developments like teleworking, flexitime, longer active lives, and faster changing job profiles are felt in the daily lives of millions of Europeans. They raise new questions for an employment agenda which must add to workers’ rights: work-life balance (the DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

triangle of leave, childcare and flexible working), working conditions, but also active labour market policies, and flexicurity. We need to make sure that our values of inclu- sion, equity and social justice are carried forward into a new approach. We will not allow basic social rights, such as the right of association or the right to strike, to be undermined. They are fundamental to the European model of society. And if globalisation puts pressure on our competitiveness, our response should never be to lower our standards. Rather we need to make the case to other partners to adopt similar standards, in the interest of their own wellbeing, and to continue to advocate decent work and other standards in all parts of the world.

Working closely with the social partners, we should be moving away from the con- flictual, old fashioned industrial relations model to a more inclusive approach in the workplace, based on employee engagement and quality of work. This needs to be set within a wider framework based on values and our belief in a fairer, more inclusive Europe. Gender equality and eliminating the gender pay gap, diversity, anti-discrimi- nation, equal opportunities, treatment of minorities – these are core values of the EU 142 and closely linked with the broader fundamental human rights agenda.

I want the next Commission to look at these issues in a more integrated manner, looking closely at where the EU’s competences allow it to offer a direct contribution to smoothing the path of change.

… where legal migrants are well integrated

Immigration already plays an important role in the growth of the EU population, helping to bridge gaps in the workforce. At the same time, the management of migration flows will be one of the greatest challenges facing the EU in the coming years.

The next five years should see the development and consolidation of a truecommon immigration policy, set in a long-term vision that emphasises respect for fundamental rights and human dignity.

The next Commission will work to implement solidarity in our responses to these challenges, recognising that this is a common problem that our Member States face:

• Economic migration should be better matched to the needs of the labour market. This will help to take more account of the skills of immigrants and facilitate their integration. To maximise the positive effects of legal immigration – for the countries of origin and destination, host societies and immigrants - a uniform level of rights for legal immigrants across the EU must be ensured.

• We will step up our work on integration of migrants, safeguarding their rights but also underlining their own responsibilities to integrate in the societies they seek to join. Education and training are powerful means to integrate newcomers into Euro- pean societies, creating a winwin situation for migrants as well as for the European destination countries, and EU programmes should pioneer proactive schemes to promote integration. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

• Finally, preventing and fighting illegal immigration and related criminal activities as an essential counterpart to the development of a common policy on legal immigration.

… a Single Market fit for the 21st century

The recent crisis showed that there remains a strong short-term temptation to roll back the single market when times are hard. There were attempts to use the crisis as a pretext to attack the single market. The Commission will remain an implacable defender of the single market as a cornerstone of the Treaties, and will do everything in its power to defend it as the best guarantee of long-term prosperity. The experience of the past year has shown once again that the single market is the rock on which European growth is built. But it also needs to be updated to suit the demands of tomorrow's economy.

Setting 1992 as the target date for completion of the internal market was a powerful 143 way of generating new opportunities for growth and social progress in Europe. As we approach the twentieth anniversary of this symbolic date in 2012, we should not just celebrate all that has been achieved but also ask why the original dream has not yet been fully achieved. I intend to launch a major analysis of the "missing links" in the internal market, to find out why it has not delivered on its full potential and thereby to identify new sources of growth and social cohesion. I will seek a wide range of views, involving stakeholders, consumers and eminent persons in identifying problems and helping to find solutions. I want the next Commission to take a more systematic and integrated approach, for instance through its market monitoring initiative. The aim will be toregain momentum in the internal market and to make it, once again, the powerhouse of the European economy.

We can do more to open up the market for financial services, including retail finance, e-commerce, environmental services and business services. In particular I want to focus on the retail dimension which is where most consumers experience the internal market. Europeans should not be held back from shopping across borders by concerns that their rights will not be protected properly: we need an active consumer policy to give people confidence to participate fully in the single market.

I believe the twentieth anniversary is the right time to bring forward a major package for tomorrow's single market, with proposals for specific actions, including legislative actions, to plug the gaps in today's single market and to ensure that the benefits of the internal market get through to the final consumer.

… based on smart regulation to make markets work for people

Markets do not exist in isolation. They exist to serve a purpose. And that purpose is prosperity for all. That is why the Commission has been unrelenting in its fight against those who abuse the market. That is why the current Commission has levied almost €10 billion in competition fines, on international multi-national corporations DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

and European companies alike. That is why we proposed legislation that delivers price cuts on mobile phone charges of up to 60%. That is why we need to continue building the framework of social, environmental and technical regulation that make markets work for people.

The world has learned the hard way about the cost of leaving markets and market players to determine the rules. The challenge for the next Commission will be to devise a smart regulatory approach in key policy areas. This will require rules to ensure transparency, fair play and ethical behaviour of economic actors, taking due account of the public interest. Smart regulation should protect the consumer, deliver effectively on public policy objectives without strangling economic operators such as SMEs or unduly restricting their ability to compete.

This Commission has instigated a revolution in the way policies are made at EU level, with public consultations and impact assessment now the norm for new legislative proposals and a major simplification of existing Community law now underway. By 144 2012 the next Commission will deliver on our commitment to reduce administrative burden by 25%. But I want to go further. We need to match this huge investment in ex ante assessment with an equivalent effort in ex post evaluation – to ensure that our proposals really do deliver what they promise and to enable us to revise and correct them where they fail to work as expected. All of these initiatives are designed to focus EU action on the essentials, removing bureaucratic processes and unnecessary centralisation.

If ratified, the Lisbon Treaty will bring changes in the way the EU takes decisions including through comitology. As part of the smart regulation agenda, I will extend the impact assessment approach to certain key comitology proposals. I will also seek ways of helping the European Parliament to exercise its scrutiny rights over the full range of politically important decisions.

… including global markets

Openness is critical to Europe's future competitiveness. This is not just a question of political preference. It is in our self-interest as the world's leading exporter. Europe faces a particular risk from the damage the crisis has done to world trade, so Europe must now take the lead in combating protectionism in all its forms. Of course we cannot be naïve: others must also be open to our exports of goods, services and capital. But openness to trade and investment is an indispensable driver of growth.

Reaching a deal in the Doha round remains the priority. But FTAs and trade arrangements will also have to be pursued. Trade negotiations have to be at the service of EU interest. With tariffs getting much lower thanks to successive rounds of tariff reductions, in many cases non-tariff barriers are now the major obstacle for EU exports. As we have seen with the Single Market, dismantling these and preventing the emergence of new barriers is far more complex than reducing tariffs: it depends not so much on technical expertise but more on the quality of the relationships between the countries concerned. We need to join up the different strands of our external POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

policy much better to use our "soft power" leverage to deliver solid results for EU businesses and for citizens. The European interest has to be promoted in a coherent and determined way.

Regulatory and standardisation cooperation is also an important tool to further our interests in global markets. Cross-cutting dialogues such as the Transatlantic Econom- ic Council (TEC) with the United States, our most important trade and investment partner, are an effective way of structuring relations with key trading partners. The EU has a wealth of experience on product regulation and standardisation. Sharing it with others is a way for the EU to shape globalisation.

… and linked up by the networks of the future

Yesterday's achievement was to provide every household with electricity and a tele- phone; today they need high speed broadband. This has the potential to spur huge business growth and create up to a million jobs; but it needs regulatory certainty and 145 active intervention to tackle the bottlenecks and combat barriers to market entry. The next Commission will develop aEuropean Digital Agenda (accompanied by a targeted legislative programme) to tackle the main obstacles to a genuine digital single market, promote investment in high-speed Internet and avert an unacceptable digital divide. Because of the increasing dependence of our economies and societies on the Internet, a major initiative to boost network security will also be proposed.

Secure energy supply and good interconnections will be crucial to power future growth. One of the next great European projects is to give Europe a new European supergrid for electricity and gas. This will help to meet our growing needs for energy in smarter ways, so that we have secure and stable supplies of energy which meet our climate change goals. We have already made progress with Baltic interconnectors, and we have launched the Nabucco pipeline project. This shows what can be done when Commission leadership combines with political will of Member States and we use an intelligent mix of regulation and money to deliver results. The next five years will not only need to see these projects come to fruition, but also new initiatives such as a Mediterranean interconnection plan, interconnections for gas, electricity and oil, as well as links between African suppliers and the EU.

Advancing people's Europe

Preserving and enhancing economic prosperity and social cohesion are at the heart of the EU's mission. This offers the foundation stone for tackling social exclusion and for the European contribution to combating poverty. But the European project goes further than that: the EU offers its citizens rights, protection and opportunities even beyond the marketplace. It also helps to bring people together, using Europe's cultural diversity as a powerful channel to communicate. The principles of free movement and equal treatment for EU citizens must become a reality in people's everyday lives. The empowerment and advancement of women is just one of the areas where the EU still has work to do. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

… means promoting rights and providing protection

Over the years the EU has given people many new rights – from equal pay, to free movement, to compensation if airlines fail to deliver for passengers. These have given citizens very concrete benefits from EU membership, though enforcement remains a challenge. We can do more to promote people's rights, and make their access to these rights easier. Promoting rights must go hand in hand with protecting people. We need an EU domestic security strategy to better protect the life and safety of EU citizens: we must make sure that open borders do not offer openings to be exploited for crime and terrorism. We must show solidarity as we use instruments like Frontex to ensure that the EU's borders act as an effective check on illegality.

The protection of EU citizens is of course completed by the EU's role incrisis and disaster prevention and reaction. From fighting forest fires to dealing with the effects of earthquakes or handling the threat of the flu pandemic: EU action can add value to Member State action through practical solidarity. The further assessment and 146 corresponding implementation of EU added value in crisis management will be an immediate priority for the next Commission.

… removing obstacles for citizens

EU citizens still face numerous obstacles when they try to source goods and services across national borders. They should be able to make use of their rights as EU citizens in the same way as they use their rights as national citizens. The Commission will draw up a comprehensive report on these obstacles for citizens and propose how they can best be removed, together with the report on the obstacles still persisting in the internal market.

… means tackling the demographic challenge

A just society is also one that takes care of its vulnerable members. Ageing is a major future challenge. Longer life is a symbol of success – we need to have healthy, fulfilling longer life spans. But it also brings challenges for sustainability, and we need to do more to respond to change, exploiting new technology-based solutions to preserve to the extent possible the independence of the elderly. This also requires a thriving economy to supply sound public finances, so that we can pay for healthcare for the elderly. Millions of Europeans are wholly dependent on pensions. The crisis has shown the importance of the European approach to pension systems. It has demonstrated the interdependence of the various pension pillars within each Member State and the importance of common EU approaches on solvency and social adequacy. It has also underlined that pension funds are an important part of the financial system. We need to ensure that pensions do the job intended of providing the maximum support to current and future pensioners, including for vulnerable groups. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

… supporting mobility for young people

Europe is a reality in everyday life also through exchange initiatives. At a time of economic and social crisis, I feel very strongly that it is of particular importance to further the access of the young generation to the European dimension. To this end, I propose to expand existing instruments like Erasmus into a new EU youth and mobility initiative, as part of the EU 2020 strategy. By 2020 all young people in Europe must have the possibility to spend a part of their educational pathway in other Mem- ber States. Such a "Youth on the Move" initiative would be a decisive contribution to the promotion of cultural diversity, intercultural dialogue and multilingual learning.

… and enhancing dialogue and information

Last but not least, the people's Europe is also about the accountability and openness of the EU institutions. Dialogue with the citizens and the different actors in civil society, a hallmark of the current Commission, will continue to be of critical impor- 147 tance People have a right to accessible information. The Commission will redouble its efforts to have a real Commission presence communicating on the ground in the Member States and in the regions, in partnership with the European Parliament, listening to citizens and dealing first hand with their questions and concerns. I will also examine ways and means to intensify the dialogue between the Commission and the media. But we should be under no illusions: the gap in awareness of the EU can only be closed in full partnership with national and regional authorities. We must break out of the negative trap where politicians are quick to take the credit for the positive achievements of Europe, and quick to blame "Brussels" or "Strasbourg" for everything they don't like. We need a more mature dialogue with our citizens on decisions that affect their daily lives.

Opening a new era for Global Europe

The world today offers Europe an unprecedented opportunity to shape events. The- es tablished patterns of power are shifting again. The factors of influence are becoming more complex, with the crisis showing that military power, population size and economic weight are not the only ways in which to carry global authority. The crisis has shown yet again that the world needs values, it needs models of society to inspire new ideas for new circumstances. It has also shown how global interdependence is irreversible: with decades of experience in transnational cooperation, the EU is a natural test-bed for globalisation and an instinctive champion of global governance. So as the world's largest trading power, the biggest donor of development assistance, a powerhouse of humanitarian aid, a beacon for human rights, and a champion of the global fight against climate change, we have every reason to be positive and confident in the international scene.

The Lisbon Treaty, if ratified, will give us the tools to open up a new era in the projection of European interests worldwide. It directly addresses some of the shortcomings which have held us back. It will help to improve the consistency of our external action. It will allow diplomacy, crisis management and an emerging a European defence DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

capability to be used alongside more traditional tools like trade and development. It brings new powers and an increased role for the European Parliament.

But what will make the real difference is the political will to use these instruments to the full. I am committed to ensuring that the Commission, as the driver of so many key external policies, plays its full part in seizing the moment to give Europe the weight it deserves on the global stage. We must not see external relations today as a separate "box", but as part and parcel of how we achieve our internal policy goals.

The appointment of a new High Representative who is at the same time Vice Presi- dent of the Commission in charge of External Relations is a major innovation which carries an enormous potential. The same is true for the future European External Ac- tion Service which would bring together resources from the Commission, the Coun- cil Secretariat and Member States to help leverage the best results from our external action. This will be a break with the past and I am determined to make it work effectively. I look forward to a thorough discussion with the European Parliament on 148 implementing an ambitious agenda on external relations and improving institutional cooperation on these issues.

The importance of the EU's external dimension is reflected in the range of our relations with third countries. Europe must remain a champion of multilateralism and work closely with the United Nations and other multilateral organisations. We should also seize the opportunity of a changing international environment to deepen strategic partnerships with our main bilateral partners such as the United States, and indeed in the G8 and the G20. It is here that the EU can best use the external dimension to further its own objectives in areas like prosperity, security, climate change, energy, and fighting poverty.

For a Europe built on values, the moral challenge of global poverty must remain one of our most compelling goals. We must not allow economic crisis in the developed world to dilute our mission to bring help to those facing the challenge of survival in so many parts of the world. I am determined to continue to make the case that Europe must build on our pioneering work, with Africa in particular, and act as a champion of the developing world. Our focus must remain on achieving the Millennium De- velopment Goals, and on making a real impact on the challenges of food and water security, health and education.

We need to actively promote human rights, never hesitating to condemn violations of these fundamental rights. We must use our potential to be a civilian power for peace, by linking security and development to help rescue and rehabilitate failed states. We can and must do more to play our role in conflict resolution and peace-keeping and peace-building. Nonproliferation will be a major challenge in the coming years – we must be ready to share our experience from the Euratom Treaty.

Europe has a particular responsibility to promote freedom, stability and prosperity in its neighbourhood. We have entered into commitments towards candidate countries that seek to join the EU. We need to honour these commitments – enlargement has been a huge source of strength for the Union, and for the promotion of peace and sta- POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

bility in our continent. At the same time, enlargement can only take place when both the EU itself and the candidate country are ready to take on the responsibilities that come with it. And enlargement is not an infinite process. For those neighbours that will not become members of the EU, we need to develop credible and attractive alternatives that satisfy the aspirations of these countries as well as the EU's. The next Commission will take forward the Union for the Mediterranean and the Eastern Partnership to develop a neighbourhood policy that meets the challenges we and our neighbours face.

The means to match our ambitions

One of the risks to exploiting the new sources of growth and social cohesion is a lack of investment. Public budgets will be under pressure for years to come as a result of the unprecedented fiscal effort to combat the crisis. We will therefore have to be creative in mobilising the means to put our priorities into practice. We should work more closely and imaginatively with the European Investment Bank and the private sector. Within the existing instruments, we must further improve the blending between 149 grants from the EU budget and EIB loans, in order to increase the overall leverage effect. The Risk Sharing Finance Facility we set up with the EIB in the area of research and development is an excellent example to build on, as is our recent co-operation on energy efficiency projects. I also want to look at other ways to increase the EIB’s role in financing essential projects in particular in the areas of green technology, infrastructure and energy security. The Commission will also propose a new framework for public-private partnerships to help bring different sources of funding together to maximise investment in the coming years.

We will also have to re-shape the EU budget to respond to the new priorities. This will require a root and branch reform of the EU budget. The defining moment for this will be the preparation of the 2014+ Multiannual Financial Framework. I want to use the upcoming budget review as a stepping stone for this exercise. Designing the next financial framework will not be an easy exercise – while everyone agrees in the abstract on the need for reform, as soon as the debate moves to concrete measures, there seems to be a strong bias in favour of the status quo. So before entering into the specifics, such as whether to change the current seven year cycle, I want to get agreement with the European Parlia- ment and Council on three key principles to serve as ground rules for the debate:

• The EU budget must focus on activities which produce genuine European added value. Beyond political considerations, efficiency criteria must help prioritise EU spending activities in terms of their added value (for instance on the basis of cross-border effects, economies of scale, or resolving market failures).

• We need to move away from a narrow focus on net balances and move towards an approach based on solidarity, burden-sharing and equity which is comprehensive and shared by all;

• The stability of the financial framework needs to be counterbalanced by a far greater degree of flexibility so as to enable the Union to respond effectively to new challenges and needs. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

This reflection cannot shirk the issue ofown “ resources”, a system of EU financing that has evolved piecemeal into a confusing and opaque mix of contributions and rebates. We need to see how the EU can find a more efficient and transparent way of financing its policies, and to simplify delivery in order to maximise the impact of spending while safeguarding the principles of sound financial management.

How Europe should work

The European Commission as the engine of the European project…

The last five years at the head of the European Commission have reinforced my strong conviction that the European Commission is indispensable as the driving force for the European project. Only the Commission has the authority, the administrative capacity and the technical expertise to make proposals that take the interests of all 150 Member States and all citizens into account, and the long term view needed to tackle the big issues we face today. Only the Commission has the authority and the independence to ensure the equal treatment of all Member States in the enforcement of treaty obligations and legislation.

If you look at the policy priorities I have sketched out above, it is clear that regulation and lawmaking will remain a core task for any Commission. The task is to ensure that we effectively apply the concept of smart regulation to ensure that it is effective, proportionate, and comprehensive: effective because it must be grounded in the realities of life on the ground for economic operators and other stakeholders; proportionate because regulation must demonstrate a certain level of positive impact to justify legislation and must take all potential side-effects into account; comprehensive because we must make proposals fully conscious of the range of economic, social and environmental consequences they will have. We have also shown that the Commission can spearhead a change in Europe’s administrative culture, with the better regulation programme to bring €30 billion in savings for the EU economy. I would like to develop this still further, putting a particular emphasis on the needs of SMEs.

The authority of the President is of critical importance to guarantee collegiality, coherence and the Commission’s special role in the European system. It is now recognised that the current College, the first of the enlarged EU of 27, has been able to bring together different portfolio interests effectively, to tackle crosscutting, -in tegrated policies like migration, energy and climate change. The next Commission will need to continue to deal effectively with the policies set out in these guidelines, and it is my intention to reflect this in the organisation and work programmes of the College and the services.

The Commission can only be strong if it rests on high ethical standards and if it main- tains a high degree of professionalism. I am proud of the progress made over the last years, but I would like to see further steps, for instance in the area of financial management: now that it is well established, OLAF should be given full independence outside the Commission. I would also intend to review the Commissioners’ Code POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 of Conduct, and hope that this Code will become a document of reference that will inspire other EU institutions.

… but it cannot power it alone: we need a “Partnership for progress”

These political guidelines set out how the European Commission can work to bring fundamental change for Europeans. But progress in the European Union comes when the different players involved share a common vision and a common direction. Work- ing in real partnership allows the EU’s democratic core, its different national interests, and the European interest, to come together and to make a real difference. That is the essence of the Community method: to ensure that the specific European interest is at the centre of policy-making, to ensure the transparency and democratic accountability of decisions taken and safeguard the equality of Member States.

To tackle the complex challenges we face, we need to mobilise all sectors of society: EU Institutions, national, regional and local authorities, business, trade unions and 151 civil society. Climate change is a typical example. It has needed political leadership from the European Commission, Parliament and the European Council; it will need the engagement of national, regional and local authorities to drive forward; and it needs the social partners and all parts of civil society to galvanise all sectors of society for change. It would be a disaster to see this challenge as a zero sum game where action by one level of government is to the detriment of others.

The same dynamic works at the international level. The past decade of discussions with our key global partners is littered with examples where when we speak together, we carry weight; and when we are discordant, we fall short of our objectives. That is one reason why we need the benefit of the Lisbon Treaty to give Europe the weight it deserves.

… making subsidiarity work for Europe

We must kill off the idea that the Member States and the EU level are rivals. Everyone should be working to the same goal – to secure the best results for citizens. Too often, mistrust has been the cause of failings in our system: it contributed to the shortcomings in our system of financial regulation exposed so brutally last year. The question is how best to improve this. That means an effective application of the principle of subsidiarity.

For me, subsidiarity is the translation of a democratic principle, part of a very practical doctrine, aimed at making public policy work to best effect in a Union built on solidarity, and at the most appropriate level.

The EU works best when it focuses on its core business. I want to concentrate our limited resources on where we can have most effect, and where we can bring most added value. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

At the same time, the continental scale of Europe and the scale of our ambitions points inevitably towards taking the wide view, looking at the bigger picture. This does not mean that the EU always has to make new laws – the Treaties mean we can make laws where this is needed, but they also inspire us to spark debate and spread ideas across the whole vision set out by our founding fathers. I want to be rigorous about where we need to have common rules and where we need only a common framework. We have not always got the balance right, and we have not always thought through the consequences of diversity in an EU of 27. In an area like GMOs, for example, it should be possible to combine a Community authorisation system, based on science, with freedom for Mem- ber States to decide whether or not they wish to cultivate GM crops on their territory.

The Lisbon Treaty puts in place new procedures to allow national parliaments to intervene if they have concerns about subsidiarity. But more importantly, we should develop a much clearer doctrine of how we decide when action needs to be taken at EU level, where the balance should lie between EU-level tools and national level tools, and what expectations should be placed on Member States implementing EU 152 policy in their own countries.

…and with a special partnership between the European Commission and the European Parliament

The key to Europe’s success is defining and implementing the distinct European interest. That is why it is so important for the European Parliament and the European Commission to continue to work hand in hand. These are the two institutions with a specific role to identify, articulate and give reality to the European interest, and these must be the two institutions with a particular responsibility to ensure that the EU is more than the sum of its parts.

This process of shaping the European interest cannot take place in a political vacuum – it has to be the result of political debate in a true European public space. I want to work together with the European Parliament as the decisive locus for European deliberative democracy.

That is why I would like to take our special partnership to a new level, by reinforcing and complementing the mechanisms of co-operation we have in place. I propose the following:

• Inviting the Conference of Presidents to meet the whole College every year, before the approval of the Commission Legislative and Work Programme.

• More regular meetings with the Conference of Presidents to ensure close coordination and exchange of information on topical issues, on the basis of the process we started during the financial crisis.

• Regular participation in a Question Hour in the European Parliament plenary, on predefined themes of particular EU relevance so as to allow for a serious, well prepared and in depth discussion. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

• A review of all pending proposals at the beginning of the new Commission’s mandate, in order to politically confirm or withdraw them, taking into account the views expressed by the Parliament.

• Provide all necessary information on external action, in full respect of the Council’s prerogatives, including on the negotiation of international agreements, making it available to the European Parliament in good time, so that it can play the enhanced role which it will have if the Lisbon Treaty is ratified.

These are concrete proposals to upgrade the special partnership that we need between the European Parliament and the European Commission, so that the institutions at the heart of the European project can drive Europe forward most effectively.

My first mandate was about consolidating Europe at 27. The enlarged EU now gives us a springboard to use our reach and strength to best effect. We are now in a position to move on with conviction and determination to a new phase of ambition. If I am reconfirmed, I will continue to do everything possible to make an ambitious 153 Europe happen. I will use the powers of the Commission to the full. I will continue to work with in partnership with our Member States. I will put the case very clearly when EU action is essential to address the critical issues Member States face. I will challenge them to follow up on the commitment they made in nominating me, just as I challenge the European Parliament to match my ambition. I will take the special partnership with the European Parliament to a new level, to ensure that the two Community Institutions par excellence together pull their weight for a prosperous, socially advanced, secure and sustainable European Union, a Europe based on the values of freedom and solidarity.

The creation of a Euro area instrument for coordinated assistance to Greece

STATEMENT BRUSSELS, 19 MARCH 2010

he Commission is ready to propose an instrument for coordinated assistance to 155 Greece. Such an instrument would be constituted by a system of coordinated T bilateral loans and would be compatible with the no bail-out clause and with strict conditionality. The creation of this instrument does not imply its immediate activation. Our objective is an instrument designed within the euro area, with conditions and management established by the euro area and its institutions. We cannot prolong any further the current situation. I do not want to speculate if there will be a financial contribution from the IMF. What is important is to agree on a Euro area instrument. I urge the EU’s leaders to agree on this instrument as soon as possible.

Statement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the Euro Area

STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT BRUSSELS, 5 MAY 2010

Honourable Members, 157

was asked to make a statement to this house ahead of Friday’s meeting of the I Heads of State and Government of the Euro area. But let me first have a word of condolences for the families of the victims of the violence in Athens today. Disagree and protest is a right of citizens in our democratic societies, but nothing can justify the recourse to violence.

Let me first address the financial support package for Greece endorsed last Sunday. Then I will give you some my views on what needs to be done to prevent a repetition of a crisis of this type.

As regards Greece, a multi-annual programme of fiscal consolidation and structural reform has been agreed by the Greek authorities. This was jointly prepared with the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

The Greek government has put forward a solid and credible package that will steer its economy on a sustainable path and restore confidence. It is important that we acknowledge the courage that Prime Minister Papandreou and his Government have shown.

Greece will undertake painful efforts. But we all know that there is no alternative to these such efforts.

In return, following the recommendation of the Commission and of the Europe- an Central Bank, the coordinated European mechanism for assistance to Greece has been activated. This is an unprecedented act of solidarity, unmatched anywhere in the world. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

This assistance will be decisive in helping Greece to get its economy back on track, and will preserve the financial stability of the euro area as a whole.

Allow me to stress that the Commission has made sure that the mechanism, whilst being based on bilateral loans, is an European one. The Commission was instrumen- tal in setting it up, and will play an important role in its management and implementation.

The Commission is and will remain central in assessing Greece’s compliance with the package’s conditionality. The Commission will also manage the bilateral loans from the Member States.

By the end of the week we will already have a critical mass of Member States that have already completed the process to provide those bilateral loans to Greece.

It is my firm conviction that the unprecedented financial support given to Greece - 158 110 billion Euros! - and the adjustment programme are an adequate response to the Greek crisis. We have no reason to doubt that it will be firmly implemented both by Greece and by the Euro area Member States.

This view is shared by others that matter. I notice for instance the supportive statement of the past, current and future chairs of the G20 Finance Ministers just now issued.

Regrettably, not all market players seem already convinced. We have to say loud and clear that the doubters are wrong. I will come back to this in a moment.

Honourable members,

At the meeting of the Euro area Heads of State and Government on Friday, we will look beyond this deal into what we need to do to draw the right lessons from this situation.

The debate will of course be a starting point, because decisions need to be debated further and ultimately taken with all the 27 Member States - Euro area Member States and all the other Member States And let me say very clearly: discussing and taking decisions at 27 is a source of strength.

Whilst we have to speed up our processes, the fact is that the joint action of the 27 – unparalleled anywhere in the world – provides the best possible fundament for our joint future in an ever more interlinked world.

I see two main strands for reflection and action: first, a reassessment of the rules for economic governance, including the Stability and Growth Pact, and second, financial markets reform.

The Commission has been working intensively on economic governance and is ready to present its proposals on how to improve it next Wednesday. STATEMENT AHEAD OF THE MEETING OF THE HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE EURO AREA

There are three main building blocks to be considered:

• First, responsibility: we need to reinforce the Stability and Growth Pact – and above all Member States’ compliance. The case for reinforcement of both the preventive and the corrective arm of the pact is obvious. I am pleased that most of those who have previously questioned - or even suggested the weakening of the pact now accept the need for stronger rules and – most importantly – for their strict implementation.

• Second, interdependence: we are all in this together. I think the crisis has clearly shown that we need to address the imbalances between our Member States, in particular within the Euro area. This includes divergences in their competitiveness, as this is one crucial element that causes other types of imbalances. This can of course not mean that some become less competitive so that others look relatively more competitive. We are competing, all of us on world markets. What we need is to enhance our overall competitiveness in a balanced, mutually reinforcing way. I also believe we need to look at the other causes of imbalances. To make progress, we will 159 propose increased surveillance and increased economic policy coordination. I am happy we see more openness from Member States when discussing it.

• Third, coherence: we have to ask ourselves whether our system of fiscal rules is complete. I see merit in creating a permanent mechanism for dealing with disruptive situations. After all, it is better to be safe than sorry.

I hope that we can seize the moment - and I count on you to help us deliver these reforms. I believe from a political point of view that in terms of European integration we are in one of those moments that if we don’t make more Europe we will become behind. It is a very special moment, the moment we are living today, where our solidarity, our responsibility is being tested every day. I hope that leaders of our members States will be able to rise to the occasion not just to help the others, but to show their responsibility to the common European project.

These reforms will be introduced against the background of unprecedented efforts already under way. It is undisputed that deficit and debt levels in some Member States need to be corrected with determination and faster than targeted before the crisis.

But it must also be said that one cannot ignore that the budgetary deterioration in 2009 was largely due to the working of the automatic stabilizers in the face of an unprecedented decline in economic activity caused by a financial crisis not originated in Europe. In other words, the overall situation in the Euro area was largely the result of anti-recession policies advocated all over the world.

It was always clear that the situation would subsequently be corrected. And most Euro area members have already taken bold reforms, for example of their pensions systems.

The responsibility shown by the governments needs to be matched by financial market players. This is why it is no less urgent to continue delivering a sustainable and responsible financial sector, at the service of the economy and its citizens. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

One must bear in mind that financial market players are key actors in driving market sentiment. Psychology also matters in financial markets The financial crisis was born out of short-termism, pro-cyclicality and a lack of responsibility.

That is what we urgently must correct.

We need strong and stable European financial services markets to deliver the investments needed for future growth in line with the Europe 2020 vision. We need responsible behaviour from all our market players.

We have already been doing a lot as regards financial markets reform. I count on this House to make this clear to all!

European institutions are acting, and must be seen as acting together. Parliament , Council and Commission

160 We have prioritised work on responsible risk management, safer derivatives markets, better financial supervision, and ensuring that banks hold adequate capital to cover their real risks. This work must be speeded up.

In the coming weeks we will need to complete the reforms already underway. As I said to this House only two weeks ago, I hope to see a breakthrough soon on our proposal for hedge funds and private equity.

I would also like early agreement on effective new European supervisory arrangements. The European Systemic Risk Board and the three Supervisory Authorities should start working at the beginning of 2011.

But they must not be mere paper tigers: we have a shared responsibility to ensure they have the tools they need to do their jobs. This includes binding decision-making powers to deal with genuine emergencies, to enforce European rules, and I insist European rues, not only national rules, and settle any disputes within colleges of national supervisors.

It is high time to deliver these decisions and make sure they are ambitious.

More proposals are on their way this year to improve depositor and investor protection, to strengthen measures against market abuse, to further improve the quality and quantity of bank capital and discourage excessive leverage.

Over the past three months, and paradoxically still this week, the situation on the sovereign debt markets has brought new concerns to light.

The Commission is already working on a fundamental overhaul of derivatives markets to increase transparency and safety in these markets. STATEMENT AHEAD OF THE MEETING OF THE HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE EURO AREA

In a first stage, we will present legislation to standardise eligible derivatives contracts, putting them through central counterparty clearing that is properly regulated and supervised.

We are also now considering whether further specific measures are needed for sovereign derivatives markets.

The crisis has also once again brought the role of credit rating agencies to the fore. These agencies play a pivotal role in the functioning of financial markets.

But ratings appear to be too cyclical, too reliant on the general market mood rather than on fundamentals - regardless of whether market mood is too optimistic or too pessimistic.

Because credit rating agencies have such a key role and influence over the markets, they also have a special responsibility to ensure their assessments are both sound and comprehensive. 161

That is why in 2008 the Commission quickly put forward new legislation for these agencies, which will come into force in the next few months.

These rules will ensure that credit rating agencies act more transparently, publish their methodologies, and avoid conflicts of interest.

But we need to go further. To strengthen the supervision of these actors of Eu- rope-wide dimension, the Commission believes they should be put under the direct supervision of the future European Securities Markets Authority (ESMA).

And that is exactly what we will propose.

We have also launched a reflection on whether further measures may be needed to ensure the appropriate rating of sovereign debt in particular.

We must get our house in order while pushing others to do the same.

The Commission will do whatever necessary to ensure that financial markets are not a playground for speculation. Free markets constitute the basis for the functioning of successful economies. But free markets need rules and compliance, and rules and compliance need to be tightened if irresponsible behaviour puts at risk what cannot and should not be at risk.

Market behaviour must rest on sound and objective analysis. And financial services must realize that they are exactly that: a service, not an end in itself - they must not become detached from their economic and societal function.

In fact, financial market players are still in business because regulatory authorities and democratic institutions – ultimately the taxpayers – stabilized the markets in the financial crisis. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

We acted swiftly then, and precisely for that reason, we will also act swiftly in the future.

So the message from this Friday’s meeting of Eurogroup Heads of State and Govern- ment should be clear. And it will be clear.

We are doing what is needed. On all fronts.

Thank you for your attention.

162 Peoples of yesterday, peoples of tomorrow: 35 years of EU/China relations

TSINGHUA UNIVERSITY GLOBAL VISION LECTURES SERIES BEIJING, 30T APRIL 2010

President Gu Binglin, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and gentlemen, 163

t’s a great pleasure for me to be at Tsinghua University and have a chance to speak I to all of you. Tsinghua symbolises China’s rich past and its bright future: it was here on the site of a former imperial garden that this campus was founded 99 years ago. Today it retains the graceful beauty of a Chinese garden even as it is dotted by shiny, high-tech buildings.

As you gear up to celebrate your 100th anniversary, you can take pride in being at the cutting edge of China’s scientific and educational progress, leading the country in areas such as nanotechnology and renewable energy.

The European Union is happy to be associated with Tsinghua University through the EU-China Clean Energy Centre, which I inaugurated this morning.

My visit to China, the first during my second term as President of the European Commission, comes at an important moment in the history of EU-China relations, for two reasons:

First, because this very night President Hu Jintao, a Tsinghua alumnus, will inaugu- rate the 2010 World Expo in Shanghai - the first-ever Expo to feature a European Union pavilion outside the EU’s own territory. I consider this a visual symbol of the importance the EU attaches to relations with China.

Chinese people are rightly proud of hosting this event because it symbolises inter-cultural understanding, which I think will be a defining feature of the 21st century. So it is only natural that we should participate with you in this global event, to showcase the achievements of European integration. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

The second reason why this visit is a timely one is because 2010 marks the 35th anniversary of the establishment of relations between the European Union and China.

The European Union has undergone remarkable changes since then. At that time, in 1975, the European Economic Community was made up of nine countries. Since then 18 more countries have joined the club and we have become a far more deeply integrated Union, with a single market and a common currency, the euro.

China too, has transformed beyond recognition, raising living standards and pulling hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and becoming a global economic player, following the reform and opening up policy launched by Deng Xiaoping.

During the last 35 years, the European Union has been a reliable partner. Our trade and economic cooperation has been an important contribution to China’s development. We have also welcomed China’s increased role on the world stage, through bodies like the World Trade Organisation, and more recently the G20. 164 China too, has consistently supported European integration, even before we established official relations. At the People’s Congress of 13 January 1975 Premier Zhou Enlai declared that China was “helping the countries of Western Europe in their efforts to achieve unity”.

So our partnership has been a stimulus for progress and a source of economic opportunities. These benefits are a result of good relations between leaders of course, and channelled through institutional mechanisms like our annual Summits and other dialogues.

I hope that, in the next 35 years, Europe and China will continue to support each other. To that end, I believe the moment is right to expand our cooperation in other areas.

A fundamental task is precisely to broaden and deepen cultural understanding by fostering people-to-people exchanges. For the success of our engagement depends on understanding - on holding an open dialogue, and learning about each other and from each another.

Transparency is essential for communication and mutual understanding.. We in Eu- rope believe that freedom of expression and open internet access, for example, can go a long way in fostering such mutual understanding. After all, the internet is the most effective tool for disseminating ideas and information, and China is home to the world’s largest population of internet users and the largest pool of human capital.

Aside from mutual understanding and respect, another key principle of our relationship should be complimentarily. What do I mean by this?

Our economies complement each other. Europe’s consumers benefit from low-priced, quality Chinese exports. China, as a whole, profits from advanced European technologies and services, as well as management practices. PEOPLES OF YESTERDAY, PEOPLES OF TOMORROW: 35 YEARS OF EU/CHINA RELATIONS

More generally, our overall strategic economic objectives overlap: our Europe 2020 strategy and your 12th Five Year Plan focus overwhelmingly on green growth and social justice.

I was pleased to hear that Premier Wen will increase efforts to attract foreign investment in China. I have no doubt that China stands to benefit from greater participation in the Chinese market by European companies, which are world leaders in developing the low carbon economy.

But China also recognises that achieving economic prosperity must be accompanied by efforts to promote social equity and justice.

Europeans also believe that equity and justice form the basis of social stability. That is why we developed welfare systems, which shelter citizens’ lives from market risks.

We are happy to share our experience and expertise in this field with China; the instruments for doing so are already in place. 165

This sort of mutual support is the essence of reciprocity, a fundamental tenet in Euro- pean and Chinese ethics alike, which should be the third key principle of EU/China relations, alongside mutual understanding and complementarity.

Beyond our bilateral cooperation, the European Union and China must work together in a globalized world.

Events over the last year have shown the urgent need for both sides to improve understanding and cooperation on critical global issues. A world that faces many threats and challenges needs both Europe and China to be globally engaged.

Europe, for its part, has not stood still in the face of recent challenges.

As the worst crisis since the Great Depression hit our economies in 2008, the EU has stood by its G20 pledge to keep its markets open. The EU remains an open economy. We are the world’s largest importer and exporter, as well as the largest source and destination of foreign investment.

But the crisis has given rise to wider protectionist pressures in the global economy. As two of the world’s largest economies, the European Union and China have an interest and a duty not only to resist protectionism, but to continue to open our markets further.

In addition, we have a shared interest in tackling the twin challenges of energy security and climate change.

Both Europe and China take these challenges very seriously.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change tells us that we must do something about emissions of greenhouse gases. If we continue with business as usual, they say, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

we will face a rise in global temperatures that could have a disastrous impact on our planet, beyond that we are already facing.

To avoid that, we must move our economies away from their reliance on fossil fuels. That shift is not only good for the environment, but is also sensible from an economic point of view, and will help us to improve the long-term security of our energy supplies.

It is clear to me that we can regulate greenhouse gas emissions without slowing down our economies.

Our experience in Europe shows that adopting market-based solutions to deal with the threat of climate change can achieve effective results at affordable costs.

Apart from pioneering the low carbon economy at home, Europe is also supporting other countries worldwide as they increase their energy efficiency and exploit renewa- 166 ble energy sources. China in particular is Europe’s biggest single recipient of financial and technical assistance in the field of energy and climate change.

China is making significant efforts to decouple growth from energy consumption. And this investment is already paying off in economic terms. China is leading in some renewable technologies such as solar panels. This kind of success is part of the reason why Europe believes that an international treaty to tackle climate change can be a win-win solution for all.

Finally Europe and China must cooperate to address the global security challenges of our time. For this, we need comprehensive strategies, strong international organisations and the rule of law, both within countries and between them.

We are each other’s strategic partners. As China’s policy paper on the EU states, “no fundamental conflict of interest exists between us and neither side poses a threat to the other”.

We have examples of good cooperation in new areas like maritime surveillance. And we can expand our cooperation even further, by looking at the broader relationship. We can make a particular contribution, for instance, by addressing regional nuclear proliferation crises.

The demand for Europe to engage globally is huge. The Lisbon Treaty gives the Euro- pean Union the chance to do this.

We have much to gain in increasing our cooperation on global security issues. Ulti- mately, I am confident in China’s positive response to these challenges because, in the end, international stability and prosperity is in China’s own interests. In a globalized world, those interests cannot be defined as narrow national objectives.

No doubt China has a difficult path to navigate between its needs for internal development and the demands that are being made on it to show greater international PEOPLES OF YESTERDAY, PEOPLES OF TOMORROW: 35 YEARS OF EU/CHINA RELATIONS leadership. But the very scale of China’s economy, and its geostrategic importance, means that what China does will affect the rest of the world. And what China does not do will also affect the rest of the world and ultimately also China. That is why China’s partners, including the EU, will continue to invite it to play its full role in the new systems of global governance, to share its strategic thinking openly with partners, and to promote this openness also in terms of access to global information.

In all of this Europe stands ready to work in partnership with you.

In closing, let me quote from a speech Sir Christopher Soames, a former Commission Vice-President, gave to the European Parliament on the outcome of his visit to China back in 1975, when our relationship officially began:

“There is one point, and a particularly important one, over which I found myself in complete agreement with my Chinese hosts. This was over the future of the Com- munity. They consider it in the interests of everyone that Western Europe should be strong and united. They…see it as having a vital role to play in the world. 167

The Commission’s view… is that China and the European Community have much to gain from the closer and more confident relationship which now opens before us: both of us a people of yesterday, a people of tomorrow”.

Let’s make sure that we continue to gain from a closer and more confident relationship for another 35 years!

Thank you.

State of the Union Address 2010

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 7 SEPTEMBER 2010

President, Honourable Members, 169

t is a great privilege to deliver the first State of the Union address before this House. I From now on the State of the Union address will be the occasion when we will chart our work for the next 12 months. Many of the decisions we will take this year will have long-term implications. They will define the kind of Europe we want. They will define a Europe of opportunity where those that aspire are elevated and those in need are not neglected. A Europe that is open to the world and open to its people. A Europe that delivers economic, social and territorial cohesion.

Over the last year, the economic and financial crisis has put our Union before one of its greatest challenge ever. Our interdependence was highlighted and our solidarity was tested like never before.

As I look back at how we have reacted, I believe that we have withstood the test. We have provided many of the answers needed – on financial assistance to Member States facing exceptional circumstances, on economic governance, on financial regulation, on growth and jobs. And we have been able to build a base camp from which to modernise our economies. Europe has shown it will stand up and be counted. Those who predicted the demise of the European Union were proved wrong. The European institutions and the Member States have demonstrated leadership. My message to each and every European is that you can trust the European Union to do what it takes to secure your future.

The economic outlook in the European Union today is better than one year ago, not least as a result of our determined action. The recovery is gathering pace, albeit unevenly within the Union. Growth this year will be higher than initially forecast. The unemployment rate, whilst still much too high, has stopped increasing. Clearly, uncertainties and risks remain, not least outside the European Union. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

We should be under no illusions. Our work is far from finished. There is no room for complacency. Budgetary expansion played its role to counter the decline in economic activity. But it is now time to exit. Without structural reforms, we will not create sustainable growth. We must use the next 12 months to accelerate our reform agenda. Now is the time to modernise our social market economy so that it can compete globally and respond to the challenge of demography. Now is the time to make the right investments for our future.

This is Europe’s moment of truth. Europe must show it is more than 27 different national solutions. We either swim together, or sink separately. We will only succeed if, whether acting nationally, regionally or locally we think European.

Today, I will set out what I see as the priorities for our work together over the coming year. I cannot now cover every issue of European policy or initiative we will take. I am sending you through President Buzek a more complete programme document.

170 Essentially, I see five major challenges for the Union over the next year:

• dealing with the economic crisis and governance;

• restoring growth for jobs by accelerating the Europe 2020 reform agenda;

• building an area of freedom, justice and security;

• launching negotiations for a modern EU budget, and

• pulling our weight on the global stage.

Let me start with the economic crisis and governance. Earlier this year, we acted decisively when euro area members and the euro itself needed our help.

We have learned hard lessons. Now we are making important progress on economic governance. The Commission has put its ideas on the table in May and in June. They have been well received, in this Parliament, and in the Task Force chaired by Presi- dent of the European Council. They are the basis around which a consensus is being developed. We will present the most urgent legislative proposals on 29 September, so as not to lose the momentum.

Unsustainable budgets make us vulnerable. Debt and deficit lead to boom and bust. And they unravel the social safety net. Money that's spent on servicing debt is money that cannot be spent on the social good. Nor to prepare ourselves for the costs of an ageing population. A debt generation makes an unsustainable nation. Our proposals will strengthen the Stability and Growth Pact through increased surveillance and enforcement.

And we need to tackle severe macro-economic imbalances, especially in the Euro area. That is why we have made proposals early on to detect asset bubbles, lack of competitiveness and other sources of imbalances. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

I now see a willingness of governments to accept stronger monitoring, backed up by incentives for compliance and earlier sanctions. The Commission will strengthen its role as independent referee and enforcer of the new rules.

We will match monetary union with true economic union.

If implemented as we propose, these reforms will also guarantee the long-term stability of the euro. It is key to our economic success.

For the economy to grow, we also need a strong and sound financial sector. A sector that serves the real economy. A sector that prides itself on proper regulation and proper supervision.

We took action to increase bank transparency. Today we are better than one year ago. With the publication of the stress test results, banks should now be able to lend to each other, so that credit can flow to Europe's citizens and companies. 171 We have proposed to protect people's savings up to €100,000. We will propose to ban abusive naked short selling. We will tackle credit default swaps. The days of betting on someone else’s house burning down are over. We continue to insist that banks, not taxpayers, must pay up front to cover the costs of their own risks of failure. We are legislating to outlaw bonuses for quick-wins today that become big losses tomorrow. As part of this approach, I am also defending taxes on financial activities and we will come with proposals this autumn.

The political deal on the financial supervision package just concluded is very good news. The Commission proposals based on the de Larosière report will give us an effective European supervision system. I want to thank the Parliament for the constructive role it has played and I hope it will give its final agreement this month.

We will also go further on regulation. Initiatives on derivatives, further measures on credit rating agencies and a framework for bank resolution and crisis management will soon be before you. Our goal is to have a reformed financial sector in place by the end of 2011.

Sound government finances and responsible financial markets give us the confidence and economic strength for sustainable growth. We need to move beyond the debate between fiscal consolidation and growth. We can have both.

Honourable Members,

Sound public finances are a means to an end: growth for jobs. Our goal is growth, sustainable growth, inclusive growth. This is our overarching priority. This is where we need to invest.

Europe 2020 starts now. We must frontload and accelerate the most growth-promoting reforms of our agenda. This could raise growth levels by over a third by 2020. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

This means concentrating on three priorities: getting more people in jobs, boosting our companies' competitiveness and deepening the single market.

Let me start with people and jobs.

Over 6.3 million people have lost their jobs since 2008. Each one of them should have the chance to get back into employment. Europe's employment rates are at 69% on average for those aged between 20 and 64. We have agreed these should rise to 75% by 2020, bringing in particular more women and older workers into the work force.

Most of the competences for employment policy remain with Member States. But we won't stand on the sidelines. I want a European Union that helps its people to seize new opportunities; and I want a Union that is social and inclusive. This is the Europe we will build if Member States, the European institutions and the social partners move ahead on our common reform agenda. 172 It should be centred on skills and jobs and investment in life-long learning.

And it should focus on unlocking the growth potential of the single market, to build a stronger single market for jobs.

The opportunities exist. We have very high levels of unemployment but Europe has now 4 million job vacancies. The Commission will propose later this year a "Euro- pean Vacancy Monitor". It will show people where the jobs are in Europe and which skills are needed. We will also come forward with plans for a European skills passport.

We must also tackle problems of poverty and exclusion. We must make sure that the most vulnerable are not left behind. This is the focus of our "Platform Against Pov- erty". It will bring together European action for vulnerable groups such as children and old people.

As more and more people travel, study or work abroad, we will also strengthen citizens' rights as they move across borders. The Commission will address persisting obstacles as early as this autumn.

Honourable Members,

Growth must be based on our companies' competitiveness.

We should continue to make life easier for our Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises. They provide two out of every three private sector jobs. Among their main concerns are innovation and red tape. We are working on both.

Just before the summer, the Commission has announced the biggest ever package from the Seventh Research Framework Programme, worth €6.4 billion. This money will go to SMEs as well as to scientists. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

Investing in innovation also means promoting world class universities in Europe. I want to see them attracting the brightest and the best, from Europe and the rest of the world. We will take an initiative on the modernisation of European universities. I want to see a Europe that is strong in science, education and culture.

We need to improve Europe's innovation performance not only in universities. Along the whole chain, from research to retail, notably through innovation partnerships. We need an Innovation Union. Next month, the Commission will set out how to achieve this.

Another key test will be whether Member States are ready to make a breakthrough on a patent valid across the whole European Union. Our innovators are often paying ten times the price faced by their competitors in the United States or in Japan. Our proposal is on the table. It would reduce the cost fundamentally and double the coverage. After decades of discussion, it is time to decide.

We will also act further on red tape. SMEs are being strangled in regulatory knots. 173 71% of CEOs say that the biggest barrier to their success is bureaucracy. The Com- mission has put proposals on the table to generate annual savings of €38 billion for European companies.

Stimulating innovation, cutting red tape and developing a highly-skilled workforce: these are ways to ensure that European manufacturing continues to be world class. A thriving industrial base in Europe is of paramount importance for our future. Next month, the Commission will present a new industrial policy for the globalisation era.

We have the people, we have the companies. What they both need is an open and modern single market.

The internal market is Europe's greatest asset, and we are not using it enough. We need to deepen it urgently.

Only 8% of Europe's 20 million SMEs engage in cross-border trade, still fewer in cross-border investment. And even with the internet, over a third of consumers lack the confidence to make cross-border purchases.

At my request, Mario Monti presented an expert report and has identified 150 missing links and bottlenecks in the internal market.

Next month we will set out how to deepen the Single Market in a comprehensive and ambitious Single Market Act.

Energy is a key driver for growth and a central priority for action: we need to complete the internal market of energy, build and interconnect energy grids, and ensure energy security and solidarity. We need to do for energy what we have done for mobile phones: real choice for consumers in one European marketplace.

This will give us a real energy community in Europe. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

We need to make frontiers irrelevant for pipelines or power cables.

To have the infrastructure for solar and wind energy.

To ensure that across the whole of Europe, we have a common standard so that charg- ing electric car batteries becomes as natural as filling up the tank.

Over the next year, we will bring forward an energy action plan, an infrastructure package and an energy efficiency action plan to put this vision in place. I myself will travel to the Caspian region later this year to promote the Southern Corridor as a means of enhancing our security of supply.

To build a resource-efficient Europe, we need to look beyond energy. In the 20th century the world enjoyed phenomenal resource-intensive growth. We saw in the 20th century globally a four-fold growth in population accompanied by a 40-fold growth in economic output. But in the same period we also increased our use of fossil fuels 16 174 times, our fishing catches 35 times, our water use 9 times. And our carbon emissions increased 17 times.

That means we have to deliver on our climate and energy package, as a core driver for change. This means integrating the different strands of policy on climate change, energy, transport and environment into a coherent approach on resource efficiency and a low carbon future.

A forward-looking agricultural sector will play a major role in European measures to address some of the biggest challenges ahead, such as global food security, biodiversity loss and the sustainable management of natural resources. So will our maritime policy.

All of this will not only strengthen our economy tomorrow: it will provide new openings today. Jobs in the eco-industry have been increasing by 7% a year since 2000. I want to see 3 million "green jobs" by 2020, 3 million green collar workers that complement our blue and white collar workers.

We need sustainable growth, and we need smart growth. Half of European productivity growth over the last 15 years was driven by information and communication technologies. This trend is set to intensify. Our European Digital Agenda will deliver a single digital market worth 4% of EU GDP by 2020.

Honourable Members,

Everything we do is for the citizens of Europe. A fundamental dimension of our Eu- ropean project is precisely building an area of freedom, security and justice.

We are working hard to implement the Stockholm action plan. We will make a real push on asylum and migration.

Legal migrants will find in Europe a place where human values are respected and enforced. At the same time, we will crack down on the exploitation of illegal immi- STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010 grants within Europe and at our borders. The Commission will make new proposals on policing our external borders.

And we will bring forward an internal security strategy to tackle threats of organised crime and terrorism.

Europeans will find that their fundamental rights and obligations exist wherever they go. Everyone in Europe must respect the law, and the governments must respect human rights, including those of minorities. Racism and xenophobia have no place in Europe. On such sensitive issues, when a problem arises, we must all act with responsibility. I make a strong appeal not to re-awaken the ghosts of Europe's past.

An area of freedom, liberty and security, will create a place where Europeans can prosper.

Honourable Members, 175 Another challenge is sorting out the future budget of the European Union.

Next month, we will come forward with the Commission's first ideas for the budget review. It shall launch an open debate without taboos to prepare our legislative proposals that will be presented in the second quarter of next year.

We need to spend our money where we get most value for it. And we should invest it where it leverages growth and delivers on our European agenda. The quality of spending should be the yardstick for us all.

So it is not only important to discuss the quantity, but also the quality of spending and investment.

I believe Europe offers real added value. That is why I will be pushing for an ambitious post-2013 budget for Europe.

I believe we should pool our means to back our policy priorities.

The issue is not about spending more or less, but spending more intelligently, by looking at European and national budgets together. The EU budget is not for Brussels – it is for the people that you represent: for the unemployed workers being retrained by the Social Fund; for the students that participate in the Erasmus programme; for the regions that benefit from the Cohesion Fund.

Energy interconnections, research, and development aid are obvious examples where a Euro spent at European level gets you more than a Euro spent at national level. Some Member States are seeing this logic even in areas of core national competence, like defence. They recognize that huge savings could be made if they pool some of their means and activities. Pooling money at the European level allows Member States to cut their costs, avoid overlaps and get a better return on their investment. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

That's why we should also explore new sources of financing for major European infrastructure projects. For instance, I will propose the establishment of EU project bonds, together with the European Investment Bank. We will also further develop Public Private Partnerships.

As this Parliament has made clear, we must also address the issue of own resources. The present system is stretched to its limits – propped up by a byzantine set of correc- tions. Our citizens deserve a fairer and more efficient and transparent system. Some will not agree with all the ideas we will raise; I find it extraordinary that some are already rejecting them, even before knowing what they will be.

I know that one issue of interest to this Parliament is the duration of the next budget. Various options exist. I would like to look at a 10-year framework, with a mid-term review of the financial dimension after five years – a "five plus five" option. This will give us longer term planning and a clearer link with the mandates of both our institutions. 176 Of course, part of a credible European budget is the rigorous pursuit of savings. I am looking at the administrative costs within the Commission and other Community bodies like Agencies. We need to eliminate all pockets of inefficiency. We will build on recommendations from the Court of Auditors to improve financial management.

Honourable Members,

The final challenge I want to address today is how we pull our weight on the global stage.

When we deal with our every day problems, we sometimes lose perspective and forget our achievements. A peaceful and successful transition to a European Union that has doubled in size and is negotiating further accessions. A sound currency, the euro, that is a major currency of the world. A strong partnership with our neighbourhood that strengthens us all. If we act decisively, then we have nothing to fear from the 21st century.

As the strategic partnerships of the 21st century emerge, Europe should seize the chance to define its future. I am impatient to see the Union play the role in global affairs that matches its economic weight. Our partners are watching and are expecting us to engage as Europe, not just as 27 individual countries. If we don't act together, Europe will not be a force in the world, and they will move on without us: without the European Union but also without its Member States. This is why, in my political guidelines, I called for Europe to be a global player, a global leader – a key task and test for our generation.

Together with High Representative and Vice-President Ashton, I will present our vision of how we can maximise Europe's role in the world. With the European External Action Service, we have the means to match our aspirations. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

In our globalized world, the relationships we build with strategic partners determine our prosperity. To be effective on the international stage, we need the weight of the European Union. Size matters, now more than ever.

A good example is the fight against climate change. Copenhagen showed that, while others did not match our ambition, we did not help ourselves by not speaking with one voice. Negotiations may have stalled but climate change has not. I want us to intensify our engagement with international partners to turn their press releases into credible commitments to cut emissions and push forward with fast-start funding.

The next two months will see crucial Summits with strategic partners. The more we are able to establish a common agenda with a clearly defined European interest, the more we will achieve. For example, I see huge potential in developing a transatlantic agenda for growth and jobs.

Where we are already punching our weight is the G20, the forum where the key economic global players address common challenges. When President Van Rompuy 177 and I go to Seoul in November and represent the European Union, we want to see concrete results:

• Further progress in global economic coordination.

• More stable and responsible financial markets and agreement on reform of international financial institutions.

• More effective global financial safety nets.

• More progress on a G20 development agenda.

We will continue to show leadership in this forum and work closely with the French G8/G20 Presidency next year.

We also want to see support for the Doha Round. Trade boosts growth and prosperity. We will also pursue bilateral and regional Free Trade Agreements. In October, the Commission will present a renewed trade policy to drive new benefits for Europe.

Being open to the world also means standing side by side with developing countries, especially with Africa. When I go to the Millennium Development Goals High-Level Event in New York in 2 weeks' time, I intend to commit, with your support and on behalf of the European Union, an extra €1 billion to the Millennium Development Goals.

Being a global player also means standing up for our values. Human rights are not negotiable. I am shocked about how the rights of women are being infringed in many countries. I am appalled when I hear that Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani is sentenced to death by stoning. This is barbaric beyond words. In Europe we condemn such acts which have no justification under any moral or religious code. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Our values also mean that we must come to the aid of those facing a crisis situation, anywhere around the world.

Our humanitarian aid to Pakistan is the latest example of Europe's solidarity in action. It is a striking example of the need to present the different contributions of the Commission and the Member States as a truly European aid package. The Member States have the helicopters; they have the civil protection teams. We now need to pool them to create a real European crisis response capacity. This is what the Commission will propose in October. And I urge the Member States to show they are serious about the Union punching its weight in this area.

We are making progress on a common foreign policy. But let's be under no illusions: we will not have the weight we need in the world without a common defence policy. I believe now is the moment to address this challenge.

Honourable Members, 178 We are still bedding down the new institutional set-up of Europe created by the Lis- bon Treaty.

What really matters is what the institutions deliver to the people. What matters is the difference Europe makes in their daily lives.

The secret of Europe’s success is its unique Community model. More than ever, the Commission must drive the political agenda with its vision and proposals.

I have called for a special relationship between the Commission and Parliament, the two Community institutions par excellence. I am intensifying my political cooperation with you.

Europe is not only Brussels or Strasbourg. It is our regions. It is the cities, towns and villages you come from. When you walk round your constituencies, you can point to the European projects that are so important for their prosperity.

At the end of the day, we are all in the same boat, the European institutions, the Member states, the regions. The Union will not achieve its objectives in Europe without the Member States. And the Member States will not achieve their objectives in the world without the European Union.

Honourable Members,

The citizens of Europe expect us to take the action needed to get out of this crisis.

We must show them that the common efforts we are making today will lead to new jobs, new investments, and a Europe fit for the future.

I am confident that Europe has what it takes. We will get the results we are reaching for. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

One thing is certain, it is not with pessimism that we will win this battle. It is with confidence, with a strong common will.

Today, I have outlined how I see the European Union doing that.

I have committed to deliver the proposals to build our economic union.

I have made the case to fast-track our reform agenda.

I have set out how to modernise our social market economy to deliver growth and jobs in a smart, sustainable and inclusive economy through our Europe 2020 flagship initiatives.

I have set out how to achieve a common energy policy in Europe.

I have defended the need for an area of freedom, security and justice, where Euro- peans will find that their fundamental rights and obligations exist wherever they go. 179

I have made clear that the Commission will strive for an ambitious budget.

I have proposed to develop EU project bonds to finance major European projects.

I have announced our reinforced commitment to the Millennium Development Goals.

I have made the case clear of why we need a common crisis response capacity and a also a common foreign and a common defence policy.

And I have urged European leaders to act together if they want Europe to be a global player and defend the European interest.

It is indeed a transformational, an ambitious and challenging agenda.

For Europe to succeed, the Commission needs your support for a stronger, a fairer Europe for the benefits of our citizens

Thank you.

Statement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State or Government of the Euro area

PRESS STATEMENT BRUSSELS, 20 JULY 2011

Good afternoon Ladies and Gentlemen, 181 omorrow, 24 hours from now precisely, the Heads of State and Government of the Euro area will meet in Brussels to address the present challenges in the T Euro area. Nobody should be under any illusion: The situation is very serious. It requires a response. Otherwise the negative consequences will be felt in all corners of Europe and beyond.

The situation requires full engagement by everyone at the summit, and I believe we will have it.

The elements for a solution are known. Last week’s Eurogroup conclusions provide the starting point. The Commission has pushed, and will continue to push, for an ambitious and comprehensive approach.

This being said, the minimum we must do tomorrow is to provide clarity on the following:

• Measures to ensure the sustainability of Greek public finances;

• Feasibility and limits of Private Sector Involvement;

• Scope for more flexible action through the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF);

• Repair of the banking sector still needed;

• Measures to ensure the provision of liquidity to our banking system.

There should also be a clear and unequivocal signal that the Council will conclude the economic governance package with the European Parliament.

Most of the decisions to be taken tomorrow belong to the competence of the Member States. They have reserved the instruments to themselves. And they have said they will DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

do what it takes to ensure the stability of the Euro area. Well, now is the time to make good on that promise. There is of course also the responsibility of the European Central Bank. A solution will require that all actors exercise their responsibility to the full.

Leaders need to come to the table saying what they can do and what they want to do and what they will do. Not what they can’t do and won’t do. This is what I ask from them. I urge all the leaders to show the ethics of European responsibility.

Throughout this whole process, I have been making the case that it is in the self-interest of every Member State to commit. It is true for those who have to reduce deficit and debt, and it is also true for those who are asked for support and solidarity.

The truth is: we are inter-dependent. This is not an option. It is a reality. In a globalised world, our partners count on Europe, but without Europe and the European Union, Europeans will not count. In a globalized world, either we act as Europe, or we are not actors at all. 182 The Euro is one of our greatest assets. Its benefits far outweigh the effort that is required by the Member States on the different sides of the negotiation. We cannot be light about this, or else history will judge this generation of leaders harshly.

The Commission is fulfilling its part. Over the last couple of weeks, I have intensified my contacts with Heads of State and Government. Commissioner Rehn and the services of the Commission have made proposals and suggested options. We are doing everything to bring the different sides together, both through our political contacts and our technical expertise.

In that respect, let me also mention two decisions that the Commission has taken today:

First of all, on Greece. Part of what we need to do is bringing growth back to Greece. The last European Council welcomed my proposal to mobilize technical expertise from the Commission and Member States to the reform process in Greece. I am pleased to announce that, today, the Commission has created the “Task Force for Greece” to deliver on what we have decided. Work on the ground will start immediately.

Secondly, on financial regulation. The Commission has just adopted the proposal for the transposition of the Basel III agreement on bank capital requirements. Once again, with this, Europe will be the first mover.

All of this is part of the wide-ranging exercise of reform and renewal that Europe is undertaking and that Europe has to deepen. But all of our efforts are based on a strong single market and a strong Euro. That is what is at stake.

That is why we must provide a solution tomorrow.

I believe now is the time to decide.

With goodwill on all sides, we can have a solution tomorrow.

Thank you for your attention. State of the Union Address 2011 — European renewal

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 28 SEPTEMBER 2011

Mr President, Honourable Members, Minister, 183

e must be honest and clear in our analysis of the state of the Union. W We are facing the biggest challenge in the history of our Union. This crisis is financial, economic and social. But it is also a crisis of confidence. A crisis of confidence in our leaders, in Europe itself, and in our capacity to find solutions.

The roots of the crisis are well-known. Europe has not met the challenges of competitiveness. Some of our Member States have lived beyond their means. Some be- haviours in the financial markets have been irresponsible and inadmissible. We have allowed imbalances between our Member States to grow, particularly in the euro area.

Tectonic shifts in the world order and the pressures of globalisation, have made matters even worse.

The result is clear: concern in our societies. Fear among our citizens for the future. A growing danger of a retreat into national, not to say nationalist, feeling.

Populist responses are calling into question the major successes of the European Un- ion: the euro, the single market, even the free movement of persons.

Today we can say that the sovereign debt crisis today is, above all, a crisis of political confidence. And our citizens, but also people in the outside world, are observing us and wondering – are we really a Union? Do we really have the will to sustain the single currency?

Are the most vulnerable Member States really determined to carry out essential reforms? DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Are the most prosperous Member States really ready to show solidarity?

Is Europe really capable of achieving growth and creating jobs?

I assert here today:

Yes, the situation is serious. But there are solutions to the crisis.

Europe has a future, if we restore confidence.

And to restore confidence we need stability and growth. But also political will, political leadership.

Together we must propose to our citizens a European renewal.

We must translate into deeds what was stated in the Berlin Declaration, signed by 184 the Commission, by Parliament and by the European Council on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the signature of the Rome Treaties. It was said then: ‘Wir leben heute miteinander, wie es nie zuvor möglich war. Wir Bürgerinnen und Bürger der Europäischen Union sind zu unserem Glück vereint.’ - ‘Today we live together as was never possible before. We, the citizens of the European Union, have united for the better.’ It is a declaration. And words count. This expression of will must be translated into everyday courage.

Working with our institutions, and not working against them, we can succeed.

For some, the main consideration is the need for stability. For others, it is growth.

I say we need both.

Some preach discipline. Others, solidarity.

We need both.

The time for piecemeal solutions is over. We need to set our minds on global solutions. A greater ambition for Europe.

Today we are at a turning point in our history. A moments when, if we do not integrate further, we risk fragmentation.

It is therefore a question of political will, a test for our whole generation.

And I say to you, yes, it is possible to emerge from this crisis. It is not only possible, but it is necessary. And political leadership is about making possible that which is necessary.

Honourable members, STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL

Let me start with Greece. Greece is, and will remain, a member of the euro area. Greece must implement its commitments in full and on time. In turn, the other euro area members have pledged to support Greece and each other. As stated at the euro area Summit on 21 July: „We are determined to continue to provide support to countries under programmes until they have regained market access, provided they successfully implement those programmes.“

That is why I created the Task Force for Greece.

We have just launched an action plan based on two major pillars:

• Around 100 viable and high-quality projects, investing in all Greek regions, to make the best use of Greece’s remaining allocation of the structural funds.

• And a major drive to reduce bureaucratic procedures for European co-funded projects. 185 € 15 billion remain to be spent in Greece from the structural funds. This will support the Greek economy with an urgent programme of technical assistance to the Greek administration.

A programme of € 500 million Euros to guarantee European Investment Bank loans to Greek SMEs is already under way. The Commission is also considering a wider guarantee mechanism to help banks lend again to the real economy.

All of this represents a huge support to Greece’s fight back and Greece will have to deliver concrete results. It must break with counterproductive practices and resist vested interests.

But we have to be clear about this. This is not a sprint, but a marathon.

The task of building a Union of stability and responsibility is not only about Greece.

The economic outlook that we face is very difficult. We are confronted with the negative effects of an ongoing global re-assessment of risks. It is therefore our responsibility to rebuild confidence and trust in the euro and our Union as a whole.

And we can do this by showing that we are able to take all the decisions needed to run a common currency and an integrated economy in a competitive, inclusive and resource-efficient way. For this we need to act in the short, in the medium and the long term.

The first step is to quickly fix the way we respond to the sovereign debt crisis.

This will require stronger mechanisms for crisis resolution. We need credible firepow- er and effective firewalls for the euro.

We have to build on the EFSF and the upcoming European Stability Mechanism. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

The EFSF must immediately be made both stronger and more flexible. This is what the Commission proposed already in January. This is what Heads of State and Gov- ernment of the euro area agreed upon on 21 July. Only then, when you ratify this, will the EFSF be able to:

• deploy precautionary intervention;

• intervene to support the recapitalisation of banks,

• intervene in the secondary markets to help avoid contagion

Once the EFSF is ratified, we should make the most efficient use of its financial -enve lope. The Commission is working on options to this end.

Moreover we should do everything possible to accelerate the entry into force of the ESM. 186 And naturally we trust that the European Central Bank – in full respect of the Treaty – will do whatever is necessary to ensure the integrity of the euro area and to ensure its financial stability.

But we cannot stop there. We must deepen economic coordination and integration, particularly in the euro area.

This is at least as big a political task as an economic one.

Today, you will vote on the so-called "six-pack" proposals that we put in front of you and the Council one year ago. This "six-pack" reforms the Stability and Growth Pact and widens surveillance to macro-economic imbalances. We are now back very close to what the Commission originally put on the table. You have played a decisive role in keeping the level of ambition of these proposals, and I really want to thank you and congratulate you for that.

This legislation will give us much stronger enforcement mechanisms. We can now discuss Member States' budgetary plans before national decisions are taken. This mix of discipline and integration holds the key to the future of the euro area. Only with more integration and discipline we can have a really credible euro area.

Honourable members,

These are indeed important steps forward, but we must go further. We need to complete our monetary union with an economic union. We need to achieve the tasks of Maastricht.

It was an illusion to think that we could have a common currency and a single market with national approaches to economic and budgetary policy. Let's avoid another illusion that we can have a common currency and a single market with an intergovernmental approach. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL

For the euro area to be credible – and this not only the message of the federalists, this is the message of the markets – we need a truly Community approach. We need to really integrate the euro area, we need to complete the monetary union with real economic union. And this truly Community approach can be built how? In the coming weeks, the Commission will build on the six-pack and present a proposal for a single, coherent framework to deepen economic coordination and integration, particularly in the euro area. This will be done in a way that ensures the compatibility between the euro area and the Union as a whole. We do not want the euro area to break of course the great acquis of the single market and all our four freedoms.

At the same time, we can pool decision making to enhance our competitiveness. This could be done by integrating the Euro Plus Pact into this framework, in full respect of the national implementation competences.

For all of this to work, we need more than ever the independent authority of the Commission, to propose and assess the actions that the Member States should take. Governments, let's be frank, cannot do this by themselves. Nor can this be done by 187 negotiations between governments.

Indeed, within the Community competences, the Commission is the economic government of the Union, we certainly do not need more institutions for this.

For a reason the Treaties have created supra-national institutions. For a reason the European Commission, the European Central Bank, the European Court of Justice were created. The Commission is the guarantor of fairness. Moreover, the Commis- sion, which naturally works in partnership with the Member States, is voted by and accountable to this House. The directly elected Parliament both of the euro area and of the European Union as a whole.

Honourable members,

It is also time to have unified external representation of the euro area. In accordance with the Treaty the Commission will make proposals for this purpose.

A Union of stability and responsibility built on this basis and with common approach will also allow the Member States to seize fully the advantages of a bigger market for the issuance of sovereign debt.

Once the euro area is fully equipped with the instruments necessary to ensure both integration and discipline, the issuance of joint debt will be seen as a natural and ad- vantageous step for all. On condition that such Eurobonds will be "Stability Bonds": bonds that are designed in a way that rewards those who play by the rules, and deters those who don't. As I already announced to this house, the Commission will present options for such "Stability Bonds" in the coming weeks.

Some of these options can be implemented within the current Treaty, whereas fully fledged 'Eurobonds' would require Treaty change. And this is important because, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Honourable Members, we can do a lot within the existing Treaty of Lisbon. And there is no excuse for not doing it, and for not doing it now.

But it may be necessary to consider further changes to the Treaty.

I am also thinking particularly of the constraint of unanimity. The pace of our joint endeavour cannot be dictated by the slowest. And today we have a Union where it is the slowest member that dictates the speed of all the other Member States. This is not credible also from the markets' point of view, this is why we need to solve this problem of decision making. A Member State has of course the right not to accept decisions. That is a question, as they say, of national sovereignty. But a Member State does not have the right to block the moves of others, the others also have their national sovereignty and if they want to go further, they should go further.

Our willingness to envisage Treaty change should not be a way or an excuse to delay the reforms that are necessary today but I believe that this longer term perspective will 188 reinforce the credibility of our decisions now.

A Union of stability and responsibility means swiftly completing the work on a new system of regulation for the financial sector. We need well-capitalised, responsible banks lending to the real economy.

Much has been said about the alleged vulnerability of some of our banks. European banks have substantially strengthened their capital positions over the past year. They are now raising capital to fill the remaining gaps identified by the stress tests in summer. This is necessary to limit the damage to financial market turbulence on the real economy and on jobs.

Over the last three years, we have designed a new system of financial regulation.

Let's remember, we have already tabled 29 pieces of legislation. You have already adopted several of them, including the creation of independent supervising authorities, which are already working. Now it is important to approve our proposals for new rules on:

• derivatives;

• naked short selling and credit default swaps;

• fair remuneration for bankers.

These propositions are there, they should be adopted by the Council and by the Par- liament. The Commission will deliver the remaining proposals by the end of this year, namely rules on:

• credit rating agencies;

• bank resolution; STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL

• personal responsibility of financial operatives.

So we will be the first constituency in the G20 to have delivered on our commitment to global efforts for financial regulation.

Honourable members,

In the last three years, Member States - I should say taxpayers - have granted aid and provided guarantees of € 4.6 trillion to the financial sector. It is time for the financial sector to make a contribution back to society. That is why I am very proud to say that today, the Commission adopted a proposal for the Financial Transaction Tax. Today I am putting before you a very important text that if implemented may generate a revenue of about € 55 billion per year. Some people will ask "Why?". Why? It is a question of fairness. If our farmers, if our workers, if all the sectors of the economy from industry to agriculture to services, if they all pay a contribution to the society also the banking sector should make a contribution to the society. 189 And if we need – because we need – fiscal consolidation, if we need more revenues the question is where these revenues are coming from. Are we going to tax labour more? Are we going to tax consumption more? I think it is fair to tax financial activities that in some of our Member States do not pay the proportionate contribution to the society.

It is not only financial institutions who should pay a fair share. We cannot afford to turn a blind eye to tax evasion. So it is time to adopt our proposals on savings tax within the European Union. And I call on the Member States to finally give the Commission the mandate we have asked for to negotiate tax agreements for the whole European Union with third countries.

Honourable members,

Stability and responsibility are not enough on their own. We need stability but we also need growth. We need responsibility but we also need solidarity.

The economy can only remain strong if it delivers growth and jobs. That's why we must unleash the energy of our economy, especially the real economy.

The forecasts today point to a strong slowdown.

But significant growth in Europe is not an impossible dream. It will not come magi- cally tomorrow. But we can create the conditions for growth to resume. We have done it before. We must and we can do it again.

It is true that we do not have much room for a new fiscal stimulus.

But that does not mean that we cannot do more to promote growth.

First, those who have fiscal space available must explore it – but in a sustainable way. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Second, all member states need to promote structural reforms so that we can increase our competitiveness in the world and promote growth.

Together, we can and must tap the potential of the Single Market, exploit all the benefits of trade and mobilise investment at the Union level.

Let me start with the Single Market.

Full implementation of the Services Directive alone could, according to our estimates, deliver up to € 140 billion in economic gains.

But today, two years after the deadline for implementation, several Member States have still not adopted the necessary laws.

So we are not benefiting from all the possible gains from having a true services liberalisation in Europe. 190 But we can also do more.

We must adopt what is on the table. We have adopted the Single Market Act in the European Commission. A number of key initiatives are ready.

We are close to having a European patent which would cut the cost of protection to 20% of current costs. I expect this is to be concluded by the end of this year.

Moreover, for the Single Market Act, we should consider a fast track legislative procedure. By the way, in many areas we should take a fast track legislative procedure because we are living in real emergency times. This will allow us to respond to these extraordinary circumstances.

And growth in the future will depend more and more on harnessing information technology. We need a digital single market, which will benefit each and every Euro- pean by around €1500 per year – by using the possibilities of e-commerce to ending, for instance, mobile roaming charges.

An extra 10 % in broadband penetration would bring us between 1 and 1.5 % of extra annual growth.

In a competitive world we must be also well-educated with skills to face these new challenges. We must innovate. And we must act in a sustainable way.

We have already presented detailed proposals on innovation, resource-efficiency and how we can strengthen our industrial base.

Modern industrial policy is about investing in research and innovation.

We need to accelerate the adoption of our efforts to boost the use of venture capital to fund young, innovative companies across Europe. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL

Sustainable jobs will come if we focus on innovation and new technologies, including green technologies. We must see that "green" and growth go together.

For example, the renewables sector has already created 300,000 jobs in past 5 years in the European Union. The global green technology market will triple over the next decade.

We must focus our action on where it makes a real impact. Growth of the future means we must actively pursue also our smart regulation agenda, which will give a saving of € 38 billion for European companies, particularly for SMEs. But Member States must also do their part in reducing the administrative burden.

But we also need investment. These reforms are important but we also need some kind of investment at European level.

A Union of growth and solidarity needs modern, interconnected infrastructures. 191 We have proposed for the next Multi-Annual Financial Framework (MFF) to create a facility to connect Europe – in energy, in transport, in digital.

This innovative part of our MFF proposal has to be seen together with another very important innovative idea: the project bond.

In the coming weeks the Commission will publish its proposals for EU project bonds. We are also proposing pilot projects, so that we can fund that growth. We can do it even before the MFF is adopted. In this way we can frontload some of the major infrastructure investments Europe needs.

The Union and its Member States should urgently consider how to allow our own policy-driven bank, the European Investment Bank to do more – and possibly much more – to finance long-term investment.

To do so, we need to explore ways to reinforce the EIB's resources and capital base so that it can lend to the real economy.

In the year 2000, there was € 22 billion of venture capital in Europe. In 2010 there was only € 3 billion. If we want to promote entrepreneurship we must reverse this decline and we need that support namely for SMEs.

We can also get more growth out of the Structural Funds, by increasing absorption capacity, using the Structural Funds to support macroeconomic performance. They are essential for innovation, for training and employment, and for SMEs.

I would also like to urge this House to adopt by the end of the year the proposals we made in August to increase cofinancing rates to those countries with assistance programmes. This will inject essential funding into these economies, while reducing pressure on national budgets. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Honourable members,

Reforms to our labour markets, public finances and pension systems require a major effort from all parts of society.

We all know these changes are necessary, so that we can reform our social market economy and keep our social model. But it is imperative that we hold on to our values – values of fairness, of inclusiveness and of solidarity.

Right now we need to give concrete hope to the 1 in 5 of our young people who cannot find work. In some countries, the situation of our young people is simply dramatic. I want to call on companies to make a special effort to provide internships and apprenticeships for young people. These can be supported by the European Social Fund.

By getting businesses, the social partners, national authorities and the Union level 192 working in a "Young Opportunities Initiative", we can make a difference. This I -be lieve is the most urgent social matter to respond to the anxiety of our young people that cannot find a job and it is much better to have an apprenticeship, a traineeship, than to be with that anxiety in the streets expressing that lack of confidence in the Union as a whole.

We must accelerate the most urgent parts of our Growth and Jobs Plan, Europe 2020. The Commission will focus on the situation of young people in each and every Mem- ber State in its Country-specific recommendations for next year.

I believe we must give our future a real chance.

Right now we also need to act to help the 80 million Europeans at risk of poverty. This means that the Council must finally approve our proposal to safeguard the programme for the supply of food for the most deprived persons. I would like to thank this Parliament for the political support it has given to our proposed solution.

Honourable Members,

Fifty years ago, 12 countries in Europe came together to sign the Social Charter. It was exactly in October 50 years ago. Today, that Charter has 47 signatories, including all our Member States.

To guarantee these fundamental values in Europe, I believe we need to boost the quality of social dialogue at European level. The renewal of Europe can only succeed with the input and the ownership of all the social partners – of trade unions, of workers, of businesses, civil society in general.

We should remember that our Europe is a Europe of citizens. As citizens, we all gain through Europe. We gain a European identity and citizenship apart from our national citizenship. European citizenship adds a set of rights and opportunities. The opportunity to freely cross borders, to study and work abroad. Here again, we must all stand STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL up and preserve and develop these rights and opportunities. Just as the Commission is doing now with our proposals on Schengen. We will not tolerate a rolling back of our citizens' rights. We will defend the freedom of circulation and all the freedoms in our Union.

Honourable Members,

The Commission’s activities, as you well know, cover many other fields. I cannot discuss them all here, but they are mentioned in the letter which I sent to the Parlia- ment’s President and which you have all received.

Before I conclude, however, let me speak about the European Union’s external responsibilities. I want to see an open Europe, a Europe engaging with the world.

European action in the world is not only the best guarantee for our citizens and for the defence of our interests and our values: it is also indispensable to the world. Today it is fashionable to talk of a G2. I believe the world does not want a G2. It is not in 193 the interests of the Two themselves. We know the tension that bipolarity created during the Cold War. If we want to have a just world and an open world, I believe that Europe is more necessary than ever.

The rapidly-changing world needs a Europe that assumes its responsibilities. An influential Europe, a Europe of 27 - with the accession of Croatia soon to be 28. A Europe that continues to show the way, whether in matters of trade or of climate change. At a time when major events await us, from Durban to Rio +20, Europe must retain its position of leadership on these questions.

Let us also turn our attention to our southern neighbours. The Arab Spring is a profound transformation which will have lasting consequences not only for those peoples but also for Europe. Europe should be proud. We were the first to stand alongside those Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans who wanted democracy and freedom. Europe is supporting these legitimate aspirations, namely through our Partnership for De- mocracy and Shared Prosperity.

The Arab Spring should give hope for peace throughout the region. Europe wishes to see a Palestinian State living in peace alongside the State of Israel.

Let us also turn our attention to our eastern neighbours. On Friday I shall take part in the Eastern Partnership Summit in Warsaw. I shall go there with the ambition to forge a closer political relationship and tighter economic integration between us and our partners in the region. The EU has extraordinary transformational power. It is an inspiration for many people in the world, and if those countries embark on a thorough process of reform we can help them. We can further political and economic ties.

Finally, let us not forget the most deprived of all and let us live up to our commitments in attaining the Millennium Development Goals. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

We must also be realistic and recognise that, if Europe is to exert its influence fully, if Europe really wants to be a power, we must strengthen the Common Foreign and Se- curity Policy. It must be credible. It must be based on a common security and defence dimension if we are really to count in the world.

Long gone is the time when people could oppose the idea of European defence for fear that it might harm the Transatlantic relationship. As you have noticed, today it is the Americans themselves who are asking us to do more as Europeans. The world has changed, the world is still changing fundamentally. Do we really want to count in the world?

Hence, at a time when defence budgets are under pressure, we must do more together with the means at our disposal.

The Commission is assuming playing its part: we are working towards a single defence market. We are using our under the Treaty with a view to developing a European 194 defence industrial base.

Honourable Members,

Let us not be naive: the world is changing and if Europe is to count in the world and defend its citizens’ interests we need the political dimension and the defence dimension to give us weight and a say in the world’s future.

Honourable Members,

I conclude.

At the end of our mandate, in 2014, it will be exactly a century since the Great War broke out on our continent. A dark period which was followed by the Second World War, one of the most dramatic pages in the history of Europe and the world. Today such horrors are unimaginable in Europe, largely because we have the European Un- ion. Thanks to the European vision, we have built a guarantee of peace in our continent through economic and political integration. That is why we cannot allow this great work to be placed in jeopardy. It was a gift from previous generations. It will not be our generation that calls it into question. And let us be clear: if we start to break up Europe, if we start to backtrack on Europe’s major achievements, we will doubtless have to face the risk of fragmentation.

As I said, the root of the crisis we are now facing is a political problem. It is a test of our willingness to live together. That is why we have built common institutions. That is why we must safeguard the European interest.

The reality today is that intergovernmental cooperation is not enough to pull Europe out of this crisis, to give Europe a future. On the contrary, certain forms of intergovernmentalism could lead to renationalisation and fragmentation. Certain forms of intergovernmentalism could be the death of the united Europe we wish for. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL

Let us not forget that the decisions we take now, or fail to take, are going to shape our future. I feel hurt when I hear people in other parts of the world, with a certain condescension, telling us Europeans what we should do. I think, frankly, we have problems, very serious problems, but I also think we do not have to apologise for our democracies. We do not have to apologise for our social market economy. We should ask our institutions, but also our Member States, Paris, Berlin, Athens, Lisbon and Dublin, to show a burst of pride in being European, a burst of dignity, and say to our partners: ‘Thanks for the advice, but we can overcome this crisis together’. I feel that pride in being European.

And pride in being European is not just about our great culture, our great civilisation, everything to which we have given birth. It is not pride only in the past, it is pride in our future. That is the confidence that we have to re-create among ourselves. It is possible.

Some say it is very difficult, it is impossible. I would remind them of the words of a great man, a great African, Nelson Mandela: ‘It always seems impossible until it 195 is done’. Let’s do it. We can do it with confidence. We can do it, we can renew our Europe.

Thank you for your attention.

The State of Europe

DIE EUROPA REDE BERLIN, 9 NOVEMBER 2011

Mr Lammert, Mr Pöttering, Mr Berg, Mr Hassemer, Ladies and Gentlemen, 197

would like to thank the creators of the Berliner Europa-Rede, the Konrad-Ade- nauer Stiftung, the Robert-Bosch-Stiftung and the Stiftung Zukunft Berlin, for I this invitation to speak to you today. I thank you, but I also congratulate you for choosing this date, 9th November. With the establishment of the Berliner Eu- ropa-Rede, you have not only created a new European public space. By placing it every year on this day, a German and a European “Schicksalstag”, you express the strong link between the destiny of Germany and the destiny of Europe.

This date reminds us of both painful and joyful moments of the recent history of your country, and with it of our continent.

It is the day when the German Kaiserreich came to an end. Two days later, the First World War armistice brought insufferable carnage to an end but failed to pave the way for enduring peace. It is the day of the Nazi’s burning of the synagogues in 1938, one of the events that announced horrors yet to come. But then, it is the day of the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, when freedom prevailed over totalitarian rule. This date symbolises the fact that our actions have consequences. That political decisions are not indifferent. That history is shaped not by fatality, but by what we do. That by taking the right decisions, we can build hope, humanity, and freedom.

I remember clearly the 9th November 1989. At that time I was Deputy Foreign Minister of my country. I was following with attention the developments here in Germany from the South-Western tip of our continent. Yet things felt so close, and emotions were so strong.

It reminded me very much of the celebrations in the streets when Portugal won its democracy in 1974. When you are 18 years of age and you see a regime, a dictatorship fall in one day, you never forget what democracy means. I instinctively believed that something extraordinary was happening - that the opening of the Berlin wall meant the reunification not only of Germany but also of Europe. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

That is why I am really so honoured to be here today, in this country, in this city, just a few metres from where the destiny of Europe changed – to talk to you about the challenges Europe faces today. And once again my apologies for arriving late. Usually, as Hans-Gert Pöttering knows it, I am very punctual, but I could not control the fog in Berlin that delayed all the planes that came from the other parts of Europe.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Europe is indeed very different today to how it was in 1989, not only with the European Union growing from 12 Member States we were then to 27 Member States, having a today a truly continental dimension and a global outreach.

But we are also different in the world because the forces of globalisation, combined with information technology, have resulted in a new dimension of interdependence that affects every European country and every European citizen.

198 In 1989, the Internet was not yet part of our reality. Markets were not in a position to trigger within seconds chain-reactions to events that spilled all around the globe.

This is our reality today. This is the reality that informs our policy and shapes our political challenge.

This reality sits alongside the emergence, the rapid development, of many economies and nations whose influence on world affairs was much more limited than it is today. The bi-polar system of the world before 1989 has been replaced by a multi-polar, more unstable and more unpredictable world.

If Europe wants to play its role in this new world, our Member States must realise that they do not have the power or influence to do so alone.

Already in 1954 Jean Monnet predicted that: “Our countries have become too small for today’s world, when compared to the potential of modern technical means and in relation to the dimension of America and Russia today, China and India tomorrow”. Jean Monnet, 1954.

Over half a century later, Europe’s challenges are even greater. And so our ambition must be stronger, not weaker.

More or less at the same time, Konrad Adenauer defined the task of the generations to come in four simple words: “Europa muss geschaffen werden.” So I think we can say that the generations that have preceded us have done their part – now is the time for us to do ours.

Only a united Europe has the leverage and strength to defend our values and promote our interests in the world.

And let’s be clear – those values and interests must be promoted. THE STATE OF EUROPE

I know that in the current tendency towards negativism – something I often call the ‘intellectual glamour of pessimism’, people tend to underline Europe’s problems. Every commentator wants to show that he is more intelligent than the others by being more pessimistic. Yes, it is clear that we are facing difficulties and serious difficulties. But we must not diminish the fact that since the Second World War, and in large part thanks to the development of European integration, we have established in this continent, here in our Europe, the most decent societies known to mankind.

In no other place on earth has it been possible to put together this combination of civic, political and economic freedoms. Equality of rights between men and women. Respect for the environment. The ambition for higher levels of social cohesion and social protection. The solidarity with other parts of the world less fortunate than ourselves. In other words, also what was created here in Germany, and it is now part of our model in Europe, and it is in the Lisbon Treaty – the social market economy we have consolidated through the process of integration.

A model that is based on values with a transformational and inspirational power. A 199 model that is indeed an inspiration for many other parts of the world.

We can be proud of our model. It deserves to be defended and developed. But to do so, we must ensure Europe’s continued prosperity. And for that, we must make ourselves more competitive. We need a greater degree of economic discipline and convergence, and we need to match our monetary union with an economic union.

In other words, in the globalisation age, the unification of Europe is more essential than ever if we want to preserve our way of life, to protect our values, to promote prosperity of our citizens.

By acting together we can gather strength through numbers.

We can create a European dimension. This is not detrimental to the Member States, as it is sometimes said in some debates. Putting the European Union in opposition to the interest of our democratic countries. Rather it is in their interests. Germany counts more in the world today not only because of its economic power, the force of its industry, of its exports, of its technology, the greatest democracy ever established here, your culture, Germany counts more in the world because it is a force in Europe. And this is why we can at the same time reinforce what is so important for us – the European dimension and also our national interest inside this European dimension.

So Europe is our destiny. Strength through unity is our fate. That is why we must stand together and forge a stable union, a deeper union, a stronger union.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The case for Europe, I believe, is a dynamic one. Europe is not a concept that can be finished once and for all. It is a concept that must be, and that can be, adapted to changing circumstances – politically and economically. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Talk of emerging powers has become now commonplace. Let me say this: provided there is the political will the greatest emerging power in the world will be the European Union. In reality, if you compare the European Union today, and I am not now speaking about the power of Europe in the past, the power of the different political empires that Europe had created, or the power of different nations in the world. But if you compare the European Union today with its continental size, the European Union counts more today than the European Union of the six, of the nine, of the twelve. So indeed, as a Union we are now an emerging power. The important and relevant question is to see if we have the political will to deepen this union. Because the unique nature of the Europe- an Union makes it a power of transformation through cooperation not imposition. We have been painfully aware in recent months that it carries imperfections that we must address. But I can tell you this: our partners in the world urge us to strengthen this project – they emphatically do not encourage us to abandon or even weaken it. The world needs a stronger Europe. More Europe, not less.

Yet there are some in Europe who claim that their country does not need the rest of 200 Europe. Populism and sometimes even nationalism raises its head across our continent, claiming that too much Europe is the cause of our current difficulties. Claiming that less Europe or even non-Europe would bring solutions.

This is ignoring the global realities as well as our common history that teaches us that this continent is simply too small and too inter-dependent for us to stand apart. To turn our backs to each other. There cannot be peace and prosperity in the North or in the West of Europe if there is no peace and prosperity in the South or in the East.

But the argument for going it alone also defies economic rationality. Just an example, in 2010, Germany exported more goods and services to the Netherlands (around 15 million inhabitants) than to China, to France than to the US, to Poland than to Russia, to Spain than to Brazil, to Hungary than to India. In the same year, Germany exported almost five times as many goods to the rest of the European Union than it did to the BRICs countries altogether (China, India, Russia, Brazil, all of them). Its imports from the BRICs countries stood at just 20% of those from its EU neighbours. I could continue with many other examples that show how deep is our integration and our interdependence.

Were the Euro area or the European Union to break apart, the costs have been estimated at up to 50% of GDP in an initial phase. It is estimated that Germany’s GDP would contract by 3% and it would lose one million jobs if the Euro area were to shrink to a few core member countries. This study was made by a very important financial institution here in Germany. What is more, it would jeopardise the future prosperity of the next generation. That is the threat that hangs over us, and it is that threat that guides our commitment to resolving the situations in Greece and elsewhere, provided that those countries play their part as well.

That is why all responsible leaders must now make the case for Europe. Make the case for strength through unity. We must engage our citizens in an honest and frank debate about Europe. About its assets, but also about its shortcomings. About its potential THE STATE OF EUROPE and its future. We must show our citizens what is at stake. We must choose the path of strength over weakness. Unity over fragmentation. The hard choice over the easy one.

To do otherwise will be to consign ourselves towards what Paddy Ashdown stated recently “a collection of perfectly sovereign corks bobbing along in the wake of other people’s ocean liners”.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The European Union does not promise paradise. But it is indeed our best chance for prosperity. It is institutionally and politically in international relations the single greatest achievement of our time, probably also of human history. When you think what was the past of war and conflict not only in Europe but in so many parts of the world. Our best means to use the crisis as an opportunity for creativity out of destruction. This is the Eu- ropean Union. The European Union was created precisely for moments such as we have now. It is in moments of difficulty that we can see those who are really ready to defend the European Union as a project. What we need are Europeans for all seasons, not only 201 when seasons are easy. It is precisely in moments of difficulty that we have to show our commitment to Europe. Of course I hope that we will stand collectively behind it and give it the tools it needs to make Europe stronger.

Let me be clear - that is not about power grabbing. Very often our discussions are dominated by this paradigm. Of course, as the President of the European Commission people would expect me to argue for a European approach.

But as I say very often to my interlocutors, I am not here as a trade union for the Euro- pean Commission. After more than 30 years in politics in my Parliament in my country, but also in the government 12 years in the government, including as Foreign Minister and Prime Minister, and now after seven years in the Commission, I want to tell you I have never seen politically anything so clearly as the need for a stronger Europe. We are witnessing fundamental changes to the economic and geopolitical order that have convinced me that Europe needs to advance now together or risk fragmentation. We are in one of those moments when we cannot stand still. There are some moments when we can keep business as usual, but now the dynamic of globalisation in financial and economic terms, but also in geopolitical terms, put Europeans in front of a choice – do they really want to live together and to share a common destiny and count in the world, or do they really want to face the prospects of fragmentation and decline. So Europe must either transform itself or it will decline. We are in a defining moment where we either unite or face irrelevance. If I may use a Latin expression, we are in those moments where “Non progredi est regredi”.

Ladies and gentlemen, Europe is indeed at a crossroads.

That is why it is so vitally important now to ensure that we get it right. That we build the kind of Europe we want and we need for the future. To give it the tools to make it strong. To use the current crisis as an opportunity to modernise and dynamise Europe and how it is run. Our goal must not be to restore the status quo ante, but to move on to something new and better. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

For that to happen, we need a stability union, but also a solidarity union. To get the growth that Europe so badly needs for any of this to survive, we need more discipline but also more convergence.

We need a union of responsibility but also of solidarity. If we agree that we share a common destiny, these all belong together.

Reinforced governance of the Euro area must be a central pillar of this and is the focus of my intervention today. But this should not detract from the importance of strengthening European integration in other areas, namely Common Foreign and Security Policy and Defence. Europe can only count in the world if it is strong and united around an active promotion of its values and interests. And let’s not be naïve, without a political dimension, without a diplomatic dimension and without also the capacity to project power, we will not be up to the challenges of today’s and future world.

But today let us focus on strengthening our method for economic governance. It is clear 202 that the markets make decisions that can affect us all within seconds. In response, we cannot continue to take decisions as we have been doing until now.

The speed of the European Union, and a fortiori of the Euro area, cannot be the speed of its slowest member or its most reluctant member. There are and must be – indeed there are! – safeguards for those who do not want to go along. But it is one thing not to go along, and another thing entirely to hinder others to move forward.

Neither should Europe veer backwards to the kind of developments that would run it through intergovernmental cooperation alone.

That would take us back to the 19th century, not even to the 20th century, but to the 19th century, where peace and prosperity were supposed to be guaranteed through a precarious balance between a limited number of powers – great powers, medium powers, small powers in Europe. We know very well that this kind of balance of powers did not work then.

That is why, after the Second World War we created common, supranational institutions and methods.

Jean Monnet once wrote that: “nothing is possible without men, and nothing is lasting without institutions.” Legitimate institutions, created and upheld by the Member States, must have a strong role in the governance of the Union system. They are the only entities mandated and instructed to act in the interest of all Member States and they are the guardians of transparency, of fairness and of democracy in the Union.

In the European Union we have institutions where the Member States are represented, namely the European Council and the Council.

But we also have institutions of an innovative, supranational nature: the democratically elected European Parliament; the European Commission; the European Court of Jus- tice; the European Central Bank; the Court of Auditors. THE STATE OF EUROPE

It is precisely these supranational institutions that are the best guarantee for the respect of the agreed principles and rules in a union of sovereign states. Because the sovereign states entrust the institutions with certain powers but also with the mandate to uphold the best interests of all its members. Bigger – or smaller.

It is precisely these supranational institutions that have the independence and objectivity to ensure that all Member States – those in the Euro area and those outside – are treated equally before the Treaties.

It is precisely these institutions that are entrusted to take some decisions outside the realm of political bargaining. Thus ensuring that financial stability cannot be held hostage to politics.

This is the meaning of the role of the Commission as economic government of the Eu- ropean Union in the fields of the Union competencies. This is the reason why we have decided to create and independent European Central Bank. 203 At a time when Europe is completing its monetary union with an economic union, and at a time when convergence and discipline are increasing, the independent and objective role of the institutions is more necessary than ever.

It is in this perspective that in the upcoming discussions regarding the deepening of European integration, including through possible changes to the European Union Trea- ties, the Commission will steadfastly uphold its role as guarantor of the interests of the European common good, the general interest of Europe, including of course the interest of all our Member States. And we will defend the integrity of the single market and the integrity of the single currency. The EU as a whole and the Euro area belong together and should not be divided.

The Commission welcomes - and urges, in fact we have been asking for a long time - a deeper integration of policies and governance within the Euro area. Such integration and convergence is the only way to enhance discipline and stability and to secure the future sustainability of the Euro. In other words we have to finish the unfinished business of Maastricht – to complete the monetary union with a truly economic union.

But stability and discipline must also go together with growth. And the single market is our greatest asset to foster growth.

Let me be clear - a split union will not work. This is true for a union with different parts engaged in contradictory objectives; a union with an integrated core but a disengaged periphery; a union dominated by an unhealthy balance of power or indeed any kind of directorium. All these are unsustainable and will not work in the long term because they will put in question a fundamental, I would say a sacred, principle – the principle of justice, the principle of the respect of the quality, the principle of the respect of the rule of law. And we are a Union based on the respect of the rule of law and not on any power or forces. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

It would be absurd if the very core of our project – and economic and monetary union as embodied in the Euro area is the core of our project – so I say it would be absurd that this core were treated as a kind of “opt out” from the European Union as a whole. No, the euro area is not an “opt out” from the European Union. In fact all the European Union should have the euro as its currency. So the challenge is how to further deepen Euro area integration without creating divisions with those that are not yet in it.

Let us recall that whilst two Member States – only two Member States – negotiated an “opt out” from the monetary union, the Treaties foresee accession to the Euro area both as an obligation and as a right for all others. Provided that the conditions are met, of course.

That requires strict verification. Stricter than in the past. But to create the idea now that we have two unions in Europe means disunion, means, in fact, a separation of the members of the euro area from those who are not yet members of the euro area. Let’s take a country like Poland. They have already stated very clearly that they want to join the euro 204 as soon as all the criteria are met. So why should we now put more conditions for the countries that want to be in the core of the European project feel that they are left some time behind. I don’t think it is fair for those countries.

So let us be clear: the Treaties don’t define the Euro area as something that is distinct from the European Union. The Treaties define the Euro area as the core of the European Union.

Belonging to the Euro area or striving into the Euro area should constitute European Union normality – not belonging to it is the derogation from the rule.

It would be absurd if the part of our integration that is deepest on the substance would be lightest on the form.

The difficulties we face today have not been caused by the respect of the Community method, but rather by the lack of respect for it. The truth is that economic and monetary union is ultimately incompatible with the logic of pure inter-governmentalism: because economic and monetary union requires commitments, rules and respect of commitments and rules going beyond mere peer pressure or mere cooperation among governments. And those rules cannot be subject to the unstable logic of political influence or manoeuvring, of diplomatic negotiation or of backroom bargaining.

And this means that the deepening of the Euro area integration including by Treaty change must preserve the EU’s political, legal and institutional coherence. This means that the deepening of the Euro area integration must be done through the Community method, preserving and developing the role of the Community institutions.

But already in the terms of the current Treaty the European Union can go further in this direction and this direction is indeed necessary.

Before the end of this month, the Commission will come forward with a package of further measures to deepen European Union and Euro area economic governance. THE STATE OF EUROPE

This will include the following five elements:

First, a co-decision regulation linking EFSF and ESM assistance with country surveillance, on the basis of article 136 of the Treaty. By placing the governance of the Euro area within the overall Treaty framework, and thereby in the Community method, this would ensure the legal and institutional coherence and the compatibility between the Euro area and the EU as a whole. This regulation will, on the one hand, provide an in- terface between financial assistance under the EFSF and the future ESM - the nature of which as you know is intergovernmental - and also Treaty-based surveillance on the other. It will step up surveillance for euro Member States receiving precautionary assistance and assistance under an adjustment programme, and will also ensure post-programme surveillance.

Second, we are going to present a further co-decision regulation on deeper fiscal surveillance, also on the basis of article 136 of the Treaty. For euro area Member States in excessive deficit procedure, it will set out graduated steps and conditions for monitoring national budgetary policies. It should enable the Commission and the Council to exam- 205 ine national draft budgets ex-ante and to adopt an opinion on them before adoption by the national parliaments, requesting a second reading in serious cases. In addition, the Commission will monitor budget execution and, if necessary, suggest amendments in the course of the year.

Thirdly, we will present a communication on the external representation of the euro on the basis of article 138 of the Treaty. The crisis continues to show that the euro area needs to speak with one voice in international institutions and fora. We otherwise risk diluting our messages and our credibility. The more we improve our internal Euro area economic governance the more pressing is also the need for a strong and efficient external representation of the Euro area. Does anyone know that the Euro area Member States taken together are the biggest contributor to the IMF? Most people don’t know that precisely because we do not appear as the euro, we appear as different Member States in different constituencies. That is why the Commission will make proposals -to wards a more consolidated European voice and representation in international fora and institutions such as the IMF.

Fourthly, we will present (I know this is controversial) a green paper on euro stability bonds. As I said in my State of the Union speech in the Parliament on 28 September, once the euro area is fully equipped with the instruments necessary to ensure both integration and discipline, the issuance of joint debt will be seen as a natural and advanta- geous step for all. On condition that such Eurobonds will be “Stability Bonds”: bonds that are designed in a way that rewards those who play by the rules, and deters those who don’t. Our Green Paper on euro stability bonds will present the options for the joint issuance of bonds in the euro area, together with further steps of reinforced economic governance options that would need to be developed depending precisely on the different options. Some of them can be implemented within the current Treaty, whereas fully fledged ‘Eurobonds’ would of course require Treaty change.

The fifth and last element of our economic governance package will be the 2012 Annual Growth Survey. Against the backdrop of a waning economic recovery in Europe, the DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Annual Growth Survey will set out the priorities for policies towards more growth and jobs in the European Union.

It is also the starting point for the second European Semester which is our framework for monitoring and coordinating fiscal and economic policies at European level. The Annu- al Growth Survey will assess progress in the implementation of national commitments during this year in the framework of country-specific recommendations and under the Euro Plus Pact, and help with the preparation of next year’s economic policies.

In addition to these upcoming initiatives (I am sorry they are rather technical, but they are extremely important if we really want to have convergence and discipline in the Euro area) I announced some days ago that I had decided to entrust Commissioner Olli Rehn with a reinforced status as Commission Vice-President for economic and monetary affairs and the Euro.

Having a Commissioner especially dedicated to the Euro shows our determination to 206 have Euro governance take place inside the community institutions and in respect with the community method. The political and symbolic importance of this measure could not be clearer and is furthermore underpinned by internal Commission arrangements which will reinforce the structural guarantees of fully independent and objective decision-making.

Let me tell you very frankly, ladies and gentlemen, after seven years now in Brussels in the Commission, that one thing we don’t need in Europe is more institutions and more agencies and more entities to manage the euro. We don’t need more. One of the problems we have sometimes, also in terms of communication, is the very complex and not only complex but complicated system. If we are not happy with the way this institution or that institution works, we have to correct it. We have means to do it, using precisely the institutional framework - we have the European Parliament that is directly elected. But the idea that we solve problems creating every time a new institution, is an idea that will make things more opaque, more time consuming, less coherent and less readable for the common citizens, and precisely we want to make our Europe better understood also from our citizens and from the rest of the world.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Deepening convergence and integration of the European Union must also involve deeper democracy. And I know the debate that is taking place here in Germany. I am afraid I could not listen to all the comments by President Lammert, but I am sure that I would have agreed with everything he said, because we share the same values for democracy and for Europe. I think democracy must be deepened at national level but also at European level and this is indeed an extremely challenging task.

Let me tell you that: to have a democracy at European level, it is indeed very complex, but I am sure that all of you and also you, President Lammert, will agree that even at national level consolidating democracy is sometimes not without difficulties. THE STATE OF EUROPE

I believe that European democracy must be furthered by enhancing the relationship between national democratic processes and the European democratic process. This will be the best way to involve our citizens in the decisions we take. The Community approach will continue to be essential in this by ensuring the principle of subsidiarity. That is a democratic principle.

Our Union is – and will remain for the time to come – a creation “sui generis”. Its constitution and its action cannot be measured by the criteria of the nation state. And it cannot be measured by the criteria of an international organisation.

The European Union is a new creation for a new reality. This means that we cannot – as it is sometimes done – oppose the national democratic processes to the European democratic process. We cannot substitute national democracies with the European democratic process. Nor can we replace the European democratic process with the national ones. We need both for the Union to work in a way that is seen as a legitimate way by our citizens. 207 This is the essence of the Community method, of the “Gemeinschaftsmethode”. In the domain of the judiciary, your “Bundesverfassungsgericht” has found a good term to describe the co-existence of the national judiciary with the European judiciary: they call it a cooperative relation, a “Kooperationsverhältnis”.

I think that it is well worth reflecting on the transposition – mutatis mutandis, of course – of this idea to the relationship between the national and the European legislatives. Both have their spheres in which they are irreplaceable. I repeat: irreplaceable. Neither can substitute the other. Both the national democracy and the European democracy have to respect each other.

It is well worth investing into such a “Kooperationsverhältnis”, rather than postulating a competitive relation, a “Konkurrenzverhältnis”.

I emphatically disagree with the assertion that democracy is only possible within the limits of a nation state. I know that some people think like that. They are completely wrong. They have not yet understood that they are living in the 21st century – a world of globalisation. Globalisation and the crisis we are going through shows us the limits of democracy if it is confined to the nation state. Of course our first political community of reference is our country. This is normal. But to think that we can only solve the difficult issues we have at stake in our countries and not to accept the principles of democracy for the wider Europe, it will be a mistake, because it will mean that we will not use the tools of democracy to solve questions at our European dimension.

If we want to preserve democracy also for the global order, we need to complement the democracy of the nation state with the democracy of the European Union. Otherwise, we will hand over material sovereignty, the real sovereignty, to markets; it will no longer be the sovereignty of our Member States, it will be the sovereignty of the markets, the sovereignty of financial speculators, the sovereignty of global operators not subject to any kind of democratic scrutiny. That is why we need strong European democracy. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Ladies and gentlemen,

Over the last months, Germany has been called to demonstrate this drive for Europe more than ever before and perhaps more than any other country in the European Union. In the face of tremendous pressure – and sometimes criticism - Germany must take its responsibilities seriously.

Yet, such responsibility can be a heavy weight. It can divide opinion.

Especially when Germany must also bear this weight for a long period of time.

The path towards a more prosperous and sustainable Europe, let’s be honest, is far from over. I have been using (it was a coincidence) a Greek expression: “This is not a sprint, it is a marathon”. It is a marathon. We have to be prepared for a marathon to test our resilience, our commitment. There will be no miracles.

208 So, just as the founding fathers of Europe had a vision after the two devastating world wars, we must also now act with resilience and with vision towards a Europe that is strong but open. That is prosperous and sustainable. And that continues to offer our citizens peace, prosperity and opportunities for generations to come.

Now is Germany’s time to show that it is fighting the cause of a strong, integrated, competitive, united Europe.

Now is Germany’s time to uphold the principles that underpin the European Union and most especially the democratic legitimacy and transparency that come from the Community approach.

Over the last 18 months, the European Union, and in particular the economic and monetary union has started to undergo a process of wholesale renovation. We have made mistakes, but we are not staying where we were.

Germany is making a very important contribution in terms of the financial guarantees that it is giving. I would like to extend my warmest thanks to Germany and the German people for their strong commitment to our Europe.

Along the European integration history, Germany has been the biggest contributor in financial terms towards our project. That is why I never miss an opportunity to say thank you.

Yet, let’s be completely frank, there is a paradox. The perception of the outside world is not always in tune with this. And this is something I think very often, because when I see the debate here in Germany, and I compare the debate in Germany with other countries, I see that the perceptions sometimes are almost opposite. Perceptions and misperceptions. So we should ask why this happens. Why Germany, that has been giving the biggest financial contribution to the response to this crisis, is not always perceived as doing precisely that. THE STATE OF EUROPE

If I may offer a thought on this, it is the following.

In politics, the issue is sometimes not what we do but how we do it. It is about explain- ing and communicating what we truly believe to be in the best interest of our citizens.

This is why the agenda for Europe must be a positive one. It must be about aiming for a higher goal. The agenda for Europe must not be a reluctant intervention to avoid the worst, but an enthusiastic plan to create the best. It must be an agenda based on the idea of the common good.

Four years ago, the Heads of State and Government of the European Union, the Presi- dent of the European Parliament – who was then my dear friend Hans-Gert Pöttering who is hosting us tonight, Chancellor Merkel as the President of the European Council, and myself as the President of the European Commission, we have signed right here the Berlin precisely the Berlin declaration on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome. Following the negative vote on the constitutional Treaty, I proposed this Declaration as a way of creating a new consensus for a way forward among Member 209 States. You remember that, at that time, some Member States were saying that they did not want a new Treaty. They were opposed to any kind of revision of the Treaties and it was possible to have a new start, a new consensus.

The Berlin Declaration stated a simple yet fantastic truth:

We have united for the better.

For the better. It is true. On a day such as 9 November this is immediately clear to us. But it is true not only on 9 November. It must be our inspiration for each day, for our everyday lives.

We have united for the better.

This is a precious gift, one that we must cherish and preserve, and that requires more than just duty and skill. It requires reason and passion. It requires commitment and – yes – enthusiasm.

As we move forward, as Europe continues to chart its way out of the crisis, my appeal to Germany is this: to show leadership in partnership; to show leadership in the Commu- nity spirit. I know that some of the choices we ask our citizens to make are not easy at all. But if we want the Euro to survive and if we want Europe to thrive, they are necessary. And leadership is about making possible what is necessary. To do so in the knowledge and certainty that the actions we take today to transform Europe are the guarantees of peace and prosperity for future generations. Because none of what we have achieved is irrevocable. Everything can be taken away much more rapidly than it was built.

The crisis is far from over. But we have the resources; we have the means, if only we have the spirit and the will. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

So let us not look at the challenge before us with a faint heart, but with commitment and conviction. Conviction for a Europe that is prosperous, that is open, that is strong and that shapes global governance in line with European values, and I underline the word values. Values of responsibility, of solidarity, of democracy. If we want Europe to go on being a beacon of hope to people in other parts of the world, we must not let its candle go out. We must be inspired by the soul of Europe. We must breathe life into it again. A breath of hope and of confidence, as it is so exemplarily embodied in our European anthem, Friedrich Schiller‘s „Ode an die Freude“.

Let me tell you that in the recent debate about the euro sometimes I feel very uncom- fortable. Some days ago I was together with others in the G20 in Cannes where the discussion about global economy was more a discussion about problems of the Euro area. Once I said to myself (when I was listening to all the leaders from the rest of the world telling Europe what to do) that it is much easier to solve the problems of the others than our own problems. Of course, one thing we have learned in Europe, form its history, and we are a very old continent, a very old civilisation, is that arrogance is the worst form 210 of stupidity. And that is why we listen amply to all the advice. But at the same time we listen to all the advice and most of the advice was very good, I have to say. I was saying to myself the following: yes, we must listen to the advice of the others, but there are some things we don‘t want to change in Europe. We don‘t want to apologise because we are democracies, we prefer it to be a democracy, we prefer to take more time for our decisions than to be a dictatorship that would impose decisions on its citizens and we don‘t have to apologise because we are a social market economy; because we believe that if someone is poor, it is not necessarily because it is his fault; because we believe we should help those who are left behind. So, yes, we have to correct what is not going well in Europe and there are many things that are not going well, but at the same tie I hope that all of us in Europe are able to show the dignity of being Europeans – some pride to be Europeans, not arrogance, but pride to defend our model, to say this the Europe we want and we are ready to defend it. And while we accept lessons of the others, we are able also to propose advice to the rest of the world.

So my final message, ladies and gentlemen, is the following: let us remain loyal to the vision of the founding fathers. Speaking here at the invitation of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, let us not betray the legacy of Konrad Adenauer. Let us live up to their ambition by taking a federative leap forward for a deeper, stronger, united Europe.

Let us welcome this challenge so that the next generation of Germans and Europeans can say: we have united for the better.

Thank you. Speech at the opening session of the Rio+20 conference

EARTH SUMMIT – RIO+20 RIO DE JANEIRO, 20 JUNE 2012

Ladies and Gentlemen, 211

Allow me to begin with a word of sincere thanks to Brazil, the host country of this summit, not only for receiving us in the wonderful city of Rio de Janeiro but also for the country's commitment to sustainable development.

I should also like to thank the United Nations, and particularly the Secretary-Gener- al, for all of the efforts they have put into ensuring the success of Rio+20.

As many others in this room, I remember vividly that twenty years ago, the then 12-year-old Severn Suzuki addressed the plenary session at the Earth Summit here in Rio.

Twenty years ago this 12-year-old girl coming from Canada and speaking on behalf of the Environmental Children’s Organisation (ECO) and “for all generations to come”, as she put it, “silenced the world for 6 minutes”.

She concluded her speech by telling delegates: “I challenge you please make your actions reflect your words.”

Twenty years later progress towards sustainable development has been achieved in a number of areas and in many regions.

But still considerable challenges remain in eradicating poverty and in fully integrating the economic social and environmental dimensions of sustainable development.

Many environmental challenges have become even more acute. Increasing demand for resources has led to growing resource depletion while climate change, biodiversity loss and deforestation continue at an alarming rate.

At the same time, despite all the progress made, several of the Millennium Develop- ment Goals are off-track, notably hunger eradication. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

One sixth of the world’s population is undernourished. And Sub-Saharan Africa with more than one in four of its 856 million people undernourished remains the most food-insecure region.

Twenty years ago I was here in Rio as Portuguese State Secretary for Foreign Affairs. At that time, Severn Suzuki said “I’m only a child yet I know we are all in this together and should act as one single world towards one single goal.”

Twenty years later I am here again, this time as President of the European Commis- sion to express Europe’s unwavering commitment to sustainable development, to the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals, and to deliver with all of you a clear message on a common vision and an agenda for change.

We must indeed work together to address these problems and move towards sustainable development.

212 In a world where the population is expected to rise up to nine billion by 2050, sustainability is also about intergenerational solidarity and responsibility.

It is about changing the way we consume and produce today to adapt our economies to the boundaries of our planet and allow future generations to meet their own needs tomorrow.

For the European Union, this is what green economy is all about.

We believe that promoting the right kind of growth, that is inclusive and environmentally friendly, is the most effective pathway to achieve sustainable development.

For this reason, I warmly welcome that the Conference has acknowledged that the Green Economy will enhance our ability to manage natural resources sustainably and with lower environmental impacts and increased resource efficiency. This is an important first step in the right direction.

Obviously this will be done differently in each country. We may all have different capacities and focus areas. But we share a common objective, a common vision to progress towards more sustainable development.

This means to promote an economy that respects the boundaries of our planet, creates decent work and green jobs, fosters social cohesion, tackles poverty and enhances food security.

An economy based on an efficient management of resources and natural capital and which taps into the full ecological and social innovation potential.

This includes, among others, the sustainable management of water, arable land, healthy and productive oceans and seas, biodiversity, as well as the provision of sustainable energy for all, improved resource efficiency and in particular, management of waste. SPEECH AT THE OPENING SESSION OF THE RIO+20 CONFERENCE

These areas underpin millions of livelihoods and can help alleviate poverty. They could become areas for future economic growth and global markets.

That is why the European Union focussed on developing clear and concrete global commitments on five priority areas: sustainable energy, water, sustainable land management and ecosystems, oceans, and resource efficiency, in particular waste.

Experience shows that we get better results when we agree on specific and quantifiable goals. And I am happy that the EU’s efforts to make the outcome document more action-oriented has attracted increased support and is now better reflected in the outcome document.

We believe that the five priority areas I just mentioned are also key themes for the Sustainable Development Goals. All of them have a prominent place in the outcome document. We therefore very much welcome that the conference has agreed that we will be guided by this document when defining the future SDGs. 213 We consider that Sustainable Development Goals should be in full complementarity with the Millennium Development Goals, and strengthen the global commitment towards their achievement. The European Union wants a post-2015 overarching framework with specific goals that address the three dimensions of sustainable development -environmental, economic and social- in a holistic and coherent manner.

But to have a common objective is not enough. We also have to decide on the best ways to get there. And in this regard, Rio+20 is the occasion to better mobilise and focus the resources – national and international; public and private – necessary to meet our priorities.

And allow me to stress here three aspects on which we should focus our efforts to deliver concrete results.

First and foremost, each and every country must take the necessary measures to put in place an enabling environment of domestic policies that is designed to be self-sustaining.

As regards developing countries, Official Development Assistance (ODA) will continue to represent a significant resource for sustainable development. The European Union and its members will remain the world’s largest donor, with a significant share of our aid around the globe already going to “Rio-priorities”.

We remain staunchly committed to reaching our collective objective of 0.7% of Gross National Income (GNI) on aid by 2015, and we will mainstream sustainability considerations into our cooperation programs and all other EU policies even more in the future.

For 2012-2013 alone, our EU aid to all three dimensions of sustainable development already amounts to almost 8 billion Euro – more than 10 billion US Dollars. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

And on the front of sustainable energy, I will propose to mobilise 400 million Euro over the next two years to support concrete new investments in this key area. In this regard, we very much welcome the Secretary General’s initiative to ensure Sustainable Energy for All.

Secondly, progress towards sustainable development entails providing the right financing instruments. ODA alone is not the answer. Public and private funding and business expertise should go hand in hand in establishing appropriate financing strategies. Innovative sources of financing should be encouraged. And emerging economies should take a stronger role, proportionate to their evolving international status.

Thirdly, to move towards more sustainable development also depends on skills, knowhow and technology diffusion. And in this regard the European Union is proud that its research framework programmes are open to all countries, including support to researchers in developing countries.

214 We are convinced that democracy, human rights, rule of law, good governance, and gender equality and empowerment of women are indispensable for achieving sustainable development. We therefore welcome that these values are firmly anchored in the outcome document of this conference.

We recognize the fundamental role of civil society and other stakeholders in the real- ization of sustainable development and we will work to increase their participation in decision making processes.

Finally, as no time can be lost to move towards a greener and more sustainable economy and to eradicate poverty, better and more efficient global governance is strongly needed.

I am therefore happy with our agreement to strengthen sustainable development governance within the UN. We are satisfied that the new High Level Forum for Sustainable Development will build on the inclusive participation modalities of the Commission on Sustainable Development. We are confident that the new forum will secure the regular participation of Heads of State in reviewing progress of all our commitments.

And I also welcome the agreement to reinforce the international environmental governance by strengthening and upgrading UNEP. It will now have universal membership and must become our common home to set the global environmental agenda. With this in mind, we will continue to work, together with our partners,

for the creation a full fledged United Nations Environment Organization. We believe that the people of the world need it.

Mister/Madam President, Excellencies,

We share the same planet. We face the same challenges. We share a common responsibility towards the future generations. SPEECH AT THE OPENING SESSION OF THE RIO+20 CONFERENCE

None of us has achieved in full what was wanted initially. But we have all worked together to develop common ground. Let me reassure you that the EU will continue to strive for more ambitious actions that our planet and its people require.

We need now to press ahead with the implementation of what has been achieved with a greater sense of urgency because the planet and the poorest in the world cannot afford delays.

Today Severn Suzuki is not a child anymore. She is a young mother of 32 years old, worried as all mothers with the future of their children. This is what sustainable development is about: to make sure that our actions not only do not thwart our children’s dreams, but rather enable future generations to live a better life.

We have shown in the past that we have the will to change the course of our destiny for the better. Time has come now to close the gap between this ambition and resolute action to make it happen. 215 I thank you for your attention.

State of the Union Address 2012

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 12 SEPTEMBER 2012

Mr President, Honourable Members, 217

1. Analysis of the situation

t is an honour to stand before you today to deliver this third State of the Union I address. At a time when the European Union continues to be in crisis. A financial and economic crisis. A social crisis. But also a political crisis, a crisis of confidence.

At its root, the crisis results from:

• Irresponsible practices in the financial sector;

• Unsustainable public debt, and also;

• A lack of competitiveness in some Member States.

On top of that, the Euro faces structural problems of its own. Its architecture has not been up to the job. Imbalances have built up.

This is now being corrected. But it is a painful, difficult, effort. Citizens are frustrated. They are anxious. They feel their way of life is at risk.

The sense of fairness and equity between Member States is being eroded. And without equity between Member States, how can there be equity between European citizens?

Over the last four years, we have made many bold decisions to tackle this systemic crisis. But despite all these efforts, our responses have not yet convinced citizens, markets or our international partners. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Why? Because time and again, we have allowed doubts to spread. Doubts over whether some countries are really ready to reform and regain competitiveness. Doubts over whether other countries are really willing to stand by each other so that the Euro and the European project are irreversible.

On too many occasions, we have seen a vicious spiral. First, very important decisions for our future are taken at European summits. But then, the next day, we see some of those very same people who took those decisions undermining them. Saying that either they go too far, or that they don’t go far enough. And then we get a problem of credibility. A problem of confidence.

It is not acceptable to present these European meetings as if they were boxing events, claiming a knockout victory over a rival. We cannot belong to the same Union and behave as if we don’t. We cannot put at risk nine good decisions with one action or statement that raises doubts about all we have achieved.

218 This, Honourable Members, reveals the essence of Europe’s political crisis of confidence. If Europe’s political actors do not abide by the rules and the decisions they have set themselves, how can they possibly convince others that they are determined to solve this crisis together?

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

2. The challenge – a new thinking for Europe

A crisis of confidence is a political crisis. And, the good thing is that, in a democracy, there is no political problem for which we cannot find a political solution.

That is why, here today, I want to debate with you the fundamental political questions - where we are now and how we must move forward. I want to focus on the political direction and the vision that shall inspire our policy decisions.

I will of course not list all these individual decisions. You are receiving the letter I addressed to the President of the European Parliament, and that sets out the Com- mission’s immediate priorities. We will discuss them with you before adopting the Commission Work Programme later in the autumn.

My message to you today is this: Europe needs a new direction. And, that direction can not be based on old ideas. Europe needs a new thinking.

When we speak about the crisis, and we all speak about the crisis, have we really drawn all the consequences for our action? When we speak about globalisation, and we all speak a lot about globalisation, have we really considered its impact on the role of each of our Member States? STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

The starting point for a new thinking for Europe is to really draw all the consequences of the challenges that we are facing and that are fundamentally changing our world.

The starting point is to stop trying to answer the questions of the future with the tools of the past.

Since the start of the crisis, we have seen time and again that interconnected global markets are quicker and therefore more powerful than fragmented national political systems. This undermines the trust of citizens in political decision making. And it is fuelling populism and extremism in Europe and elsewhere.

The reality is that in an interconnected world, Europe’s Member States on their own are no longer able to effectively steer the course of events. But at the same time, they have not yet equipped their Union - our Union —with the instruments needed to cope with this new reality. We are now in a transition, in a defining moment. This moment requires decisions and leadership. 219 Yes, globalisation demands more European unity.

More unity demands more integration.

More integration demands more democracy, European democracy.

In Europe, this means first and foremost accepting that we are all in the same boat.

It means recognising the commonality of our European interests.

It means embracing the interdependence of our destinies.

And it means demanding a true sense of common responsibility and solidarity.

Because when you are on a boat in the middle of the storm, absolute loyalty is the minimum you demand from your fellow crew members.

This is the only way we will keep up with the pace of change. It is the only way we will get the scale and efficiency we need to be a global player. It is the only way to safeguard our values, because it is also a matter of values, in a changing world.

In the 20th century, a country of just 10 or 15 million people could be a global power. In the 21st-century, even the biggest European countries run the risk of irrelevance in between the global giants like the US or China.

History is accelerating. It took 155 years for Britain to double its GDP per capita, 50 years for the US, and just 15 years for China. But if you look at some of our new Member States, the economic transformation going on is no less impressive.

Europe has all the assets it takes. In fact much more so than previous generations faced with similar or even greater challenges. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

But we need to act accordingly and mobilize all these resources together.

It is time to match ambitions, decisions, and actions.

It is time to put a stop to piecemeal responses and muddling through.

It is time to learn the lessons from history and write a better future for our Europe.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

3. Response to the situation – the ‘decisive deal for Europe’

What I demand and what I present to you today is a Decisive Deal for Europe. 220 A decisive deal to project our values, our freedom and our prosperity into the future of a globalized world. A deal that combines the need to keep our social market economies on one hand and the need to reform them on the other. A deal that will stabilise the EMU, boost sustainable growth, and restore competitiveness. A deal that will establish a contract of confidence between our countries, between Member States and the European institutions, between social partners, and between the citizens and the European Union.

The Decisive Deal for Europe means that:

We must leave no doubt about the integrity of the Union or the irreversibility of the Euro. The more vulnerable countries must leave no doubts about their willingness to reform. About their sense of responsibility. But the stronger countries must leave no doubts about their willingness to stick together. About their sense of solidarity. We must all leave no doubts that we are determined to reform. To REFORM TOGETHER.

The idea that we can grow without reform, or that we can prosper alone is simply false. We must recognise that we are in this together and must resolve it together.

This decisive deal requires the completion of a deep and genuine economic union, based on a political union.

3.1. Economic union:

Let me start with Europe’s economy.

Firstly, we need growth. Sustainable growth STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Growth is the lifeblood of our European social market model: it creates jobs and supports our standard of living. But we can only maintain growth if we are more competitive.

At the national level it means undertaking structural reforms that have been post- poned for decades. Modernising public administration. Reducing wasteful expenditure. Tackling vested interests and privileges. Reforming the labour market to balance security with flexibility. And ensuring the sustainability of social systems.

At the European level, we need to be more decisive about breaking down barriers, whether physical, economic or digital.

We need to complete the single market.

We need to reduce our energy dependence and tap the renewable energy potential.

Promoting competitiveness in sectors such as energy, transport or telecoms could 221 open up fresh competition, promote innovation and drive down prices for consumers and businesses.

The Commission will shortly present a Single Market Act II. To enable the single market to prosper, the Commission will continue to be firm and intransigent in the defence of its competition and trade rules. Let me tell you frankly, If it was left to the Member States, I can tell you they will not resist pressure from big corporations or large external powers.

We need to create a European labour market, and make it as easy for people to work in another country as it is as home.

We need to explore green growth and be much more efficient in our use of resources.

We have to be much more ambitious about education, research, innovation and science.

Europe is a world leader in key sectors such as aeronautics, automotives, pharmaceuti- cals and engineering, with global market shares above a third. Industrial productivity increased by 35% over the last decade despite the economic slowdown. And today, some 74 million jobs depend on manufacturing. Every year start-up firms in the EU create over 4 million jobs. We need to build on this by investing in our new industrial policy and creating a business environment that encourages entrepreneurship and supports small businesses.

This means making the taxation environment simpler for businesses and more attractive for investors. Better tax coordination would benefit all Member States.

We also need a pro-active trade policy by opening up new markets. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

This is the potential of Europe’s economy. This is the goldmine that is yet to be fully explored. Fully implementing the Growth Compact agreed at the June European Council can take us a long way.

And we could go further, with a realistic but yet ambitious European Union budget dedicated to investment, growth and reform. Let’s be clear. The European budget is the instrument for investment in Europe and growth in Europe. The Commission and this Parliament, indeed all pro-European forces, because most member States support our proposal, must now stand together in support of the right multi-annual financial framework that will take us to 2020. It will place little burden on Member States, especially with our proposed new own resources system. But it would give a great boost to their economies, their regions, their researchers, their students, their young people who seek employment, or their SMEs.

It is a budget for growth, for economic, social and territorial cohesion between Mem- ber States and within Member States. 222 It is a budget that will help complete the single market by bridging gaps in our energy, transport and telecoms infrastructure through the Connecting Europe Facility.

It is a budget for a modern, growth-oriented agriculture capable of combining food security with sustainable rural development.

It is a budget that will promote a research intensive and innovative Europe through Horizon 2020. Because we need this European scale for research

This will be a real test of credibility for many of our some Member States. I want to see if the same member States who are all the time talking about investment and growth will now support a budget for growth at the European level.

The budget is also the tool to support investment in our growth agenda, Europe 2020, which we need now more than ever before.

Europe 2020 is the way to modernise and preserve the European social market economy.

Honourable Members,

Our agenda of structural reform requires a major adjustment effort. It will only work if it is fair and equitable. Because inequality is not sustainable.

In some parts of Europe we are seeing a real social emergency.

Rising poverty and massive levels of unemployment, especially among our young people.

That is why we must strengthen social cohesion. It is a feature that distinguishes Eu- ropean society from alternative models. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Some say that, because of the crisis, the European Social model is dead. I do not agree.

Yes, we need to reform our economies and modernise our social protection systems. But an effective social protection system that helps those in need is not an obstacle to prosperity. It is indeed an indispensable element of it. Indeed, it is precisely those Eu- ropean countries with the most effective social protection systems and with the most developed social partnerships, that are among the most successful and competitive economies in the world.

Fairness and equity means giving a chance to our young people. We are already doing a lot. And before the end of the year, the Commission will launch a Youth Package that will establish a youth guarantee scheme and a quality framework to facilitate vocational training.

Fairness and equity also means creating better and fairer taxation systems.

Stopping tax fraud and tax evasion could put extra billions into the public purse 223 across Europe.

This is why the Commission will fight for an agreement on the revised savings tax directive, and on mandates to negotiate stronger savings tax agreements with third countries. Their completion would be a major source of legitimate tax revenues.

And the Commission will continue to fight for a fair and ambitious Financial Trans- actions Tax that would ensure that taxpayers benefit from the financial sector, not just that the financial sector benefits from taxpayers. Now that it is clear that agreement on this can only happen through enhanced cooperation, the Commission will do all it can to move this forward rapidly and effectively with those Member States that are willing. Because this is about fairness. And fairness is an essential condition to make the necessary economic reforms socially and politically acceptable. And above all fairness is a question of justice, social justice.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

In the face of the crisis, important decisions have been taken. Across the European Union, reform and consolidation measures are being implemented. Joint financial backstops are being put in place, and the European institutions have consistently shown that they stands by the Euro.

The Commission is very aware that in the Member States implementing the most intense reforms, there is hardship and there are – sometimes very painful – difficult adjustments. But it is only through these reforms that we can come to a better future. They were long overdue. Going back to the status quo ante is simply impossible. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

The Commission will continue to do all it can to support these Member States and to help them boost growth and employment, for instance through the re-programming of structural funds.

Allow me to say a word on Greece. I truly believe that we have a chance this autumn to come to the turning point. If Greece banishes all doubts about its commitment to reform. But also if all other countries banish all doubts about their determination to keep Greece in the Euro area, we can do it.

I believe that if Greece stands by its commitments it should stay in the Euro area, as a member of the European family.

Securing the stability of the Euro area is our most urgent challenge. This is the joint responsibility of the Member States and the Community Institutions. The ECB cannot and will not finance governments. But when monetary policy channels are not working properly, the Commission believes that it is within the mandate of the ECB 224 to take the necessary actions, for instance in the secondary markets of sovereign debt. Indeed, the ECB has not only the right but also the duty to restore the integrity of monetary policy. It is of course for the ECB, as an independent institution, to determine what actions to carry out and under what conditions. But all actors, and I really mean all actors, should respect the ECB’s independence.

Honourable Members,

I have spoken about the economic measures that we must implement as a matter of urgency. This is indispensable. But it is not sufficient. We must go further.

We must complete the economic and monetary union. We must create a banking union and a fiscal union and the corresponding institutional and political mechanisms.

Today, the Commission is presenting legislative proposals for a single European supervisory mechanism. This is the stepping stone to a banking union.

The crisis has shown that while banks became transnational, rules and oversight remained national. And when things went wrong, it was the taxpayers who had to pick up the bill.

Over the past four years the EU has overhauled the rulebook for banks, leading the world in implementing the G20 commitments. But mere coordination is no longer adequate – we need to move to common supervisory decisions, namely within the Euro area.

The single supervisory mechanism proposed today will create a reinforced architecture, with a core role for the European Central Bank, and appropriate articulation with the European Banking Authority, which will restore confidence in the supervision of the banks in the Euro area. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

It will be a supervision for all Euro area banks. Supervision must be able to look everywhere because systemic risks can be anywhere, not just in so-called systemically relevant banks. Of course, this in a system that fully engages the national supervisors.

The package comprises two legal texts, one on the ECB and the other on the EBA, which go together. It is clear that this parliament will have a crucial role to play in the adoption of the new mechanism, and after that in its democratic oversight.

This is a crucial first step towards the banking union I proposed before this House in June. Getting the European supervisor in place is the top priority for now, because it is the precondition for the better management of banking crises, from banking resolution to deposit insurance.

In parallel the Commission will continue to work on the reform of the banking sector, to make sure it plays its role in the responsible financing of the real economy. That means improving long term financing for SMEs and other companies. It means rules on reference indices, so we do not again see the manipulation of bank interest 225 rates affecting companies and mortgage holders alike. It means legislation to ensure that banks give a fair deal to consumers and another look at the structure of banking activities to eliminate inherent risks.

In all of this, the role of this Parliament is essential. The Commission endeavours to work in close partnership with you.

But there is a second element of a deeper economic union it is the move towards a fiscal union.

The case for it is clear: the economic decisions of one Member State impact the others. So we need stronger economic policy co-ordination.

We need a stronger and more binding framework for the national decision making for key economic policies, as the only way to prevent imbalances. While much has been done here, for instance through the six-pack and the Country-Specific Recommenda- tions, further steps are crucial to combine specific conditions with specific incentives and to really make the economic and monetary union sustainable.

To deliver lasting results, we need to develop a fully equipped Community economic governance together with a genuine, credible Community fiscal capacity.

We do not need to separate institutions or to create new institutions for that. Quite the contrary: for this to be effective and quick, the best way is to work with and through the existing institutions: The European Commission as the independent European authority, and overseen by the European Parliament as the parliamentary representation at the European level.

And it is in such a framework that over time, steps for genuine mutualisation of debt redemption and debt issuance can take their place. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

So economic reform coupled with a genuine economic and monetary union: these are the engines to get our boat moving forward.

The Commission will publish a blueprint for deepening the economic and monetary union still this autumn.

This blueprint will be presented to this House. Because these questions must be discussed with and by the representatives of the people

At the same time, it will inform the debate at the December European Council that will be prepared by the report that the President of the European Council, myself and the Presidents of the European Central Bank and the Eurogroup have been asked to present.

Our blueprint will identify the tools and instruments, and present options for legal drafting that would give effect to them, from policy coordination to fiscal capacity 226 to debt redemption. And, where necessary – as in the case of jointly and severally guaranteed public debt – it would identify the treaty changes necessary, because some of these changes require modifications to the Treaty. It will present a blue-print for what we need to accomplish not only in the next few weeks and months, but in the next years.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

3.2. Political union:

Ultimately, the credibility and sustainability of the Economic and Monetary Union depends on the institutions and the political construct behind it.

This is why the Economic and Monetary Union raises the question of a political union and the European democracy that must underpin it.

If we want economic and monetary union to succeed, we need to combine ambition and proper sequencing. We need to take concrete steps now, with a political union as a horizon.

I would like to see the development of a European public space, where European issues are discussed and debated from a European standpoint. We cannot continue trying to solve European problems just with national solutions.

This debate has to take place in our societies and among our citizens. But, today, I would like to make an appeal also to European thinkers. To men and women of culture, to join this debate on the future of Europe. And I make this appeal to you. This is the house of European democracy. We must strengthen the role of the European Parliament at the European level. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

And we need to promote a genuine complementarity and cooperation between the European and national parliaments.

This also cannot be done without strengthening European political parties. Indeed, we have very often a real disconnect between political parties in the capitals and the European political parties here in Strasbourg. This is why we have to recognise the political debate is cast all too often as if it were just between national parties. Even in the European elections we do not see the name of the European political parties on the ballot box, we see a national debate between national political parties. This is why we need a reinforced statute for European political parties. I am proud to announce that the Commission has adopted a proposal for this today.

An important means to deepen the pan-European political debate would be the presentation by European political parties of their candidate for the post of Commission President at the European Parliament elections already in 2014. This can be done without Treaty change. This would be a decisive step to make the possibility of a Eu- ropean choice offered by these elections even clearer. I call on the political parties to 227 commit to this step and thus to further Europeanise these European elections.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

A true political European Union means we must concentrate European action on the real issues that matter and must be dealt with at the European level. Let’s be frank about this not everything can be at the same time a priority. Here, some self-criticism can probably be applied

Proper integration is about taking a fresh look at where is the most appropriate level of action. Subsidiarity is an essential democratic concept and should be practiced.

A political union also means that we must strengthen the foundations on which our Union is built: the respect for our fundamental values, for the rule of law and democracy.

In recent months we have seen threats to the legal and democratic fabric in some of our European states. The European Parliament and the Commission were the first to raise the alarm and played the decisive role in seeing these worrying developments brought into check.

But these situations also revealed limits of our institutional arrangements. We need a better developed set of instruments– not just the alternative between the “soft power” of political persuasion and the “nuclear option” of article 7 of the Treaty.

Our commitment to upholding the rule of law is also behind our intention to establish a European Public Prosecutor’s Office, as foreseen by the Treaties. We will come with a proposal soon. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

A political union also means doing more to fulfil our global role. Sharing sovereignty in Europe means being more sovereign in a global world.

In today’s world, size matters.

And values make the difference.

That is why Europe’s message must be one of freedom, democracy, of rule of law and of solidarity. In short, our values European values.

More than ever our citizens and the new world order need an active and influential Europe. This is not just for us, for the rest of the world it is important that we suc- 228 ceed. A Europe that stands by its values. And a Europe that stands up for its belief that human rights are not a luxury for the developed world, they should be seen as universal values

The appalling situation in Syria reminds us that we can not afford to be by-standers. A new and democratic Syria must emerge. We have a joint responsibility to make this happen. And to work with those in the global order who need to give also their co-operation to this goal

The world needs an EU that keeps its leadership at the forefront of development and humanitarian assistance. That stands by open economies and fights protectionism. That leads the fight against climate change.

The world needs a Europe that is capable of deploying military missions to help stabilize the situation in crisis areas. We need to launch a comprehensive review of European capabilities and begin truly collective defence planning. Yes, we need to reinforce our Common Foreign and Security Policy and a common approach to defence matters because together we have the power, and the scale to shape the world into a fairer, rules based and human rights’ abiding place.

Mr President,

Honourable Members

4. Treaty change, 17/27 dimension and expanding public debate

4.1. Federation of nation states - Treaty change

A deep and genuine economic and monetary union, a political union, with a coherent foreign and defence policy, means ultimately that the present European Union must evolve. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Let’s not be afraid of the words: we will need to move towards a federation of nation states. This is what we need. This is our political horizon.

This is what must guide our work in the years to come.

Today, I call for a federation of nation states. Not a superstate. A democratic federation of nation states that can tackle our common problems, through the sharing of sovereignty in a way that each country and each citizen are better equipped to control their own destiny. This is about the Union with the Member States, not against the Member States. In the age of globalisation pooled sovereignty means more power, not less.

And, I said it on purpose a federation of nation states because in these turbulent times these times of anxiety, we should not leave the defence of the nation just to the nationalists and populists. I believe in a Europe where people are proud of their nations but also proud to be European and proud of our European values. 229 Creating this federation of nation states will ultimately require a new Treaty.

I do not say this lightly. We are all aware how difficult treaty change has become.

It has to be well prepared.

Discussions on treaty change must not distract or delay us from doing what can and must be done already today.

A deep and genuine economic and monetary union can be started under the current Treaties, but can only be completed with changes in the treaties So let’s start it now but let’s have the horizon for the future present in our decisions of today.

We must not begin with treaty change. We must identify the policies we need and the instruments to implement them. Only then can we decide on the tools that we lack and the ways to remedy this.

And then there must be a broad debate all over Europe. A debate that must take place before a convention and an IGC is called. A debate of a truly European dimension.

The times of European integration by implicit consent of citizens are over. Europe can not be technocratic, bureaucratic or even diplomatic. Europe has to be ever more democratic. The role of the European parliament is essential. This is why the Europe- an elections of 2014 can be so decisive.

Before the next European Parliament elections in 2014, the Commission will present its outline for the shape of the future European Union. And we will put forward explicit ideas for Treaty change in time for a debate.

We will set out the objectives to be pursued, the way the institutions that can make the European Union more open and democratic, the powers and instruments to make DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

it more effective, and the model to make it a union for the peoples of Europe. I believe we need a real debate and in a democracy the best way to debate is precisely in elections at the European level on our future and our goals;

4.2. 17/27 dimension

Mr President, Honourable Members,

This is not just a debate for the Euro area in its present membership.

While deeper integration is indispensable for the Euro area and its members, this project should remain open to all Member States.

Let me be very clear: in Europe, we need no more walls dividing us! Because the Eu- ropean Union is stronger as a whole in keeping the integrity of its single market, its 230 membership and in its institutions.

No one will be forced to come along. And no one will be forced to stay out. The speed will not be dictated by the slowest or the most reluctant

This is why our proposals will be based on the existing Union and its institutions, On the Community method. Let’s be clear – there is only one European Union. One Commission. One European Parliament. More democracy, more transparency, more accountability, is not created by a proliferation of institutions that would render the EU more complicated, more difficult to read less coherent and less capable to act.

4.3. Expanding public debate:

This is honourable members the magnitude of the decisions that we will need to make over time.

That’s why I believe we need a serious discussion between the citizens of Europe about the way forward.

About the possible consequences of fragmentation. Because what can happen some times is to have, through unintended consequences, to have fragmentation when we do not want it.

About what we could achieve if leaders avoid national provincialism what we can achieve together.

We must use the 2014 election to mobilise all pro-European forces. We must not allow the populists and the nationalists to set a negative agenda. I expect all those who call themselves Europeans to stand up and to take the initiative in the debate. Because even more dangerous than the scepticism of the anti-Europeans, is the indifference or the pessimism of the pro-Europeans. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Mr President, Honourable Members,

5. Conclusion: is this realistic?

To sum up, what we need is a decisive deal to complete the EMU, based on a political commitment to a stronger European Union.

The sequence I put before you today is clear.

We should start by doing all we can to stabilise the euro area and accelerate growth in the EU as a whole. The Commission will present all the necessary proposals and we have started today with the single supervisor to create a banking union, in line with the current Treaty provisions.

Secondly, we will present our blueprint on a deep and genuine economic and monetary union, including the political instruments, and this will be done still this autumn 231

We will present here again all proposals in line with the current Treaty provisions.

And thirdly, where we cannot move forward under the existing treaties, we will present explicit proposals for the necessary Treaty changes ahead of the next European Parliamentary election in 2014, including elements for reinforced democracy and accountability

This is our project. A project which is step by step but with a big ambition for the future with a Federation as our horizon for Europe.

Many will say that this is too ambitious, that it is not realistic.

But let me ask you - is it realistic to go on like we have been doing? Is it realistic to see what we are seeing today in many European countries? Is it realistic to see taxpayers paying banks and afterwards being forced to give banks back the houses they have paid for because they can not pay their mortgages? Is it realistic to see more than 50% of our young people without jobs in some of our Member States? Is it realistic to go on trying to muddle through and just to accumulate mistakes with unconvincing responses? Is it realistic to think that we can win the confidence of the markets when we show so little confidence in each other?

To me, it is this reality that is not realistic. This reality cannot go on.

The realistic way forward is the way that makes us stronger and more united. Realism is to put our ambition at the level of our challenges. We can do it! Let’s send our young people a message of hope. If there is a bias, let it be a bias for hope. We should be proud to be Europeans. Proud of our rich and diverse culture. In spite of our current problems, our societies are among the most human and free in the world. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

We do not have to apologise for our democracy our social market economy and for our values. With high levels of social cohesion. Respect for human rights and human dignity. Equality between men and women and respect for our environment. These European societies, with all its problems, are among the most decent societies in human history and I think we should be proud of that. In our countries two or three girls do not go to prison because they sing and criticise the ruler of their country. In our countries people are free and are proud of that freedom and people understand what it means to have that freedom. In many of our countries, namely the most recent Member States, there is a recent memory of what was dictatorship and totalitarianism.

So Previous generations have overcome bigger challenges. Now it is for this generation to show they are up to the task.

Now is the moment for all pro-Europeans to leave business as usual behind and to embrace the business of the future. The European Union was built to guarantee peace. 232 Today, this means making our Union fit to meet the challenges of globalization.

That is why we need a new thinking for Europe, a decisive deal for Europe. That is why we need to guide ourselves by the values that are at the heart of the European Union. Europe I believe has a soul. This soul can give us the strength and the determination to do what we must do.

You can count on the European Commission. I count on you, the European Par- liament. Together, as Community institutions we will build a better, stronger and a more united Europe, a citizens’ Union for the future of Europe but also the future of the world.

Thank you for your attention. Speech to the European Union Heads of Delegation

ANNUAL CONFERENCE OF EU HEADS OF DELEGATION, EUSR AND CHARGÉS D’AFFAIRES BRUSSELS, 4 SEPTEMBER 2012

Dear Ambassadors, Heads of Delegation, Colleagues, 233

very much welcome the opportunity to address you here today. I It is over 600 years since the Italian statesman Francesco Guicciardini, first stated that: “Diplomats are the eyes and ears of the state.”

This is still true. But the days are long gone when an ambassador could consider himself well equipped if he was a good host and a ready listener.

Today, you are much more than that, particularly as Ambassadors of an organisation and a project as sui generis and as inspiring as the European Union.

It cannot be overstated that you are pioneers in a new and unprecedented project in mankind’s history, that of representing not a nation and not an empire but a group of free willing nations that have decided that by pooling their sovereignty and acting together they would be more effective in defending their interests and promoting their values.

I wished to recall this at the start of my intervention, because it is important to always keep in mind our starting point, which models and shapes all our actions, including diplomatic action. This is also something that is important to recall, at a point where Europe is faced with very important challenges and very important choices that have a clear impact on our external action and on our capacity to shape the 21st century world.

The financial and economic crisis which struck the EU as well know was ignited by excessive debt, by the irresponsible behaviour by some in the financial sector and also by the failure in national supervision systems. However its root causes are the tectonic changes that have been taking place in the world and the deep seated imbalances that have been building particularly over recent decades. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

History is accelerating and we cannot afford to become bystanders. Some figures illustrate these changes: in the 20th century we witnessed a 4 fold growth in global population and a 40 fold increase in economic output. It took thousands of years - from prehistory to 1960 - for mankind to reach 3 billion people. But then it took only 39 years - until 1999 - to add the next 3 billion. And now it has taken just 12 more years to move from 6 to 7 billion. It took 155 years for Britain to double its GDP per capita, 50 years to the US and only 15 years for China.

These are the real developments that have shaken the structures of our societies and that force us to rethink whether the way we operate is fit for the purpose of promoting our interests and our values. It is fair to conclude that our model has revealed inef- ficiencies that need to be corrected. However, it is important not to draw the wrong conclusions.

Some pretend that the crisis has proven that the EU is no longer necessary, that supranational cooperation does not work and that the nation states are the only entity 234 that can address the challenges with which our societies are confronted. This is wrong. It suffices to say that if current trends were kept no European country would feature in the world’s top ten economies after 2050. In a world where production chains are global, where capital knows no borders, where ideas and communication flow at the speed of a mouse click, to pretend that self-sufficiency is the solution is indeed self-de- feating. We need the scale of Europe.

We need the continental scale of the EU also for our member states to count in the world. Not against our member states, this is extremely important to understand. It will certainly be a mistake particularly in times of anxiety like the ones we are living, in these times of turbulence, to try to build the EU against the nation states. The nation is seen by many of our citizens as the refuge, especially in times of uncertainty. So it would be a mistake for the pro-Europeans to give that argument for the ultra-nationalists or the populists. But at the same time we have to make it clear that for our nations to count in the world, and for Europe as such to count in the world, we need this scale of shared sovereignty.

That is why the European Commission and if I may say also I personally have been pushing for action, for collective action. This is the only way to overcome the current problems: determined action by individual countries but also by the Union as a whole, including in the field of foreign policy and external relations that you represent.

Dear Ambassadors, dear friends,

There is no magic wand, no silver bullet that will in an instant lead the European economy to recovery. For Europe to regain its economic strength we have at least four challenges to address, excessive sovereign debt, the indebtedness of the private sector - both companies and individuals - a lack of international competitiveness of some of our Member States and also a transformation of our governance system namely in the Euro area. SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION

We are doing this. We have taken our economic and political future in hand, we are delivering and we will continue to deliver. But this takes time. At the same time it needs determination.

The June European Council was a decisive meeting; a meeting which has opened up the prospect of a more united, more integrated, European Union and Euro area. But our work is not complete and, until it is, our system will lack stability. We have a monetary union, but the crisis has demonstrated that there is a cumulative logic to the integration process: monetary union cannot function without a banking union, and without further fiscal and economic union.

The last European Council broadly endorsed a paper prepared by the President of the European Council, by myself, the President of the European Central Bank and the President of the Euro group, examining how best to move along this path. And that is exactly what we are doing and preparing now for the next steps.

Of course the logic of integration cannot be purely economic. Banking union requires 235 a single European supervisor, further economic union too requires supervision of the member states economic policies, joint supervision. Not supervision made by them in Brussels over our economies but our joint supervision over our economies because it is clear that in a currency, in a monetary union one country should not have the right to do harm to others as it is happening today.

It is therefore logical, but also right and just, that there is further political or institutional integration as well. This is needed to ensure democratic oversight of the process and to reassure the citizens of Europe that they are a part of the process. More integration, more democracy, more accountability. We should not be afraid of the words. We should move forward in our project to consolidate a truly political union.

The European Commission will shortly, in fact it will be on the 12th of this month, table proposals to create a European banking union, namely a single supervisor for our banks, but we must be under no illusions that deepening economic integration and especially political integration are long term projects. Yes, they provide a vision which is needed to generate confidence in the long term future of Europe, but Europe also needs action now.

So the key here is to combine ambition with a proper sequencing. It would be a complete mistake to suggest that to get out of this crisis Europe can do it only by Treaty change. We know that Treaty change takes time so we need to have short term responses to financial instability we are now feeling in the Euro area. But short term is not enough because the so called markets know very well that in the longer term the stability of the currency depends also on the political construct and on the solidity of the institutions that are behind it. That is why as the same time we are giving short term answers to the instability we need to have a horizon for the medium and long term. So these issues – short, medium and longer term – should not be seen as incompatible and we have to act on the several areas. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

That is why Europe to overcome its present crisis needs further fiscal consolidation, deep structural reform and smart targeted investment so that we can return to long term growth and create the jobs our citizens need. The last European Council committed to work in all these areas and the European Commission is leading or co-leading this work.

I know that you are increasingly asked by our partners to explain all these steps and the latest measures taken by the European Union, so I will make sure that the EEAS and our delegations get more regular economic briefings, in particular after important decisions are taken. And this is important because I would like you to be equipped with all the elements, the objective elements to make the case for Europe.

There are some things you can say even without further documents that sometimes our partners underestimate. The point is the following: if you look since the crisis there was no move until now to get back, to undo the economic integration. If you see the debate now in Europe is how far and how fast are we going for the next steps 236 but no one really at least in the governments that are on Europe is proposing to undo the European integration. And if you look at the decisions, the decisions have all been for reinforcement of the economic and monetary union and further integration of the institutional apparatus and even more supranational powers. Ok we can always say that probably it is not fast enough or we can say in some cases it was the intergovernmental route not the community method route but it was always for more and not less integration.

Another point some of pour partners underestimate is level of integration among Europe. They have the typical let’s say state centred approach what in the Europe we sometimes call the sovereignist approach and so they see and believe they are intelligent because they see it in realistic terms, sometimes expressing lots of cynicism about the capacity of the Europeans to go forward. I think this is the result of lack of understanding of the way Europe integrates.

I want to give you my personal testimony after eight years in this position, and the last three years in the crisis mode day and night with this Euro crisis, that I am fully confident about the willingness of our member states and their leadership to integrate further. It is a negotiation, extremely complex, where you of course there are different teachers and different perceptions and different cultures, but at the end I have no doubts about the interest of all member states to go forward in terms of sharing more sovereignty for the economic and monetary union, at least for the countries of the EMU and with the support of those who are not yet, or they do not intend to be in the Euro.

Another issue is the lack of understanding of the role of the institutions, namely of the European Central Bank. Of course the ECB will do whatever is necessary to sustain the Euro. By definition. The first mandate of the ECB is the very existence of Euro, it is not only price stability. So when there are threats to the integrity of the monetary union the ECB has of course the right to intervene and reintervene. But of course rightly the ECB does not want to give the message that the member states can go on with, let’s put it frankly, irresponsible fiscal policies, unsustainable levels of debt and SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION lack of supervision as we have seen recently when we have discovered that the reality of the financial sectors was not exactly the one that they were pretending to be.

So this is the game. That is why I am confident, not underestimating the difficulties that we know very well where they are, but I am confident and I want to convey to you my perception that we are going to overcome these difficulties. Of course there are risks and serious risks because we have seen in the past and in history that sometimes even when there is not the intention to create a problem it may happen that interrelation of independent consequences can provoke the problem. Yes, this risk exists.

Of course there is a very important problem is that at the time when we are required to take further steps in terms of integration it is exactly the time when there is less support in the public opinion for this integration. This is why we need also to act politically for the member states and the European institutions to act together to keep the population of Europe broadly supporting the European integration which may be at a risk in the current circumstances when we see the economic situation deteriorat- 237 ing and when we see the very high levels of unemployment.

So I am not at all pretending that the result exists, but I want, after careful consideration of the risks, to convene to you my perception that we are going to overcome the current difficulties. But it will take time, there is no magic solution, there is no pan- acea, it is not this or that solution by miracle to result the problems. It requires constant, persistent, coherent determination along a path of a comprehensive response that has to address different and sometimes complex elements.

I wonder if I could also speak about foreign policy! You probably want me to give you more elements about the current situations so in the period of questions and comments I will be available if you wish to put me any question that I could try to respond, but nevertheless I thought about making one or two points about external relations because the foreign policy and the external dimension is also a very important element of this response. And precisely one of the consequences - one of the negative responses that I am sure you feel every day of the current crisis at the European union since you are in the spotlight because of the Euro crisis - is in some extent be seen losing credibility and authority for the good things we can do and we are doing for the global community.

This is why we have to acknowledge that Europe’s role in the world is also a function of its economic success. But this should never mean that we are now turning inwards, on the contrary, foreign policy is part and parcel of the response to the crisis.

We need to keep Europe open and engaged in the world. If our internal market is one driver of growth, then our external market, the rest of the world, should be another. The European Union is indeed the world’s largest trader but we can still benefit from access to third country markets and we are working hard to achieve precisely this. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

But this is not simply because this openness brings economic benefits which are vital to our future growth. It is also because in the future to defend and promote our common values Europe will have to play an ever more active international role.

In order to be able to shape global decisions we will only count if we act together, the Commission, the External Service, under the leadership of the High Representative/ Vice-President, and the Member States; there is just one EU and we will be judged as EU and not as separate institutions. The citizens, not only the citizens of the world, citizens of Europe, will not make a distinction, most of them, between Commission, External Service, Council, European Council – it is the EU. And this is very important to understand. That is why we need to unite the geographical outreach and presence of the European External Action Service to the thematic knowledge and expertise of the Commission.

Let me turn to the importance of this for our two primary foreign policy priorities: our neighbourhood and our relations with strategic partners. 238 Concerning our Neighbourhood, in response to the events of the Arab Spring we adopted last year a joint communication from the High Representative/Vice Presi- dent and the Commission. This reaction to the mass movements for democracy in the Mediterranean have demonstrated, one major advantage of the Lisbon Treaty: the strengthened ability to seamlessly combine all of the instruments at the disposal of the European Union to roll out a package of support measures centred on the so-called three Ms; money, market access and mobility.

We know that the end will always be uncertain and that these countries’ journey is just beginning but we need to “make a bet on democracy”. But we also need to remain vigilant to make sure that those who oppose democracy do not hijack these transitions.

Next week I intend to receive here the new President of Egypt, in fact he comes to the EU very soon after his election. It is an important occasion to speak with him about what his intentions are regarding what is happening in Egypt and in the wider region.

Free elections were held not only in Egypt but also in Tunisia and Libya and the will of the people needs to be respected. The European Union will deal with any government legitimised by free and fair elections, provided that they remain faithful and loyal to the principles of democracy, human rights and human dignity. I was last year in Tunis and in Cairo, and I will meet in the next weeks as I said Egyptian President but also the Tunisian Prime Minister. I also intend to travel to Jordan and Morocco to explore our support to reforms.

History has shown us that those who make peaceful evolution impossible render violent revolutions inevitable. This is what is happening in Syria. The world cannot turn a blind eye to the carnage in the country. Security Council members need to assume their responsibilities. Inability to act will only discredit the United Nations and make actions outside its framework more likely. We need to put an immediate end to SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION the killings of innocents, the human rights abuses, and to agree on a path towards a political transition.

This commitment to reform expends across the countries of the neighbourhood policy, not just to the south but to the east as well. Here too, we are supporting those who wish to consolidate democracy and open economies through a joined up approach EEAS/Commission. We have started negotiations on Association Agreements, including Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas, with 4 out of our 6 Eastern partners.

We have concluded negotiations with Ukraine but the signing of the Agreement will depend on Kiev’s commitment to the European values. I hope that by the 3rd Eastern Partnership Summit, which will take place next year, more of these Agreements will be concluded, notably with Moldova.

These countries need an active and influential Europe and the rest of the world also needs an outward looking Europe that is able to play its full role in the neighbour- 239 hood and in the global affairs.

As I said, the neighbourhood is one of our priorities; the other is strengthening relations with our strategic partners. Here too, the combination of Commission instruments, EEAS action and Member States cooperation can make a real difference.

With the United States, we are partners in the world’s single most important relationship. Last year we have initiated with President Obama a High Level Group to discuss our future Trade ties, with the aim to launch a transatlantic free trade area. This should be a beacon and a catalyser of 21st century agreements. This would also dovetail with the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement that we hope to conclude soon with Canada.

I am sure that these initiatives will reinforce what is already a powerful bond between the two sides of the Atlantic, a bond underpinned by a community of shared values.

With China, which is already our second economic partner, and growing faster than any other, we are building a solid partnership based not only on this economic interdependence but also on a growing conscience of the need to tackle common challenges together.

An example, just one example is the Urbanisation Partnership that I have launched with Chinese Vice-Premier Li Keqiang, where China, which is experiencing an increasing level of urbanisation, will be able to draw on the experience of the EU and the Member States to master this process.

We should forge with China a long-term vision of our relations based on mutual respect and balanced benefits, enabling us also to settle our differences – and there are differences - in a constructive manner. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

But in Asia we have other important and strategic partners that are central to our external relations.

India, an economic giant with great untapped potential with whom we are negotiating a free trade agreement that would be the biggest in the world - benefiting 1.7 billion people – and which could become a driver for the economic reforms the country needs to pursue.

Japan, a longstanding like-minded partner with which the Commission has just tabled negotiating directives for a Framework Agreement and an FTA that I hope the Council can swiftly agree.

Korea, which has been affirming itself as a global player. And Southeast Asian States, whose integration process, through ASEAN, can become a reference for regional cooperation and peaceful settlement of disputes. This will all be part of my message to the next ASEM meeting in Vientiane: the EU is a committed partner of Asia. I will 240 also travel, at least I intend to go, to Myanmar, Thailand and Indonesia to reiterate this message and our engagement in the region. As you know many of our partners in Asia are asking precisely for that, and I remember in our seminar last year precisely some of you mentioned this. In the available time I will do my best to give some contribution.

With Russia we have achieved an important common objective, which was the country’s accession to the WTO. This will allow for Russia’s economic diversification and better integration in the world economy.

We should now make progress on the negotiation of a New Agreement that fully reflects the rich and substantive nature of our relations, from trade to energy, from political cooperation to people to people contacts. We will also continue our Partner- ship for Modernisation, which involves 25 out of 27 Member States, aiming at modernising both economic and social structures; economic and societal modernisation.

Brazil has managed in the last decade to grow and also to reduce its internal inequal- ities, which were a brake to the country’s progress. The strategic partnership that we have launched in 2007 has allowed us to make progress on our bilateral relations, but has not yet realised its full potential as regards cooperation on global matters.

We still intend to close an agreement with Mercosur; however, it is fair to recognise that the recent protectionist stance by some of the block’s members does not bode well. The next EU-LAC Summit in Chile in January 2013 should send a strong message against protectionism and also some forms of populism.

With Mexico with whom we also have regular bilateral Summits I have recently proposed to update and upgrade our Economic Partnership, Political Cooperation and Cooperation Agreement.

Last but not least, Africa, the continent with the fastest growth rate in the world, the youngest population, and the biggest changes. The figures are there to confirm it: over SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION the past decade six of the world’s ten fastest-growing countries were African; in eight of the past ten years, Africa has grown faster than Asia.

But it is not just the economy, also the societies are changing. This year, 23 multiparty elections should take place in the continent, not perfect elections, but some form of pluralism is gaining strength in Africa. Democracy is spreading. And we should be proud of our contribution to this progress through our political support to institutions such as the African Union, which has been taking the lead in upholding democracy and rule of law in the continent.

However, poverty is not receding at the pace of economic growth and some countries will not reach their MDGs objectives. This is why we have to keep our leadership of the global community on development assistance and to make efforts to turn it more effective. It is therefore crucial to step up our engagement with Africa, both bilaterally and through the joint partnership EU-Africa. We must remain supportive of democratic change and accountable governments, of development efforts and together seize existing economic opportunities. In this regard it is paramount to conclude the 241 negotiations on the Economic Partnership Agreements.

This year I was already twice in Sub-Saharan Africa, Central and East, and I intend to visit West Africa next October, provided there is no more turbulence in the euro zone.

Dear colleagues,

I have just outlined to you how I see our geographical priorities. The substance that will fill them is provided by our horizontal priorities, the promotion of democracy, rule of law and human rights; a rules based multilateral system; cooperative and interdependent economic systems; free trade and open economies that abide by common rules; free and open societies; and cooperative action on the common goods, from climate protection to natural resources management.

All this can only be effectively pursued through a good articulation between the Com- mission services and the EEAS, working closely together with our Member States. Po- litical relations without a substantive agenda are empty rhetoric; substantive priorities without a political framework and a diplomatic network are abstractions. It is precisely the combining of these two that gives us our strength and our capacity to act.

The challenges of this century are unprecedented in their scale and scope. We will be able to make progress only through common action both bilaterally and in multilateral fora; first and foremost the United Nations for peace and security issues, but also others such as the G20 and the OECD for economic and financial matters.

But I also sincerely believe that the effectiveness of our foreign policy also depends on a credible defence capability. Our capacity to act as a global security provider cannot become collateral damage of current economic hardship. Our Member States have to embrace more forcefully the pooling and sharing initiative launched by the High Representative/Vice-President. We need to make progress on a common defence pol- DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

icy. Also here the Commission can and is playing a role by deepening the internal market on defence and Europe’s industrial base.

Ambassadors, colleagues

Let me conclude with a quote by Jean Monnet, a great inspiration for our work: “People only accept change when they are faced with necessity, and only recognize necessity when a crisis is upon them.” This is a very timely quote.

That time is now: the European Union is engaged in a process of profound, necessary change in order to face up to the current crisis and to the challenges of the 21st century.

In order to maintain our European model and to retain our influence in our neighbourhood and at the global level we must increasingly work together and combine all our policies in a comprehensive and coherent manner. 242 The EEAS is an important element in this approach and is one of the best creations of the Lisbon Treaty. Myself, the European Commission, of which the High Repre- sentative is Vice-President, are fully committed to making the Service a success and to ensuring that we develop an external presence which is greater than the sum of its parts, a service which is underpinned by the weight of a unified European Union in so many policy areas. Precisely during those missions I have just mentioned, I was in contact with some of you and I could appreciate the kind of work that you are doing and I really want to congratulate you. I also saw the very good level of cooperation with our Member States and I think this is important and should be recognised. You are the builders or the founders of a new very important construction that is the Ex- ternal Action Service. We cannot expect from the beginning everything to be perfect, because we know that when we change habits it takes some time to see the results, but my personal assessment when I visited some of you in the delegations was that there was in fact very good progress in terms of the capacity of the European Union to be present in those areas.

We are all a part of that process of change and we all also have a role to play in ex- plaining the process to our citizens and to the world at large. This is a joint endeavour.

Our founding fathers did not simply look inwards, they saw a united Europe as a force for good in the world, even in this time of crisis we must not lose sight of this vision.

Let me therefore thank you for your support, your work at the “sharp end”, and for your dedication, which is allowing the most inspiring political project of all, the Euro- pean Union, to increasingly play its role as a pivotal global actor and a force for good.

I thank you for your attention. From war to peace: a European tale

ADDRESS BY HERMAN VAN ROMPUY, PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL & JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO, PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION

ACCEPTANCE OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE AWARD TO THE EUROPEAN UNION OSLO, 10 DECEMBER 2012

[President Van Rompuy takes the floor] 243

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Heads of State and Government, Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

t is with humility and gratitude that we stand here together, to receive this award I on behalf of the European Union. At a time of uncertainty, this day reminds people across Europe and the world of the Union’s fundamental purpose: to further the fraternity between European nations, now and in the future.

It is our work today.

It has been the work of generations before us.

And it will be the work of generations after us.

Here in Oslo, I want to pay homage to all the Europeans who dreamt of a continent at peace with itself, and to all those who day by day make this dream a reality.

This award belongs to them.

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War is as old as Europe. Our continent bears the scars of spears and swords, canons and guns, trenches and tanks, and more.

The tragedy of it all resonates in the words of Herodotus, 25 centuries ago: “In Peace, Sons bury their Fathers. In War, Fathers bury their Sons.” DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Yet, … after two terrible wars engulfed the continent and the world with it, … finally lasting peace came to Europe.

In those grey days, its cities were in ruins, the hearts of many still simmering with mourning and resentment. How difficult it then seemed, as Winston Churchill said, “to regain the simple joys and hopes that make life worth living”.

As a child born in Belgium just after the war, I heard the stories first-hand.

My grandmother spoke about the Great War.

In 1940, my father, then seventeen, had to dig his own grave. He got away; otherwise I would not be here today.

So what a bold bet it was, for Europe’s Founders, to say, yes, we can break this endless cycle of violence, we can stop the logic of vengeance, we can build a brighter future, 244 together. What power of the imagination.

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Of course, peace might have come to Europe without the Union. Maybe. We will never know. But it would never have been of the same quality. A lasting peace, not a frosty cease-fire.

To me, what makes it so special, is reconciliation.

In politics as in life, reconciliation is the most difficult thing. It goes beyond forgiving and forgetting, or simply turning the page.

To think of what France and Germany had gone through…, and then take this step… Signing a Treaty of Friendship… Each time I hear these words – Freundschaft, Amitié –, I am moved. They are private words, not for treaties between nations. But the will to not let history repeat itself, to do something radically new, was so strong that new words had to be found.

For people Europe was a promise, Europe equalled hope.

When Konrad Adenauer came to Paris to conclude the Coal and Steel Treaty, in 1951, one evening he found a gift waiting at his hotel. It was a war medal, une Croix de Guerre, that had belonged to a French soldier. His daughter, a young student, had left it with a little note for the Chancellor, as a gesture of reconciliation and hope.

I can see many other stirring images before me.

Leaders of six States assembled to open a new future, in Rome, città eterna… FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE

Willy Brandt kneeling down in Warsaw.

The dockers of Gdansk, at the gates of their shipyard.

Mitterrand and Kohl hand in hand.

Two million people linking Tallinn to Riga to Vilnius in a human chain, in 1989.

These moments healed Europe. But symbolic gestures alone cannot cement peace.

This is where the European Union‘s „secret weapon“ comes into play: an unrivalled way of binding our interests so tightly that war becomes materially impossible. Through constant negotiations, on ever more topics, between ever more countries. It‘s the golden rule of Jean Monnet: „Mieux vaut se disputer autour d‘une table que sur un champ de bataille.“ („Better fight around a table than on a battle-field.“)

If I had to explain it to Alfred Nobel, I would say: not just a peace congress, a perpet- 245 ual peace congress!

Admittedly, some aspects can be puzzling, and not only to outsiders.

Ministers from landlocked countries passionately discussing fish-quota.

Europarlementarians from Scandinavia debating the price of olive oil.

The Union has perfected the art of compromise. No drama of victory or defeat, but ensuring all countries emerge victorious from talks. For this, boring politics is only a small price to pay…

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Ladies and Gentlemen,

It worked.

Peace is now self-evident.

War has become inconceivable.

Yet ‚inconceivable‘ does not mean ‚impossible‘.

And that is why we are gathered here today.

Europe must keep its promise of peace.

I believe this is still our Union‘s ultimate purpose. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

But Europe can no longer rely on this promise alone to inspire citizens. In a way, it‘s a good thing; war-time memories are fading.

Even if not yet everywhere.

Soviet rule over Eastern Europe ended just two decades ago.

Horrendous massacres took place in the Balkans shortly after. The children born at the time of Srebrenica will only turn eighteen next year.

But they already have little brothers and sisters born after that war: the first real postwar generation of Europe. This must remain so.

Presidents, Prime Ministers, Excellencies,

So, where there was war, there is now peace. But another historic task now lies ahead 246 of us: keeping peace where there is peace. After all, history is not a novel, a book we can close after a Happy Ending: we remain fully responsible for what is yet to come.

This couldn‘t be more clear than it is today, when we are hit by the worst economic crisis in two generations, causing great hardship among our people, and putting the political bonds of our Union to the test.

Parents struggling to make ends meet, workers recently laid off, students who fear that, however hard they try, they won‘t get that first job: when they think about Eu- rope, peace is not the first thing that comes to mind…

When prosperity and employment, the bedrock of our societies, appear threatened, it is natural to see a hardening of hearts, the narrowing of interests, even the return of long-forgotten fault-lines and stereotypes. For some, not only joint decisions, but the very fact of deciding jointly, may come into doubt.

And while we must keep a sense of proportion – even such tensions don‘t take us back to the darkness of the past –, the test Europe is currently facing is real.

If I can borrow the words of Abraham Lincoln at the time of another continental test, what is being assessed today is „whether that Union, or any Union so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure“.

We answer with our deeds, confident we will succeed. We are working very hard to overcome the difficulties, to restore growth and jobs.

There is of course sheer necessity. But there is more that guides us: the will to remain masters of our own destiny, a sense of togetherness, and in a way… speaking to us from the centuries … the idea of Europa itself. FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE

The presence of so many European leaders here today underlines our common conviction: that we will come out of this together, and stronger. Strong enough in the world to defend our interests and promote our values.

We all work to leave a better Europe for the children of today and those of tomorrow. So that, later, others might turn and judge: that generation, ours, preserved the promise of Europe.

Today‘s youth is already living in a new world. For them Europe is a daily reality. Not the constraint of being in the same boat. No, the richness of being able to freely share, travel and exchange. To share and shape a continent, experiences, a future.

Excellencies, Ladies & Gentlemen,

Our continent, risen from the ashes after 1945 and united in 1989, has a great capacity to reinvent itself. It is to the next generations to take this common adventure further. I hope they will seize this responsibility with pride. And that they will be able 247 to say, as we here today: Ich bin ein Europäer. Je suis fier d‘être européen. I am proud to be European.

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[President Barroso takes the floor]

Your Majesties, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

“Peace is not mere absence of war, it is a virtue”, wrote Spinoza: “Pax enim non belli privatio, sed virtus est”. And he added it is “a state of mind, a disposition for benev- olence, confidence, justice”.

Indeed, there can only be true peace if people are confident. At peace with their political system. Reassured that their basic rights are respected.

The European Union is not only about peace among nations. It incarnates, as a political project, that particular state of mind that Spinoza was referring to. It embodies, as a community of values, this vision of freedom and justice.

I remember vividly in 1974 being in the mass of people, descending the streets in my native Lisbon, in Portugal, celebrating the democratic revolution and freedom. This same feeling of joy was experienced by the same generation in Spain and Greece. It was felt later in Central and Eastern Europe and in the Baltic States when they regained their independence. Several generations of Europeans have shown again and again that their choice for Europe was also a choice for freedom.

I will never forget Rostropovich playing Bach at the fallen Wall in Berlin. This image reminds the world that it was the quest for freedom and democracy that tore down DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

the old divisions and made possible the reunification of the continent. Joining the European Union was essential for the consolidation of democracy in our countries.

Because it places the person and respect of human dignity at its heart. Because it gives a voice to differences while creating unity. And so, after reunification, Europe was able to breathe with both its lungs, as said by Karol Wojtyła. The European Union has become our common house. The “homeland of our homelands” as described by Vaclav Havel.

Our Union is more than an association of states. It is a new legal order, which is not based on the balance of power between nations but on the free consent of states to share sovereignty.

From pooling coal and steel, to abolishing internal borders, from six countries to soon twenty-eight with Croatia joining the family this has been a remarkable European journey which is leading us to an “ever closer Union”. And today one of the most 248 visible symbols of our unity is in everyone’s hands. It is the Euro, the currency of our European Union. We will stand by it.

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Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Peace cannot rest only on the good will of man. It needs to be grounded on a body of laws, on common interests and on a deeper sense of a community of destiny.

The genius of the founding fathers was precisely in understanding that to guarantee peace in the 20th century nations needed to think beyond the nation-state. As Wal- ter Hallstein, the first President of the European Commission said: „Das System der Nationalstaaten hat den wichtigsten Test des 20. Jahrhunderts nicht bestanden („The system of sovereign nation-states has failed the most important test of the 20th century“). And he added „ through two world wars it has proved itself unable to preserve peace.“

The uniqueness of the European project is to have combined the legitimacy of democratic States with the legitimacy of supranational institutions: the European Com- mission, the European Court of Justice. Supranational institutions that protect the general European interest, defend the European common good and embody the community of destiny. And alongside the European Council, where the governments are represented, we have over the years developed a unique transnational democracy symbolised by the directly elected European Parliament.

Our quest for European unity is not a perfect work of art; it is work in progress that demands constant and diligent tending. It is not an end in itself, but a means to higher ends. In many ways, it attests to the quest for a cosmopolitan order, in which one FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE person‘s gain does not need to be another person‘s pain; in which abiding by common norms serves universal values.

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That is why despite its imperfections, the European Union can be, and indeed is, a powerful inspiration for many around the world. Because the challenges faced from one region to the other may differ in scale but they do not differ in nature.

We all share the same planet. Poverty, organised crime, terrorism, climate change: these are problems that do not respect national borders. We share the same aspirations and universal values: these are progressively taking root in a growing number of countries all over the world. We share „l‘irréductible humain“, the irreducible uniqueness of the human being. Beyond our nation, beyond our continent, we are all part of one mankind. 249

Jean Monnet, ends his Memoirs with these words: „Les nations souveraines du passé ne sont plus le cadre où peuvent se résoudre les problèmes du présent. Et la com- munauté elle-même n‘est qu‘une étape vers les formes d‘organisation du monde de demain.“ („The sovereign nations of the past can no longer solve the problems of the present. And the [European] Community itself is only a stage on the way to the organised world of the future.“)

This federalist and cosmopolitan vision is one of the most important contributions that the European Union can bring to a global order in the making.

Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

The concrete engagement of the European Union in the world is deeply marked by our continent‘s tragic experience of extreme nationalism, wars and the absolute evil of the Shoah. It is inspired by our desire to avoid the same mistakes being made again.

That is the foundation of our multilateral approach for a globalisation based on the twin principles of global solidarity and global responsibility;

That is what inspires our engagement with our neighbouring countries and international partners, from the Middle East to Asia, from Africa to the Americas;

It defines our stance against the death penalty and our support for international justice embodied by the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court;

It drives our leadership in the fight against climate change and for food and energy security;

It underpins our policies on disarmament and against nuclear proliferation; DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

As a continent that went from devastation to become one of the world‘s strongest economies, with the most progressive social systems, being the world‘s largest aid donor, we have a special responsibility to millions of people in need.

In the 21st century it is simply unacceptable to see parents powerless as their baby is dying of lack of basic medical care, mothers compelled to walk all day in the hope of getting food or clean water and boys and girls deprived of their childhood because they are forced to become adults ahead of time.

As a community of nations that has overcome war and fought totalitarianism, we will always stand by those who are in pursuit of peace and human dignity.

And let me say it from here today: the current situation in Syria is a stain on the world‘s conscience and the international community has a moral duty to address it.

And as today marks the international human rights day, more than any other day our 250 thoughts go to the human rights‘ defenders all over the world who put their lives at risk to defend the values that we cherish. And no prison wall can silence their voice. We hear them in this room today.

And we also remember that last year on this very podium three women were honoured for their non-violent struggle for the safety of women and for women’s rights. As a Union built on the founding value of equality between women and men, enshrined in the Treaty of Rome in 1957, we are committed to protecting women‘s rights all over the world and supporting women‘s empowerment. And we cherish the fundamental rights of those who are the most vulnerable, and hold the future in their hands: the children of this world.

As a successful example of peaceful reconciliation based on economic integration, we contribute to developing new forms of cooperation built on exchange of ideas, innovation and research. Science and culture are at the very core of the European openness: they enrich us as individuals and they create bonds beyond borders.

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Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Heads of State and Government, Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Humbled, and grateful for the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, there is no better place to share this vision than here in Norway, a country which has been giving so much to the cause of global peace.

The „pacification of Europe“ was at the heart of Alfred Nobel‘s concerns. In an early version of his will, he even equated it to international peace. FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE

This echoes the very first words of the Schuman Declaration, the founding document of the European Union. „La paix mondiale“. „World Peace,“ it says, „cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it.“

My message today is: you can count on our efforts to fight for lasting peace, freedom and justice in Europe and in the world.

Over the past sixty years, the European project has shown that it is possible for peoples and nations to come together across borders. That it is possible to overcome the differences between „them“ and „us“.

Here today, our hope, our commitment, is that, with all women and men of good will, the European Union will help the world come together.

Thank you. 251

Europe as Solution: Facts and Myths

AMBASSADORS' SEMINAR LISBON, 3 JANUARY 2013

Minister for Foreign Affairs, State Secretaries, Secretary-General, President of the Cham- 253 palimaud Foundation, Ambassadors, Heads of Mission, Dear friends,

t is a great pleasure for me to be associated with this initiative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs where, as the Minister for Foreign Affairs has said, I too spent a I part of my life which I consider an important part of my political and public ca- reer, where I still have many friends and where I had the privilege to witness the great quality, professionalism and patriotism of Portuguese diplomatic officials.

I am also especially pleased to participate in the Diplomatic Seminar, an event which, as Minister for Foreign Affairs, I launched exactly 20 years ago, in 1993. I therefore wish to thank the Minister for the invitation which enables me to mark this occasion with you.

Twenty years is a considerable period in our lifetimes but barely a fraction of a second in the history of the world or of a nation as ancient as Portugal.

These two decades were not just any 20 years, however. In that time we saw the turn of a century and profound transformations in Europe and in the world.

Twenty years ago Portugal had just successfully taken on its first Presidency of the Coun- cil of the European Community. The country was growing economically and socially (4.6% a year in the first five months after joining the EEC) thanks to the opening up of the Portuguese economy, but also thanks to the First Community Support Framework. In Europe, the Single European Market was born and the Maastricht Treaty came into force, creating the European Union. In the world, George Bush and Boris Yeltsin signed the second Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START II) and Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat concluded the Oslo Peace Accords.

How remote these events now seem! One might say, ‘The past is a foreign country’ (L.P. Hartley). DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Nowadays, history no longer moves at the leisurely rate of the days when news from the world came by diplomatic telegram and the CIFRA operator set the pace.

History has sped up, and that acceleration has brought profound changes to the world.

In the twentieth century, economic output multiplied 40-fold and the world’s population quadrupled. It took many thousands of years, from prehistory to 1960, for humanity to number 3 billion. But the 39 years up to 1999 were enough to add the next 3 billion. And then, in only 12 years, our numbers increased from 6 to 7 billion people. The United Kingdom took 155 years to double its per capita GDP; but 50 years were enough for the United States to do the same; China did it in 15.

These examples are a good illustration of the scale and the speed of the changes we are facing and which oblige us to rethink our models and our policies.

The current crisis is just one result of these structural changes in global geo-politics 254 and geo-economics. That is why the responses also need to be structural, and in many cases that implies a paradigm shift. Where the countries of Europe are concerned, such responses also need to be articulated over a broader area than the traditional borders of the nation-state.

That is why I sincerely believe that, in spite of the difficult economic situation we are experiencing, we Europeans and we Portuguese have the means to confidently rise to the challenges of globalisation, because, among other reasons, we have an instrument that is essential to that end in the process of regional integration which is currently coming to fruition in the European Union.

And that is what I want to talk to you about today: the European Union as a solution to the problems which our continent and our country are going through. The need to make this case is all the more pressing at times like the present, when many are seizing on this crisis to call the European project into question and some are even predicting its end.

That is why it is worthwhile beginning by giving the lie to some of the myths in circulation that portray Europe as a problem, and then setting out some facts on Europe as a solution.

Let us look at the myths first:

Myth number 1: Europe and the European Union caused this crisis. Not so. The crisis was born on the far side of the Atlantic, caused by practices in the financial sector that were irresponsible – in some cases even criminal – which in a second stage spread to Europe by virtue of the global nature of the banking and financial system. And what started as a problem of the high-risk subprime sector degenerated into a crisis for the real economy that then exposed the various weaknesses of the banking system and of some European countries’ economies and in particular the intolerable excessive indebtedness and their lack of competitiveness. EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS

Myth number 2: Europe is the ‘sick man’ of the global economy. Not so. If we look at the debt-to-GDP ratio, the European average (of 82.5% in spite of all this crisis) is decidedly better than the United States’ (almost 103%) or Japan’s (almost 230% of GDP).

Something which fewer may know is that, for the first decade of the twenty-first century, in spite of the redistribution of power and the emergence of extremely competitive new economies, Europe’s share of the world market remained stable at 20%, while the USA’s and Japan’s recorded significant falls, to 13% and 9.5% respectively.

Myth number 3: The euro caused the crisis. Not so. Our currency did not cause the crisis. I remind you, moreover, that the European country in which the financial crisis took on the greatest proportions from the outset was Iceland, which is not even a member of the European Union (although it is currently a candidate for membership). The euro has remained strong and stable and is still a reference currency globally.

The so-called euro crisis should not be confused with what is in fact certain Member States’ sovereign debt crisis. The euro is, I repeat, a stable, strong, credible currency. 255

Myth number 4: The European institutions did not act in time. Not so. There should be no confusion regarding the role of the European Institutions, which is to propose solutions, with the role of the Member States with which the final decision on these very matters lies. So one of the problems that this crisis revealed and which we are now seeking to correct was precisely the lack of powers at European level to correct the imbalances which began to emerge.

Let us remember that banking supervision was conducted at national level and that there were no powers at European level. Let us remember that the mechanisms for applying the Stability and Growth Pact were weak, particularly the preventive part. And, should we wish for a more specific example, let us recall that the Member States did not approve a Commission proposal, made at the very start of my first term of office, to give Eurostat additional powers to investigate and collect data directly, without going through the national statistical bodies, which would for example have permitted us to identify serious irregularities in the Greek accounts.

Myth number 5: Europe has not shown solidarity with the countries in crisis or, in another common variant, ‘We need a new Marshall Plan’. Not so. If we take the example of Greece, even excluding the new plan recently approved for the country, the total Eu- ropean and international assistance (including loans, private debt write-offs and funds from the Community budget) amounts to 380 billion euros. That is the equivalent of 177% of Greek GDP, or around 34 000 euros per Greek citizen. The Marshall Plan corresponded to some 2.1% of the GDP of the countries it supported, and was therefore on an entirely different scale to the 177% of Greek GDP.

Myth number 6: The European Union – or membership of the euro – is imposing austerity on the Member States and their citizens. Not so. Policies to reduce public deficits are inevitable and have to be pursued regardless of whether countries are in the euro zone or not, although their rhythm will obviously depend on each country’s economic and financial health. Even the countries which do not belong to the euro and are not bound DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

to balance their budgets by the recent Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the MEU are following similar policies. This is yet further proof that the problem is not specific to the euro. Take the example of the United Kingdom, which recently approved one of the most rigorous budgets in its history. That is what would normally be called a real austerity budget. And, let me say it again, it has nothing to do with either the financial assistance programme or belonging to the euro.

And I could go on. These explanations are needed because it seems to me that there is very often a lack of awareness and poor information: in some cases one might even say that there is a degree of intellectual dishonesty in many of the comments and analyses - more comments than analyses - being made concerning the current situation.

This does not mean that developments at European level have not also revealed shortcomings in the management of the crisis; they most certainly have revealed shortcomings, some of which are serious. On top of the structural imbalances that persisted for far too long – particularly where the deficit is concerned – the financial crisis has laid bare 256 the inadequacies in the design of the economic and monetary union.

It became clear that it was an imperfect construction; that while we had a shared currency, we did not have any truly coordinated economic policies; and that we did not have the necessary tools to deal with situations of financial instability. In other words, we had a ship that was fit for calm waters, but proved far too fragile when the storm came. Fun- damentally speaking we had - and still have - a system where the Member States are no longer able to take autonomous action to resolve their problems on their own and where Europe as a whole is still not fully equipped to address the same problems effectively.

This is the state of flux in which we currently find ourselves and which explains many of today’s anxieties.

The response currently being given at European level is intended to make good these shortcomings: we are building a ship with greater capacity and power in the middle of the storm. And I think we can all agree that it is no easy task to build a ship in the middle of a storm.

Therefore, if we wish to return to sustainable growth, I would reiterate what I have stated many times: the solution lies in growth itself. If we wish to return to sustainable growth it is essential that we take action on no fewer than three distinct fronts: in the Member States, by making structural reforms that will enable them to balance their public accounts and increase the competitiveness of their economies; in the eurozone, by taking specific measures that will make it possible to improve the governance, action and effectiveness of the budgetary policies of the various countries; and in the 27/28 Member States, by reinforcing the accountability and solidarity mechanisms, which will include a deepening of the Economic and Monetary Union as well as progress towards a political union, with heightened scrutiny and democratic control of the new functions attributed at European level.

Even though the pace of the decisions is slower and their ambitions lower than the Com- mission would like – and I would note here that I am the first person in the European EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS

Council to point out the urgency of taking action and the need for a greater community spirit, greater ambition and greater solidarity, we must also note that democracies operate at an entirely different rhythm from the markets. Take the recent example of the protracted debates about the fiscal cliff in the USA. It was demonstrated once again that discussions of expenditure and revenue, redistribution and restraint are never easy, even within a single country. This has also become clear from the debates ongoing in some European countries concerning intra-regional solidarity and transfers from and to central governments. It is interesting to note that, in some cases, the ones who call for more solidarity from Brussels are not prepared to practise this same solidarity within their own countries.

Here, as on European level, greater consistency in discussions of specific forms of solidarity would certainly be most beneficial.

But despite a slow start — as it was necessary to consolidate the idea that the solution would only be possible with responsibility and solidarity policies — European determination is beginning to produce results. It is thus important not to devalue what has 257 already been done and the significant steps that have been taken. Financial assistance programmes were approved for three countries: Greece, Ireland and Portugal. And a specific programme was approved for the banking sector in Spain.

An Assistance Fund was created in the shape of the European Stability Mechanism. The financial capability of this fund for intervention in the eurozone is no less than the IMF’s total financial capacity for the entire world (approximately one trillion dollars if we include the funds coming through the EFSF). Significant legislation was adopted to reinforce the powers of the European instances — and of the Commission in particular — when it comes to budgetary control at national level. And the new Treaty reinforcing budgetary discipline came into force two days ago. The foundations are being laid for the essential banking union which — for some time now — both I personally and the Commission have been calling for. The adoption of the Commission’s proposal for a common supervisor of the eurozone financial system was, in fact, of great importance here. This essential agreement not only enabled us to resolve one of the issues that the “markets” considered most important, but also set a pattern for future decisions with a view to taking concrete action reflecting the need to deepen the integration of the eurozone while maintaining the integrity of a European Union with 27 or 28 Member States.

The European Central Bank announced its programme – Outright Monetary Trans- actions – providing for unlimited intervention in the secondary sovereign debt market, wherever necessary, under specific conditions. And we are taking steps to deepen the Economic and Monetary Union in line with what is known as the “report of the four Presidents” (the President of the European Council, the President of the European Commission, the President of the Eurogroup and the President of the European Central Bank), an exercise to which the European Commission contributed its own ideas and proposals in greater detail in the “blueprint” adopted in November last year.

And the more vulnerable States are also continuing to roll out their adjustment programmes with some encouraging results, although a few cases still give cause for concern. Greece is now taking decisive action to implement its reforms, and funding for the DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

second programme has now been released. I would emphasise this point because, as you are no doubt aware, the vast majority of analysts and commentators were predicting that Greece would not only default but would leave the euro during 2012. They were wrong, and should at least concede that they were wrong.

In Ireland, long and short-term interest rates are now lower than those of countries that did not require assistance programmes. The Irish economy will show positive growth this year. The unemployment rate remains high, but the country now has a current account surplus.

In Portugal’s case, short- and long-term interest rates on debt have fallen significantly. For instance, long-term interest rates on debt fell from around 20% to below 7%. The current account is gradually becoming balanced (according to figures from the Banco de Portugal and from the INE the country has, for the first time in many years, achieved trade balance). And the reforms and these positive results have been recognised by the outside world, contributing to the country’s credibility at European and global level. For 258 example, in the latest World Bank Doing Business Report, Portugal has risen from 48th to 30th position.

However, it is true that, both in Portugal and in other countries, these results and efforts do not immediately translate into improvements to the daily lives of the man and woman on the street. This year, Europe’s GDP is expected to contract by 0.3%, and for [next] year the European Commission forecasts that it will rise slightly, by 0.4%. As you are aware, it is difficult to make correct predictions during times of great financial instability, but they have been made nonetheless.

Levels of unemployment will, unfortunately, remain high. It was inevitable that consolidation measures would result in the economy contracting. Adjustment programmes have a recessionary effect in the short term but create the conditions for more solid, sustainable growth in the medium and long term. Not artificial growth, like that we experienced for a long time, stimulated by the issue of public debt and easy credit, but growth rooted in a solid foundation. Growth in the framework of a more competitive economy. And regaining confidence is truly essential. Without it, there can be no possibility of investment, and without investment growth will be no more than a mirage.

It is true that this situation manifests very differently from one Member State to another. And in some, such as Portugal, we must call it as we see it: there is a genuine social emergency. It is therefore vital that we manage the costs of the economic downturn, in particular its impact on people, in a sociably responsible manner. Because this, as well as the social imperatives, is also important for the success and acceptability of any adjustment programme. We must invest selectively in a range of sectors of the economy, shoulder the burden equally, and adopt a policy to combat the scourge of unemployment — all of which are also European priorities. The European Commission is of course willing to analyse the completion of programmes and to make the adjustments and fine-tuning necessary to minimise social costs. I would recall here that the country has already been given an additional year to achieve its deficit-reduction objectives, thereby slowing the pace of adjustment for 2012 and 2013. EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS

There is also an additional key political issue. For adjustment programmes to be successful, they require sustainable political and social conditions and, in turn, prudence is needed in political decision-making and in the way that those decisions are communi- cated. Such prudence can and must go hand in hand with determination.

Where necessary, compromises must be made and consensus must be sought at all times – either between the main institutions and the politicians or among the social partners. I repeat, the key conditions for ultimate success are political and social conditions.

Such an approach is of paramount importance if the programmes are to be successful, along with speedy implementation. The ‘front loading’ of adjustment offers a greater chance of success than delayed implementation.

Let us take Greece, for example, which is heading into its sixth year of recession. The problems were caused by the programme’s implementation, which was tentative, piecemeal or, sometimes, non-existent. For example, in terms of structural reforms and priva- tisation there was no implementation at the start of the programme, the Greek authori- 259 ties focused solely on the budgetary side. In addition we were faced with a long-standing political crisis, the threat of a referendum on the euro, two general elections and highly unstable coalitions. It is only with the current government, in place since the summer, that Greece is starting to regain the partners’ trust.

On a broader European level, our objective is to reform the social market economy in order more effectively to protect it and to meet the demands of a new, far more competitive, world. There are those who say that the European social model is dead. This is not our opinion. This is not my opinion.

I feel we must do all we can to maintain our social market economy whilst acknowl- edging that, in a much more competitive context, reforms are required if we want to maintain the ‘social State’, a vital component, especially at a time of great social tension. I also feel that the reforms and the shouldering of responsibility that we have seen at national level must be mirrored by greater solidarity at European level. Responsibility and solidarity are two sides of the same coin. This is what I have been fighting for at European level: for a project of reform and solidarity. This is the European Commission’s policy, a policy of solidarity.

This solidarity must be reflected in aid programmes for countries in difficulty; it must also, in a financial framework, foster greater investment in the areas of the future such as science, education and research (at this point, I would make special mention of the fact that this is my first time in this magnificent auditorium of the Champalimaud Foundation, a Portuguese science and research institute that has garnered well-deserved European and worldwide recognition in a short space of time) and investment in social and territorial cohesion as one of the cornerstones of our Union. It must be solidarity that underpins the programmes launched by the Commission such as the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund (which I had the honour of launching), which helps workers who have been made redundant find new jobs, the Food Aid Programme for the most disadvantaged, which has been a major source of support for national food banks – unfortunately under threat from some governments – and the ‘Youth Guaran- DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

tee’, which will seek to ensure that all young people up to the age of 25 are offered jobs, or the opportunity for further study, apprenticeships or work placements within four months of completing their education or becoming unemployed, partly financed by the European Social Fund.

It is true that there are times when I do not see such a commitment on the part of Euro- pean governments, a vital commitment to this dimension of solidarity and to supporting investment for growth. This was demonstrated in the recent discussion on the future EU multiannual financial framework. We cannot argue in favour of growth and at the same time hinder the chances of such growth with an unambitious budget that actually limits public development. In terms of the powers that have been conferred on the Commu- nity, there is in reality an imbalance between control and discipline mechanisms and cohesion and solidarity instruments. These must also be strengthened at European level if Europe itself is to maintain vital support. European leaders cannot be surprised to see a decline in support for the European project if all they are seen to be doing is imposing discipline and inflicting punishment, or if they continue to project the idea that any 260 successes are national and any failures European. Europe – as I have said on countless occasions – means all of us, not just Brussels or Strasbourg.

Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends,

Despite the criticism and despite its shortfalls, Europe has been an anchor of stability and cohesion. And the task of building a closer Europe needs to continue. I say this not just out of a sense of duty or because of my personal beliefs; I am saying it because I am convinced that the European project is the solution to many of the problems facing our societies and countries today. I say this on the basis of analysis of the facts, and observation of trends and realities. Let us move on to the facts and realities of Europe as a solution.

Fact number 1: Interdependence between European Union Member States is very strong. The internal market is one of the biggest assets of each country of the European Union. To give some examples: before the crisis Spain exported to Portugal more than double of what it sold to all Latin American countries together. The United Kingdom exports more to Ireland than to all the BRIC countries. I mention this because sometimes journalists, particularly from outside of Europe, tend to underestimate the level of interdependence in the European Union. This may be the reason for the errors of analysis made by some.

Fact number 2: In a world of giants, size matters. The European Union as a whole has the biggest economy in the world with 26% of global GDP, followed by the US with 23% and China with 9% (although the Chinese economy is growing rapidly). However, if considered separately, Germany as the largest European economy merely comes in fourth place. And in 2050, judging by the growth rates in recent years, no single individual European economy will be among the top ten world economies. It seems obvious to me that we must work together as one.

Fact number 3: As power is dispersed between States and regions of the world, it is more necessary than ever to have a European pole in the multipolar international system of EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS the future. This necessity becomes clear when we talk to our partners in Asia, Africa and Latin America who are asking for more, not less, Europe.

Fact number 4: Power is currently shifting not only between States, but also over and above those States. The internationalisation of the financial sector, for example, shows that only supra-national regulation (which for Europe would be through the EU) can restore real decision-making power to European citizens. The key is to exchange formal sovereignty for real influence. Those who believe that democracy can only work at national level have not grasped that we are now in the 21st century. Nor do they realise that national democracies alone do not possess the necessary tools to regulate the international financial system, for example.

Fact number 5: As I mentioned, many of the great challenges of the 21st century are not confined to national level. Climate change, energy security, scarcity of natural resources – all these issues can be tackled more effectively at continental or global level. On the other hand, only the critical mass that the European Union gives each of its Member States can make the difference in multilateral negotiations, whether it be on financial 261 regulation issues in the G20, trade issues in the WTO, or environmental and climate change concerns in the context of UN conferences.

Fact number 6: Other continents are seeking to develop regional integration projects, although without the depth and breadth of the European project. From CELAC and UNASUR in the Americas to ASEAN in South-East Asia, from regional economic Af- rican communities to the African Union, the other regions of the world too are forming regional and even continent-wide projects in order to overcome many national limitations.

I could continue to list individual arguments, but it is more important not to lose sight of the fact that the European Union is a project of peace, freedom and democracy. Which makes it an irreplaceable project. This is what the Nobel Committee noted on awarding the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize to the European Union. The 60 years of peace, reunification of the continent and promotion of values such as freedom and democracy which continue to reverberate throughout our southern and eastern neighbourhoods. Despite all of the difficulties, the European Union is still a beacon of freedom and prosperity, whose light shines far beyond our borders.

I would therefore like to take this opportunity to thank Portugal and the Portuguese diplomatic corps for their steadfast commitment to the project of European integration and to the concept of an open Europe of solidarity and responsibility.

Portugal has contributed greatly to Europe and I would like to acknowledge this here publicly in my capacity as President of the European Commission. It is not just with regard to the European project as such, to its essential values; Portugal has also given the EU a greater strategic dimension and depth through its special relationships with Africa and Latin America.

This depth, which is largely due to Portugal’s Atlantic dimension, has been institution- alised with support from the European Commission and now also from the European DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

External Action Service in the framework of a strategic partnership with Brazil, a special partnership with Cape Verde and privileged relationships with Angola and Mozam- bique. I am proud to have contributed personally in this regard and feel that it is important to highlight the major role that the European Commission has played in these actions. The fact that Portuguese citizens are the heads of delegation in some of the main strategic partnerships, for example with the United States, Brazil and India, is testament not only to the high standard of Portuguese officials and diplomats, but also to the role that the country is able to play in building a stronger, more cohesive and ambitious European foreign policy.

I am convinced that the Atlantic corridor – North and South – must maintain a central strategic position in the global power structures of the future and Portugal will certainly have a say in this regard.

Portugal’s universal vocation has been reinforced and consolidated with the European project. The European Union, as an open and cosmopolitan project, has specifically 262 broadened its universal nature as attested by Portugal’s election to the UN Security Council and the work carried out therein over the last two years.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I would like to conclude by saying that 2012 ended on a positive note for the euro area and, consequently, for the European Union as a whole. I believe it is fair to say that there is no longer a perception of the risk that the euro area will fall apart. Once and for all, and not before time, investors have realised that when European leaders say that they will do everything possible to safeguard the integrity of the euro they mean it. Does this mean that the problems have been overcome and that we can rest on our laurels? No! Far from it. Reforms and adjustment must be pursued with determination, without overlooking the important aspect of social justice.

We must rebalance policies of responsibility with mechanisms and measures of solidarity. It is necessary to have balanced public accounts and to consolidate reforms in order to ensure competitiveness. But in order to attain sustainable economic growth it is also necessary to invest in the sectors that will allow us to rise to the challenge of globalisation.

History belongs to those who advance it with the conviction of the decisions made in the present day and not to those who nostalgically hold on to it, often idealising the past and almost always giving up on the future. I would therefore like to finish by saying that I am counting on Portugal, on its government and on its diplomatic corps to continue to advance European history, the best chapters of which, I am convinced, are yet to be written. The European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean: Global Partners for the 21st Century

EDITORIAL BY JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO AND HERMAN VAN ROMPUY EU-BRAZIL SUMMIT 2013, 24 JANUARY 2013

he Santiago summit, to be held on 26-27 January, between the European Un- 263 ion and the new Community of Latin American and Caribbean States will T bring together leaders from 60 countries in the two regions. The summit comes at a pivotal moment for the global economy and both regions can play a key role in restoring strong and sustainable growth worldwide.

We are now turning a corner in the financial crisis that has seriously affected the European Union’s economy. Our response to the crisis has been decisive and competitiveness and confidence are being slowly restored in Europe. We are taking the tough but necessary decisions to prevent similar problems from occurring in the future. Countries are undertaking unprecedented structural reforms and we are overhauling our economic governance at EU level. Despite this crisis the European Union remains the largest economy in the world and an indispensable partner for the international community in promoting peace, democracy and the respect of human rights, as well as development, eradication of poverty and the fight against climate change.

Latin America and the Caribbean are also living through profound changes, albeit of a different nature. Governments and citizens are facing choices that will shape their countries' future development path for decades to come. For much of the region, the last few years have brought robust economic growth. Nearly 50 million people have been lifted out of poverty. Democracy has been further consolidated and the region's voice in international affairs has also been strengthened. Yet there are still huge challenges in terms of poverty, inequality, security or environmental issues. Abundant natural resources have proved an asset for some countries, but only a more diversified economic model will sustain growth in the longer term.

Against this backdrop, the Santiago summit comes at a time when the relationship is more important than ever. Its central theme is both a challenge and a call – an 'alliance for sustainable development: promoting investments of social and environmental quality' – and focuses attention on a crucial pillar of the relationship. The European Union accounts for no less than 43% of the total stocks of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Latin America and the Caribbean. In 2011, annual FDI flows DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

from the European Union to the region reached record levels. How many people realise that European FDI in Latin America and the Caribbean is in fact higher than in Russia, China and India combined?

But it is not just about quantity. It is also about quality. For Latin American and Car- ibbean countries pursuing a more sustainable and inclusive growth model, European investment is decisive, contributing to more competitiveness and social development. European companies are at the origin of almost two-thirds of all R&D investment projects in the region, with a particular commitment to protecting the environment and observing labour standards.

But the summit in Santiago will also cover other issues beyond investment. Our partnership has always embodied a genuine community of values – in terms of human rights, democracy and social cohesion. Gender equality will be discussed and become a new pillar of the common action plan that guides our cooperation between our biennial summits. We will seek ways to work more closely together on security chal- 264 lenges – for instance, how best to support the regional strategy developed by Central American countries. And we will also try to work together more closely and more effectively in multilateral organisations, for instance on climate change and sustainable development.

The Mexican poet Octavio Paz famously once said that (Latin) America is 'not so much a tradition to be continued, more a future to be made into reality'. This saying neatly captures the purpose and spirit of our partnership between the European Un- ion and the new Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. A common future, which we want to build together. The logic of interdependence and its consequences

BUILDING BRIDGES CONFERENCE BRUSSELS, 7 MARCH 2013

Mr President, Ladies and gentlemen, 265

t is a great honour and pleasure to welcome to Brussels President Shimon Peres. I am glad he has accepted the invitation I addressed him to visit Brussels when we I both met last July in Jerusalem. During the talks we held back then, we immediately agreed that besides the traditional bilateral meeting which we had this morning, we should also have a public conversation on wider issues, on the challenges that the world faces today and the best ways to address them.

One of the biggest problems political leaders have today is the lack of time to communicate policies, decisions and their vision of the world, which in the end is what guides our everyday choices.

And some of the biggest problems with which our societies are confronted are I believe the fragmentation of knowledge, the lack of memory and the lack of time to think.

It is therefore a privilege to reflect on these matters together with a man of such merit, a Nobel Peace prize laureate who is proof of the strength of personality in politics, of the power of ideas. Someone who has shown that finding and creating the middle ground is the hard but honourable task of political leaders.

In today’s world, we need the power of ideas more than ever. We need new thinking, a new narrative to tackle the new challenges facing us all.

President Peres will certainly forgive me if I share with you that back in July he told me candidly ‘he remembered to have met one of my predecessors… his name was Jean Monnet’. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

And it is inspired by Jean Monnet that I would like to speak to you today about the undisputable logic of interdependence, and how we can manage this interdependence, namely through education, science and technology, to build bridges and secure peace.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Europe was born from an idea.

The very idea of European unification was there long before the political mind-set and reality were.

When Victor Hugo, the great French poet and novelist, chaired the International Peace Congress of Paris in 1849, he already spoke of European unity as both a pre- diction and an aspiration.

266 ‘A day will come,’ he said, ‘when war will seem as absurd and impossible between Paris and London, … between Vienna and Turin, as it would be impossible and absurd today between Rouen and Amiens, between Boston and Philadelphia. A day will come when you France, … you Italy, you England, you Germany, you all, nations of the continent, without losing your distinct qualities and your glorious individuality, will be merged closely within a superior unit and you will form the European brotherhood… A day will come when the only fields of battle will be markets opening up to trade and minds opening up to ideas.’

He was right - but he was also much ahead of his time. Sad to say, it took another century for minds to open up; for the nation-states of the continent to agree slowly but surely to create one European community, the European Union. This only came about after the blackest page in the history of mankind, after a century of absurd and impossible wars; of crimes against the brotherhood of humanity; of which the Shoa was the most horrendous.

European integration only followed once the old nations of Europe started to realise that the degree of interdependence had surpassed and eroded their national sovereignty and that nation-states needed mechanisms and structures that made cooperation inevitable and war impossible.

The man who first came up with the idea to pool Europe’s industrial resources, thereby making the linkage of states a political reality, was precisely Jean Monnet. At a time when many politicians – the kind of great statesmen for whom countries erected statues – were still celebrated as fathers of independence, Monnet became what one of his biographers called ‘the first statesman of interdependence’.

That is the main idea behind European unification. And it is probably the greatest contribution that post-war Europe has given to the world.

A shared future is built by international cooperation, regional integration and common structures where differences can be overcome. THE LOGIC OF INTERDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

This logic is as relevant today as it was 60 years ago; relevant for Europe, now 27 member states, very soon 28, instead of the original 6; and relevant for the world, so long dominated by 2 blocs succeeded by 1 hyperpower, and now so much changed that even the idea of a ‘G20-world’ doesn’t adequately reflect its multipolarity.

That, for me, is the main lesson to draw from the crisis since 2008. Our economic interdependence was never as obvious as it was in the middle of the financial crisis.

In a world of global supply chains, global financial streams, global companies, global competition for raw materials and so on… there is no country, large or small, that can ignore the international context in which it operates.

And this economic interconnectedness is just one example of the issues we must confront together: climate change is by its very nature blind to political borders; terrorism cuts across national frontiers as never before; underdevelopment is a threat to developed economies; and internal instability in one country can unbalance neighbouring countries as well. 267

Limited environmental resources, as President Peres well knows, may pose a threat to peace and security in the whole region. If we try to tackle collective problems individually, we end up failing - or indeed, even making them worse. But if we work together, delivering concrete results for everyday problems, we make political institutions and minds rise above local, regional or national limitations.

That is why we, as European Commission, are supporting exchanges in the field of science and technology, of trade and investment across our Southern Neighbourhood and the Middle East region.

I hope that one day shared water, food and industrial goods will do for the Middle East what coal and steel have done for Western Europe many years ago: promoting cooperation, preventing conflicts, turning the logic of interdependence into a force for good.

I hope to see one day Israel and Palestine living side by side in secure and recognised borders, sharing Jerusalem as their capital. I hope that one day walls and checkpoints will be replaced by bridges. I hope that one day parents will be able to send their children to school in the morning with the certainty that they will embrace them again in the evening.

This is possible with strong political leadership and by working from the bottom up, because we need to gain our public opinions and popular support for this endeavour.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The world has become more globalised than ever before. We need to welcome such evolutions and make the most of them.

The narrow-mindedness and the Westfallian vision of sovereignty that some still have in official chancelleries is being challenged by business leaders, scientists, researchers, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

artists and creator, intellectuals, but also by common citizens, especially young people.

There is today already a global community that moves beyond the official and political interactions between States.

Technology makes it easier now for young people to follow trends and friends around the world, and for citizens of any country or any regime to voice their concerns and claim their rights.

Collaborative science and international cooperation is also fundamental to address tomorrow’s challenges. This is a deep belief that I share with President Peres (and I remember the very good exchanges we had in the past about this), the role of science in shaping a better world. That is why the European Union has developed international scientific cooperation (INCO) as one of its key priorities in its research framework programmes. And international cooperation in research and innovation will remain a 268 cross-cutting priority of our new programme Horizon 2020.

Some of the problems we are facing in the world stem precisely from the resistance of a few to modernisation and science, opposition to industrial revolution in the past and to scientific progress in the present, opposition to other revolutions like democratic revolution.

So we must find ways to adapt our political institutions and policies - and most of all our mindset - to this new reality, for it will never work the other way around.

We are all in this together – and the people we represent realise this very well.

We need to join forces, political leaders, but go beyond political leaders - business- men, researchers, artists, youth and work together to promote common public goods at world level, with peace certainly being the first of these common public goods.

19th century nation-states are powerless against 21st century challenges.

20th century thinking will not save us from 21st century problems.

Ladies and gentlemen,

While Europe has brought about peace between nations we need to remain vigilant as ever to our inner peace. The current situation in Europe is fertile ground for populism and nationalism. But the strength of Europe is not only based on peace among its members, but also on making the diversity of our societies an asset for all.

Anti-Semitism or xenophobia have no place in European society. We are a Union that treasures diversity and protects the rights of the individual to lead the life they wish to lead – as long it is in line with our European values of democracy, freedom and human rights. THE LOGIC OF INTERDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

As President of the European Commission, let me reassure you that, together with the other European institutions and the governments of the member states, we will stand up against all forms of Anti-Semitism, Racism and Xenophobia.

That too is part of the mindset needed to overcome the divisions of the past and tackle the issues of the future.

Ladies and Gentleman,

The process towards European unification was never meant to be an end in itself, or even the final stage of the integration process. As Jean Monnet wrote in his Memoirs, a sentence that I also recalled when on behalf of the European Union I was speaking at the ceremony of the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize, Jean Monnet said: ‘The Community itself is just another step towards the forms of organisation of tomorrow’s world.’

European political integration was always considered to be a stepping stone towards 269 more forceful multilateral cooperation, the start of multipolar global governance: one region in the world that was joined together more closely, in order to work more effectively with other countries and regions in the world. It was an exercise in building bridges, starting from our part of the world and hoping to meet others halfway. And I believe this is still the meaning of European integration.

In that sense the EU has played and is playing the role of a kind of laboratory of globalisation, and we can share this experience with others – not to give lessons, but to share experiences and propose partnerships that can build a conscious and managed interdependence.

One example is how our trade policy and the web of trade agreements we are developing around the world can bring not only economic and social development, but also play a role in securing world peace. This is not something new - already 300 years ago Montesquieu wrote his famous sentence that ‘Peace is the natural effect of trade’. But today, in this globalisation time more than ever, trade is part of the solution to foster peace in the world.

By linking Europe’s economy with our partners’ economies we are promoting integration, fostering human contacts, creating a common set of rules and building interdependencies.

For instance, there can be no peace across the Southern Mediterranean as long as prosperity seems beyond reach. And neither peace nor prosperity can be achieved as long as countries look inwards. Regional cooperation can bring people, businesses, researchers and intellectuals closer together. Regional trade and investment across the Mediterranean can release the creative and constructive forces that were so long repressed by the old regimes. This is why I would like to call on business leaders. I believe business leaders have for this a better understanding that many politicians. I believe that that ideal of the global community can, to a large extent, be driven by the civil society. If we are waiting only for political leaders, we may be waiting for too DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

long. It is extremely important that also in the Mediterranean region and in other parts of the world we are able to understand what is going on in terms of the shaping of the global community.

And Europe, which is the biggest trading partner for Mediterranean countries, including Israel, can play a key role in bringing this about.

Interdependence should not be a side effect of globalisation but a conscious policy choice of today’s leaders. It is the way to seal our future, to seal a cooperation that can create unbreakable bonds, to tie our destinies together. It is the way to make cooperation inevitable and war impossible. Finally, it is the way to consolidate the idea of a ‘global citizenship’, a single mankind. And let me tell you how much we owe to the classic secular Jewish thinkers for this, from Isaiah Berlin to George Steiner, how many great secular Jewish thinkers brought to this idea of a global citizenship of mankind and how important this idea was also as a source of European integration as well. It is present also in the DNA of European integration. 270 President Peres,

Dear friends and guests,

When Victor Hugo made his appeal for European unity, people were not yet ready to accept it and put it in practice. They could imagine peace between nation-states, but anything that transcended national boundaries was beyond people’s imagination.

And yet, Victor Hugo was right. And he also knew that ‘an invasion of armies can be resisted, but not an idea whose time has come’. Eventually, the time for the European idea came through.

Similarly, today, the undeniable logic of interdependence is only starting to really reach people’s minds. I believe we can do something for that to happen. I believe that we can, namely through education, science, technology to create more conditions for this idea of interdependence and peace to flourish.

We need to convince our citizens – with the strength and conviction that matches President Peres’ engagement throughout his life – that we must not hesitate to adapt our mindsets, our behaviour and our political attitudes to the unquestionable power of an idea whose time has come.

I thank you for your attention. Moving into a Partnership of Choice

RUSSIA-EUROPEAN UNION – POTENTIAL FOR PARTNERSHIP CONFERENCE MOSCOW, 21 MARCH 2013

Prime Minister Medvedev, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, 271

irst of all I want to thank and congratulate the Russian International Affairs Council and Igor Ivanov for organizing this conference at such a timely mo- F ment. It is a pleasure and an honour to be here with such a distinguished audience. I recognise many friends, I cannot mention all of them, but some of them with whom I have been working very closely from Javier Solana to Wolfgang Schüssel to François Fillon, to Paavo Lipponen, to Franco Frattini, and some others I see in the audience. Some of you that have done so much over the years for the process of partnership and friendship between the European Union and Russia.

The world is indeed changing fast. I believe we should not take old partnerships for granted and we need to nurture all our partnerships.

For the strategic partnership between Europe and Russia this is a double challenge, because our relationship is simultaneously centuries old and very recent, with a fresh restart just a couple of decades ago. And some of the protagonists are here today. This relationship cannot be taken for granted and needs constant nurturing. It is a relation that needs to be thought, understood, recreated and I can think of no better place to think, understand and recreate this very important partnership than here in the Russian International Affairs Council in your company and of course in the company of Prime Minister Medvedev.

Let me start with a simple premise: there is no doubt that Russia and the European Union are deeply intertwined. We share a continent, a history, a rich and diverse cultural heritage forged throughout the centuries.

European and Russian intellectual and creative life from science to philosophy, from arts to music and literature have been enriching and influencing each other to the point of being one and the same. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, Chekhov are part of the European collective memory. Mayak- ovsky and Malevich were influenced by and have influenced the European avant-garde movement. I also remember for instance the extraordinary correspondence between Rainer Maria Rilke, Boris Pasternak, Marina Tsvetaeva, which is now common part of our shared literary history.

And on this very day we celebrate the birth of Modest Mussorgsky, 174 years ago. It is impossible to forget his strong influence on Debussy, Berg, Poulenc. His major work, Boris Godunov is an illustration of “our” cultural melting pot, with a skilful balance between Russian music identity and classical Western conventions, giving a new life to a story written by Pushkin and with inspiration of Shakespeare and Karamzin.

Even more importantly, these ties are not just history or culture; they are strongly entrenched in today’s life. They are alive in strong human bonds, in the hearts and minds of our people, in the warmth of many family unions, in the enthusiasm of young students, workers or tourists discovering each other’s countries and ways of life; 272 exchanging experiences, opening up to new perspectives.

And even in the years when the difference of political regimes and an iron curtain drove us apart, the voices of Solzhenitsyn and Sakharov, the poetry of Anna Akhma- tova, the music of Shostakovich and Stravinsky, the dance of Rudolf Nureyev, the cinema of Tarkovsky reminded us that what unites us is much, much deeper than what separated us.

In short, European history and civilization would be incomplete without Russia. Yes, Russia is a European country and Russian history and civilization cannot be dissoci- ated from Europe and the cross fertilization that happened over the centuries.

But our close relationship is not just based on our long and solid bonds of history, culture and kinship, crucial though they are. Over the years and in particular after the developments in Russia in the 90s, there is a hard and sustained effort to build a wide-ranging partnership for the sake of greater prosperity, predictability and security for the European Union and Russia, and for the world and also for the region at large.

Economic bonds are often regarded, and rightly so, as one of the most important factors to bring people and nations together, to lay sound foundations for broader and strengthened relations and improve stability over-time. The European Union in itself is indeed a case in point!

And here, the European Union and Russia have a particularly impressive story to tell. Trade is really part of the heartbeat of our relationship. The European Union is by far Russia’s biggest overall trade partner. And Russia is the European Union’s third largest trade partner. In 2012 alone the total volume of trade between the European Union and Russia reached 336 billion euro and around 75 % of foreign direct investment in Russia is of European origin. In 2010 the European Union stock of foreign direct investment in Russia amounted to 120 billion euros. More than China and India combined! MOVING INTO A PARTNERSHIP OF CHOICE

And we should not forget either that the European Union is the first customer of the main Russian export: energy. 80% of all Russian oil exports; 70% of all Russian gas exports; 50% of all Russian coal exports go to the European Union.

This shows that history and kinship have been underpinned by a solid and structured relation that has a direct bearing in our people’s prosperity and well-being.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The case for European Union-Russia engagement is overwhelming. Clearly we have a strong interest in building upon our economic interdependence and working ever-closer together in so many areas from trade and investment to energy and mobility, to good governance, human rights, humanitarian and world security issues.

The core question is whether we are doing as much as we can to ensure that our partnership delivers on its full promise. I think the honest answer is: not yet. The fact is that we should work closer together not only because we have to, but also because we 273 want to. Not just because we are condemned to be neighbours but because we have chosen to be partners.

In other words to realize the full potential of our relationship, we should add to our partnership of necessity a Partnership of Choice.

We already share a vision for such a Partnership, the long-term vision, and I think it is important, even when we take concrete decisions be it in daily life, in politics or business, to have a long-term vision. The long term vision is a common economic and human space from Lisbon to Vladivostok with free travel of people, free exchange of goods and services, very close overall cooperation. This is our long-term vision.

But I think all of us agree that this genuine common objective will remain somehow conceptual unless we define together how we get there. Certainly not in one go. The gap is too broad between short-term issues and long-term consensus. So to help bridge this gap, we ought to adjust our political ambition and focus on the midterm with a set of credible and realistic objectives that we can achieve in the years to come. And indeed the meeting that I am going to have later today, with President Putin and Prime Minister Medvedev, and tomorrow, between the Commission and the Russian government, are part of this process.

A key first step in this mid-term agenda should be to agree on a proper institutional framework. A new EU-Russia Agreement is intended to fulfil that task. It would be highly symbolic if we could conclude the negotiations on it by next year when we will celebrate the 20th anniversary of our Partnership and Cooperation Agreement of 1994. The PCA has served us well and has given a solid legal basis to our relations, being further elaborated in 2003 with the Four Common Spaces and the respective roadmaps.

But now the time has come for a modernized and upgraded agreement fit for a 21st century relationship and commensurate with our strategic partnership and having in mind this long-term vision. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

An ambitious and comprehensive New Agreement, which includes a developed regulatory framework with common standards and norms, trade and energy provisions would help to create wider cooperative approaches with clear win-win situations.

It would also underpin our common objective of bringing our peoples even closer together in a visa-free travel regime.

Secondly, if we are serious about the deepening of our strategic partnership and establishing a partnership of choice, the sine qua non is certainly mutual trust. This entails that mutual commitments, be they bilateral or multilateral, have to be respected. A strategic relationship needs to be underpinned with strategic trust.

Both of us, Russia and the European Union, share global responsibilities as members of the G8, the G20 and the World Trade Organization. As you know the European Union, and the Commission directly, has fully supported Russia’s accession to the WTO. We see it as a truly historic step. 274 We obviously understand that an important process of adaptation of internal rules is necessary for Russia to fully comply with WTO’s commitments. But this should be about moving forward and not backward. This should be about applying the letter and the spirit of the commitments made and not about breaching them. This should be about a genuine and mutually beneficial level playing field. And in this regard the G20, currently under Russia’s chairmanship, must certainly continue its fight against all forms of protectionism and in defence of open markets.

Both of us also have binding commitments as members of the United Nations, the Council of Europe and the OSCE: commitments to respect democracy and human rights, rule of law and freedom of expression and of assembly. The respect of these values is key for a solid and trusting relationship.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Winston Churchill, in a very quoted sentence once said that Russia is “a riddle, wrapped inside a mystery, inside an enigma”. But what people know less is what he said following that sentence and he said that “there is a key to understand it and that key is Russian national interest”. The Russian national interest is certainly for Russia to decide.

But if we look back in history we can see that the greatest moments of this great country and the great Russian history were when it opened up to the world, when it embraced Europe, when it successfully modernised.

Let’s think of Peter the Great advised by the great German mathematician and phi- losopher Leibniz on the founding of an academy of science in Russia or Catherine the Great who corresponded with so many leading Western European intellectuals from Diderot to the English economist Arthur Young or the Swiss mathematician and physicist Leonhard Euler. Great moments of civilisation were the moments of interaction between Russia and Western Europe. MOVING INTO A PARTNERSHIP OF CHOICE

Modernisation still is a strategic objective of today’s Russia. And the European Un- ion still is the first partner of choice in this process. I am therefore particularly glad to have launched, together with Dmitry Medvedev, in our 24th EU-Russia Summit some time ago, an important Partnership for Modernization, which was formalized the following year, 2010, at the Rostov Summit.

Since then we have made progress. Our regulatory frameworks are being approximat- ed; Russian participation in EU research and development programmes has increased. 475 Russian research organisations are involved in more than 300 projects, receiving an EU contribution of 60 Million euros.

And the European Investment Bank has given a 200 million euro loan for the internationalisation of SME’s, to give just a few examples, I could add several more. With more trade and more investment also come new ideas and more innovation, leading to products and services that create jobs and economic growth. This means more opportunities for all of us to prosper together. We are indeed set to benefit significantly from a greater integration of trade, investment and technology exchange. 275

Today’s world is driven by knowledge, innovation and technology. This is why we have declared 2014 as the EU-Russia Year of Science, Technology and Innovation and we have proposed to establish a European Union-Russia Strategic Partnership in Research and Innovation. This will be a very important step forward in the deepening of our relationship because research and innovation is much more than product development. It is about how our societies change and improve. It is about our capacity to adjust together to new economic and social realities and to create the future we aspire to.

It is about confronting together new challenges. And energy, a crucial field for both of us, is clearly one of these challenges.

At the core of the European Union’s energy policy are consumer choice, fairer prices, cleaner energy and security of supply. It is on this sound basis that we are developing our internal energy market. And we have moved a long way towards this aim over the last years.

This is an area where there is sometimes tension in our relationship. And I still feel that our objectives were probably not sufficiently explained or not fully understood by our Russian partners.

The reality is that within an open, interconnected and competitive EU energy market, Russian supplies will remain a very important component. A fully liberalized EU market will also mean more opportunities for more Russian suppliers. We have a common interest in keeping energy supplies and markets stable and in helping to promote competition and prevent monopolies. This is also part of the modernisation agenda that we are both engaged in.

But an effective economic modernisation process can only rely on talented, innovative and dedicated people. A thriving, sustainable economy goes hand in hand with a DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

thriving society. This requires respect of the rule of law and ensuring citizens’ rights, fighting corruption and developing a level playing field for companies. Moreover, sustainable economic prosperity and lasting social stability depend on the full implementation of such commitments. This is a question of well understood self-interest.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Russia is a continent disguised as a country, Russia is a civilization veiled as a nation. However, in today’s world even the biggest and the mightiest are not capable of addressing current challenges all alone. This is the biggest lesson to draw from the recent economic and financial crisis. And in Europe we are overcoming this crisis through a deepening of our regional integration project, through completing our Economic and Monetary Union and filling in the missing links of our internal market.

Russia has recently embarked on a regional integration project which is leading to the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union. As a regional integration project itself 276 the European Union can only support regional integration elsewhere.

It is however important that these integration projects are constructed in a manner that enhances our bilateral relations instead of hampering them. That they serve the purpose of further opening up our countries to the rest of the world, instead of self-retrenchment. And that they are based on open regionalism instead of regional protectionism.

That is why it is crucial that we start working to make our respective projects compatible and convergent, in terms of principles, values and regulations. We have a wealth of expertise in this area that we can share with Russia and the Eurasian Commission, if we can be reassured on these principles.

In fact, our vision for the European continent is one of openness to all partners and to the world, cooperation based on common values and principles, free and integrated economies, and respect of the free will of the people.

It is on this vision that we have built our enlargement policy and our Eastern partnership. It is on this vision that we want to deepen our strategic partnership with Russia and other counties in the region. We have much to gain from it and our common neighbourhood can only benefit if there is collaboration between our approaches rather than competition.

We also need to continue aligning our positions on the most critical international matters. The constructiveness that guides already our joint work in the framework of the Iran talks, or in the Middle East Peace Process, should also allow us to converge our positions on Syria. I have said many times that the situation in Syria is a stain on the world’s conscience. The international community has a moral duty to address it.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen, MOVING INTO A PARTNERSHIP OF CHOICE

Just a word on a matter that I know is of your interest: the Cyprus issue. I’m very concerned with the latest developments in Cyprus, namely because of the consequences for the citizens of Cyprus. Consequences that are the result of an unsustainable financial system that is basically eight times bigger than the GDP of that country - a system that certainly has to adapt. And as you know, there was not the possibility to implement the agreement reached unanimously in the Eurogroup between Cyprus and the other countries in the eurozone. The European Commission stands ready to assist finding an agreement, and in fact, as you know, consultations are going on between Cyprus and the other members of the Eurogroup to find a solution. We have in the past solved bigger problems; I hope that this time a solution can also be found.

I am also aware of the interests of Russia in this issue. And in fact we as European Commission have been in consultation with Russia for some time. I spoke about this issue with President Putin after the European Union-Russia Summit on 21 Decem- ber in Brussels. The Commissioner responsible, Vice-President Rehn, in the Saint Petersburg G20, met the Finance Minister of Russia, and just on the 7 March there was a phone call conversation between the Commissioner and the Finance Minister 277 of Russia.

Regarding the conclusions of the last Eurogroup, Russia was not informed because the governments of Europe were not informed - let’s be completely open and honest about that issue. There was not a pre-decision before the Eurogroup meeting. The Eurogroup meeting concluded, I think, in the very early hours of Saturday and the decision was the result of a compromise between the countries in the Eurogroup. But of course here in Russia, today, I will be, of course, as always, open to listen to the concerns of our Russian partners.

Ladies and gentlemen,

My vision of world politics is not one of a zero sum game, but rather of a win-win approach. This should also apply to our relationship. I have tried to develop today very briefly the pillars and principles for what I think should be a partnership of choice between the European Union and Russia, founded on strategic trust.

This is certainly a long-term process. But Leo Tolstoy reminded us in his great work War and Peace, that “the two most important warriors are patience and time”.

And in this same spirit I invite all our Russian partners in the government, in business and in civil society to dedicate their time to this outstanding great project of making the European Union-Russia relations a Partnership of Choice, a great partnership based also on the principles of friendship between the peoples of the European Union and the people of Russia.

I thank you for your attention.

A new era of good feelings

BLOOMBERG & EUROPEAN AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE CONVERSATION NEW YORK, 12 APRIL 2013

Ambassadors, Distinguished guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear friends, 279

t is indeed a great pleasure for me to be here in the European-American Chamber I of Commerce in New York in this event organised by Bloomberg. There is a period in American history, around two hundred years ago, that is known as ‘The Era of Good Feelings’.

It was a time when political parties put aside the deeply-felt differences between them, when politicians in Washington buried the hatchet and shared with their ever more vocal citizens a sense of national purpose; a time of peace, of reconciliation and prosperity.

This Era of Good Feelings started in Europe, with an agreement signed in a place not far from Brussels, the Treaty of Ghent of 1814, that ended the war between Britain and the United States.

At a time when we are about to negotiate an unprecedented trade agreement between the EU and the US, it’s good to remember that the reason why the British finally accepted the terms of peace was not merely military, moral or diplomatic but largely economic. Britain came to realise it needed American markets more than anything, and that peace, rather than an obstacle, was a key enabler of trade and joint prosperity. In fact it was one of the founding stones of modern free trade.

Let us make sure that the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, two hundred years later, will be a trade agreement of the new generation, inaugurating an era of 21st century free trade deals.

Let us hope that, once again, it is the start of a new era of prosperity, purpose and, above all, of good feelings.

Ladies and gentlemen, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

There are certainly good feelings between the United States and Europe.

Our partnership, which has such a long and rich tradition, has developed into the most prosperous and dynamic economic bond in the world ever, and it still is, ac- counting for nearly half of global GDP and almost one third of world trade. A phenomenal 2.7 billion dollars’ worth of trade flows between the two of us on a daily basis. Over 3.7 trillion dollars is invested across the Atlantic, creating powerful links between companies and researchers, creating business and employment opportunities on a scale that remains incomparable.

For decades, this bond between the two most developed economic blocs in the world has been the driver for growth and jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.

It has set the example for economic openness and entrepreneurship elsewhere. And it will continue to do exactly that in the future.

280 That is the logic behind the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership on which negotiations should begin before the summer.

The agenda for these negotiations is clear, the ambition is certain. We have made thorough preparations that have mapped out the way ahead.

Conventional barriers to trade in goods, such as tariffs and tariff-rate quotas, are obviously on top of the list. Even if these are already fairly low at the moment - transatlantic tariffs are between 3.5% and 5% - - because of the massive trade flows involved, even the slightest reduction has considerable impact, and we want to get as close as possible to the removal of all duties, with a special treatment for the most sensitive products.

Non-tariff barriers, regulatory issues or ‘behind-the-border’ measures are even more important, because these are even more costly to businesses and consumers alike. Indeed, such barriers are estimated to be the equivalent of a tariff of between 10 and 20% on traded products.

Currently, producers often have to comply with two sets of rules and go through two procedures on either side of the Atlantic, both aimed at the same result - for instance raising safety standards and limiting the environmental impact of cars, or increasing health and hygiene standards for food.

We want to cut such unnecessary costs and shorten delays for businesses. But rest as- sured: unnecessary costs and procedures only. We, on both sides, will not compromise on our high levels of health and safety standards, on consumer and environmental protection. Our citizens and our societies would not allow that to happen.

That is what makes these issues so complex, so we need to be realistic. We will not be able to eliminate all regulatory divergences in one round. For that reason, we aim to negotiate what you could call a ‘living agreement’ - one that not only removes the main trading obstacles of the past, but that looks just as much towards the future: A NEW ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS working on the prevention of regulatory barriers; establishing mechanisms that enable a further deepening of economic integration over time; enhancing cooperation for the development of rules and principles on global issues of common concern.

We will work towards new, global standards for business. And we should set the benchmarks of an open, modern trade policy as well.

If the agenda and the ambition are undeniable, so are the potential benefits of such a deal. If we manage to come to a comprehensive agreement, the overall gains could add up to a 0.5% increase in GDP for both sides.

We need that growth more than ever. Our businesses need more opportunities, and our citizens need those jobs more than ever. Therefore, the political push for a transatlantic free trade zone has never been this powerful. Let us seize this opportunity.

Ladies and gentlemen, 281 Let me briefly mention the multilateral impact of this trade deal as well.

All too often, we hear that this type of agreement is another nail in the coffin of the WTO, that bilateralism on this scale means the end of multilateralism. That should not be the case. That will not be the case.

In fact, regional agreements have paved the way for multilateralism in the 1990s, when the signature of the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement and the integration of the European Single Market set a new standard and gave a new impetus for trade liberalisation. Regional efforts made multilateral discussions more manageable. And once that train was underway, everyone was anxious to be on it, leading to a multilateral breakthrough in the Uruguay Round. Free trade needs leadership, and it was the transatlantic partnership that delivered it - then as now. The European Union, for one, will continue to be the most forceful and vocal supporter of any balanced and ambitious deal that can be reached within the WTO. The European Union has resumed its bilateral FTA negotiations in 2006, when it was clear that unfortunately a deal on Doha would not be forthcoming. And the trade agreements that we have initiated and concluded should be seen as a stepping-stone for future liberalisation, not as a stumbling-block. Agreements that are ‘Doha-plus’, that tackle issues which are not ready for a multilateral settlement and that go much beyond multilateral commitments.

The already highly developed and integrated transatlantic trade and investment relationship, by its very nature, is part of that sphere – and therefore not in competition with multilateral discussions.

Indeed, we are expressly committed to using these negotiations to go beyond bilateral issues, taking advantage of our combined weight to strengthen the multilateral trading system. For instance, we will cooperate to strengthen the protection of Intellectual Property Rights; we will together assess possibilities to deal with social and environmental aspects of trade and sustainable development; and together, we will tackle DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

trade-related aspects of customs and trade facilitation, competition and state-owned enterprises, raw materials and energy and so on.

Trade liberalisation needs global political engagement, and with this effort both the European Union and the United States have given a clear and constructive signal: we believe free trade has a future, and we are willing to invest in it.

Ladies and gentlemen,

We take this step at a time of economic crisis, as a way to get through the crisis, and I want to take this opportunity to say a few words about Europe’s evolution as a result of the financial crisis – which is often misunderstood and usually underestimated, our effort.

Our economy was hit particularly hard by the global economic downturn. And yet, as an economic bloc, we will emerge from it stronger, more united and more com- 282 petitive than we were before. The crisis has forced us, more than ever, to reassess our economic policies, to fundamentally revise our public finances and to deepen our economic and monetary union in a way that we were unable – in some cases unwill- ing - to do before the crisis.

Our economic fundamentals remain strong. Europe is still the largest economy in the world. With over 500 million consumers, it represents a €12.6 trillion economy. Only the United States is in the same league, worth €11.3 trillion, while even China remains considerably smaller, at €4.6 trillion.

We have managed to hold our own in the face of strong competition from emerging economies. Europe has a manufacturing trade surplus of almost 300 billion euro, five times as large as it was in 2000. Sometimes people tend to forget this, that even in the crisis, Europe is in fact increasing its surplus. Our services surplus has expanded to over 100 billion euro. And our agricultural trade has shifted from a deficit to a surplus.

Europe remains the world’s largest importer of both manufactured goods and services. And not only do we still have the largest stocks of foreign direct investment abroad, we are also the largest host of foreign direct investment in the world.

If you compare our overall public finances to those of the US and Japan, you come to a surprising conclusion: in terms of the debt-to-GDP ratio, the European average of 82.5%, even if it is too high, is decidedly better than the United States’, which is almost 103%, or Japan’s, whose debt is close to 230% of its GDP. I don’t underestimate the current difficulties; and as I’ve been saying very often, we should not be complacent with them. And there are still many challenges ahead . But we are making progress, in spite of all the difficulties. WE have seen the recent developments in Cy- prus. And let me tell you, I’m very happy with the results of today’s Eurogroup meeting where the programme for Cyprus was confirmed and approved for all members of the euro area. I was also noting with satisfaction the agreement on the extensions A NEW ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS of maturities for Ireland and Portugal, which will help those countries in their so far successful steps to re-enter the markets.

There are in fact some difficulties; there were always responses. And I really believe we are now better equipped to face any kind of accidents. We had to build the life boat in the middle of the storm and, while not entirely finished yet, I believe this lifeboat is sufficiently strong to face the headwinds.

And if we go further on the road to real economic and monetary unification, as we are doing, if we further strengthen the credibility of our reform efforts, we will be building the most solid of boats based on our common interdependence and our combined strengths.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I believe that the EU-US trade negotiations are a game changer and can be the start of a new era. 283

They will further intensify the economic relationship between the United States and European Union, two economic giants eager to be as successful in the future as they were in the past.

They will add to the international push for trade liberalization, hammering out a new framework for open, transparent and balanced trade that fits the realities of the global economy.

But most of all, they will reaffirm the global role and responsibility of both partners, which goes much beyond economics. Together, we share a world view based on democracy, human rights and the rule of law. We share an engagement and the ambition to cooperate across borders, to think and act multilaterally, to look for global solutions to global problems.

We can only support and advance that world view if we are consistent and bold in applying it, even in times of crisis. Especially in times of crisis.

That, for me, is what is at stake.

Margaret Thatcher, who passed away last week, once said that EU and the US are different because Europe is a product of history and America is a product of philosophy.

Our common aim should be to write the next chapter of what is in fact now a common history, forged by a sense of sharing the same principles and values.

I thank you very much for your attention.

The State of the EU in 2013: Heading towards Federalism or Fragmentation?

BRUSSELS THINK TANK DIALOGUE BRUSSELS, 22 APRIL 2013

Chairman, Ladies and gentlemen, Distinguished guests, Dear friends, 285

et me first thank you for the invitation to open what is indeed a very important debate. And let me congratulate you, some of the most important think tanks L that work on European affairs all over Europe for having taken this initiative. I agree that, at times when Europe often seems to shift between integration and fragmentation, we need to come clear about our political plans, options and intentions. Today’s programme shows that this is much more than a semantic discussion: it is a fundamental choice we have to make if we want the European idea and the European values to succeed both within and beyond our borders.

I for one have not been afraid to use the forbidden word: federalism.

In last year’s State of the Union speech in the European Parliament, I have clearly described the need to move towards a federation of nation states. I felt I had to put forward this idea at this point in time because that should be our political horizon, that is what we need to tackle the challenges of the future, and we should not be afraid to use that particular expression. Indeed, one of my distinguished predecessors, Jacques Delors, has used the term as well, and I believe with the same rationale behind it. So we can say that at least the European Commission has a consolidated doctrine on the matter.

A half-hearted attitude towards the project of European integration only serves to strengthen its opponents; to concede the political momentum to those on the side of nationalism and populism. Only by calling it by its name do we get a chance to debate the real issues, to make clear what is behind the word federalism.

To begin with, it has precisely the opposite meaning of what a lot of people suspect or fear. As I said in the State of the Union, what is meant by such a federation is ‘not a superstate (but) a democratic federation of nation states that can tackle our common problems, through the sharing of sovereignty in a way that each country and each DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

citizen are better equipped to control their own destiny.’ So what I said is clear, even if I know that federalism sometimes is ambiguously read in different languages. It implies an explicit acknowledgement - about which I feel very strongly, coming from a country with a long and living history - that we cannot unite Europe against the member states, so we need to build it with the Member States. As I said in my speech at the time: ‘I believe in a Europe where people are proud of their nations but also proud to be European and proud of our European values.’

Speaking of Europe’s federalism is all about clarifying the way ahead for Europe without denying the past and the present; about openly, realistically and democratically discussing the medium and long term.

Ladies and gentlemen,

One of the reasons why the term federalism is so sensitive is of course the idea or the suspicion that countries would be overshadowed by a unified, centralised federal state. 286 For European countries, most of which have fought long and hard to become united and/or independent, the thought of being a mere sub-federal entity is unbearable. This aversion to centralisation is both understandable and unsurprising. One of the classic 19th century Irish nationalist songs goes: ‘and Ireland, long a province, be a nation once again’. It is only natural that such a nation does not want to go back to being, even if only symbolically, ‘a province once again’, and the same feeling lives just as strongly in many, if not in all Member States.

Whether or not we agree or appreciate that sentiment, is not the point. The point is: we cannot deny it. We could not cast off the weight of history, even if we wanted to.

That should not be news for us. In 1900, the French École Libre des Sciences Poli- tiques devoted a whole conference to a debate about ‘Les États-Unis d’Europe’ - one of the first systematic approaches to the issue, exactly with this expression, ‘Unites States of Europe’ - and already then explicitly recognised and explained the fundamental difference between the not-yet-united states of Europe at the time and the federal union on the other side of the Atlantic:

‘Pour qui veut réfléchir à tous les traits physiques, politiques, historiques qui dif- férencient les deux continents,’ its final declaration read, ‘en Europe, à l’opposé des anciennes provinces coloniales dont sont issus les Etats-Unis d’Amérique, il existe des peuples multiples et divers, des nations différentes ayant chacune une individualité nationale ancienne et vivace, illustrée par une passé glorieux, possédant le plus sou- vent une langue de haute culture et une littérature originale.

Entre ces nations diverses, à charactère si tranché, on ne conçoit pas une fusion poli- tique qui absorberait les glorieuses nationalités de l’Europe dans une unité nationale nouvelle, et de tous ces peuples, si justement épris de leur personnalité historique, ne ferait plus qu’un seul et même peuple.’ THE STATE OF THE EU IN 2013: HEADING TOWARDS FEDERALISM OR FRAGMENTATION?

So the problem is not the political integration, the problem is to have an integrated single national unity at European level. This was said 113 years ago, when the Amer- ican civil war was still fresh in people’s memories and the most turbulent part of the different, antagonistic histories of the European states was yet to come.

Already then it was clear that Europe’s unity would be formed along a different, specifically European model.

Any federal system is to a large degree original, sui generis, different from all the others and developed from within.

A standard definition of federalism simply reads: ‘A system of government in which power is divided between a central authority and constituent political units; an en- compassing political or societal entity formed by uniting smaller or more localized entities.’ When I was in Geneva in the early 80s, working with a great European federalist, Denis de Rougemont, in his Dictionnaire Internationale de Federalism, that was posthumously published, this was the current definition of federalism. So 287 federalism is in itself a concept with two faces: searching for unity whilst recognising, respecting and reconciling genuine autonomy. At its very core is the idea of unity in diversity. Now, what can be more European than that?

The European Union as we know it today already has a number of undeniably federative elements: a supranational European Commission with a mandate to promote the general European interest, a directly elected European Parliament, an independent European Central Bank and a European Court of Justice based on a system of law, the primacy of which is recognised over national law. All of these institutions have supranational powers which increased over time.

This division of power between the central level and the component states is never set in stone and will always be disputable and disputed. Even in established federal states, from the US to Germany, there is an ongoing debate about subsidiarity, about what the federal government can and must do, and about where its power ends, and should end.

This too is an integral part of federal democracy.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The financial crisis has underlined the weaknesses and inconsistencies in our institutional design and since then, step by step, we have come a long way to addressing these problems. In terms of economic governance - with the legislation known as the ‘six pack’, the ‘two pack’ and the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance – in all these legislations, the balance of power has shifted further towards the European level, with new competences and a much stronger role for the European Commission. Institutionally, we are now more integrated than we were before.

The progress we have made over the last few years, since the crisis, in these institutional political issues, is not always acknowledged. We have taken major steps towards DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

more and better integration, towards a real economic and monetary union. Despite the crisis or rather: because of the crisis, against the odds and contrary to the thinking in some circles, we have countered the risks of fragmentation precisely by uniting against common challenges, applying what amounts to a federal approach. And while there is some tension between the intergovernmental and the community method, it is interesting to notice that the European Commission is even given a role in intergovernmental instruments as foreseen in the Fiscal Treaty.

This goes beyond economic governance even. For instance, the European Commis- sion’s authority is now relied on not just to review the compatibility of national law with European community law but even to check the compatibility of the constitutional order of Member States with the values of the European Union.

When needs, expectations and demands are federalised, so to speak, institutions are bound to follow. That is so far one lesson of the crisis.

288 Ladies and gentlemen,

Federalism is also a dynamic concept. The idea of a federation as a process, an evolving and incremental political and institutional reality, an ever closer union, has always been part of the European idea.

I personally see no contradiction between a functionalist approach and federalist aspirations. The two are perfectly compatible. They very often go together.

Indeed, Jean Monnet’s method has also been called ‘functional federalism’. He realised better than anyone that Europe, precisely because of its problematic history, its colourful national identities and plural public opinions, would never be built ‘all at once, or according to a single plan,’ as it was described in the Schuman declaration. Nevertheless he, and the other “founding fathers” of the European Community, like Schuman himself, or Konrad Adenauer, and others, found a way to break down the concrete walls of impenetrable national sovereignty and change the logic of the relationships between states, replacing international power politics by a law-based order; turning the fata morgana of strict national independence into a wake-up call for Europe’s interdependence; opening the way to European unity ‘through concrete achievements which create a de facto solidarity’.

This dynamic was present at every step of the European integration process, because the logic behind it has proved to be correct: from the European Coal and Steel Com- munity to the European Economic Community; from the Single Market to the Eco- nomic and Monetary Union; from the incomplete Economic and Monetary Union to the further integration efforts we have seen since the crisis and we will develop further in the years to come...

Time and again practical cooperation has reinforced the trend to political integration; shared problems have led to shared solutions; small steps for Member States could indeed be giant leaps for Europe as a whole. THE STATE OF THE EU IN 2013: HEADING TOWARDS FEDERALISM OR FRAGMENTATION?

The process towards an ever closer union continues. With the Blueprint for a Deep and Genuine EMU, the Commission has put forward its ideas on how this dynamic should be dealt with. It raises the hard questions on how to strengthen cooperation and integration in the financial, fiscal, economic and also in the institutional political field. It positively addresses the challenge to combine the indispensable deepening of the EMU with the integrity of the single market and of the European Union as a whole. And it provides some of the answers and aspirations as we see them - some concrete and short-term; others ambitious and long-term. Some depend on political will only now; others require treaty change later. All of them demand a profound political commitment to better cooperation and more integration.

Beyond the Blueprint, the Commission intends to present the broad contours of its outline for the shape of the future European Union in good time to allow the issue to be debated by European citizens and other stakeholders ahead of the next European Parliament elections in 2014. As I have said earlier, and it is also in the Blueprint presented by the Commission, for further steps to achieve the goals, yes, we will need later a treaty revision. 289

All this is what functional federalism means in practice: we take one step at a time, yet we can only do that successfully if we have the larger context and a long-term vision in mind.

The question is always: how do we apply the general, holistic federalist method to specific, current issues and how do we keep the institutional dynamic going forward in order to deal with them effectively.

Ladies and gentlemen,

In a sense, federalism is also an attitude: a political commitment to see things through together, to find common solutions to common challenges, no matter how serious they are.

This political unification of Europe has also taken another giant leap forward as a result of the crisis. That is why successive statements of the Euro area Heads of State and Government (let me just quote this example from March 2012) where they af- firm their ‘determination to do whatever is needed to ensure the financial stability of the euro as a whole and their readiness to act accordingly’. These are representing a breakthrough. Every one of these statements is an undeniable and unmistakable Declaration of Interdependence. Those who thought that Europe was a fair-weather friendship only, thought wrong.

And yet, on the political front, we must admit we still have a long way to go. In reality, there is also resistance, delays, hesitation; contradictions between decisions taken at the highest level and their implementation; and sometimes contradictions between the principles professed and the policies followed. But there is resistance, because there is movement. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Public opinion is still fragmented along national borders; political debate is still too much guided by national interests and national perceptions only; the political mindset is often behind on the institutional realities.

This too is a historical constant. Despite its success the incremental, realistic, ‘neo-functional’ approach towards European unity has always been met with criticism for lacking in heart and soul. Even from those who strongly supported it.

Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, the illustrious founder of the Pan-European Movement in the 1920s and one of the fathers of the idea of European unity, voiced this critique already in 1953:

‘Europe is uniting without the majority of the Europeans being ready for it,’ he said, ‘Europe becomes one on the level of parliamentarians and state chancelleries but not within the hearts of the Europeans.’

290 The same lament was heard throughout the European Union’s history. Democratic integration was slower than administrative integration, and we have reached the limits of this imbalance long ago. The Lisbon Treaty was a huge step forward in correcting this, in promoting a more democratic Europe.

Now it is up to us, as engaged Europeans, to breathe life into this European political sphere. I believe the European Parliament elections are a unique opportunity to do so.

That is why I feel strongly about European political parties taking a bigger, more pro-active and coherent role. If we have a genuine and open debate about Europe, citizens will feel their voices and opinions are heard and reflected in Brussels and Strasbourg. Instead of having 27, now 28 national campaigns, as usually happens when there is a European election that in fact is an addition to national elections, we should have a truly European debate. If we have a broader debate on the challenges for Europe, we are one step further towards the unity we need to tackle those challenges. If we make a closer link between the outcome of the elections and the running of the EU, voters will understand their choice really counts. The political accountability will be reinforced.

Ladies and gentlemen,

European integration has at times been driven forward by engaged citizens, by committed trade unions, by business communities who knew where their interests lay and by citizens who spoke their minds. Today, facing the economic and social crisis, we need them more than ever. We need to fully engage them in the European process.

Of course I know that this is not without risk. Most likely, in the next European elections, the eurosceptic and europhobic forces will have their share of the vote, also exploiting the current difficult context Europe is facing. But the times of implicit consent are over, and it’s better to have a real European democratic debate where mainstream pro-European forces leave their comfort zone than to try to manage Eu- THE STATE OF THE EU IN 2013: HEADING TOWARDS FEDERALISM OR FRAGMENTATION? ropean challenges only in bureaucratic or even diplomatic terms trying to avoid the hard questions.

Last but not least a federation, as I see it, is also a meeting of minds.

Europe would never have succeeded and will never succeed if there is not a community of ideas to back up these initiatives.

The academic, cultural and intellectual narrative about European unity has played a key role in its history, from its inception. If the political breakthrough after the Second World War initially seemed much too distant to some, the intellectual push for genuine European integration was widespread and well-founded even at the time.

Europe was already an aspiration and a cause with popular appeal before the first political steps were possible. Numerous intellectuals - philosophers, scientists, artists and writers - formed an ideological avant-garde of creative thinking about Europe and, as their voices grew louder, their influence increased both on political leaders 291 and on public opinion.

Then, as now, intellectuals realised that Europe needed to form a closer bloc to play its role internationally, to defend not just its interests but its values, the very ideas and ideals on which Europe’s societies and cultures are built.

For the next decades, I believe the European Union will be more forward looking and more outward looking.

It will be a powerful instrument for European citizens and Member States to unite their efforts in shaping globalisation and in defending our common values. The world is changing very fast and, together, European Member States can play a fundamental role. Only united and with stronger common institutions, will we be able to tackle the challenges of economic and financial crises, of resource scarcity and climate change, of the situation in the world about poverty and underdevelopment. And, together, we will also create better conditions to protect our shared values and to keep, while reforming, our social model, our social market economy and the most important features of the European way of life.

The case for more European unity is clear:

More European integration is simply indispensable for our economy, to shield us from international rough weather, to face strong competition and to maintain the trust of markets and investors. Politicians who still doubt the arguments supporting the push for more European unity, towards a deep and genuine Economic and Monetary Union, should ask financial markets, should ask international institutions, should ask our major economic partners what they think of it.

Globalisation itself is a key driver for European unification. As the programme of this conference underlines, issues like energy supply and climate action, our global role in a changing world and our trade interests in a global economy... these issues demand a DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

more coherent approach and a stronger voice than any Member State alone can offer. They demand a strong European Union.

Our citizens also realise that many of the problems, the risks and the threats to their welfare and well-being go beyond the level of the nation state, and so the solutions must do so as well. European integration can support national policies and strengthen European citizens’ freedoms. Only Europe can provide a guarantee that the mistakes of the past will not happen again and the challenges of the future will be better dealt with.

The real risk of fragmentation comes from not hearing citizens’ concerns. The real stress test today is the polarisation that is threatening to be the end result of the crisis. So there is a real risk of polarisation in Europe. I am deeply concerned about the divisions that we see emerging: political extremes and populism tearing apart the political support and the social fabric that we need to deal with the crisis; disunion emerging between the centre and the periphery of Europe; a renewed demarcation line being 292 drawn between the North and the South of Europe; prejudices re-emerging and again dividing our citizens, sometimes national prejudices that are simply unacceptable also from an ethical point of view.

One of the effects of the crisis and the shock waves it has sent from one Member State to another, is that the finer points of the jurisprudence of the Bundesverfassungs- gericht are now discussed in Greek coffee houses, while popular German TV shows debate the state of the Cypriot banks’ balance sheets. This debate can be divisive, but it can also be instructive. It can be a step towards a European public sphere. And it can certainly not be ignored. The worst thing for the EU is the political indifference of moderate forces that leaves the initiative to all kinds of populism and narrow nationalism.

And here comes the role of democratic debate and political vision. It will take leadership to counter these troubling trends. It will take a broad and open discussion on what Europe really means, on where its potential and its pitfalls lie. A debate beyond swear words and taboos, in which the general European interest is defended and mobilised as clearly and forcefully as possible, where a positive and forward-looking vision is voiced as strongly and enthusiastically as ever before.

We need a reflection, indeed, on the real state of the European Union today – in the beginning of a century that promises to be as transformative for Europe as the last one was.

Let me conclude by saying that, knowing all the difficulties and challenges, I am confident that the European Union will once again rise to the occasion. But that will not happen automatically, just because of some “spill-over” effects or historic fatalism. As Denis de Rougemont said speaking about Europe “L’avenir c’est notre affaire,” and yes, the Europe of tomorrow, depends on the choices we will be able to make today.

I thank you for your attention. Statement on the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership

WITH U.S. PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA, THE PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL HERMAN VAN ROMPUY AND UK PRIME MINISTER DAVID CAMERON, G8 SUMMIT PRESS CONFERENCE LOUGH ERNE, 17 JUNE 2013

oday is a special day for the relationship between the European Union and the 293 T United States. Today, we announce that we will start the negotiations of a comprehensive Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement.

Very frankly, three years ago very few would have bet that today we will be in the position to launch negotiations on an ambitious European Union-United States free trade agreement.

And when the teams of the European Commission and the United States will meet for the first round of negotiations next month, it will be the start of a joint undertaking of real strategic importance.

Our joint endeavour is part of our overall agenda for growth and jobs to both sides of the Atlantic by boosting trade and investment.

It is also a powerful demonstration of our determination to shape an open and rules- based world.

We intend to move forward fast. We can say that neither of us will give up content for the sake of speed, but we intend to make rapid progress.

I do not underestimate the core challenge: moving our regulatory regimes closer and addressing the harmful effect of behind-the-border trade barriers. Huge economic benefits are expected from reducing red tape and avoiding divergent regulations for the future. I would rather have our companies invest in new innovative products and services and job creation than in double testing and multiple inspections or even separate manufacturing lines.

Our regulators need to build bridges faster and more systematically. The current economic climate requires us to join forces and to do more with less. More importantly, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

in doing so, we will remain strong global players who set the standards for the 21st century.

Therefore, I call on our legislators on the European side, especially the European Parliament, our regulators, our civil society to play a constructive and engaged part in these negotiations.

The business communities on both sides of the Atlantic, in particular, have been a strong advocate of free trade and investment between Europe and the United States.

And this is also good for the rest of the world. Given the integrated supply chains in today’s global markets, everyone can benefit from this agreement.

Integrating two of the most developed, most sophisticated and certainly the largest economies in the world can never be an easy task.

294 But we will find convincing answers to legitimate concerns,

we will find solutions to thorny issues,

we will keep our eyes on the prize, and we will succeed.

So even if these negotiations may not always be easy, I am sure they will be worth it.

For the sake of the jobs it creates, and because of the strategic dimension of what we are doing: to write the next chapter of what is our common history, forged by the sense that we share the same principles and values, the principles and values of open economies and open societies. A united, strong and open Europe

ADDRESS TO EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION BRUSSELS, 3 SEPTEMBER 2013

Ladies and gentlemen, 295

t is a great pleasure to once again address the Seminar of the Heads of Delegation I of the European External Action Service. I know that I am not addressing just everyone here in this room but also more than five thousand five hundred Commission and EEAS staff in our delegations around the world. And through you I am reaching out to heads of state and government, politicians, leaders of faith, civil society activists, businesspeople, the media and ordinary citizens from the very oldest to school children in the countries in which we operate and you are accredited.

Today is, therefore, an opportunity to say a big “thank you” for your hard work and to express my personal appreciation for your efforts. I am a firm believer in the virtues of diplomacy. In fact one of the criticisms that I often hear is that I would be “too diplomatic”. Well to me that it is not a criticism, it is actually a compliment.

Of course, diplomacy is essentially about getting things done in a complex global environment. And in life you have two basically ways of getting things done: against the others, or with the others. Only things which are done with people, communi- cated properly and transparently, and ultimately accepted by others stand a chance of passing the test of time and making real change.

This is precisely what diplomacy is all about. And not only I have been preaching the virtues of diplomacy, I have also been practicing them. As many of you know, whenever my heavy internal responsibilities allow it – and the last years were not easy in this regard, I have been engaging with partner countries, travelling to different continents, meeting both political leaders and civil society, visiting our projects that are making a difference on the ground, and also meeting our excellent teams in our delegations to show my appreciation for their hard work. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

At this crucial moment, we need to demonstrate more than ever that our diplomacy plays an essential role in shaping the future of Europe, and that it delivers to our citizens: from underpinning our economic recovery, to facing up to global challenges such as climate change, from promoting and defending the values on which our Un- ion is based to securing regional and global peace: Our Europe will only succeed if it remains united, strong and open on the international stage.

Dear colleagues,

I remember telling you last year that the effectiveness of our foreign policy is a function of our internal well-being and of the success of our integration project. Hence the solution to the economic difficulties, the pace and quality of future growth and the demographic prospects of the Union are among the key factors that will affect our international profile and capacity to influence world affairs. It is, therefore, useful to highlight where we are now as compared to when the crisis started.

296 Throughout these last 4 years we have taken very tough measures to deal with what has become a crisis of confidence in the European model, as the financial crisis of 2008 mutated into first an economic and then a social and political crisis.

Of course, there can be no overnight success. How could there be when the structural weaknesses which the crisis exposed and exacerbated; excessive public borrowing, corporate and individual indebtedness and erosion of the EU’s [or certainly of many Member States’] global competitiveness have been building up over decades?

But our efforts to ensure stability, through fiscal consolidation combined with deep structural reform and targeted investment to lay the foundations for smart sustainable inclusive growth, are beginning to bear fruit.

The results of the last quarter show a modest, but encouraging growth of 0.3%, breaking with two years of recession. The rebalancing of the euro area is underway: the improvement in the net export performance of the countries hardest hit by the crisis is driven not only by a fall in domestic demand but also by an increase in their competitiveness.

The challenging reform programmes being undertaken by those countries most under pressure is leading to a turnaround in economic sentiment. Greece has made major structural reforms; Ireland regained access to capital markets in the summer of 2012 and the economy is expected to grow for a third consecutive year in 2013. And this year, for the first time in over 40 years, the Portuguese current account is expected to be broadly balanced.

We have also overhauled and dramatically strengthened the mechanisms for the coordination and surveillance of economic and budgetary policies inside the European Union.

A Banking Union is in the making. The Commission proposal for a Single Supervi- sory Mechanism was approved and I hope that the proposal for a Single Resolution A UNITED, STRONG AND OPEN EUROPE

Mechanism which we recently tabled will meet the same degree of urgency and support. The logic is simple: if the financial sector has become trans-border and Europe- an, supervision and resolution cannot remain national.

This a basic premise of the institutional overhaul that we are carrying out. We need to bridge the governance gap that currently exists. Member States are no longer capable of facing up to some of the challenges that a globalised economy puts them; so we need to empower the European level to do it. This is not about losing sovereignty; it’s about pooling it to be stronger, about sharing power to regain it. And it is not about giving up on politics, it is about adapting our political toolbox to make a difference and help shape globalization.

In stark contrast to the views of the professional pessimists and of those who think that doom-saying is somehow intellectually glamorous, the European Union and the euro area has not imploded - it has in fact expanded. In July this year Croatia became the 28th member of our Union, and from 1st January 2014 Latvia will be welcomed as the 18th euro area Member State. 297

Ladies and gentlemen

Despite all these efforts, we are not yet out of the woods. This is not the time for complacency or to slacken off in the intensity of our reforms. Many challenges remain: first and foremost that of unemployment, especially youth unemployment, which stands at over 50% in some Member States.

The EU is meeting this challenge head on with a comprehensive approach based on the Youth Guarantee – to ensure that all young people up to 25 receive a good quality offer of employment, an apprenticeship, a traineeship or the chance to continue their education within four months of leaving formal education or becoming unemployed.

We need to prevent the risks of a jobless recovery. Europe’s young men and women need to be given an opportunity to succeed.

Our capacity to defend our interests and values in the world also hinges on our internal cohesion and solidarity, between citizens and between Member States, on the effectiveness of our integration model and on the legitimacy of our political construct.

Dear colleagues,

In a world where size matters and scale is an asset, both economically and politically, we have to use our collective weight to shape a rules based international order and to promote our interests. We stand tall when we stand together but we lose stature when we stand apart.

In all of this we have a good story to tell: a story to which you have all made, and will continue to make, a significant contribution. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

The EU with its 507 million inhabitants accounts for 7.3 % of the world’s population but accounts for over 23% of global GDP. Our combined GDP is greater than that of the United States and twice that of China.

Please note that I said “our combined GDP”, we live in a world of globalising giants; a world where the economy of our largest member state is only 40% the size of China’s and less than a quarter the size of the United States; a world where the GDP of each of our next two largest economies is comparable to that of Brazil.

It is not, however, just about size and scale. It is also about the model.

In an interdependent and polycentric world, the Union is endowed with powerful assets including great human capital, vibrant civil societies, a social market economy with high labour and environmental standards, world-class companies and, last but not least, a model of governance that reconciles national sovereignty with inter-state cooperation and political integration. 298 We have been witnessing demonstrations and social unrest in several countries around the world. Democracy is being tested everywhere. Change has also come to the other parts of the world, not just in Europe. The huge rise of global middle class – from 1.8 billion today to 3.2 billion in 2020 and 4.9 billion in 2050 – is an enormous factor of transformation in the world. Better services, housing, healthcare, environment and political accountability will be in high demand. Everyone needs to adapt and reform. We understood this quickly in Europe; it is important that other countries and other regions of the world do the same.

Dear colleagues,

Ultimately the world needs smart, sustainable and inclusive economic growth. This is what I will be discussing later in the week when I will travel to Saint Petersburg, together with President Van Rompuy, to represent the EU at the G20 Summit.

Trade is one engine for such growth: we need to remain open and tap into the growth potential of other regions of the world. Thanks to the openness of our trade regime the EU remains the biggest player on the global trading scene. Latest figures indicate that the European Union has a trade surplus of 10 billion euros with the rest of the world [17.3 billion euro surplus in the case of the Euro area].

The EU is the largest exporter and the largest importer of goods among the G20. And we are the leading trading partner of more than 80 countries, among them the United States, China, Russia, India, Brazil and South Africa.

We remain the most important global player precisely because we are united. We want trade to be open and fair, abiding by international norms and rules. Free trade for all must not be a free ride for some. We will only achieve that if we remain ambitious in opening and concluding trade deals that promote growth and jobs for our economy and if we remain cohesive when upholding European and international norms to ensure a level playing field. A UNITED, STRONG AND OPEN EUROPE

Such deals can have a significant impact. For instance, the annual budget of an average European family should increase by some €500 once the EU-US negotiations launched in June 2013 are successfully concluded. The rest of the world also stands to benefit from the positive impact of this trade agreement, as it is set to produce a spill-over effect adding an extra €100 billion to the world economy.

And despite our ambitious bilateral trade agenda, which also includes FTAs with Ja- pan, Canada, India, Southeast Asian countries, neighbouring countries and Mercosur we remain committed to the Doha agenda and to the multilateral process. We expect that these agreements can serve as an incentive to progress in global trade talks.

Energy is another essential element of our competitiveness and economic security. A chain is as strong as its weakest link, and our Union is only as “energy secure” as the most exposed of our members. This is why we need to complete our internal energy market by the end of next year – and I have worked hard to get Member States to agree on this, and eliminate any energy islands that still might exist in the Europe. This is, by the way, also a major driver of growth in Europe. 299

And on the external front, we have also improved our game and reinforced our diversity of supplies – the important recent decisions taken on the Southern Gas Corridor, a key priority for the Commission, being an illustration of that progress.

Just as globalisation has accentuated new economic challenges, it has also led to other global issues for example, climate change and ensuring sustainable development.

Here the internal policies of the Union play a strong role in shaping our external actions.

Let me take the example of climate change – one of the most critical challenges we face. The greenhouse gas emissions of the EU account for only around 11% of global emissions, and our continued success in reducing them through our ambitious energy and climate package until 2020 means this share will fall further in the future. Already today, our per capita emissions amount to less than half those of the US and are at similar levels to the, rapidly increasing, per capita emissions of China.

Therefore, it is obvious that we need a truly global climate agreement to really protect our planet. We need a comprehensive, legally binding arrangement that covers all emitters. The next two years will be crucial in fleshing out this global agreement, and we must remain at the forefront of this work with our green diplomacy.

In particular, we must continue supporting developing countries in their efforts to combat climate change. They are key allies here! The EU is the world’s largest donor of climate finance to developing countries. As you know, we already provided over €7.3bn in ‘fast start’ finance to developing countries in 2010-2012, more than originally pledged. As of next year, at least 20% of our external aid under the new MFF will go to sustainability purposes. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Beyond global climate action, there will be a second key “rendez-vous” in 2015: meeting the Millennium Development Goals and agreeing on a new global development agenda which should combine the fight against poverty with the fight for sustainability.

Europe is and remains the world’s most generous donor of development aid and accounts for more than half of the global aid, even in difficult economic times. Our new Multi-annual Financial Framework from 2014-2020 will maintain our high levels of external aid. I have fought hard for this, not just because it is the right thing to do from a moral perspective but also because it is central to our strategic credibility, as our Delegations which implement our many projects know better than anyone else.

We are also actively working to develop the export potential of developing countries in a fair and equitable manner. This is key, as development can only be achieved via the gradual integration of all countries into the global economy.

300 Dear Colleagues,

Each one of you knows that day in, day out, we do make a difference on the ground. Through the prospect of EU membership, through our power of attraction, we are slowly but surely bringing about change in the key area of South Eastern Europe. This year, through the tireless efforts of Cathy Ashton and her team, we achieved a historic deal between Serbia and Kosovo which was only possible because it was complement- ed by parallel steps of setting a date for opening accession negotiations with Serbia and starting negotiations for a Stabilisation and Association Agreement with Kosovo.

Later in the year we will have a historical rendezvous in Vilnius for our third Eastern Partnership Summit, launched during my tenure as President of the Commission. We are close to concluding the main objective of political association and economic integration with most of these countries.

This should be a decisive step for anchoring their reform process and their gradual approximation to EU. But this is just a step, albeit an important one. They will have to show that they want to travel the rest of the journey. It will ultimately depend on them and on their will and determination to live by EU principles and norms. Their sovereign decisions need to be fully respected and they should decide free of any external pressures.

The tragic situation in some countries of our Southern Neighbourhood is a powerful reminder that we have not reached the end of history. History is being lived and fought in the quarters of Damascus and Homs, in the squares of Cairo and Alexandria and in the streets of Tunis.

Syria remains a stain on the world’s conscience; we are now witnessing things which we thought were long eradicated from human behaviour. The use of chemical weapons is an abhorrent act that deserves our firm condemnation. It cannot go unnoticed or unpunished. But we should also focus on a comprehensive solution for the conflict. The chance of peace is fading quickly it is our collective duty to restore it. A UNITED, STRONG AND OPEN EUROPE

Egypt also shows that democracy is not a calm river that always flows in a straight line. There are many twists and turns. For democracy to be built we need people and forces committed to its principles and to the fundamental freedoms that underpin it. It is essential that in Egypt both the interim authorities and the opposition show this commitment.

In my last State of the Union address I spoke of my commitment to a united, strong and open Europe. With an influential and more effective foreign policy at its heart. This also requires a stronger and more effective EU defence policy. We need to reinforce our capacity to participate in military and civilian missions aimed at stabilising regions in conflict. We need to assume our responsibilities in the world as a force for stability. We need to reinvigorate an important sector of our industry with a high innovation and technology content. And we need to make the most of our taxpayers’ money.

These were the principles that have guided the Commission recent communication on Defence which I hope will be matched by a similar degree of ambition by the Eu- 301 ropean Council when it meets in December to discuss European Defence.

We want a world of international cooperation based on a rules based global order. Our partnership with the UN is fundamental in this respect. Just last weekend, I co-sponsored with UN Secretary General Ban Ki moon a strategic retreat with global leaders from various walks of life exactly to reflect on global challenges and reinforce this common vision of an effective multilateralism. But let’s not fool ourselves. Com- petition still exists and will exist for a long time: competition for growth, competition for resources, and competition of models. These are all compelling reasons why the EU needs to hang together if it does not want to be hung high and dry separately.

Ladies and gentlemen,

In previous speeches I referred to all of you who started this project of the EEAS as true pioneers. But with these three years of hard work I think you have already moved from pioneers to settlers.

We have achieved a lot together in the short time since the creation of the EEAS. There is much more to be done. I am certain that building on the foundations which have been created the external dimension of the European Union will continue to be reinforced. This is the dimension you represent in terms of daily work, commitment and intellectual input; this is the dimension which will continue to be one of the pillars on which the future of our Union is built: a Union which meets the aspirations of citizens and plays a full and constructive role in the world.

I thank you for your attention and look forward to your comments and questions.

State of the Union Address 2013

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 11 SEPTEMBER 2013

Mr. President, Presidency of the Council, Honourable Members, Ladies and gentle- 303 men,

n 8 months’ time, voters across Europe will judge what we have achieved together I in the last 5 years. In these 5 years, Europe has been more present in the lives of citizens than ever before. Europe has been discussed in the coffee houses and popular talk shows all over our continent.

Today, I want to look at what we have done together. At what we have yet to do. And I want to present what I believe are the main ideas for a truly European political debate ahead of next year’s elections.

Honourable Members,

As we speak, exactly 5 years ago, the United States government took over Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, bailed out AIG, and Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy protection.

These events triggered the global financial crisis. It evolved into an unprecedented economic crisis. And it became a social crisis with dramatic consequences for many of our citizens. These events have aggravated the debt problem that still distresses our governments. They have led to an alarming increase in unemployment, especially amongst young people. And they are still holding back our households and our companies.

But Europe has fought back. In those 5 years, we have given a determined response. We suffered the crisis together. We realised we had to fight it together. And we did, and we are doing it. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

If we look back and think about what we have done together to unite Europe throughout the crisis, I think it is fair to say that we would never have thought all of this possible 5 years ago.

We are fundamentally reforming the financial sector so that people’s savings are safe.

We have improved the way governments work together, how they return to sound public finances and modernise their economies.

We have mobilised over 700 billion euro to pull crisis-struck countries back from the brink, the biggest effort ever in stabilisation between countries.

I still vividly remember my meeting last year with chief economists of many of our leading banks. Most of them were expecting Greece to leave the euro. All of them feared the disintegration of the euro area. Now, we can give a clear reply to those fears: no one has left or has been forced to leave the euro. This year, the European Union en- 304 larged from 27 to 28 member states. Next year the euro area will grow from 17 to 18.

What matters now is what we make of this progress. Do we talk it up, or talk it down? Do we draw confidence from it to pursue what we have started, or do we belittle the results of our efforts?

Honourable members,

I just came back from the G20 in Saint Petersburg. I can tell you: this year, contrary to recent years, we Europeans did not receive any lessons from other parts of the world on how to address the crisis. We received appreciation and encouragement.

Not because the crisis is over, because it is not over. The resilience of our Union will continue to be tested. But what we are doing creates the confidence that we are overcoming the crisis – provided we are not complacent.

We are tackling our challenges together.

We have to tackle them together.

In our world of geo-economic and geopolitical tectonic changes, I believe that only together, as the European Union, we can give our citizens what they aspire: that our values, our interests, our prosperity are protected and promoted in the age of globalisation.

So now is the time to rise above purely national issues and parochial interests and to have real progress for Europe. To bring a truly European perspective to the debate with national constituencies.

Now is the time for all those who care about Europe, whatever their political or ideological position, wherever they come from, to speak up for Europe. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

If we ourselves don’t do it, we cannot expect others to do it either.

Honourable Members,

We have come a long way since the start of the crisis.

In last year’s State of the Union speech, I stated that ‘despite all [our] efforts, our responses have not yet convinced citizens, markets or our international partners’.

One year on, the facts tell us that our efforts have started to convince. Overall spreads are coming down. The most vulnerable countries are paying less to borrow. Industrial output is increasing. Market trust is returning. Stock markets are performing well. The business outlook is steadily improving. Consumer confidence is sharply rising.

We see that the countries who are most vulnerable to the crisis and are now doing most to reform their economies, are starting to note positive results. 305 In Spain, as a signal of the very important reforms and increased competitiveness, exports of goods and services now make up 33% of GDP, more than ever since the introduction of the euro. Ireland has been able to draw money from capital markets since the summer of 2012, the economy is expected to grow for a third consecutive year in 2013 and Irish manufacturing companies are re-hiring staff.

In Portugal, the external current account, which was structurally negative, is now expected to be broadly balanced, and growth is picking up after many quarters in the red. Greece has completed, just in 3 years, a truly remarkable fiscal adjustment, is regaining competitiveness and is nearing for the first time in decades a primary surplus. And Cyprus, that has started the programme later, is also implementing it as scheduled, which is the pre-condition for a return to growth.

For Europe, recovery is within sight.

Of course, we need to be vigilant. ‘One swallow does not make a summer, nor one fine day’. Let us be realistic in the analysis. Let us not overestimate, but let’s also not underestimate what has been done. Even one fine quarter doesn’t mean we are out of the economic heavy weather. But it does prove we are on the right track. On the basis of the figures and evolutions as we now see them, we have good reason to be confident.

This should push us to keep up our efforts. We owe it to those for whom the recovery is not yet within reach, to those who do not yet profit from positive developments. We owe it to our 26 million unemployed. Especially to the young people who are looking to us to give them hope. Hope and confidence are also part of the economic equation.

Honourable members,

If we are where we are today, it is because we have shown the resolve to adapt both our politics and our policies to the lessons drawn from the crisis. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

And when I say ‘we’, I really mean: ‘we’: it has really been a joint effort.

At each and every step, you, the European Parliament, you have played a decisive role through one of the most impressive records of legislative work ever. I personally believe this is not sufficiently known by the citizens of Europe, and you deserve more credit and recognition for this.

So let us continue to work together to reform our economies, for growth and jobs, and to adapt our institutional architecture. Only if we do so, we will leave this phase of the crisis behind us as well.

There is a lot we can still deliver together, in this Parliament’s and this Commission’s mandate.

What we can and must do, first and foremost, let’s be concrete is delivering the banking union. It is the first and most urgent phase on the way to deepen our economic 306 and monetary union, as mapped out in the Commission’s Blueprint presented last autumn.

The legislative process on the Single Supervisory Mechanism is almost completed. The next step is the ECBs independent valuation of banks assets, before it takes up its supervisory role.

Our attention now must urgently turn to the Single Resolution Mechanism. The Commission’s proposal is on the table since July and, together, we must do the necessary to have it adopted still during this term.

It is the way to ensure that taxpayers are no longer the ones in the front line for paying the price of bank failure. It is the way to make progress in decoupling bank from sovereign risk.

It is the way to remedy one of the most alarming and unacceptable results of the crisis: increased fragmentation of Europe’s financial sector and credit markets - even an implicit re-nationalisation.

And it is also the way to help restoring normal lending to the economy, notably to SMEs. Because in spite of the accommodating monetary policy, credit is not yet sufficiently flowing to the economy across the euro area. This needs to be addressed resolutely.

Ultimately, this is about one thing: growth, which is necessary to remedy today’s most pressing problem: unemployment. The current level of unemployment is economically unsustainable, politically untenable, socially unacceptable. So all of us here in the Commission – and I’m happy to have all my Commissioners today here with me - all of us want to work intensively with you, and with the member states, to deliver as much of our growth agenda as we possibly can, we are mobilizing all instruments, but of course we have to be honest, not all are at European level, some are at national STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013 level. I want to focus on implementation of the decisions on youth employment and financing of the real economy. We need to avoid a jobless recovery.

Europe therefore must speed up the pace of structural reforms. Our Country Specific Recommendations set out what the member states must do in this respect.

At EU level - because there is what can be done at national level and what can be done at European level -, the focus should be on what matters most for the real economy: exploiting the full potential of the single market comes first.

We have a well-functioning single market for goods, and we see the economic benefits of that. We need to extend the same formula to other areas: mobility, communications, energy, finance and e-commerce, to name but a few. We have to remove the obstacles that hold back dynamic companies and people. We have to complete connecting Europe.

I’d like to announce that, today, we will formally adopt a proposal that gives a push 307 towards a single market for telecoms. Citizens know that Europe has dramatically brought down their costs for roaming. Our proposal will strengthen guarantees and lower prices for consumers, and present new opportunities for companies. We know that in the future, trade will be more and more digital. Isn’t it a paradox that we have an internal market for goods but when it comes to digital market we have 28 national markets? How can we grab all the opportunities of the future that are opened by the digital economy if we don’t conclude this internal market?

The same logic applies to the broader digital agenda: it solves real problems and improves daily life for citizens. The strength of Europe’s future industrial base depends on how well people and businesses are interconnected. And by properly combining the digital agenda with data protection and the defence of privacy, our European model strengthens the trust of the citizens. Both with respect to internal and external developments, adopting the proposed legislation on data protection is of utmost importance to the European Commission.

The single market is a key lever for competitiveness and employment. Adopting all remaining proposals under the Single Market Act I and II, and implementing the Connecting Europe Facility in the next few months, we lay the foundations for prosperity in the years to come.

We are also adapting to a dynamic transformation on a global scale, so we must encourage this innovative dynamism at a European scale. That is why we must also invest more in innovation, in technology and the role of science. I have great faith in science, in the capacity of the human mind and a creative society to solve its problems. The world is changing dramatically. And I believe many of the solutions are going to come, in Europe and outside Europe, from new science studies, from new technologies. And I would like Europe to be leading that effort globally. This is why we - Parliament and Commission - have made such a priority of Horizon 2020 in the discussions on the EU budget. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

That is why we use the EU budget to invest in skills, education and vocational training, dynamising and supporting talent. That is why we have pushed for Erasmus Plus.

And that is why, later this autumn, we will make further proposals for an industrial policy fit for the 21st century. Why we mobilize support for SMEs because we believe a strong dynamic industrial base is indispensable for a strong European economy.

And whilst fighting climate change, our 20-20-20 goals have set our economy on the path to green growth and resource efficiency, reducing costs and creating jobs.

By the end of this year, we will come out with concrete proposals for our energy and climate framework up to 2030. And we will continue to shape the international agenda by fleshing out a comprehensive, legally binding global climate agreement by 2015, with our partners. Europe alone cannot do all the fight for climate change. Frankly, we need the others also on board. At the same time, we will pursue our work on the impact of energy prices on competitiveness and on social cohesion. 308 All these drivers for growth are part of our ‘Europe 2020’ agenda, and fully and swiftly implementing it is more urgent than ever. In certain cases, we need to go beyond the 2020 agenda.

This means we must also pursue our active and assertive trade agenda. It is about linking us closer to growing third markets and guaranteeing our place in the global supply chain. Contrary to perception, where most of our citizens think we are losing in global trade, we have a significant and increasing trade surplus of more than 300 billion euro a year, goods, services, and agriculture. We need to build on that. This too will demand our full attention in the months to come, notably with the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with the US and the negotiations with Canada and Japan.

And last but not least, we need to step up our game in implementing the Multiannual Financial Framework, the European budget. The EU budget is the most concrete lever we have at hand to boost investments. In some of our regions, the European Union budget is the only way to get public investment because they don’t have the sources at national level.

Both the European Parliament and the Commission wanted more resources. We have been in that fight together. But even so, one single year’s EU budget represents more money - in today’s prices - than the whole Marshall plan in its time! Let us now make sure that the programmes can start on the 1st of January 2014. That the results are being felt on the ground. And that we use the possibilities of innovative financing, from instruments that have already started, to EIB money, to project bonds.

We have to make good on the commitment we have made in July. From the Commis- sion’s side, we will deliver. We will, for example, present the second amending budget for 2013 still this month. There is no time to waste, so I warn against holding it up. In particular, I urge member states not to delay. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

I cannot emphasise this enough: citizens will not be convinced with rhetoric and promises only, but only with a concrete set of common achievements. We have to show the many areas where Europe has solved problems for citizens. Europe is not the cause of problems, Europe is part of the solution.

I address what we have to do still more extensively in today’s letter to the President of the European Parliament, which you will also have received. I will not go now in detail regarding the programme for next year.

My point today is clear: together, there is a lot still to achieve before the elections. It is not the time to thrown in the towel, it is time to roll up our sleeves.

Honourable Members,

None of this is easy. These are challenging times, a real stress test for the EU. The path of permanent and profound reform is as demanding as it is unavoidable. Let’s make no mistake: there is no way back to business as usual. Some people believe that after 309 this everything will come back as it was before. They are wrong, This crisis is different. This is not a cyclical crisis, but a structural one. We will not come back to the old normal. We have to shape a new normal. We are in a transformative period of history. We have to understand that, and not just say it. But we have to draw all the consequences from that, including in our state of mind, and how we react to the problems.

We see from the first results that it is possible.

And we all know from experience that it is necessary.

At this point in time, with a fragile recovery, the biggest downside risk I see is political: lack of stability and lack of determination. Over the last years we have seen that anything that casts doubt on governments’ commitment to reform is instantly punished. On the positive side, strong and convincing decisions have an important and immediate impact.

In this phase of the crisis, governments’ job is to provide the certainty and predictability that markets still lack.

Surely, you all know Justus Lipsius. Justus Lipsius is the name of the Council building in Brussels. Justus Lipsius was a very influential 16th century humanist scholar, who wrote a very important book called De Constantia.

He wrote, ‘Constancy is a right and immovable strength of the mind, neither lifted up nor pressed down with external or casual accidents.’ Only a ‘strength of the mind’, he argued, based on ‘judgment and sound reason’, can help you through confusing and alarming times.

I hope that in these times, these difficult times, all of us, including the governments’ representatives that meet at the Justus Lipsius building, show that determination, that perseverance, when it comes to the implementation of the decisions taken. Because DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

one of the issues that we have is to be coherent, not just take decisions, but afterwards be able to implement them on the ground.

Honourable members,

It is only natural that, over the last few years, our efforts to overcome the economic crisis have overshadowed everything else.

But our idea of Europe needs to go far beyond the economy. We are much more than a market. The European ideal touches the very foundations of European society. It is about values, and I underline this word: values. It is based on a firm belief in political, social and economic standards, grounded in our social market economy.

In today’s world, the EU level is indispensable to protect these values and standards and promote citizens’ rights: from consumer protection to labour rights, from women’s rights to respect for minorities, from environmental standards to data protection 310 and privacy.

Whether defending our interests in international trade, securing our energy provision, or restoring people’s sense of fairness by fighting tax fraud and tax evasion: only by acting as a Union do we pull our weight at the world stage.

Whether seeking impact for the development and humanitarian aid we give to developing countries, managing our common external borders or seeking to develop in Europe a strong security and defense policy: only by integrating more can we really reach our objectives.

There is no doubt about it. Our internal coherence and international relevance are inextricably linked. Our economic attraction and political traction are fundamentally entwined.

Does anyone seriously believe that, if the euro had collapsed, we or our Member States would still have any credibility left internationally?

Does everyone still realise how enlargement has been a success in terms of healing history’s deep scars, establishing democracies where no one had thought it possible? How neighbourhood policy was and still is the best way to provide security and prosperity in regions of vital importance for Europe? Where would we be without all of this?

Today, countries like Ukraine are more than ever seeking closer ties to the European Union, attracted by our economic and social model. We cannot turn our back on them. We cannot accept any attempts to limit these countries own sovereign choices. Free will and free consent need to be respected. These are also the principles that lie at the basis of our Eastern Partnership, which we want to take forward at our summit in Vilnius.

And does everyone still remember just how much Europe has suffered from its wars during the last century, and how European integration was the valid answer? STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

Next year, it will be one century after the start of the First World War. A war that tore Europe apart, from Sarajevo to the Somme. We must never take peace for granted. We need to recall that it is because of Europe that former enemies now sit around the same table and work together. It is only because they were offered a European perspective that now even Serbia and Kosovo come to an agreement, under mediation of the EU.

Last year’s Nobel Peace Prize reminded us of that historic achievement: that Europe is a project of peace.

We should be more aware of it ourselves. Sometimes I think we should not be ashamed to be proud. Not arrogant. But more proud. We should look towards the future, but with a wisdom we gained from the past.

Let me say this to all those who rejoice in Europe’s difficulties and who want to roll back our integration and go back to isolation: the pre-integrated Europe of the divisions, the war, the trenches, is not what people desire and deserve. The European con- 311 tinent has never in its history known such a long period of peace as since the creation of the European Community. It is our duty to preserve it and deepen it.

Honourable members,

It is precisely with our values that we address the unbearable situation in Syria, which has tested, over the last months, the world’s conscience so severely. The European Union has led the international aid response by mobilising close to 1.5 billion euros, of which €850 million comes directly from the EU budget. The Commission will do its utmost to help the Syrian people and refugees in neighbouring countries.

We have recently witnessed events we thought had long been eradicated. The use of chemical weapons is a horrendous act that deserves a clear condemnation and a strong answer. The international community, with the UN at its centre, carries a collective responsibility to sanction these acts and to put an end to this conflict. The proposal to put Syria’s chemical weapons beyond use is potentially a positive development. The Syrian regime must now demonstrate that it will implement this without any delay. In Europe, we believe that, ultimately, only a political solution stands a chance of delivering the lasting peace that the Syrian people deserve.

Honourable members,

There are those who claim that a weaker Europe would make their country stronger, that Europe is a burden; that they would be better off without it.

My reply is clear: we all need a Europe that is united, strong and open.

In the debate that is ongoing all across Europe, the bottom-line question is: Do we want to improve Europe, or give it up?

My answer is clear: let’s engage! DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

If you don’t like Europe as it is: improve it!

Find ways to make it stronger, internally and internationally, and you will have in me the firmest of supporters. Find ways that allow for diversity without creating discrim- inations, and I will be with you all the way.

But don’t turn away from it.

I recognize: as any human endeavour, the EU is not perfect.

For example, controversies about the division of labour between the national and European levels will never be conclusively ended.

I value subsidiarity highly. For me, subsidiarity is not a technical concept. It is a fundamental democratic principle. An ever closer union among the citizens of Europe demands that decisions are taken as openly as possible and as closely to the people as 312 possible.

Not everything needs a solution at European level. Europe must focus on where it can add most value. Where this is not the case, it should not meddle. The EU needs to be big on big things and smaller on smaller things - something we may occasionally have neglected in the past. The EU needs to show it has the capacity to set both positive and negative priorities. As all governments, we need to take extra care of the quality and quantity of our regulation knowing that, as Montesquieu said, ‘les lois inutiles affaiblissent les lois nécessaires’. [‘Useless laws weaken the necessary ones’.]

But there are, honourable members, areas of major importance where Europe must have more integration, more unity. Where only a strong Europe can deliver results.

I believe a political union needs to be our political horizon, as I stressed in last year’s State of the Union. This is not just the demand of a passionate European. This is the indispensable way forward to consolidate our progress and ensure the future.

Ultimately, the solidity of our policies, namely of the economic and monetary union, depend on the credibility of the political and institutional construct that supports it.

So we have mapped out, in the Commission Blueprint for a deep and genuine Eco- nomic and Monetary Union, not only the economic and monetary features, but also the necessities, possibilities and limits of deepening our institutional set-up in the medium and long term. The Commission will continue to work for the implementation of its Blueprint, step by step, one phase after the other.

And I confirm, as announced last year, the intention to present, before the European elections, further ideas on the future of our Union and how best to consolidate and deepen the community method and community approach in the longer term. That way, they can be subject to a real European debate. They will set out the principles and orientations that are necessary for a true political union. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

Honourable Members,

We can only meet the challenges of our time if we strengthen the consensus on fundamental objectives.

Politically, we must not be divided by differences between the euro area and those outside it, between the centre and the periphery, between the North and the South, between East and West. The European Union must remain a project for all members, a community of equals.

Economically, Europe has always been a way to close gaps between countries, regions and people. And that must remain so. We cannot do member states’ work for them. The responsibility remains theirs. But we can and must complement it with European responsibility and European solidarity.

For that reason, strengthening the social dimension is a priority for the months to come, together with our social partners. The Commission will come with its commu- 313 nication on the social dimension of the economic and monetary union on the 2nd of October. Solidarity is a key element of what being part of Europe is all about, and something to take pride in.

Safeguarding its values, such as the rule of law, is what the European Union was made to do, from its inception to the latest chapters in enlargement.

In last year’s State of the Union speech, at a moment of challenges to the rule of law in our own member states, I addressed the need to make a bridge between political persuasion and targeted infringement procedures on the one hand, and what I call the nuclear option of Article 7 of the Treaty, namely suspension of a member states’ rights.

Experience has confirmed the usefulness of the Commission role as an independent and objective referee. We should consolidate this experience through a more general framework. It should be based on the principle of equality between member states, activated only in situations where there is a serious, systemic risk to the rule of law, and triggered by pre-defined benchmarks.

The Commission will come forward with a communication on this. I believe it is a debate that is key to our idea of Europe.

This does not mean that national sovereignty or democracy are constrained. But we do need a robust European mechanism to influence the equation when basic common principles are at stake.

There are certain non-negotiable values that the EU and its member states must and shall always defend.

Honourable Members, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

The polarisation that resulted from the crisis poses a risk to us all, to the project, to the European project.

We, legitimate political representatives of the European Union, can turn the tide. You, the democratic representatives of Europe, directly elected, will be at the forefront of the political debate. The question I want to pose is: which picture of Europe will voters be presented with? The candid version, or the cartoon version? The myths or the facts? The honest, reasonable version, or the extremist, populist version? It’s an important difference.

I know some people out there will say Europe is to blame for the crisis and the hardship.

But we can remind people that Europe was not at the origin of this crisis. It resulted from mismanagement of public finances by national governments and irresponsible behaviour in financial markets. 314 We can explain how Europe has worked to fix the crisis. What we would have lost if we hadn’t succeeded in upholding the single market, because it was under threat, and the common currency, because some people predicted the end of the euro. If we hadn’t coordinated recovery efforts and employment initiatives.

Some people will say that Europe is forcing governments to cut spending.

But we can remind voters that government debt got way out of hand even before the crisis, not because of but despite Europe. We can add that the most vulnerable in our societies, and our children, would end up paying the price if we don’t persevere now. And the truth is that countries inside the euro or outside the euro, in Europe or outside Europe, they are making efforts to curb their very burdened public finances.

Some will campaign saying that we have given too much money to vulnerable countries. Others will say we have given too little money to vulnerable countries.

But every one of us can explain what we did and why: there is a direct link between one country’s loans and another country’s banks, between one country’s investments and another country’s businesses, between one country’s workers and another country’s companies. This kind of interdependence means only European solutions work.

What I tell people is: when you are in the same boat, one cannot say: ‘your end of the boat is sinking.’ We were in the same boat when things went well, and we are in it together when things are difficult.

Some people might campaign saying: Europe has grabbed too much power. Others will claim Europe always does too little, too late. The interesting things is that sometimes we have the same people saying that Europe is not doing enough and at the same time that’s not giving more means to Europe to do what Europe has to do. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

But we can explain that member states have entrusted Europe with tasks and competences. The European Union is not a foreign power. It is the result of democratic decisions by the European institutions and by member states.

At the same time we must acknowledge that, in some areas, Europe still lacks the power to do what is asked of it. A fact that is all too easily forgotten by those, and there are many out there, who always like to nationalise success and Europeanise failure. Ultimately, what we have, and what we don’t have, is the result of democratic decision-making. And I think we should remind people of that.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Mr President,

Honourable members,

I hope the European Parliament will take up this challenge with all the idealism it 315 holds, with as much realism and determination as the times demand of us.

The arguments are there.

The facts are there.

The agenda has been set out.

In 8 months’ time, voters will decide.

Now, it’s up to us to make the case for Europe.

We can do so by using the next 8 months to conclude as much as we can. We have a lot to do still.

Adopt and implement the European budget, the MFF. This is critical for investment in our regions all over Europe. This is indispensable for the first priority we have: to fight against unemployment, notably youth unemployment.

Advance and implement the banking union. This is critical to address the problem of financing for businesses and SMEs.

These are our clear priorities: employment and growth.

Our job is not finished. It is in its decisive phase.

Because, Honourable Members, the elections will not only be about the European Parliament, nor will they be about the European Commission or about the Council or about this or that personality.

They will be about Europe. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

We will be judged together.

So let us work together - for Europe.

With passion and with determination.

Let us not forget: one hundred years ago –Europe was sleepwalking into the catastrophe of the war of 1914.

Next year, in 2014, I hope Europe will be walking out of the crisis towards a Europe that is more united, stronger and open.

Thank you for your attention.

316 Statement at the Eastern Partnership Summit

EASTERN PARTNERSHIP SUMMIT VILNIUS, 29 NOVEMBER 2013

et me first thank President Grybauskaite of Lithuania for the organisation of 317 L this very successful summit. Four years ago, when we launched the Eastern Partnership, our objective was to support partner countries’ political and economic reforms, to assist their modernisation process and to move them closer to the European Union, while respecting the degree of closeness chosen by each one.

This Vilnius Summit has been a summit of real progress, a Summit where we have delivered on our commitments.

The Association Agreements which Moldova and Georgia have been initialled today and they are a very important force for change.

I firmly believe that these Association Agreements including a Deep and Comprehen- sive Free Trade Area provide the best possible opportunity for political and economic reform today. History can show us why.

In the early 1990s, ten central and eastern European countries signed up to Free Trade Agreements with the European Union, including the country where we are today. Within 6 years, the GDP per capita in these countries had increased by 57%. Investment per capita had increased by 61%. And exports per capita had increased by 65%. As a result of these Agreements, those ten countries began one of the major transformations of their recent history.

So I think it is very important to remind us of the record already of Free Trade Agree- ments that we have before the accession of the new Member states of the European Union.

Contrary to what some are suggesting, these Association Agreements and Free Trade Agreements have been an extremely important contribution to growth, to jobs, to social and economic development in all those partners. Partners, some of them that DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

today are full members of the European Union. One of them is having the current Presidency of the Council, it is precisely Lithuania.

Yesterday and today we have discussed about this. Many of those new Member states said what they have gained becoming members of the European Union and how important is the European Union as a guarantee of independence and of social economic development.

During our summit, today and yesterday we have reiterated to Ukraine that the offer to sign these Agreements remains on the table, provided the government of Ukraine delivers on its commitments.

This Agreement would save Ukrainian business some 500 million euros a year just in import duties. It would increase Ukraine’s GDP by more than six per cent in the longer term. And by confirming Ukraine’s modernisation pledge, it would also give momentum to billion-euro loan negotiations with International Financial Institu- 318 tions. The Ukrainian people have demonstrated these last days that they fully understand the strategic nature of the reform’s path. We know how much the Ukrainian people feel European, how much they care about Europe, how much they aspire to be recognised as members of the democratic community of nations of Europe and we will of course now pursue our conversations with our Ukrainian partners, knowing well that we should always respect Ukraine’s sovereign decisions.

Because this partnership was from the very outset based on the key principles of mutual respect, transparency, individual and collective ownership.

This Partnership was never an imposition, but rather a proposition.

And all stand to gain. Our neighbours; and the neighbours of our neighbours. Let me be clear, this is a process for something. This is a process not against someone. This is a process for something; it is for democracy, for stability and for prosperity. It is not against someone, because I don’t believe someone should be against democracy, against stability or against prosperity.

And our partnership also has a real meaning for the citizens.

Take firstly the issue of travelling without the need for a visa. Something very concrete, something all our young people in Europe want: freedom of movement. Just a fortnight ago, the Commission published its final report on visa liberalisation for Moldovan citizens. Moldova has met all the benchmarks set, so the European Com- mission has already issued a proposal to enable visa-free travel to the European Union for Moldovan citizens who own a biometric passport.

Today, we have also signed a Visa Facilitation Agreement with Azerbaijan, which will make the process of applying for an European Union visa easier. By the way, with Azerbaijan, today we’ve heard the President and also the members of the European Union showing their commitment to the progress in our strategic modernisation partnership. And today also, we knew about the willingness of Belarus to negotiate STATEMENT AT THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP SUMMIT a Visa Facilitation Agreement. I’m sure this will be for the benefit of the Belarussian citizens, especially their young people. And I also hope that the future democratisa- tion of Belarus will enable the country to fully seize the potential of this partnership. So, the point I want to make clear is the following: the Eastern Partnership is not just about the economy or not just about abstract concepts; it’s about concrete benefits for citizens, removing barriers, enabling people to meet each other. It is in fact a transformational project of the highest importance.

An important issue that we also discussed is energy. Making sure that no European nation is an energy island – isolated from European networks. That is why we have taken very tangible steps over the last years to link our neighbours to the EU market, through new corridors, new physical connections, the possibility of reverse flows, support for their domestic energy reforms and so on, everything to bolster our shared energy security.

And today we have shown, as European Union, that we can deliver on our commitments. I want to thank all of those that made possible the progress today. And 319 allow me a special word of thanks to my colleagues in the Commission. Of course to Vice-President and High Representative Cathy Ashton, but also to Commissioner Füle, who is responsible for Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy and of course Commissioner for trade Karel De Gucht. And other colleagues also that are giving their contribution in energy or in the issue of visa-free travel, from Commissioner Oettinger to Commissioner Malmström, the European Commission is fully behind this agenda and today I was very happy to see the strong support of all the European Union Member States and also the willingness of our partners in the East to go forward in this common journey.

I thank you.

Address on a New Narrative for Europe at the Opening of the Milan General Assembly

NEW NARRATIVE FOR EUROPE MILAN, 9 DECEMBER 2013

Presidente Letta, Prime Minister Bratušek, Senatore Monti, President of ISPI, Distin- 321 guished guests, Ladies and gentlemen, Dear friends,

et me start by thanking Prime Minister Enrico Letta. When I spoke to him some time ago, some months ago, suggesting that the second General Assembly L of this New Narrative for Europe could be organised here in Milan, immediately he embraced this idea and he promised me his full support. I want to thank you very sincerely Enrico also for your inspiring words today. I know they are extremely sincere and they show your commitment and, I would even say, your passion for Europe. And I know that in Italy, here in Milano, and in Italy, we can feel this spirit. And I know that you are going to keep this line.

My words of appreciation also go to Prime Minister Bratušek. In fact you represent that new Europe that now unites us. In fact even if I am a man - I think I don’t have to apologise for that - I am one of those who believe that women have brought so much to our Union. And probably it is good to remind, in fact we discussed this last night, that in the very founding charter of the European community, the Treaty of Rome, it was already recognised in the fifties, that men and women are equal in rights. And this was important also for the shaping of our policies, even if you believe that something has still to be done on that matter.

It is a personal pleasure for me to have the opportunity to be with such a distinguished audience in such a vibrant city, a cradle of culture, creativity and innovation, as Milan is.

I would like to congratulate ISPI for its 80th anniversary and also for its European vocation. And also I believe it was difficult to find a better place than Milano, because, as the President of the Italian government just said, Milano has now a destiny to be our capital and I will be happy after this meeting together with Prime Minister Letta and the other authorities to witness the signing of the European Union, the European Commission contribution to that very important European and global exhibition here in Milano in 2015. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Ladies and gentlemen,

At our previous General Assembly in Warsaw we discussed how Europe’s cultural heritage and academic disciplines – our European soft power – can contribute to respond to the crisis and develop a new notion of European citizenship and how men and women of culture can inspire young people.

I think we all know that the word Europe comes from the goddess Europe, Europa. And one of the questions we should raise today is how can we make today’s Europe as attractive for the Europeans as Europa was for Zeus.

After all Europa is the central character of Antonio Salieri’s Europa Riconosciuta that was first performed for the original inauguration of La Scala in 1778; and also a few centuries later was chosen for its reopening in December 2004 after a 3-year major refurbishment. So how can we recognise Europe today? This is indeed a point; a point that was already mentioned in the very eloquent intervention of Enrico Letta. 322 We have also this morning heard two excellent keynote speeches by Professor Jean- Marc Ferry and Professor Elena Cattaneo with a lot of food for thought. I really want to thank you. Because from two different perspectives, namely philosophy and culture, and including political science, on one hand, to science, research, neuroscience on the other, we understood better where Europe is and where Europe may be going. Those statements vividly illustrate how much insights from thinkers, from scholars, scientists, artists can help us navigate in this transformative moment. Because indeed I believe we are in the midst of a turning point, a very important challenge for Europe that has to do of course with globalisation.

We are at the turning point and all turning points in history: our fraught with uncertainty and anxiety, angst. This in Europe is now reinforced, of course, by the social problems that we have in so many of our countries, namely the tragedy of unemployment, specifically youth unemployment. Europe has been seriously hit by a financial, economic and social crisis, which became indeed a crisis of confidence. If you want to be honest, it is not just about Europe, it is about leadership in general. It is the way people look at the European institutions, certainly, but also look at national governments, look at national politicians, look at some elites, including by the way, the financial elite, because people have lost confidence in the so-called elites. And this is why it is important more than ever, to listen to people, as we have discussed today. We are asking people to contribute. We are asking, as Olafur Eliasson put it yesterday, we are asking an effort. An effort of people to contribute. And we should also make the effort of listening. Listening to citizens (as we have been doing all over this year with the European year of citizenship), but listening also to men and women of culture, to men and women of science. First of all because of a very pragmatic reason: it is that they have more credibility than politicians today. Because our publics in general are very much disappointed when they see that politicians, be it at national or European level, are indeed in difficulties to find convincing responses. So we need our friends from the cultural and scientific fields to come to discuss with us. Not because culture or science are an instrument, but because they can illuminate us in this very important and challenging moment You know, and I have said it already in Warsaw, that ADDRESS ON A NEW NARRATIVE FOR EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE MILAN GENERAL ASSEMBLY for me, culture or science are not instruments for some kind of objective; of course, they can help our sustainable- growth, certainly. But culture and science are ends in themselves, in the sense that they are the best ways we have to fulfil our dreams, for the improvement of persons. - Apart from, let’s say, the more intimate aspects of our lives, what has to do with spirituality, or with friendship or love;- in the public sphere, it is from knowledge and art, culture and science, that men and women can fulfil their dreams. And this is why it is so important also for our European project.

When having the honour of receiving on behalf of the European Union the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo last year, I underlined precisely the value of culture and science. Because, I believe, the European project is a project that puts at its heart the human being. And we have also discussed this last evening. European Union is not an end in itself. The European Union is a great project but the project that helps us, as human beings, being able to realise our potential, the emancipation of men and women, this is our goal. At the core of the European vision is the human dignity of every human being: a man, a woman or a child. And this is why, I think it is important to reinforce that attention to every human being because we know by experience also in 323 our continent that all the ideologies, or the parties, or dictators that put at the end as an objective in itself, a party or the state, they created totalitarianism; while those who have put at the centre every human being they created democracy, pluralism and societies about which we can basically be proud. Certainly, we have difficulties and we know about the difficulties but I believe we should be proud of what we have achieved as European countries.

And following the challenges of Enrico Letta, where we were before, let me now go a little bit more far away. Next year we are going to commemorate the beginning of the First World War; in fact, the first big first civilian European war. It started in Sarajevo, in the Balkans, not far from here. I think we should remember that time. Afterwards we had the Second World War, where probably the worst events in human history, like the Shoah, took place.

And then we got the European Union of six. Six founding fathers, including Italy, the Treaty of Rome and then nine, 10, 12, I remember well when we were 12 because it was when my country joined the European Community and I was member of the government then.

And afterwards we were able to realise the reunification of our continent. Basically, it’s done. So, how can we be pessimistic about Europe when we think that for instance in the 70s the South of Europe, like my country, or Spain or Greece, were under dictatorships, or in the beginning of the 80s, Central and Eastern Europe was under communist totalitarianism and some countries were indeed part of the Soviet Union, like the three Baltic countries. Now they are free and united in peace, sharing basically the same values.

So, I think that Europe today, and I want to give you my testimony, is much better than Europe 20, 30, 50 or 60 years ago. Of course, if you think only about a small Europe some people may have doubts, but if you think as Europeans as a big family, I think there should be no doubts. Europe today is stronger than before. Europe counts DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

more in the world than before, but we have to see what is the next stage. Yes, what can fuel the European dream? I think if the Europeans have not yet discovered or understood, they will understand and discover because of globalisation. Because globalisation, and then I join what Jean-Marc Ferry said, can be seen as a great opportunity or as a great problem. I also tend to see it as basically a great opportunity. Whether we like it or not, globalisation will happen, unless there is a catastrophe. Why will it happen? Because globalisation is not controlled by politicians or by governments. Globalisation today is basically driven by science and technology.

And so, we have to prepare for it and the question is what message we convey to our citizens? What message do we convey to our young people? That they should hide? That they should just resist? Or that they should embrace the opportunities of globalisation, namely the great opportunities of science as highlighted in the brilliant intervention of Professor Cattaneo? I believe it is like that. But it’s critically important, as Enrico Letta mentioned, to have the dimension to count in the world. Because Europe alone can give also our countries, a country like Italy, smaller countries or 324 big countries even, the necessary leverage to count at the global level. This is quite obvious. And to count for what? To count to defend our interests certainly but also to promote our values. This is important: the values of Europe, of peace, of freedom and justice. The values that are in the Treaty of Rome and, today, in the Treaty of Lisbon.

The social market economy that is important for us. I think we should be proud that we have open economies, but economies that have a commitment to social justice and also that care about the future of our planet.

We can be setting the standard for a much better world order. Yes, following also the comments of Professor Jean-Marc Ferry, yes, Europe by its own definition, is a cosmopolitan order. We are open to the world. We are not creating an identity against other identities, a counter-identity, the identities of chauvinistic people. We are creating an identity that is open to others and able to promote, precisely, these values. And this is the goal of the New Narrative of Europe: to shape globalisation with our values and be confident about values. And I am saying that because today I feel very often this pessimism, this negativism, the déclinisme that is so fashionable today.

And I think we should remind today; today myself and Enrico Letta we are going to travel to Johannesburg, so that tomorrow we can pay tribute to one of the greatest figures of our time indeed of any times, Nelson Mandela and he said: “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” Such inspirational words. And I think there could not be a better place than Italy, because of the Renaissance, to remind us that Europe is faith in progress and faith in human beings. This is a great message of the European humanism.

My appeal to all the intellectuals, to all men and women of culture, to all citizens, is not to give up to this defeatism, is to have the courage to fight the negative forces because yes, the populist forces, the extremist forces are negative forces that are today under a theme that is very often an anti-European theme, making the revival of the all demons of Europe, like extreme nationalism, like xenophobia, sometimes racism – these are negative values. ADDRESS ON A NEW NARRATIVE FOR EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE MILAN GENERAL ASSEMBLY

It is important, in face of these challenges - instead of keeping ourselves in the comfort zone, namely the so called establishment parties - to have the courage to go out and fight, not to give up to those arguments, to explain with reasonable and rational arguments - sometimes for some of us with emotion - why we care about Europe, why Europe is something we must cherish precisely to defend these values.

And if sometimes in Europe some of us have doubts about how important these values are, just look at Ukraine. Those young people in the streets of Ukraine, with freezing temperatures, are writing the new narrative for Europe.

When we see in the cold streets of Kiev, men and women with the European flag, fighting for that European flag, it is because they are also fighting for Ukraine and for their future. Because they know that Europe is not just the land of opportunity in terms of economic development, because they have seen what happened in Poland or what happened in the Baltic countries, but also because Europe is the promise of hope and freedom. And I think the European Union has the right and the duty to stand by the people of Ukraine in this very difficult moment, because they are giving to Europe 325 one of the greatest contributions that can be given.

Just yesterday I had a phone call – another one - with President Yanukovych. I asked him to show restraint in the face of these recent developments, to not use force against the people that are demonstrating peacefully, to respect fully the freedoms that are so important for all of us in Europe. I have asked him to receive the High Representative / Vice-President of the Commission Cathy Ashton who will be in Kiev already tomorrow and the day after tomorrow, so she can also have a role in trying to bring some solutions to the very tense situation that Ukraine is living today. And I hope that the European forces will show their commitment to our common project. Because it is not true that is it just in the Western part of Ukraine. No, most of the Ukrainians care about a future in peace and freedom. And I think we have this duty to recognise them today.

Because precisely, our history is a history of openness. I said it also when we were discussing about the world that knows hunger, knows so many difficulties. Just now, thanks to the European Union support, we are providing humanitarian assistance for the people in the Central African Republic. The European Union, in spite of all difficulties, is the biggest donor of development aid. I think this is something we also should be proud of, namely our young people, that Europe is not just looking inwards, but also looking outwards. That we keep this cosmopolitan objective, precisely because, as Jean Monnet, probably the biggest genius of the European integration said - I am now quoting, by memory, the last words of his Memoirs: “La communauté d’aujourd’hui n’est qu’une étape vers l’organisation de la communauté internationale de demain”. So, the European community of today is just a step for the organisation of the world community of tomorrow. That was the final message in the Memoirs of Jean Monnet. I think it cannot be clearer that cosmopolitan vision that we are aspiring to.

I think this is very important to remind us today, when we see so many voices calling for chauvinistic, ultra-nationalistic, protectionist or sometimes even xenophobic atti- DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

tudes. So I am looking forward to the ideas that you can bring in this New Narrative that can inspire our citizens.

I would like once again to thank the Cultural committee and all those who have given a great part of the efforts to building this New Narrative. I think it is a proof of modesty and humility to put some of these ideas in paper, not only the individual contributions like the bright contributions that we have heard today, but to try to have a declaration, in the spring, that could be a way of filling the debate in Europe.

One of my masters, with whom I have worked for several years in Geneva, Denis de Rougemont, said: “Penser l’Europe c’est la faire.” To think Europe is also to do Europe. And L’avenir c’est notre affaire, il a dit aussi, he said also,. That’s why I think the contribution of people from the cultural and scientific side is so important to reinforce our vision and our hope. And I believe that your contribution can be extremely important for the European debate. Because, and I conclude, the Europe we want, the dream we want, cannot be of a bureaucratic, technocratic or even diplomatic Eu- 326 rope. It has to be a democratic Europe, and so for all those who are not happy with the current situation in Europe, I say don’t turn your back on Europe, make it better. Give your contributions through our debate, because what we have in Europe is too important to be lost for future generations.

I thank you for your attention. Acceptance Speech for the Charles V European Award

EUROPEAN ACADEMY OF YUSTE FOUNDATION YUSTE, 16 JANUARY 2014

Your Royal Highness, Your Excellency the Prime Minister of Spain, Your Excellency 327 the Prime Minister of Portugal, Honourable President of Extremadura, Honourable Ministers, Your Grace, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear friends,

irst and foremost I should like to express my gratitude to the European Acade- my of Yuste Foundation for the great honour it has bestowed on me by adding F my name to the prestigious group of recipients of the Charles V European Award; each one of them, in his or her own way, has made a very significant contribution to European values. This is, for me, a very proud and extremely moving moment.

I am especially honoured to be receiving this award from His Royal Highness the Prince of Asturias, for whom I feel great respect and sincere affection. Your Royal Highness, thank you so much for this particularly moving gesture.

I should also like to thank the Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, for his kind and gra- cious words. Our friendship goes back a long time, and I have always admired his patriotism, his love for Spain and, at the same time, his strong commitment to Eu- rope and to European ideals. Thank you for your words (and never was a truer word spoken than when you referred to me as a true friend of Spain).

And now, allow me to say a few very special words in my mother tongue to the Prime Minister of Portugal, Dr. Pedro Passos Coelho. Your Excellency, and my dear friend, I was very touched to see that you took the time to attend this ceremony. I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere admiration for the determination and courage with which you have addressed the historic challenges now facing Portugal. I should also like to thank you for your committed and constructive contribution to the development of the European project.

My thanks also go to President Monago and the Extremadura authorities for their welcome and kind words. Your efforts to keep the tradition of this award alive have substantially raised the profile of your region and its government at European and international level. This ceremony in Yuste, in this region, has also brought together DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

the governments of Portugal and Spain; this encounter reflects the increasingly close ties being forged between our two countries as we work together to shape and direct European values and ideals. Throughout history, Spain and Portugal have carried Eu- ropean civilisation to many corners of the world: today they are working together to reinforce the European project, increasing Europe's relevance throughout the world.

The Foundation's work in disseminating and realising the European project is very important. Its activities in the social sphere and in communication, culture, science, research and history mesh perfectly with the efforts being made at European level to close the gap between the European project and the man in the street and to dissem- inate its values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and human rights. I should like to emphasise and pay special tribute to all of this work.

Please allow me to take this opportunity to remember one of the recipients of this award, Wilfried Martens, Belgian Prime Minister and President of the European Peo- 328 ple's Party, who passed away last year — that skilled politician's convictions and commitment to Europe will leave an indelible mark on the history of European integration.

Receiving this prestigious award is a matter of considerable gratification to me not only as a Portuguese national, but also as a European.

Being Portuguese, the name of Charles V evokes the history and the deep, centuries-old ties that bind the two nations of Spain and Portugal, ties that found concrete expression in his marriage to Isabella of Portugal.

As a European, the name of Charles V is also a reminder that the quest for Europe- an unity is an ancient one, inextricably linked to the history of Europe as a whole. Countless attempts were made over the centuries to bring about the Union that is today is a reality.

Politically, but also and most importantly intellectually, through the studia generalia and the proliferation of rich intercultural exchanges, a certain form of European unity began to take shape — and to break down on more than one occasion.

This aspiration to European unity was dashed time and time again by the very things it hoped to overcome: national interests, extreme nationalism, wars.

However, the history of European thinking has shown that the dream of European unity is indestructible.

The history of European integration has also taught us the following, to quote the words of Jean Monnet in a speech given in Strasbourg in December 1952: "In these days when the first supranational institutions of Europe are being established, we are conscious of the beginning of the great European revolution of our time: the revolution which, on our Continent, aims at substituting unity in freedom and in diversity for tragic national rivalries, the revolution which tends to stop the decay of our civi- ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE CHARLES V EUROPEAN AWARD lisation and to initiate a new renaissance. (...) For, since they have sprung into being, the Europe which we wish to leave to our children is no longer only an aspiration. It has become a reality".

Ladies and gentlemen,

Allow me to take a few moments to examine some of the key words delivered by Jean Monnet here, since they describe perfectly how the European Union we know today is a political project that is absolutely unique in history and, in many respects, a testing ground for globalisation.

First of all, "unity" - not just of nations, but also of peoples. It is clear that the various peoples, their constituent individuals and their interests are at the heart of European construction.

Secondly, "freedom" - since our Union, unlike other past attempts at European unity, is based on mutual consent and not on force. Our Member States have freely accepted 329 to share their sovereignty. And it is in this very consent, granted freely by the Member States and enshrined in the founding Treaties, and in this community based on the rule of law and on shared values that the unifying strength of the European project lies.

The Portuguese and Spanish peoples are well aware of how much we owe to this vision of European construction: its achievements include enabling the establishment of democracy in our countries which, a few short decades ago, were still ruled by dictators.

And lastly, "diversity". One of the main strengths of our Union is that it has consistently embraced diversity, and did not grow out of standardisation. In fact, the opposite is true: it has always drawn nourishment from differences, contrasts - and even tensions. One of Europe's greatest assets is its ability to assimilate influences from other cultures, open up to other societies and flourish thanks to its openness to the world.

And lastly, one of the factors making the European project so special and unique is that it has effectively reconciled the legitimacy of democratic states with the legitimacy of the supranational institutions (European Parliament, European Commission, Court of Justice of the European Union) that safeguard the European general interest and defend the common good of Europe. Not to mention the successful way it managed to synthesise supranationality and concrete economic realities.

Indeed, it is in the areas where the Member States have made greatest progress in transferring sovereignty (trade, competition and currency) that Europe's political voice is best heard and most respected across the world. As a result, we are today the world's leading trading bloc, with 20% of international trade and 30% of investments, we have international influence in the area of standardisation (thanks to our single market, the largest in the world) and we have one of the world's leading cur- rencies, the euro, a strong and stable currency that is one manifestation of Europe's existential force. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Ladies and gentlemen,

It is thanks to these basic elements (unity of peoples, freedom, diversity and supranational institutions) that the European Union remains a formidable and original political construct, making it possible to guarantee peace, democracy, solidarity and fairness.

These characteristics have made Europe into the most balanced model of its kind in the world, a space for freedom and democracy, a social market economy whose main priority is promoting the development and protection of individuals in open societies and economies.

Many people all over the world, from the icy streets of Kiev to our neighbours in the South, have drawn inspiration from our social models.

And while there is sometimes a tendency in Europe to focus exclusively on the crisis, 330 it is important to recall where we have come from and who we are, as I have just done, so that we can better see where it is we want to go.

I am very aware of the disquiet among all of our fellow Europeans — including those from Spain and my home country of Portugal — who were not responsible for the crisis but who are nevertheless all too frequently the first to suffer its consequences.

To all of my fellow Europeans, I wish to say that Europe is also not responsible for the crisis and that it must not fall victim to it. Europe is not the problem. Europe is part of the solution.

I also wish to tell them that if we forget where we came from, if we do not fight to defend Europe, we risk losing it. And if we lose sight of the principles and values on which our Union is founded, reality will provide reminders that may cost us dear.

We have witnessed a global financial crisis that did not start in Europe but spread to it and which, in some European countries, became combined with budgetary laxity, competitive vulnerabilities, national self-interest, financial excess and, on a more general European scale, shortcomings in the economic governance model.

The response developed over the past five years and given impetus by the European Commission has been a fair and responsible one. In an unprecedented effort of solidarity and stabilisation, some 700 000 million euro were mobilised to prevent the collapse of the national economies worst affected by the crisis — including specific aid to shore up the Spanish financial sector. In addition, some of the Member States — including Spain and Portugal — have made considerable efforts to overhaul their economies. Moreover, and the European Union budget notwithstanding, additional resources have been made available to tackle the serious problem of youth unemployment in the Member States that were hardest hit.

Likewise, a joint effort has been made to closely coordinate economic and budgetary policies and establish solid institutions. ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE CHARLES V EUROPEAN AWARD

All of these efforts are now beginning to bear fruit. The markets have cooled down and the first signs of recovery have appeared. The countries most at risk are paying less to borrow money, and the economic outlook is gradually improving.

In the case of Spain, last week the risk premium was 3.91%, its lowest level since May 2010. Spanish exports are on the up. Exports of goods and services now account for 33% of the GDP - the highest level since the introduction of the euro. I would like to pay tribute here to the Spanish government and people for these very heartening results.

Cervantes wrote that he who stumbles and does not fall takes a great stride forward. Europe stumbled, but it did not fall. Europe has taken great strides forward.

The euro was saved, and has emerged stronger. And I should like to remind you here that it was not very long ago that expert analysts were predicting the disintegration of the euro and the breakup of the European Union. Yet both have shown extraordinary resilience. What the analysts failed to understand is that Europe and the euro are 331 much more than an economic and financial reality; they are a political project and a shared destiny.

European economic governance is more integrated than ever. The foundations for banking union have been laid. The single market has expanded to encompass new sectors of primordial importance for our future, such as the digital sector. Over the next seven years, Europeans will be able to reap the benefits of a European budget dedicated to sustainable and wide-ranging growth and to job creation. And, above all, we achieved these results while maintaining our openness to the world and choosing not to withdraw into ourselves. We signed major bilateral trade agreements, notably with Korea, Central America, Singapore, Canada, Peru and Colombia. Others — specifically, with the United States, Japan and the Mercosur bloc — are in the pipeline. Interdependence is the keyword of the age. Europe needs the rest of the world as a source of strength and to stimulate its growth. And the rest of the world needs a strong, unified Europe for its stability and prosperity. It is for this reason that I proposed that the Yuste Foundation dedicate this year's Charles V research grants to the topic of "History, memory and European integration from the point of view of EU transatlantic relations".

Having said this, we are fully aware that there are no miracle solutions in the area of economy and finance, and that we are still not entirely out of the woods yet. The social repercussions of the crisis, and in particular the current unemployment levels, remain unacceptable, and we must not resign ourselves to them. Unemployment is the most serious problem currently facing Europe. The mobility we are seeking to promote at European Union level should be one option for our youth – but it cannot be the only alternative. The financial markets remain fragmented and this may prove detrimental to our small and medium-sized enterprises. In a single market, it is unacceptable for the costs of financing businesses to vary so widely between Northern and Southern Europe. We have to work together to resolve these problems. Recovery will be gradual and we must keep up our efforts so that our initial successes do not DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

come to nothing. Growth, job creation and banking union must continue to be our main priorities.

I should like to publicly express my gratitude to Spain for always playing an active and vocal role in Europe, working ambitiously to defend the need to move forward in terms not only of greater responsibility but also of greater solidarity. In Europe, and in Spain, we are aware that in order to achieve these objectives we need a strong commitment from not only the European institutions but also the Member States and their citizens to increase European integration in order to safeguard our values and promote our interests in the era of globalisation.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I should like to draw special attention to one aspect of our collective response to the crisis that has occasionally been underestimated, despite its fundamental importance. The countries of the European Union have freely chosen the path of greater integra- 332 tion, namely the path towards more integrated economic and budgetary governance.

I call that learning from the crisis. We need more Europe where more Europe is needed - but we must not forget that the European Union does not need to involve itself in everything. As I have repeatedly stated, Europe must show greater unity, strength and visibility in response to the major challenges, but it must show more discretion when it comes to lesser matters, since – to quote Montesquieu – "useless laws weaken the necessary laws".

We must also acknowledge that, in this era of globalisation the European Union is, more than ever, a formidable multiplier of the power of each Member State and that each country's sovereignty can only be fully realised if it is shared. This is necessary to maintain our influence in the world; and we have to be influential if we are to promote our values and safeguard the interests of our citizens.

However we must recognise that if we are to move towards greater European integration, that same integration must be wanted and understood by our citizens. My wish is a Europe that is not technocratic but democratic. A Europe that is realised with the commitment of its citizens to defending a shared vision of the future.

In 2012, the European Commission presented detailed plans for a genuine economic and monetary union, to be completed with banking union and budgetary union, and with an eye to political union on the horizon; I believe this is the path we need to follow in order to consolidate the progress we have made and safeguard the future.

I am aware that while some countries are already convinced that political union is the next major European Union project, others remain very reluctant. This is what we now have to discuss amongst ourselves. Next May's European elections should be an occasion not only to compare citizens' real gains from the European Union against the popular myths and stereotypes about the EU, but also to debate the future we wish to work together to build — because a commitment to Europe and patriotism are not contradictory but complementary. ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE CHARLES V EUROPEAN AWARD

I therefore believe that it is important to foster a genuine feeling among Europeans of belonging to the same European community — a community that draws on the diversity of our national, regional and local communities but in which we can all see ourselves.

In the past, we Europeans have made great progress by working together. And this was recognised by the Nobel Committee when, in 2012, it awarded its prestigious Peace Prize to the European Union for its contribution to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights.

Today, a united Europe has numerous opportunities to attain other great achievements in the future. And I am not thinking only of the single market or economic and monetary union but also of the richness of our history, the diversity of our cultures, our creative and innovative capacity, our science, our technology and research capacity, our wonderful reserves of human resources, our commitment to protecting the environment and our vision for a world where we will always stand shoulder to shoulder with those fighting for these universal values that mean so much to us and 333 upon which our Union is founded.

It is my hope that we as Europeans will be able to clearly manifest our willingness to work together towards greater achievements in the future. In any event, it is with this spirit and conviction that I shall keep my own commitment, because it is my firm belief that our best prospect for the future is Europe — a Europe that is even more present in the world, a more political, caring and civic-minded Europe.

I thank you for your attention.

Strengthening Europe security and defence sector

HIGH-LEVEL CONFERENCE ON THE EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR BRUSSELS, 4 MARCH 2014

Dear Minister Avramopoulos, dear Minister Dunne, Honourable members of the 335 European Parliament, Ladies and Gentlemen, And of course my dear colleague An- tonio Tajani,

irst let me express my appreciation to Vice-President Antonio Tajani and to Commissioner Michel Barnier for organising and hosting this high-level con- F ference. I want to thank in particular the Minister of defence Dimitrios Avramopoulos, representing the Greek presidency of the European Union, thank you for coming; and I would like also to thank all the distinguished guests from the public and private sectors who are attending the conference.

It is a pleasure for me to join you for this discussion on a key issue: the future of the European security and defence sector. I believe it is vitally important to the European Union, to its lasting stability and prosperity as well as to its role and projection on the world stage.

As shown in our regular Eurobarometer surveys, a strong and credible Common Se- curity and Defence Policy (CSDP) features high among our citizens’ legitimate aspirations; and a credible CSDP must be underpinned by a competitive and efficient security and defence sector.

This is why, I have been pleading over the past years for a strengthening of our CSDP and of our security and defence sector. I have been doing so for instance in the Euro- pean Parliament, in the State of the Union speeches and also in many other occasions. And I am happy to see that progress has now been achieved.

Today, I will focus here on two questions. First, why does the security and defence sector matter to the European Union? And second, how to do more and better with less?

Let me start with a few words on Europe’s industry as such. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

If we are serious when we speak about competitiveness, sustainable growth and job creation, then we need to pay more attention to our industry.

Figures show the strong resilience of the sector. Industry still accounts for over 80% of Europe’s exports and generates around a billion euros a day (365 billion euros a year) of trade surplus in manufactured goods; 75% of trade within the single market is in industry, almost every fourth private sector job is in industry, and industry accounts for over 80% of private research and innovation.

Yet this resilience is put to a test by relatively weak internal demand, shrinking investment and the subsequent declining share of industry in Europe’s GDP, currently at 15.1%.

That is why we have called for what we have called the “European Industrial Renais- sance”, with concrete actions to be debated in the upcoming European Council, this very month of March. 336 The proposals we have presented earlier this year aim at bringing the share of industry in Europe’s GDP to 20% target by 2020 and better taking into account industrial competitiveness in other policy strands.

Now when it comes more specifically to the security and defence sector, figures are very compelling as well.

This is a major industrial sector, which directly employs 400.000 people and indirect- ly generates another 960.000 jobs in Europe, with a turnover of 96 billion euros in 2012 alone, and 23 billion euros of exports in 2011.

It is also a key driver of innovation, centred on high-end engineering and technologies. Its cutting-edge research has generated important indirect effects in other sectors, such as electronics, space and civil aviation and provides thousands of highly skilled jobs. Many of what have become everyday technologies, from microwave to internet, as you know, have their roots in the defence industry.

So clearly our security and defence industrial sector matters for economic reasons. It significantly contributes to the growth of the wider economy. And by strengthening this industrial sector we can also strengthen our economies.

But it does of course matter for strategic reasons too.

It is a key element of our capacity to ensure that every European has access to security, economic prosperity, political freedom and social well-being. It is therefore at the core of Europe’s “raison d’être”.

But it is also at the core of Europe’s role and ambition on the international stage, in an increasingly interdependent and interconnected world. STRENGTHENING EUROPE SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR

The strategic and geopolitical environment is constantly evolving and we are witnessing a wide range of new and complex security challenges of trans-national nature. To name a few, international terrorism, organised crime, cyber threats, piracy, human rights violations, all this challenges can only be tackled in a comprehensive approach combining different policies and instruments, underpinned by a large range of civil and military capabilities.

Recent events from Afghanistan to Africa and even more recently Ukraine have shown that for the sake of its own stability and security, Europe has to pay attention to old “frozen conflicts” and other potential new flashpoints.

There is also beyond Europe a growing demand for Europeans to dispatch their military forces on mission abroad.

We must have the capabilities to defend and uphold our values and interests in our neighbourhood and beyond, and to promote our commitment to a multilateral, rule- based approach to international affairs. 337

The reality is that in today’s rapidly evolving security environment, the need for further efforts in security and defence is increasingly seen as a matter of political credibility of the European Union.

So a strengthened and credible CSDP underpinned by a competitive and efficient security and defence sector is a key political, strategic and economic priority.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Now how can we do more and better with less?

And I say less because we are living under financial constraint, as we all know.

Because indeed we have to do more with less: expectations for more action from Europe worldwide have been rising since the 1990s, but defence budgets have substantially been reduced over the same period.

This has adversely affected public R&D spending in the defence sector. Between 2006 and 2010 R&D spending in this sector has declined by 14% while the overall budgets diminished by 3.5%. The US alone today spends seven times more on defence R&D than all 28 Member States together.

At the same time, the cost of modern capabilities has steadily increased: the growing technological complexity of defence equipment and reduced production volumes are having a knock-on effect on the industry.

What does this mean for us?

This means that with shrinking defence budgets we have to think differently about how we work together. This must serve as a catalyst for a more co-operative work. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

We need to take a hard look together at what we need to improve and how to do it.

There is room for Member States to get better value from their existing defence budgets. There is room for an improved coordination of equipments and requirements and more efficient collaborative programmes.

Indeed there is a lot we can do together to overcome the current fragmentation of the European defence market, to avoid duplication of capabilities, to achieve greater cost-effectiveness and ultimately to enable Europe to maintain a competitive defence industrial and technological base.

Of course, this is primarily for the Member States to define the ambition, degree of autonomy and scope of CSDP and future work on capabilities.

But Member States and European institutions have to work together to adapt and respond to these new challenges. Indeed, this effort is already being pursued through 338 the so-called “pooling and sharing” approach in the European Union in complementarity with the so-called “smart defence” concept in NATO.

This is the reason why the European Commission, in full respect of the Member States’ competences, has come with some ideas. And we have, within our competences, taken bold initiatives and will continue to do so. I am particularly pleased that the December European Council has broadly endorsed our proposals of last July for a more efficient and a more competitive defence and security sector.

Let me recall them briefly.

First, we have proposed to reduce the current market fragmentation by tackling market distortions and improving security of supply on the basis of the two directives adopted in 2009: one on intra-EU transfers and the other on public procurement.

Second, we also propose to strengthen the competitiveness of Europe’s Defence Tech- nological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) by promoting standardisation and common certification; by improving access to raw material; and by properly ensuring SMEs’ role in the supply chain, notably through the development of industrial clusters with SMEs.

Third, we propose to fully exploit potential synergies between civil and defence sectors by developing more dual-use products and capabilities. We are notably looking at ensuring as many synergies as possible between our civil research programme, Ho- rizon 2020, and those co-ordinated by the European Defence Agency.

Horizon 2020 was conceived for civilian purposes but there is a lot of dual use potential in key enabling technologies. There is also a specific theme “Secure societies” with many potential and spill over effects on defence.

And we are working on a preparatory action to support defence related research outside Horizon 2020. STRENGTHENING EUROPE SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR

To deliver this ambitious agenda, the Commission, through the Defence task Force set up in 2011, continues to work in close consultation with the External Action Service, of course under the leadership of our representative and Vice-president of the Commission Cathy Ashton, with the Member States and the European Defence Agency.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I am glad that the Commission’s proposals have been one of the pillars of the Europe- an Council discussions and conclusions in December.

But clearly this is not the end of the road. It is the beginning of a new chapter, a new dynamic for CSDP. Let’s not forget that the European Council will address concrete progress on all issues in June 2015.

The Commission is now working on a roadmap with concrete actions and timelines, to be adopted by the summer. 339

And today’s conference is an opportunity for us to hear your views on the way ahead and on how we could best add value to European-level action; as defence is clearly one of the new frontiers of European Union cooperation

I thank you for your attention.

Speech at the EU-Africa Summit

EU-AFRICA SUMMIT BRUSSELS, 2 APRIL 2014

Dear President Aziz, Dear Chairperson Dlamini-Zuma Your Excellencies, Distin- 341 guished Heads of State and Government, Dear Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon La- dies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends,

et me also welcome you to Brussels, the headquarters of the European Union Institutions. I am delighted to see so many of you here today. Your presence and L the richness of the agenda of this Summit are a real illustration of the vibrant partnership that exists between our two continents.

It is the first time we meet in a Europe-Africa format since the passing away of the great African and world leader, Nelson Mandela. He was a giant. He changed the course of his country, of the African continent and of the whole world. I trust that his vision, his commitment to peace, freedom and justice and his wisdom will inspire our discussions today and our actions tomorrow.

This is the 4th EU-Africa Summit which brings together in one place 54 African and 28 European countries.

I also welcome the presence in this Summit of Secretary General Ban Ki Moon and all our other high level guests. This perfectly illustrates that our vision of the world is one of cooperation and not competition, of openness and not retrenchment or exclusivity. History shows that people and countries prosper when they open up to the world, when they expand their trade, when they exchange ideas. Our partnership with Africa, like with any other partner, is constructed as a bridge and not as a barrier to more global cooperation. For us the era of spheres of influence should be over. We need to replace it by wider circles of convergence.

Our partnership with Africa is a partnership based on mutual respect – and I underline the word ‘respect’ – a partnership of equals. A partnership that is now more relevant than ever. Both our continents are going through tremendous change. In Europe, we are deepening and enlarging. We are now 28 countries and we are making the necessary reforms to remain open, united and even stronger. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Africa is also on the move. Change is all over, from the shores of the Mediterranean to the coasts of the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Economic and demographic growth represents an exciting opportunity. I was able to witness all these changes in my several visits to Africa, from Cotonou to Cape Town, from Ivory Coast to Cape Verde, from Tunisia to Tanzania, from Algeria to Angola, from Morocco to Mozambique. Profound changes are happening.

Future generations will face a totally different world and I believe a totally different Africa. In the next 50 years they could witness Africa’s population quadruple and the African GDP triple. They could witness the continent decisively affirming itself on the international scene.

Last year I was honoured to represent the EU on the 50th anniversary of the African Union in Addis and to express, on behalf of the European Union, our support to the spirit of African renaissance and to the integration of the continent.

342 But to deliver on the great potential of Africa, responsible leadership will be fundamental to overcome the challenges and risks that still exist.

The challenges of eradicating poverty, of promoting a sustainable and inclusive growth that does not deplete the continent’s natural resources, the challenges of consolidating democracy, rule of law, good governance and respect for human rights, the threat of emerging radical movements, as we saw unfortunately in Mali and Somalia or the fragility of State structures that challenge the viability of countries such as the Central African Republic or Guinea Bissau.

These challenges are common to us all. When terrorism expands in the Sahel or in the Horn of Africa, it is a threat to Africa and to Europe. When migration flows become unmanageable and the source of organised crime, it is a threat to Africa and to Eu- rope. When growth increases in Africa, it is an opportunity for Africa and for Europe.

Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government,

It was for these reasons, amongst others, that we launched a common European Un- ion-Africa strategy in Lisbon in 2007, to enable us, over the years to come, to move further and further ahead as equal partners showing mutual respect.

The partnership between Africa and Europe is one of a kind. It is a natural partnership, based on our common history and our geographical proximity. It is also based on our shared desire to place human dignity and better living conditions for our people at the heart of our actions. It is a partnership based on mutual interests. Peace for you means peace for us. Prosperity for you means prosperity for us. Well-being for our people means well-being for your people. This partnership is becoming ever more crucial. Europe and Africa are stronger when we work together. Together we can also help to frame an international agenda based on the principles of peace, justice and freedom. SPEECH AT THE EU-AFRICA SUMMIT

This solidarity, distinguished Heads of State and Government, is also reflected in concrete commitments and actions, which can be better illustrated by figures rather than words

Between 2007 and 2013, around 140 billion euros, that is to say, 20 billion euros per year, have been made available on the continent of Africa, which receives an average of 40% of the European Union’s collective ODA. We shall remain equally ambitious over the period 2014-2020. I would like briefly to express my appreciation for our Member States. The truth is that, in the midst of a European crisis, and even though they have reduced the European budget, the countries of the European Union have nevertheless chosen to maintain the bulk of these development-aid commitments to Africa. On the basis of the European budget which we are responsible for managing, the European Commission alone will make available some 28 billion euros in aid for the continent as a whole.

Over the last ten years, we have provided 1.2 billion euros for the African Peace Facil- ity. I am pleased to be able to announce here today that some 800 million euros will 343 be made available over the next three years, because, though we support the principle of African solutions for Africa’s problems, we shall continue to offer it solidarity as it tackles those problems.

This is a question both of common values and of strategic intelligence.

Similarly, Europe will be at the forefront of multilateral efforts to set a global and ambitious post-2015 agenda, based both on the fight against poverty and on the fight for sustainability.

In this respect, economic integration between our two continents will be vital. Be- tween 2007 and 2012, our total commercial exchanges increased by 45%, and almost 44% of direct foreign investments in Africa between 2005 and 2010 came from Eu- rope. It is clear, therefore, that, even during the economic and financial crisis, our commercial and economic relations were sufficiently dynamic to allow a remarkable degree of growth. I believe that we can do even more and even better, particularly in terms of economic partnership agreements, because by increasing opportunities for trade and investment we can help to ensure sustainable growth and job creation.

EPAs can also act as springboards to economic integration at continental level, at pan-African level, as set out in Africa’s Agenda 2063 drawn up by the Commission of the African Union. This integration is something we are extremely eager to see.

Now that we are living in an era of global interdependence, this summit also offers an opportunity to re-state our shared determination to tackle all of the global challenges facing us, particularly those relating to food security, migration, energy and climate change.

Climate change is one of the key challenges of our times and it is the poorest countries that are suffering most. Europe will be on the front line in the quest to achieve a global agreement in Paris in 2015, shoulder to shoulder with our African partners. As DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

the Maasai proverb reminds us, ‘We do not inherit the Earth from our ancestors; we borrow it from our children’.

The alliance between Africa and Europe is more crucial than ever. Our populations expect us to offer them a future of peace, democracy and prosperity. In a changing world, with other partners emerging, it is now more important than ever to make our partnership flourish, to give it a direction and to give it a future.

Thank you for your attention.

344 Acceptance speech for the Atlantic Council's Distinguished Leadership Award

2014 DISTINGUISHED LEADERSHIP AWARDS WASHINGTON DC, 30 APRIL 2014

Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, 345

et me start by thanking Governor Huntsman for his very kind and spirited words. A word of thanks also to Chancellor Angela Merkel for her friendly L transatlantic message from Berlin. And a final word of sincere recognition to the Atlantic Council and Fred Kempe for this honourable distinction.

I was told when I was invited to come here that these are the Oscar prize for foreign policy. In this case I’m not going to make a long list of persons to which I dedicate this prize. I can only say to you very sincerely that, yes, I am a very committed Euro- pean and, yes, I am very committed to this great relationship and friendship between United States and European Union.

Not only politically, when I was Foreign Minister and Prime Minister of Portugal, but also as President of the Commission during these last ten years I’ve done my best to make this a strong relationship. And today when I was listening to this first speeches today I was also remembering some time I spent here in Washington, D.C., ‘cause I was two years, four semesters, visiting professor at Georgetown University.

And let me tell you that the students that time were even much more disciplined than this audience when this you were listening to the different speeches. At that time I was always suspicious when I saw students coming to my course or my seminars with Coca-Cola or Pepsi Cola.

In Europe usually that does not happen. But I assume that tonight it’s a moment of conviviality and that we can also drink to this great relationship between Europe and United States. Now, dear friends and distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, it is indeed a great honour to receive this award from such a prestigious institution and in such distinguished company.

I see many friends around here. I cannot mention all of them. But thanks to all of them who came and also to share this moment with me and the other-- recipients of DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

this prize. I want to congratulate Atlantic Council for the great work you do. And I also warmly applaud my fellow honourees, Secretary Hagel, Tom Enders, General Dunford and Ruslana for their leadership, example and inspiration in their different fields of activity.

Let me make a special word to Ruslana, artist and activist, whose consistent advocacy for democratic change in Ukraine is quite remarkable. I assure you that European Union is strongly committed to supported the people of Ukraine as they are striving to turn their legitimate inspiration for peace, democracy and freedom into reality.

The European Union itself is a child of the victory of peace and democracy over the forces of destruction and oppression. In a reaction to the traumatic events of our past, human dignity, freedom and justice lie at the very heart of European integration. And from the very beginning this has been a vision going well beyond our borders. Indeed the very first words of the European Union birth certificate, the famous Schuman Declaration, are not about Europe but about world peace. The European community, 346 the European Union as you know started after the Second World War. And so, the idea, the basic concept, was to put together former enemies and through economic integration promote in fact political union, promote this space that today we have in Europe of freedom and democracy.

And the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the European Union in 2012 was certainly an acknowledgement of our great achievements in the past building a peaceful, democratic, free Europe. But this is not about an idea of the past. It’s about what remains more than ever a project for the future.

The powerful images of Ukrainian protesters waving the European flag tell us more about this than a long speech could do. They show this where they feel-- that they feel that they belong emotionally, culturally, politically, they belong to Europe. Those young people in Ukraine that want to be closer to us and they were not allowed to be closer to us, because someone thought that a country, a sovereign country, a sovereign member of the United Nations in the 21st century has not the right to decide its own destiny. This is why I want to say that tonight my thoughts are also with millions of people within Ukraine and indeed all over the world are fighting for peace, for democracy, for freedom and human dignity. We will stand by them.

Ladies and gentlemen, the attractiveness of Europe’s values, way of life, respect for cultural diversity, is something that I directly experience myself. I was 18 years of age. It was 40 years ago when my country, a very old European country, Portugal, for centuries of history, was leaving 48 years of dictatorship.

And this year we are commemorating my country the 40 anniversary of democracy. That’s why I feel so close to the new democracies of-- central and eastern European countries. For my generation in Portugal or in Spain or in Greece and for the other generations now in Poland or Czech Republic or Hungary or the Baltic countries or Romania or Bulgaria or Slovenia, Europe, European Union appeared as a promise of democracy. NATO was critically important, but in fact the way to join European ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE ATLANTIC COUNCIL'S DISTINGUISHED LEADERSHIP AWARD

Union appeared to these countries as a way also of joining the more advanced democracies in the world.

Just a figure to give you-- in 2004 when-- the Poland joined the European Union the GDP per capita of Poland was more or less GDP per capita of Ukraine. Now it is more than three times bigger. This shows how powerful is European Union in terms of magnet, attraction, and also with the transformative power to bring these countries together. And yes-- my first mandate as President of Commission started when we went from 15 to 25 countries. We are commemorating-- today and these days the anniversary, the tenth anniversary, of this big enlargement. But now, when I will leave the European Commission presidency we are 28 countries.

If I was invited by you one or two years it will not be such a festive occasion, because when I was coming to the United States one or two years the question I was receiving more often was, “Is Greece going to exit? When is Greece going to exit euro? When is the implosion of the euro? When is disintegration of the European Union?” 347 And today I can tell you, no, we did not disintegrate. You may trust European Union not only as a loyal partner, but also as a strong force that is resilient, because some of those analysts and commentators that were predicting the end of the euro, and they were certainly great experts in economy and finance, but they have underestimated the political logic behind the euro.

As Chancellor Merkel and many other great leaders in Europe said, we will stand by the euro, because the euro is more than a currency. It’s a symbol of the determination of the Europeans to stand together. And this was underestimated not only in our partners, but also in Europe itself.

So, it’s representing this European Union that has shown resilience, capacity to resist, and today we can say the euro area is a haven of stability. The euro is a credible, strong and stable currency. It’s representing this European Union that I’m speaking to you tonight and tell you that we need to do more together. And I think the recent events in the Ukraine, in the other parts of the world, show that we should never take peace for granted and that we should work together, United States and Europe, for this purpose. Because if you can make the deal on the transatlantic trade and investment partnership it will be the biggest ever bilateral trade and investment agreement made. But apart from the economic dimension, it is the biggest economic relation by any-- way you analyse, the American-European Union relationship. That’s why the business community of both sides of the Atlantic are so supportive. Apart from the economic dimension I was saying we have the geopolitical dimension. It means that the two of the biggest economies in the world, Europe and the United States, open economies, open societies, sharing the same values, are able to make an agreement between themselves, with an agreement that will probably set the global standard.

So, what a great historic achievement it can be? So, my message today, or this evening, to you is let’s work to make it happen, not only for the benefit of course of the citizens of the European Union and of the United States but also of the world. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Because I believe that open societies and open economies have a lot to give to the world. I don’t believe those declinologues, as we say sometimes in Europe, those who are preaching the decline of the values of the West, of developed economies, are right. I believe they are wrong. I believe the value of freedom, be it in economy or be it in politics is stronger than any other value. That’s why we have to come to that agreement. And I’m sure that you, the Atlantic Council, are going to give a very important contribution for that.

I was proud that sometime ago-- in the margin of a G8 Summit together with Pres- ident Obama I’ve launched these negotiations for the transatlantic Trade and Invest- ment Partnership. It is a platform to project our shared values worldwide with regard to open markets, democracy and the rule of law.

We can say to some extent that this transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership can become the economic pillar of our political alliance. Ladies and gentlemen, our long history and very rich history teaches us that capacity for change and renewal 348 is as much in our European DNA as it is in the American one. And today United States-Europe partnership can again adapt and thrive amidst new challenge, play a leadership role in shaping this globalized world into a fairer, safer, rules-base, human-rights-abiding place.

And in pursuing this objectives we should all remember the world-- the words of Abraham Lincoln, a man who also stood to the challenge of keeping the union of its country, of this country. And he said, “Let’s have faith that right makes might. And in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it.” I’m sure the Atlantic Council and the citizens of the European Union and the United States are ready to do their duty as they understand it.

Thank you very much for your distinction. Let reason prevail over force

JAGIELLONIAN UNIVERSITY – CONFERRAL OF THE PLUS RATIO QUAM VIS GOLD MEDAL KRAKÓW, 10 MAY 2014

Mr President of the Republic, Mr Rector of the Jagiellonian University, Distinguished 349 Honourees, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,

et me start by thanking Rector Wojciech Nowak, Professor Karol Musioł and the Jagiellonian University. I am deeply grateful to receive this honour, the Plus L Ratio Quam Vis, from such a prestigious University; one of the oldest Univer- sities in Europe, on the occasion of its 650th anniversary.

It is with real emotion that I participate in this commemoration of a Polish university where among others have studied such great Polish, European and world figures like Nicolaus Copernicus and Karol Józef Wojtyła who later became Pope Jean Paul II.

This morning I could visit the Collegium Maius and learn more about your proud tradition.

The history of your university bears witness of the extraordinary resilience of the women and men of Poland. Throughout a very turbulent history marked by so many changes, more than once your determination and your courage have prevailed over wars and invasions, partitions and deportations, deprivation and totalitarianism. Thanks to you and your ancestors today Poland stands as a strong democracy and a vibrant member of our European Union.

Both you and your predecessors have shown as Czesław Miłosz put it: “The passion- less cannot change history.”

The history of your university is also the history of the extraordinary resilience of an ideal: the aspiration to European unity. Over the centuries this enduring ideal has always outlived war, nationalism and division. It went through a stormy journey, from our common Christian roots, the Renaissance and the rediscovery of Europe’s Greco-Roman heritage, the early days of the European communities and then the fall of the Iron Curtain and the Berlin Wall; from the peregrinatio academica to the Euro- pean Commission’s Erasmus programmes and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellowships. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

The history of your university sends to all of us a powerful message: how important it is to hold on to our ideals. Nothing worth having is easy to get. We will suffer set- backs. We will be confronted with doubts and even fears. But if we hold firm on what we believe in, if we stick to our goals and uphold our values; then we can look forward with confidence to a brighter future.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Plus Ratio Quam Vis is the motto of your University and to receive the Plus Ratio Quam Vis gold medal has a very special meaning for me, personally of course, but also as President of the European Commission.

“Let reason prevail over force” or “Let wisdom prevail over power” could have been indeed the motto of the European Union. A Union built on shared values: peace, democracy, respect of human dignity, and I mean the respect of every man, woman and child, tolerance and justice. It has been since the very beginning the guiding principle 350 of the European integration process. A process built on free consent. No country has been forced to join or stay against the collective will of its citizens.

Let reason prevail over wars has been the founding narrative of our Union born on the ashes of two devastating World Wars. And it still remains our fundamental “raison d’être”. Peace is not a given once and for all. How could we forget it as the crisis in Ukraine is showing the fragility of peace in Europe and challenging the core values on which our Union is built?

Let reason prevail over oppression and division has been the dream of millions of Europeans from the streets of Lisbon and Athens in 1974 to the Gdansk shipyards in 1980 and then Berlin in 1989. And for each of us, our accession to the European Union has contributed to anchor democracy in our countries and to support our economic progress.

Enlargement, or what I prefer to call it: reunification of Europe, has been a key element of the project of a united, free, democratic continent at peace. It also makes Europe more prosperous. It has indeed made Europe more stable and stronger. In this fast-changing globalised world, size and integrity matter more than ever.

That is why our European firm commitment must be now to let reason prevail over the reawakening of the old demons – the demons of populism, protectionism, extreme nationalism, xenophobia. We need to move toward a more perfect political union to strengthen our capacity while upholding our values and defending our interests and model of society.

Today two leading intellectuals – Professor Robert Huber and Professor Witold Kieżun – will be conferred Honoris causa degrees from the Jagiellonian University and let me extend my warmest congratulations to both of them.

People of the worlds of science and culture can play a vital role to confront prejudices, to break down barriers, and to draw people together beyond borders. They can deep- LET REASON PREVAIL OVER FORCE en our understanding, raise questions, mobilise our imagination and, also sometimes from unconventional perspectives, light the way towards creative solutions to new challenges. As Marie Skłodowska-Curie, once said and I quote “nothing in life is to be feared. It is only to be understood.”

And when I had the great honour on behalf of the European Union to make the acceptance speech of the Nobel Peace Prize attributed precisely to the European Union, I not only quoted that great Polish and European figure that was John Paul II but I also mentioned that at the core of the European Union and at the core of our civilization is the idea of science and culture. And I believe, more than ever, that the role of universities and I want also to extend my admiration to the community of universities across Poland is so important in this very turbulent and unpredictable beginning of the 21st Century.

And the European leaders of this 21st century should nurture these words of Marie Skłodowska-Curie since we do have now to make decisions that will determine for many years whether Europe remains an area of stability, shared prosperity and free- 351 dom.

Europe is now at a turning point where we do need to come to a clear political understanding of what we want and need to do together and to display an unwavering commitment to the democratic power of deliberation and to forge a new consensus for a united, open and stronger Europe.

The fundamental question we must answer is what kind of communality do we recognise as necessary; and the fundamental approach we must embrace is a cooperative one between the European Union, its institutions and all its the Member States.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me conclude by stressing that as imperfect as our Union might be we should never forget that millions outside our borders want what we take for granted, millions outside our borders some of them close to Poland like Ukraine in fact are aspiring to our standards of living, to the fundamental civil and political freedoms, to the rule of law, to free and fair elections and to the respect of their sovereignty.

But the fact is that our European success story has never been a natural development and we would take it for granted at our peril. It has always been a process – based on reform and not revolution - requiring at each step clear vision, steady determination and hard work.

And today more than ever it requires collective political vision and leadership as well as explicit national ownership. Europe is not just Brussels or Strasbourg, it is not just European institutions, Europe is all of us, Europe is also here at the centre of Europe, at the centre of Poland, it is here in Krakow. It is now our responsibility to continue making the path as we walk. Having that in mind, as another great former student of your university Wisława Szymborska’s said: “The only roads are those that offer access.” [Nie ma dróg innych oprócz drogi dojścia].

Paving the way for a European Energy Security Strategy

ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY CONFERENCE BRUSSELS, 21 MAY 2014

Dear Prime-Minister Tusk, Dear Commissioner Oettinger, Ladies and gentlemen, 353

would like to thank and congratulate Commissioner Oettinger for this initiative, for the competence he has shown pushing this very important file inside the I Commission. Commissioner Oettinger and his services are doing a great job under exceptionally challenging circumstances, and I want to acknowledge that.

Today’s conference could not be more topical. With the events in Ukraine, Europe is facing a threat to its peace, stability and security the likes of which we have not seen since the fall of the Iron Curtain.

The ‘Great Game’ of geopolitics has made an unwelcome return and this is being particularly felt in the area of energy. Unfortunately the actions of some actors are based on a logic we cannot share. Because the European idea stems from a different perspective. For us the rule of law prevails over the rule of force. Sovereignty is shared and not limited. The logic of cooperation replaces the logic of confrontation.

And this leads - at least temporarily - to consequences we did not want, because Eu- rope’s world view sees countries as free to choose their own partnerships and to look for opportunities wherever they can be found, not as exclusively part of one sphere of influence or another, or bound to choose between one camp and the other.

But the current situation also asks some very real and very tough questions to the European Union. It is a test to our resolve, our determination and our unity. And all this comes together in the field of energy security. In fact the Ukraine crisis once again shows that for Europe energy independence is crucial. We have to explore all the possibilities which make this goal reachable. The situation also confirms that it is in our own interest to choose a path towards a low carbon, competitive and energy secure European Union. And, first of all, that it is vital for us that we stay together and united. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

The European Commission has been calling and making proposals for such a stronger and more robust EU energy policy over these last years. There were many times in which we, in different Council formations and myself in the European Council, were pleading for a truly European energy policy. The reality is that because there were probably other priorities at the time, including by the way the very important financial crisis, minds were not sufficiently focussed on the urgency of a real energy policy for the EU. But because of these recent developments, I believe now minds are focussed and we could now make more progress than in the years before. This has been an objective, to increase our security of supply through our energy and also our climate policies. But now, because the situation has changes, I believe it is time to take it one step further.

This is vital for our prosperity, for our strength and our credibility. So we have to prove that European cooperation and integration is the right way – the only way indeed - to overcome such challenges. I am extremely pleased to discuss this with you, with my friend, Prime Minister of Poland Donald Tusk. I want to also to thank you, 354 Prime Minister, for your strong commitment to this energy policy in the EU. In fact, we have launched this very inspiring idea of this energy community and I can testify that the Prime Minister and Poland have always been among our Member States one of those that have been doing more to achieve what I believe is critically important, that is to have a real Europeanization of energy policies – from the interconnectors and the infrastructures to the internal market and other instruments that we can develop. And I wish that many of your ideas that have been so important for the debate can now be discussed also among the members of the European Council, and as you know the European Commission is preparing and I will have the honour to present some ideas also in the European Council next month.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Europe’s energy dependency is of course not new. But it did gain an added dimension in the light of recent events and in a context of growing energy demand worldwide, which is expected to increase by 27% by 2030.

The European Union currently imports 53% of the energy it consumes and is dependent on external suppliers for crude oil (almost 90%), natural gas (66%) and to a lesser extent also solid fuels (42%) as well as nuclear fuel (40%).

Some countries are particularly vulnerable, namely the less integrated and connected regions such as the Baltic and Eastern Europe. Six of our Member States depend on Russia as single supplier for their entire gas imports and three of them use natural gas for more than a quarter of their total energy needs. Nevertheless, this discussion is vital for the European Union as a whole and not just of the countries most concerned. Our external energy bill today represents more than 1 billion € per day and more than a fifth of total European imports. In fact, as you know, the EU today has a surplus in trade, not only in goods and in services, but since recently we have also a surplus in agriculture. The only important area where we don’t have a surplus for obvious reasons, is of course raw materials and energy. PAVING THE WAY FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY

At the same time, dependency is a two-way street. It ties both suppliers and custom- ers alike. Russia exports 80% of its oil and more than 70% of its gas to the EU - by far the most attractive market for Russia. Its revenues from this trade are key for the Russian budget. That is why we have stressed very firmly over the last months that energy must not be abused as a political weapon. Doing so would only backfire on those who try it.

Temporary disruptions of gas supplies in the winters of 2006 and 2009 already provided a wake-up call, underlining the need for a common European energy policy. Since then – and I remember well, because at that time I had to intervene very strongly, speaking not only with the leadership in Russia but also the leadership in Ukraine, and the European Commission has done everything it could to help the Member States most affected – since then, the Commission has done a lot to strengthen the EU’s energy security in terms of gas supplies and to reduce the number of Member States exclusively dependent on one single supplier. Over the years, we have made significant progress towards completion of the internal energy market with increased interconnections. And in parallel, we have built up one of the best records worldwide 355 in terms of energy intensity and a more balanced energy mix. So we have a lot to build on, and a lot of experience to learn from.

Yet despite all this the EU remains vulnerable. The tensions over Ukraine again drove home that message. For that reason, the European Council in March put a strong focus on security of supply and invited the Commission to study the EU’s energy security in depth and develop a strategy for the reduction of our energy dependence by June. This is something our services are now working very hard on.

The strategy should build on a number of strengths and lessons learnt from current policies as well the effectiveness of the Union’s response to previous energy supply crises.

All too often energy security issues are being addressed at national level without taking fully into account the interdependence between Member States and the added value of a more collective approach at regional and European levels, in particular for coordinating networks and opening up markets.

And energy security in the long term is also intrinsically linked to the EU becoming a competitive, low-carbon economy. Stronger energy security and the 2030 energy and climate framework go hand in hand. Energy security and decarbonization are actually two sides of the same coin.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

There are a number of key areas where action is needed in the short, medium and longer term:

Reducing energy demand is a fundamental precondition for limiting our energy dependence. It is also crucially important from a competitiveness perspective: as a price taker, the EU cannot rely on cheap energy, but can limit overall energy costs through by being more efficient. Meeting the existing 2020 energy efficiency target of 20% DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

will result in 371 million tonnes of oil equivalent primary energy savings in 2020. So we need to speed up our efforts and focus on heating in building and industry, transport and equipment in particular so as to achieve our agreed target of 20%.

Next, increasing energy production in the European Union wherever possible. In the past two decades, our own production of energy has steadily declined. Howev- er, thanks to the 2020 targets, in 2012 energy from renewable sources contributed 14.1% of final energy consumption, and the European Union is on track to meet this common 20%-goal by 2020.

Member States have already planned to add an additional 29 million tonnes of oil equivalent of renewable heating between 2012 and 2020, corresponding to about 85% of the Russian natural gas imports used for heat production. Strengthening a market-based approach and improving coordination of national support schemes can provide further impetus to this very promising evolution.

356 Some Member States have also opted for nuclear energy to avoid excessive dependence from non-European suppliers. This remains an option that our Member states can explore according to their political and societal circumstances. Fully exploiting the potential of conventional hydrocarbons both in traditional production areas, like the North Sea, and in newly discovered areas, for instance in the Eastern Mediter- ranean, is also on the cards. And on top of that the possibility of unconventional resources, such as shale gas, is being considered by some Member States. The Com- mission has already provided a recommendation to ensure that risks that may arise from individual projects and cumulative developments are managed adequately in Member States that wish to explore or exploit such resources.

Diversifying external energy supplies is also vital. At EU level, external gas supplies are more diversified today than they were a decade ago, mainly due to new liquefied natural gas producers and to the rapid development of LNG regasification capacities in Eu- rope. This is a development to build on, for instance through mechanisms that could increase the bargaining power of European buyers, as proposed by Poland precisely.

Building a resilient internal market remains work in progress. Following the 2009 gas crisis, we have taken action to strengthen gas interconnections and have successfully implemented “reverse flow” projects with financial support from the Europe- an Economic Plan Recovery. We need to step up such efforts, mainly through the Connecting Europe Facility, which Member States are now implementing. I expect governments to act swiftly in this critical field, for instance when it comes to permits. Because a functioning internal energy market, both for regulation and infrastructure, is the best cushion against external supply shocks. The Commission will continue to push for this, as the guardian of the Treaties.

Strengthening our emergency and solidarity mechanisms is another field for action. This includes minimum storage obligations, cooperation between Member States and crisis coordination mechanisms, which should be considered carefully. And, as highlighted in the G7 Ministerial Statement adopted earlier this month in Rome, emergency plans for the next winter should be developed at regional level. PAVING THE WAY FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY

And finally, developing our technological and industrial capabilities will be vital. From highly-efficient new coal plants and to the large scale deployment of CO2 cap- ture and storage at coal-fired power stations, tomorrow’s energy potential will depend on today’s research. And, you know, we have also made a point of making this a clear priority in our next perspectives in terms of support for research, the Horizon 2020 European Union programme.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The June European Council will be crucial for our energy security strategy.

The Commission’s to-do-list is clear:

A final decision on the new 2030 climate and energy policy framework - ensuring a cost-effective transition to a competitive low-carbon economy - should be taken as quickly as possible. 357 Also for reasons of certainty and not only for the climate discussions, this is important, because they are going to have a high level event in the margins of the general assembly in New York in September, called by Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, but also because the most important economic players in Europe and outside of Europe are asking us is what is our panorama, what is our horizon, what is the legal certainty we can have. So the sooner the Member States agree on the 2030 horizon the better.

For the next winter, we will ensure coordination with Member States and all key players for increasing storage, developing reverse flows, the LNG potential, as well as security of supply plans at regional and EU levels.

The European Union must reduce its external dependency on particular suppliers and fuels by diversifying its energy sources, suppliers and routes, notably through the Southern Gas Corridor - which the Commission, and I have to say myself personally, has pushed tirelessly over the last years - and a new gas hub in Southern Europe. Our Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership should also have an energy chapter where we further advance the goal of a transatlantic gas market.

Energy security in the European Union cannot be separated from the energy security of its neighbours and partners within the Energy Community, notably Ukraine. That is why the Commission brokered the recent agreement on reverse flows between the Slovak Republic and Ukraine. Once again, thanks to Günther Oettinger. And this is why the Commission is leading on behalf of the 28 the trilateral discussions with Rus- sia and Ukraine to guarantee the security of transit and supply of gas to Ukraine and to the European Union. I am glad that Member States agreed to entrust the European Commission with the responsibility to conduct these delicate talks.

And, as you know, just yesterday, on behalf of all the Member States of the Europe- an Union, I answered to President Putin clarifying what is our position on such an important and urgent matter. And just to tell you that I just came from a meeting – that’s why we came a bit later and couldn’t listen to the whole speech of Commission DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Oettinger – with the Georgian government. I received the Prime Minister of the Georgian government, and in fact they are now planning to join the European energy charter. So it shows how much it is important to have this space of energy as a way of having security and certainty and not an area of conflict.

Measures are also needed to integrate the internal energy market further, especially for the most dependent Member States. We need more integration, not more obstacles.

Energy security should be mainstreamed for the implementation of the European financial instruments up to 2020, in particular the European Regional Development Fund, the Connecting Europe Facility. As you know, this is an innovation. It was the European Commission that for the first time proposed this instrument, the Con- necting Europe Facility, not only for transport but for energy, and also symbolically for digital - symbolically because Member States could not agree more than 1 billion euros. But for energy we have some funds there, so we should also use the Connecting Europe Facility, the Horizon 2020 that I already mentioned – and there the Member 358 States agreed to increase the volumes of funding for research – and the European Neighbourhood Policy Instrument.

So we have different budgetary windows in the European Union to support, even if some resources have, of course, to come either from the national governments or from private companies. If we have a real functioning internal market I’m sure that more investment will come from our private partners. And we have of course not to forget that the European energy security should also be a stronger policy objective for the European Investment Bank interventions both in the EU and outside the EU. And we are in good contact and cooperation with the European Investment Bank on this specific issue.

More coordination of national energy policies is necessary to respond credibly to the challenge of energy security. Consultations on envisaged intergovernmental agreements with third countries having a possible impact on security of supplies are a must, and the Commission should be informed and involved at an early stage.

If we agree on these priorities and maintain the momentum that resulted from the Ukrainian wake-up call, Europe will come out of this crisis stronger, more united and more secure than we were before. In fact Energy, besides the geopolitical aspects, can be/must be a very important driver for European integration. After all, we should not forget that the European integration process started functioning precisely around coal and steel. So it is a very powerful driver for European integration, provided also there is political will of all our capitals. This is the condition sine qua non, the political will to do it. If the political will is there I have no doubts that we can achieve impressive results, not from today to tomorrow, because some of these decisions take a while to implement, but in a relatively short time. Our common project is not completed yet and energy cooperation is certainly one of the areas where we have more to gain in working together and more to lose if we act separately.

And indeed if you look at the last years, that has been constantly and consistently presented as one of areas where more Europe was needed. Not more Europe in the PAVING THE WAY FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY sense of more centralisation, but the Europeanisation of the policies. That’s what the European Commission, namely through the support to the deepening of the internal market, has been leading for some time.

I can assure you that the Commission will make very clear proposals in this sense to the June European Council. The work is going very well within our services, namely with the leadership of Günther Oettinger, but also with all the other colleagues that have to with this. I’m personally following them at work closely. So I’m happy that the Commission will be ready to present a very good package and then it will of course be up to our governments to take the next steps. I am confident they will make the necessary steps forward, speaking with one voice. Because today there is more than ever an awareness of the political and economic importance of this policy.

And to our international partners we say: the EU remains the world’s largest energy market. It remains a transparent, reliable and responsible partner. Therefore, we have a shared interest in preserving transparency, reliability and responsibility for the sake of our energy cooperation, but also for the sake of a predictable and rules based world. 359

What is at stake indeed when we speak about energy, even if we don’t want to see it as a political weapon, is much more than energy. It’s about the kind of world we want to live in.

I thank you very much for your attention.

Statement at the signing of the Association Agreements with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine

EUROPEAN COUNCIL BRUSSELS, 27 JUNE 2014

Today, we are signing Association Agreements between the European Union and 361 three important European countries: Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. This is indeed a historic day: for the three countries themselves, for the European Union and for the whole of Europe.

For our three partners, it is a recognition of the significant progress made over recent years and of their strong political determination to come closer to the European Un- ion; their shared outlook on a prosperous economic model; and their desire to live by the European spirit and with European values.

For the European Union, it is a solemn commitment to support Georgia, the Repub- lic of Moldova and Ukraine, each step of the way, along the road of transforming their countries into stable, prosperous democracies.

These Association Agreements are the logical and natural outcome of a path started more than 20 years ago when these countries became independent sovereign states.

These Agreements are also a landmark in our Eastern Partnership policy that set the objective of achieving political association and economic integration with our partners, who were willing and ready to do so.

The Agreements we are signing today are the most ambitious the European Union has entered into so far. They will enable our partner countries to drive reforms, to consolidate the rule of law and good governance; and to give an impetus to economic growth in the region by granting access to the world’s largest internal market and by encouraging cooperation across a wide range of sectors.

But let us be under no illusion. The task ahead is substantial. The Association Agree- ments’ main objective is to help to deliver on the partner countries’ own reforms, own ambitions. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

To succeed will require strong political will. It will require effective coordination within each of the partner governments. It will require each of them to reach out to their parliaments, to opposition, to civil society in order to build a national consensus in favour of the measures required to guarantee a genuine and sustainable transformation. No international agreement can ever replace the momentum and political leadership within the country itself.

Key issues to address to make the reform process successful and irreversible include reforming the judiciary systems and public administration; improving efficiency and transparency; and fighting corruption.

It is also important to state that we are not seeking an exclusive relationship with our three partners, with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. We believe in open societies, open economies, open regionalism.

These Agreements are positive agreements. They are meant to add more momentum 362 to our partners’ established international relations, not to compete with - or intrude in - our partners’ relations with any neighbour. These Agreements are for something – they are not against anyone.

We are well aware of our partners’ aspirations to go further; and we acknowledge their European choice. As we have stated before, these agreements do not constitute the endpoint of the EU’s cooperation with its partners.

Quite the opposite. Signing these Association Agreements with Deep and Compre- hensive Free Trade Areas should not be seen as the end of the road, but as the beginning of a journey on which the European Union and these three partner countries are embarking together today.

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[im uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Globale Anstrengungen zur Lösung globaler Probleme – auf dem G20-Gipfel in Cannes 2011, auf dem G8-Treffen in Lough Erne 2013 und auf dem G8-Treffen in l'Aquila 2009. 365

[von oben nach unten] Privataudienz bei Papst Franziskus im Vatikan 2013. Globale Realitäten und humanitäre Tragödie: Besuch in Lampedusa nach dem Tod von über 350 Flüchtlingen, mit Ministerpräsident Enrico Letta und Minister Angelino Alfano. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

366

[im uhrzeigersinn von links oben] 10 Jahre Förderung des Dialogs mit religiösen Führern, philosophischen und nicht konfessionsgebundenen Organisationen. Begegnung mit dem Dalai Lama. Ich lud ihn zu einem unserer Treffen mit religiösen Führern in Brüssel ein. Hier wird Geschichte geschrieben: Begegnung in Brüssel mit der eindrucksvollen birmanischen Demokratieaktivistin Aung Sang Suu Kyi. 367

[im uhrzeigersinn von links oben] 2012 nahm ich am 9. Gipfeltreffen der Gemeinschaft der Portugiesischsprachigen Länder (Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa - CPLP) in Maputo, Mosambik, teil. Ein Kontinent voller Chancen: Begegnung mit Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, Vorsitzender der Kommission der Afrikanischen Union ...... aber auch voller Herausforderungen: Koordinierung der Unterstützung für Mali mit Präsident François Hollande und Präsident Dioncounda Traoré – Konferenz in Brüssel 2013. Begrüßung von Abdou Diouf, Generalsekretär der Organisation internationale de la Francophonie in der Kommission 2008. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

368

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Unterstützung für Entwicklungshilfe mobilisieren – mit Bono. Mit Bill Gates – echtes Engagement für Entwicklung. Mit Anthony Lake, Direktor der UNICEF, im Flüchtlingslager Za'atari in Jordanien, bei der Verteilung von EU-UNICEF- Schulrucksäcken. 369

[im Uhrzeigersinn von links oben] Der Prinz of Wales besucht die Europäische Kommission 2008: eines der Themen bei unseren Begegnungen war der Kampf gegen den Klimawandel. Besuch in Grönland 2007, mit dem dänischen Ministerpräsidenten Anders Fogh Rasmussen, zur Beobachtung der Auswirkungen des Klimawandels. Europäische Politiker mit Präsident Barack Obama bei den schwierigen Klimaverhandlungen in Kopenhagen 2009. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

370

[im uhrzeigersinn von oben links] © Pete Souza/White House/Getty Images Harte Arbeit, aber ein bisschen Spaß muss auch sein! Silvio Berulusconi lässt nie eine Gelegenheit aus, einen Witz zu erzählen. Ein Moment der Entspannung für die französisch-deutsche Achse auf den G8- und G20-Gipfeln in Kanada (mit Nicolas Sarkozy, Angela Merkel und Herman Van Rompuy) 2010. Als Zuschauer, während der britische Premierminister David Cameron und Kanzlerin Angela Merkel sich nach dem Elfmeterschießen beim Champions-League-Finale Chelsea gegen Bayern München umarmen; G8-Gipfel in Camp David. LIKE! Mark Zuckerberg als „Friend“ beim „e-G8“-Ereignis in Deauville 2011. 371

[IM UHRZEIGERSINN VON OBEN LINKS] Europa - das ist Kultur: Komponist Arvo Pärt zeigt mir und dem estnischen Ministerpräsidenten Taavi Roivas sein Haus und seine Musik, und Kurator Rem Koolhaas führt mich bei der Biennale in Venedig herum. Meine Dankesrede anlässlich der Verleihung der Ehrendoktorwürde am University College Cork – National University of Ireland, Cork, 2014. Hochschulen verkörpern das Streben nach Wissen. Während meiner Amtszeit habe ich mehr als dreißig Hochschulen in ganz Europa besucht. Mit Olafur Eliasson in seinem Studio in Berlin: Beitrag zur kulturellen Debatte über „Ein neues Leitmotiv für Europa“.

DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 EINE BILANZ DES PRÄSIDENTEN

Mitteilungen der Europäischen Kommission / Dokumente DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

374 Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon

MITTEILUNG FÜR DIE FRÜHJAHRSTAGUNG DES EUROPÄISCHEN RATES VON PRÄSIDENT BARROSO IN EINVERNEHMEN MIT VIZEPRÄSIDENT VERHEUGEN BRÜSSEL, 2. FEBRUAR 2005 COM(2005) 24

Vorwort notwendig sind, um das verfolgte Ziel nicht aus den Augen zu verlieren. Von der Kommission fordert dies 375 ein strenges Vorgehen nach Prioritäten, für das sie auf Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein die entschiedene Unterstützung des Europäischen Ra- Neubeginn für die Strategie von tes und des Europäischen Parlaments angewiesen ist. Lissabon –– Zweitens müssen wir Kräfte mobilisieren, die den Wandel unterstützen. Wenn wir den Zielen von Die Kosten eines Untätigbleibens wären hoch und sind Lissabon breite und wirksame Zustimmung sichern, quantifizierbar. Es gibt umfangreiche wissenschaftliche so können wir am besten gewährleisten, dass aus Nachweise dafür, wie hoch die „Kosten eines Nicht-Eu- Worten Taten werden. Alle, die - gleich auf welcher ropa“ wären. Über die Höhe dieser Kosten kann man Ebene - ein Interesse am Erfolg der Strategie von streiten. Auch das Verfehlen der Ziele von Lissabon Lissabon von Lissabon haben, müssen in die Umset- würde Kosten verursachen. Am besten wird dies durch zung dieser Reformen eingebunden werden. Diese den immer größer werdenden Rückstand belegt, den das Ziele müssen in die nationale politische Debatte europäische Wachstumspotenzial gegenüber demjenigen einfließen. anderer Wirtschaftspartner aufweist. Dagegen wird eine breitere und tiefgreifendere wirtschaftliche Integration in –– Drittens müssen wir die Strategie von Lissabon von einer erweiterten Union enorme Vorteile bringen. Lissabon vereinfachen und straffen. Das bedeutet, dass klargestellt werden muss, wer was tut, dass die Die vorliegende Halbzeitüberprüfung beschreibt, wie Berichterstattung vereinfacht und die Umsetzung wir Europa bei der Bewältigung der sich stellenden He- durch Lissabon-Aktionsprogramme der Union und rausforderungen – Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze – hel- der Mitgliedstaaten unterstützt wird. Es sollte integ- fen können. Sie beruht auf dem Gedanken, eine Part- rierte Lissabon-„Leitlinien“ geben, an denen sich die nerschaft für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze ins Leben zu Maßnahmen der Mitgliedstaaten ausrichten; hinzu rufen, die sich wiederum auf einen Lissabon-Aktionsplan käme nur ein Bericht auf EU-Ebene und lediglich der Union und verbindliche nationale Programme stüt- ein Bericht auf nationaler Ebene über die erzielten zen kann. Ihre drei Säulen: Fortschritte. Dadurch werden die Mitgliedstaaten erheblich entlastet. muss sich Europa auf das Wesentliche –– Erstens Dies alles muss sich einfügen in den Rahmen breiter an- konzentrieren. Wir müssen all unsere Anstrengungen gelegter Reformen. Unsere auf einen Wandel gerichteten auf die Durchführung derjenigen grundlegenden Ambitionen werden wir jedoch nicht ohne die erforder- Strategien konzentrieren, von denen die stärksten lichen Mittel verwirklichen können, die von der EU und Auswirkungen zu erwarten sind. Das bedeutet, dass den Mitgliedstaaten bereitgestellt werden müssen. die gegebenen Versprechen gehalten werden müssen; dabei müssen wir auf den in den einzelnen Mitglied- Stabile makroökonomische Verhältnisse sind von zen- staaten bereits eingeleiteten Reformen aufbauen und traler Bedeutung, damit die Anstrengungen für mehr neue Maßnahmen nur dann ergreifen, wenn diese DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze Aussicht auf Erfolg haben. In diesem Halbzeit-Bericht wird nun dargelegt, wie wir Die vorgeschlagenen Änderungen am Stabilitäts- und gemeinsam an Europas Zukunft arbeiten und wieder auf Wachstumspakt der Europäischen Union – das sind die die Lissabon-Ziele Kurs nehmen können. haushaltspolitischen Vorgaben der EU für die Mitglied- staaten – sollten unsere Wirtschaft weiter stabilisieren, Die umgestaltete Strategie von aber auch dafür sorgen, dass die Mitgliedstaaten umfas- Lissabon – Was ist neu? send in der Lage sind, die Bedingungen für ein dauerhaftes Wachstum zu schaffen. Die Kommission schlägt vor, die Strategie von Lissabon mit neuem Leben zu erfüllen; hierzu sollen die Anstren- Auf europäischer Ebene sind in der Debatte über die gungen auf zwei zentrale Aufgaben konzentriert werden: künftige Finanzgrundlage der Union bis 2013 (die „Fi- Herbeiführung eines kräftigeren und nachhaltigen nanzielle Vorausschau“) die Konsequenzen aus dieser Wachstums und Schaffung von mehr und besseren Ar- Ambition zu ziehen, indem wir die künftige Haushalts- beitsplätzen. Nur wenn Europa seine Hausaufgaben in politik der EU an den Prioritäten der Strategie von Lis- Sachen Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze macht, lassen sich sabon von Lissabon orientieren. Wir müssen die Hil- die Ressourcen erschließen, die wir benötigen, um un- fen und Investitionen bereitstellen, die eine moderne sere ehrgeizigen Ziele im wirtschaftlichen und sozialen wissensbasierte Wirtschaft braucht, wir müssen unsere Bereich sowie im Umweltschutz zu erreichen; dies wie- Ressourcen so nutzen, dass die Anpassung an die sich derum wird den Erfolg unserer Reformen sichern helfen. wandelnden wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Bedingungen Hierzu sind stabile makroökonomische Verhältnisse von 376 gelingt, und wir müssen Programme auflegen, die den zentraler Bedeutung, insbesondere eine stabilitätsorien- Mitgliedstaaten die richtigen Anreize bieten, so dass sie tierte makroökonomische Politik und eine konsequente ihre nationale Ausgabenpolitik an den Zielsetzungen der Haushaltspolitik. Strategie von Lissabon von Lissabon ausrichten können. In den Vorschlägen der Kommission für die finanzielle Vorausschau spiegeln sich diese Prioritäten wider. 1. Die Umsetzung gewährleisten Wenn es uns gelingt, Ambitionen, Ressourcen und gute Ideen in das richtige Verhältnis zu bringen, wenn wir Die Umsetzung der Strategie von Lissabon steht sowohl diese bis zum Ende des Jahrzehnts in dauerhafte konkre- auf europäischer als auch auf nationaler Ebene im Vor- Die Erfüllung der Reformagenda erfordert te Veränderungen ummünzen können, wenn wir durch dergrund. eine Erneuerung der Partnerschaft für Wachstum und Unterstützung der Strategie von Lissabon von Lissabon Arbeitsplätze. das wirtschaftspolitische Problem mangelnder Investiti- onen lösen und neue Anstöße für eine Verstärkung des sozialen Zusammenhalts auf diesem Kontinent geben Auf EU-Ebene wird die Kommission dabei ihre Haupt- können, dann können wir erreichen, dass die Ziele von funktion als Initiatorin und Exekutive wahrnehmen. Lissabon wieder in greifbare Nähe rücken. Parallel dazu müssen die Mitgliedstaaten den fest- Das ist der Neubeginn, den Europa braucht. gestellten Rückstand bei der Umsetzung der Lissa- bon-Reformen aufarbeiten. Dies sollte durch nationale Zusammenfassung Lissabon-Programme flankiert werden, in denen die Vor- gehensweise der Mitgliedstaaten beschrieben wird (siehe den Abschnitt über Governance weiter unten). Vor fünf Jahren hat die Europäische Union eine ehrgeizige Reformagenda auf den Weg gebracht. Im zurückliegenden Jahr überprüfte die Kommission dann die bis dahin erzielten Fortschritte. Dies hat auf europäischer und nationaler 2. Der erneuerte Ebene eine lebhafte Debatte all jener ausgelöst, die ein Lissabon-Aktionsplan Interesse am Erfolg der Strategie von Lissabon haben. Da- rüber hinaus konnte die Kommission sich die Arbeit der Mit diesem Bericht ist kein Versuch verbunden, die Stra- Hochrangigen Gruppe unter dem Vorsitz von Wim Kok tegie von Lissabon neu zu formulieren; vielmehr wer- zunutze machen, die im November 2004 ihren Bericht den neue Maßnahmen auf europäischer und nationaler vorlegte. Inzwischen besteht ein allgemeiner Konsens, dass Ebene aufgezeigt, die zur Verwirklichung unserer Lissa- Europa das Veränderungspotenzial der Strategie von Lissa- bon-Vision beitragen sollen. bon bei weitem nicht ausschöpft. Diagnose und Abhilfe- maßnahmen sind unstrittig, doch es ist eine Tatsache, dass die bisher erzielten Fortschritte nicht ausreichen. Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon

Stärkung der Anziehungskraft Europas für Wissen und Innovation für Wachstum Investoren und Arbeitskräfte • Mehr und gezieltere Investitionen in Forschung • Erweiterung und Vertiefung des Binnenmarkts und Entwicklung • Verbesserung der europäischen und der • Erleichterung der Innovation, Verbreitung von nationalen Vorschriften IKT und schonende Nutzung der Ressourcen • Gewährleistung offener und • Beitrag zu einer starken industriellen Basis in wettbewerbsorientierter Märkte innerhalb und der EU außerhalb Europas • Erweiterung und Verbesserung der europäischen • Behörden und öffentliche Einrichtungen auf allen Infrastruktur Ebenen in den Mitgliedstaaten müssen tätig werden, um Innovationen zu fördern, damit die von uns angestrebte Wissensgesellschaft Wirklichkeit wird. • Wir müssen den Binnenmarkt erweitern und ver- Dabei helfen dürfte ihnen, dass die Union Bereichen tiefen. Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen die Umsetzung wie der Informationsgesellschaft, der Biotechnologie der bestehenden EU-Vorschriften verbessern, damit und den Öko-Innovationen nach wie vor besondere Unternehmen und Verbraucher in den Genuss aller Aufmerksamkeit widmet. Vorteile kommen. In mehreren Mitgliedstaaten sind 377 Schlüsselmärkte wie Telekommunikation, Energie • Mehr Investitionen seitens des privaten und des öf- und Verkehr nur auf dem Papier geöffnet – und dies fentlichen Sektors für Forschung und Entwicklung. lange nach Ablauf der Fristen, zu deren Einhaltung Auf EU-Ebene ist anzustreben, dass Europäisches sich diese Mitgliedstaaten schriftlich verpflichtet Parlament und Rat rasch das nächste Forschungs- hatten. rahmenprogramm und ein neues Programm für Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Innovation verabschie- • Zur Vollendung des Binnenmarktes bedarf es noch den. Diese sollen im April vorgestellt werden. einiger Schlüsselreformen, die besondere Aufmerk- samkeit verdienen: die Märkte für Finanzdienstleis- • Dank einer umfassenden Reform der Beihilfepolitik, tungen und für Dienstleistungen im Allgemeinen, der die noch dieses Jahr eingeleitet wird, sollen die Mit- REACH-Vorschlag, eine einheitliche konsolidierte gliedstaaten sowie regionale und sonstige öffentliche Grundlage für die Unternehmensbesteuerung und Akteure mehr Spielraum für die Unterstützung von das Gemeinschaftspatent. Forschung und Innovation erhalten, insbesondere wenn diese in kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen in • Das Regelungsumfeld muss verbessert werden. Im der EU stattfinden. März wird die Kommission eine neue diesbezüg- liche Reforminitiative auf den Weg bringen; wir • Die Weitergabe von Wissen durch hochwertige werden externe Sachverständige hinzuziehen, die Bildungssysteme ist die beste Garantie für den lang- uns hinsichtlich der Qualität und Methodik unserer fristigen Erhalt der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Union. Folgenabschätzung beraten sollen. Vor allem muss die Union durch die Vollendung des Europäischen Hochschulraums dafür sorgen, dass • Die Wettbewerbsvorschriften müssen proaktiv ange- unsere Universitäten sich mit den besten Universitä- wendet werden. Dies wird zur Stärkung des Verbrau- ten weltweit messen können. chervertrauens beitragen. In bestimmten Bereichen, darunter Energie, Telekommunikation und Finanz- • Die Kommission wird die Schaffung eines „Europäi- dienstleistungen, wird es sektorale Untersuchungen schen Technologie-Instituts“ vorschlagen. der Wettbewerbshindernisse geben. • Die Kommission wird zur Bildung von Innovati- • Die europäische Wirtschaft braucht darüber hinaus onspolen ermuntern und diese unterstützen, damit offene globale Märkte. Die Union wird sich mit regionale Akteure die besten Köpfe aus Wissenschaft Nachdruck für einen Abschluss der Doha-Runde und Wirtschaft (mit den geeigneten Ressourcen) und für die Umsetzung ihrer Ergebnisse sowie für zusammenbringen können, sodass die Ideen aus den Fortschritte in anderen bilateralen und regionalen Forschungslabors in die Unternehmen gelangen. Wirtschaftsbeziehungen einsetzen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

• Die Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten müssen • Die Mitgliedstaaten und die Sozialpartner müssen die ihre Unterstützung von Öko-Innovationen verstär- Anpassungsfähigkeit der Erwerbsfähigen und der ken, die unsere Lebensqualität deutlich verbessern Unternehmen sowie die Flexibilität der Arbeitsmärkte und für mehr Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze sorgen verbessern, um Europa zu helfen, mit Umstrukturierun- können; dies gilt zum Beispiel für die Bereiche nach- gen und Marktveränderungen fertig zu werden. haltige Ressourcenbewirtschaftung, Klimaschutz und • Angesichts einer schrumpfenden erwerbstätigen Bevöl- Energieeffizienz. kerung benötigen wir ein sorgfältiges Konzept für die • Partnerschaften mit der Industrie sollen außerdem im legale Zuwanderung. Hierzu wird die Kommission auf Rahmen Europäischer Technologie-Initiativen ge- der Grundlage der gegenwärtigen öffentlichen Konsul- fördert werden, für die sich die Erfahrungen mit dem tation noch vor Jahresende einen Plan vorlegen. Satelliten-Navigationssystem Galileo nutzen lassen. • Europa braucht mehr und gezieltere Investitionen Die erste dieser Initiativen dürfte sich im Jahr 2007 in die allgemeine und berufliche Bildung. Dadurch, konkretisieren, wenn das nächste Forschungsrahmen- dass der Schwerpunkt auf europäischer und nationa- programm steht bzw. angelaufen ist. ler Ebene auf Qualifizierung und lebenslangem Ler- nen liegt, wird es für die Menschen leichter sein, neue Mehr und bessere Arbeitsplätze schaffen Arbeitsplätze zu besetzen. Hinzukommen dürften Programms für lebenslan- • Mehr Menschen an das Erwerbsleben (2005) die Annahme des ges Lernen heranführen und die Sozialschutzsysteme durch die EU und (2006) die Vorlage der 378 modernisieren nationalen Strategien für lebenslanges Lernen durch die Mitgliedstaaten. • Die Anpassungsfähigkeit von Arbeitnehmern mobilere Arbeitskräfte und Unternehmen sowie die Flexibilität der • Europa braucht auch . Die Arbeitsmärkte steigern Bereitschaft zur Mobilität innerhalb der Union wird auch durch die baldige Annahme der Rahmenre- • Mehr in das Humankapital investieren: bessere gelung für berufliche Qualifikationen gefördert Bildung und Qualifikation werden. Die Kommission wird im Verlauf des Jahres 2006 Vorschläge für eine vereinfachte gegenseitige Anerkennung von Qualifikationen machen. Die • Die Sozialpartner sind aufgefordert, im Vorfeld der Mitgliedstaaten sind gehalten, die Beseitigung der Frühjahrstagung 2005 des Europäischen Rates einen Mobilitätsbeschränkungen für Arbeitskräfte aus gemeinsamen Lissabon-Aktionsplan aufzustellen den neuen Mitgliedstaaten der Union beschleunigt und darin ihren Beitrag zur Erreichung der Ziele von voranzutreiben. Lissabon zu präsentieren. • Regionale und kommunale Behörden sollten Projekte • Die Mitgliedstaaten und die Sozialpartner müs- entwerfen, die uns unseren Lissabon-Zielen näher sen vermehrte Anstrengungen zur Anhebung des bringen. Die kommende Generation der Struktur- Beschäftigungsniveaus unternehmen; hierzu gehören fonds (darunter auch der für ländliche Entwicklung) insbesondere eine aktive Beschäftigungspolitik, die wird so gestaltet sein, dass die Fonds auf lokaler den Erwerbstätigen dabei hilft - und Anreize dafür Ebene einen Beitrag zu mehr Wachstum und Arbeits- schafft -, auf ihrem Arbeitsplatz zu bleiben, sowie plätzen leisten. Maßnahmen für ein aktives Altern, damit sich die Menschen nicht zu früh aus dem Erwerbsleben zu- rückziehen, und modernere Sozialschutzsysteme, die 3. Klarere Verteilung auch künftig die Sicherheit bieten, die die Menschen von Aufgaben und für die Bewältigung von Veränderungen brauchen. Zuständigkeiten • Die Zukunft Europas und die der Strategie von Lis- sabon sind eng mit den jungen Menschen verknüpft. Die Verfahren für die Umsetzung der Strategie von Die Union und die Mitgliedstaaten müssen sicherstel- Lissabon müssen radikal verbessert werden, damit sie len, dass die vorgeschlagenen Reformen dazu beitra- wirkungsvoller und begreiflicher werden. Die Zustän- gen, dass die jungen Menschen eine erste Chance im digkeitsbereiche von Union und Mitgliedstaaten sind Leben erhalten und die für ihr Leben notwendigen verschwommen. Zum einen gibt es zu viele sich über- Fähig- und Fertigkeiten mit auf den Weg bekommen. schneidende und bürokratische Berichterstattungsver- Die Union muss zudem ihre Prioritäten angesichts fahren, zum anderen mangelt es an der Bereitschaft, po- des demografischen Wandels festlegen. litische Verantwortung zu übernehmen. Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon

Um Klarheit darüber zu schaffen, was getan werden muss – die in diesem Bericht beschriebenen neuen Zuständig- und wer dafür zuständig ist, wird die Kommission einen keiten für die Strategie von Lissabon zu billigen, damit Lissabon-Aktionsplan vorlegen. die Umsetzung auf gemeinschaftlicher und nationaler Ebene effizienter wird und eine wirkliche Auseinan- Darüber hinaus schlägt die Kommission ein umfas- dersetzung mit sowie ein echtes politisches Bekenntnis sendes Vorgehen zur Straffung der Grundzüge der zu unseren Lissabon-Zielen gefördert werden. Wirtschaftspolitik und der beschäftigungspolitschen Leitlinien innerhalb eines neuen Wirtschafts- und Be- schäftigungszyklus vor. Künftig soll es neben dem Lis- 1. IM VORDERGRUND: sabon-Aktionsplan ein integriertes Leitlinienbündel geben, um die Reformagenda voranzubringen. In diesem WACHSTUM UND einzigen Dokument würden dann sowohl makroökono- ARBEITSPLÄTZE mische Maßnahmen als auch Beschäftigungsfragen und Strukturreformen behandelt. Im Gegenzug wird von den Die Lissabon-Agenda sollte das Potenzial der Union Mitgliedstaaten erwartet, dass sie – nach eingehender erschließen Diskussion auf innerstaatlicher Ebene – nationale Akti- onsprogramme für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze verab- Der Binnenmarkt, der Euro und die jüngste Erweiterung schieden, flankiert durch bindende Zusagen und klare der Union sind Beweise für die Fähigkeit der Union, Zielvorgaben. ehrgeizige Ziele zu erreichen . Seit mehr als einem halben 379 Jahrhundert sorgt die Europäische Integration für Frie- Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten eine „Frau Lissabon“ oder den und Wohlstand. Die sich wandelnden wirtschaftli- einen „Herrn Lissabon“ auf Regierungsebene benen- chen, gesellschaftlichen und politischen Rahmenbedin- nen, die/der all diese Fäden zusammenhält. gungen hat sie problemlos bewältigt. Dies ist gelungen, weil man sich gemeinsame Ziele gesetzt und gemeinsam Auch das Berichtswesen soll vereinfacht werden. Es auf sie hingearbeitet hat: die Union, die Mitgliedstaaten, wird nur noch einen Lissabon-Bericht über die erzielten die Regierungen und die Zivilgesellschaft, die Wirtschaft, Fortschritte auf EU- und auf nationaler Ebene geben. die Bürgerinnen und Bürger. Eben diese Dynamik war In dieses neue Berichtsverfahren wird ein Mechanismus auch die Triebfeder für die Festlegung der weitreichen- eingebaut sein, mit dessen Hilfe sich der Europäische Rat den Reform-Agenda auf der Tagung des Europäischen und das Europäische Parlament auf politische Schlüssel- Rates in Lissabon im März 2000. Damals wurde Kurs fragen konzentrieren können, ohne wie bislang jährlich auf eine wettbewerbsfähige, integrative und wissensba- von einer Vielzahl sektoraler Berichte überschwemmt zu sierte Wirtschaft genommen - eine europäische Antwort werden. auf die drängenden Aufgaben unseres Kontinents.

Dieses Vorgehen wird es dem Europäischen Rat erleich- … aber die erzielten Fortschritte reichen nicht aus. tern, jedes Frühjahr praktische Orientierungen festzulegen; auch der Kommission wird es leichter fallen, die Heute müssen wir erkennen, dass uns die Kombination Fortschritte auf dem Weg zu den Lissabon-Zielen zu aus konjunktureller Schwäche, internationaler Unsicher- verfolgen sowie gegebenenfalls Unterstützung anzubie- heit, geringem Fortschritt und zunehmender Unkonzen- ten und zusätzliche Maßnahmen vorzuschlagen, um die triertheit vom Kurs auf die Lissabon-Ziele abgebracht Strategie von Lissabon auf Kurs zu halten. haben. Dabei sind die Herausforderungen angesichts des weltweiten Wettbewerbs und einer alternden Bevöl- kerung eher noch größer geworden. Diese Einschätzung //// deckt sich mit der, die die Hochrangige Gruppe unter Leitung von Wim Kok in ihrem Bericht vertritt1. Da- rin werden Europa unzureichende Fortschritte bei der Vor diesem Hintergrund empfiehlt die Kommission dem Erreichung der Ziele von Lissabon bescheinigt. Folglich Europäischen Rat, müssen wir zunächst das Vertrauen in die Fähigkeit Eu- ropas wieder herstellen, seine Ziele zu erreichen. Euro- – eine neue Partnerschaft für Wachstum und Arbeits- pa kann auf seiner reichen Tradition und Vielfalt sowie plätze zu gründen; auf seinem einzigartigen Sozialmodell aufbauen und

– den gemeinschaftlichen Aktionsplan zu genehmigen und die Mitgliedstaaten aufzufordern, ihre ei- 1 Bericht der Hochrangigen Gruppe unter Vorsitz von Wim Kok zur Lissabon-Strategie, November 2004. http://europa.eu.int/ genen nationalen Aktionsprogramme aufzustellen; growthandjobs/index_de.htm. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

zusätzliche Kraft aus der jüngsten Erweiterung ziehen, Stabile makroökonomi-sche Verhältnisse sind Vorausset- durch die Europa zum weltweit größten Binnenmarkt zung für den Erfolg. und Handelsblock geworden ist. Stabile makroökonomische Verhältnisse und … Wachstum und Arbeitspätze sind das nächste große konsequente Politik europäische Projekt. Stabile makroökonomische Verhältnisse sind die Vor- aussetzung dafür, dass unsere Bemühungen um mehr Die wichtigste Schlussfolgerung des Kok-Berichts lau- Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze glaubhaft sind. Entschei- tet: „Die Förderung von Wachstum und Beschäftigung dend werden vor allem stabilitätsorientierte makroöko- in Europa ist das nächste große europäische Projekt“. nomische Strategien und eine konsequente Haushaltspo- Die Kommission schlägt vor, die Lissabon-Agenda neu litik sein. Die Regierungen müssen – dank (weiterhin) auszurichten, nämlich auf die Förderung von Wachs- gesunder Staatsfinanzen – mehr zu Wachstum und Be- tum und Arbeitsplätzen; dies muss in einer Art und schäftigung beitragen. Weise geschehen, die voll und ganz mit dem Ziel der nachhaltigen Entwicklung vereinbar ist. Die Maßnah- men im Rahmen dieser Strategie sollen die Fähigkeit der Die vorgeschlagenen Änderungen am Stabilitäts- und Union stärken, unsere umwelt- und sozialpolitischen Wachstumspakt der Europäischen Union – der die Re- Zielsetzungen zu erfüllen und weiter zu entwickeln. Die geln für die einzelstaatlichen Haushaltspolitiken enthält aktuelle Herausforderung besteht indes darin, eine Stra- – dürfte unsere Wirtschaft weiter stabilisieren und zu- 380 tegie festzulegen, um die Bereiche anzugehen, in denen gleich gewährleisten, dass die Mitgliedstaaten eine eigene Europa nicht gut abschneidet (zum Beispiel langsames Rolle bei der Schaffung der für ein langfristiges Wachs- Wachstum und nicht genug neue Arbeitsplätze). tum notwendigen Bedingungen übernehmen können. Produktivität und Beschäftigung Hierzu ist eine Erneuerung der Partnerschaft erforderlich. Die Strategie von Lissabon misst dem Beschäftigungs- Diese Strategie muss durch eine erneuerte Partnerschaft und dem Produktivitätszuwachs mittels einer gesteiger- zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten und der Gemeinschaft – ten Wettbewerbsfähigkeit denselben Stellenwert bei. unter voller Einbeziehung der Sozialpartner - vorangebracht werden. Die neue Lissabon-Agenda ist notwen- Mehr und bessere Arbeitsplätze und … digerweise breit gefächert, doch für ihren Erfolg werden einige wenige politische Prioritäten entscheidend sein. Die Arbeitsmärkte müssen ihre Funktion besser wahr- Auf diese müssen wir uns konzentrieren, um den Gesam- nehmen dürfen: Für die Erwerbsfähigen müssen Anrei- terfolg sicherzustellen. Entscheidend wird die Umset- ze bestehen, eine Beschäftigung aufzunehmen, und für zung sein; in diesem Zusammenhang sind Verbesserun- die Unternehmer, zusätzliche Arbeitskräfte einzustellen gen der bestehenden Umsetzungsmechanismen dringend sowie mehr und bessere Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen. Hier- erforderlich. Ebenfalls notwendig ist eine gestraffte und für notwendig sind erhebliche Investitionen in das Hu- wirkungsvolle Arbeitsweise, die die Union und die Mit- mankapital und eine größere Anpassungsfähigkeit der gliedstaaten miteinander verbindet. Hierzu müssen sich Arbeitskräfte auf stärker integrierten Arbeitsmärkten. alle Beteiligten auf europäischer, nationaler, regionaler und lokaler Ebene die Lissabon-Agenda zu eigen ma- … größere Wettbewerbsfähigkeit durch Produktivitäts- chen: die Mitgliedstaaten, die europäischen Bürgerinnen steigerung … und Bürger, die nationalen Parlamente, die Sozialpart- ner, die Zivilgesellschaft und sämtliche Gemeinschafts- Der Produktivitätsanstieg hat sich in der EU spürbar ver- organe. Alle sollen zur Gestaltung der europäischen langsamt. Die größte wettbewerbspolitische Herausforde- Zukunft beitragen. Schließlich werden ja auch alle von rung der Union besteht darin, diesen Trend umzukehren. der Zukunft profitieren, deren Gestaltung mit der Lissa- Zugleich müssen wir dauerhafte Produktivitätszuwächse in bon-Agenda angestrebt wird. Bei der neuen Strategie von allen Schlüsselbereichen der Wirtschaft anstreben. Weitere Lissabon geht es darum, sich dieses Potenzials zugunsten unentbehrliche Faktoren für einen Anstieg der Produk- unserer Bürger zu bedienen. Es geht um Chancen und tivität sind die bessere Qualifizierung der Arbeitskräfte, eine gemeinsame Vorstellung vom Fortschritt. höhere Investitionen in die Informations- und Kommu- nikationstechnologie und deren flächendeckender Einsatz, ein gesundes Wettbewerbsumfeld und ein richtiges Maß an Vorschriften und Bürokratie. Die überfrachtete Lissa- bon-Agenda hat diese potenziell produktivitätsfördernden Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon

Maßnahmen jedoch in den Hintergrund treten lassen. In 2. GRÜNDUNG EINER der neuen Strategie von Lissabon sollten strukturelle Re- formen (mit Hilfe solcher Maßnahmen) hingegen eine EUROPÄISCHEN Schlüsselstellung einnehmen. PARTNERSCHAFT

… müssen Hand in Hand gehen. FÜR WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG Produktivitäts- und Beschäftigungszuwachs müssen Hand in Hand gehen. Es gilt, ein beschäftigungsneut- Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze – das erste Beispiel unserer rales Wachstum zu vermeiden, durch das die wirtschafts- Partnerschaft für eine europäische Erneuerung. politische Bilanz der USA in den letzten Jahren getrübt wurde. Zugleich müssen wir die Langzeitarbeitslosen Die Kommission hat den Mitgliedstaaten unlängst eine und wenig qualifizierte Menschen wieder auf den Ar- Partnerschaft für die europäische Erneuerung vorgeschla- beitsmarkt bringen. Dies könnte Auswirkungen auf gen . Diese im strategischen Programm 2005-2009 vor- die Schnelligkeit unseres Produktivitätsanstiegs haben. gesehene Partnerschaft soll es den Mitgliedstaaten, der Dank des großen Gewichts, das in unserer neuen Stra- Europäischen Union und den Sozialpartnern ermögli- tegie von Lissabon auf Wissen, Bildung und Innovation chen, auf dasselbe Ziel hinzuarbeiten. Wie angekündigt, liegt, werden diese Menschen aber die Chance erhalten, sollen Wachstum und Beschäftigung der erste konkrete die Produktivitätsleiter hinaufzusteigen, und es wird sich Prüfstein dieser neuen Partnerschaft sein. Aus vielen ein- 381 unsere Gesamtproduktivität schnell erhöhen. gegangenen Beiträgen ist klar die Bereitschaft zu erkennen, dass man sich am Erreichen des erneuerten Ziels Von großer Bedeutung: offene internationale Märkte. beteiligen will.

Die Öffnung internationaler Märkte und das kräfti- Um Lissabon zu einem Erfolg zu machen, müssen wir … ge Wachstum der jungen Industrieländer sollen einen erheblichen Beitrag zu Wachstum und Arbeitsplätzen Die Kommission appelliert daher an den Europäischen Rat, leisten. Dazu wird es allerdings nur kommen, wenn uns der Strategie von Lissabon auf seiner nächsten Tagung im eine Vertiefung und Beschleunigung des strukturellen März durch eine Europäische Partnerschaft für Beschäfti- Anpassungsprozesses unserer Wirtschaft gelingt, sodass gung und Wachstum neuen Schwung zu verleihen. Diese Ressourcen dort eingesetzt werden können, wo Europa Partnerschaft wird nur eine Aufgabe haben, nämlich einen Vorsprung hat. Die Erleichterung von Verände- die Umsetzung der für Wachstum und Beschäfti- rungen ist daher erfolgsentscheidend für die Strategie gung notwendigen Reformen zu erleichtern und zu von Lissabon. beschleunigen.

Die Verantwortung müssen sich EU und Mitgliedstaaten Sie muss einen echten zusätzlichen Nutzen bringen, teilen. wenn sie rasch zu greifbaren Ergebnissen führen soll:

Um unsere politische Agenda abzuarbeiten, bedarf es so- … Unterstützung mobilisieren … mit eines Tätigwerdens gleichermaßen auf EU- wie auf nationaler Ebene. Der Erfolg hängt davon ab, ob eine • Die verschiedenen Akteure an einen Tisch brin- echte Teilung von Aufgaben und Verantwortung gelingt. gen. Mobilisierung und gemeinsame Anstrengung Eine Partnerschaft ist daher unverzichtbar. sind die Schlüssel zum Gelingen der Partnerschaft. Die Herausforderungen sind die gleichen, und sie betreffen unser Entwicklungsmodell. Wir müssen diese Herausforderungen gemeinsam angehen, denn für den Erfolg aller ist das Handeln jedes einzelnen erforderlich. Die Herausforderungen sind so gewaltig und unsere Volkswirtschaften so eng miteinander ver- knüpft, dass kein Mitgliedstaat allein agieren kann. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

… die Eigenverantworlichkeit stärken … … werden unser Vorgehen erleichtern …

• Alle Akteure hinter die Ziele und Reformen bringen. Dadurch wird die erneuerte Strategie von Lissabon ge- Die Strategie von Lissabon hat es insbesondere auf zielter ausgerichtet. Prioritäten werden deutlicher ver- nationaler Ebene (nationale und regionale Parlamen- mittelt. So wird auf die Kritik reagiert, dass Lissabon zu te, Sozialpartner, Zivilgesellschaft) nicht vermocht, viele Prioritäten habe und zu komplex sei, als dass die die Hauptbeteiligten ausreichend in den Prozess ein- Menschen wirklich begreifen könnten, worum dabei es zubeziehen. Eine Mobilisierung wird aber nur dann geht. gelingen, wenn sich die von den geplanten Schritten betroffenen Akteure verantwortlich und in den … Wir legen fest, wer was bis wann macht und wie wir Entscheidungs- und Umsetzungsprozess eingebunden die Fortschritte beurteilen wollen. fühlen. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten um die Aufstel- lung eines einheitlichen Aktionsprogramms – im Der Aktionsplan – er baut auf den Erfahrungen des Bin- Anschluss an umfassende Konsultationen – und eines nenmarktprogramms auf – klärt die Zuständigkeiten, einzigen nationalen Berichts über die Strategie von setzt Fristen und misst Fortschritte. Besonders die Tren- Lissabon ersucht werden (siehe Abschnitt 4). nungslinie zwischen Maßnahmen der Mitgliedsstaaten … und klarere Prioritäten festlegen. und solchen auf Ebene der EU wird darin klar gezogen. Die wichtigsten Maßnahmen werden in diesem Kapitel dargelegt. 382 • Die Anstrengungen auf vorrangige und erkennbare Ziele konzentrieren und mit konkreten Maßnah- men flankieren, die Wachstum und Beschäftigung Alle EU-Organe müssen sich beteiligen. voranbringen. Dies ist von fundamentaler Bedeutung für den Erfolg von Lissabon. Auch durch Festlegung Auf Ebene der EU wird die Kommission dabei ihre klarer Prioritäten lassen sich die Akteure mobilisieren Hauptfunktion als Initiatorin und Exekutive wahrneh- und in die Verantwortung nehmen. men. Dabei wird sie eng mit dem Parlament und dem Rat zusammenarbeiten, und auch auf die Sachkenntnis Damit diese Partnerschaft Ergebnisse zeitigt, müssen anderer EU-Institutionen - des Europäischen Wirt- alle auf nationaler Ebene beteiligten Partner sich voll schafts- und Sozialausschusses, des Ausschusses der Re- engagieren. gionen und, in Finanzfragen, der Europäischen Investiti- onsbank - zurückgreifen.

3. TÄTIG WERDEN FÜR Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen verbindliche Zusagen WACHSTUM UND machen.

ARBEITSPLÄTZE Auf nationaler Ebene wird die Kommission fördernd wirken - durch Benchmarking, finanzielle Unterstüt- 3.1. Lissabon-Aktionsplan für zung, Förderung des sozialen Dialogs oder Festlegung die Gemeinschaft und die vorbildlicher Verfahren. In der ersten Phase von Lissa- Mitgliedstaaten bon sind jedoch vor allem die Erfolge an Ort und Stelle ausgeblieben. Deswegen setzt die Kommission dort an, Drei zentrale Faktoren … wo von den Mitgliedstaaten erwartet wird, dass sie unter Berücksichtigung ihrer jeweiligen Situation in ihren eigenen Lissabon-Programmen feste Verpflichtungen einge- Kern der vorgeschlagenen Partnerschaft für Beschäfti- hen. Diese sollten konkrete Maßnahmen beinhalten, da- gung und Wachstum ist ein Lissabon-Aktionsplan. Da- runter einen Zeitplan und Fortschrittsindikatoren. Die rin sind die Prioritäten genannt, die dazu beitragen wer- Kommission wird weiterhin die Fortschritte beobachten den, dass die Mitgliedstaaten ihre Produktivität steigern und evaluieren und dabei das weiter unten dargelegte Be- und mehr und bessere Arbeitsplätze schaffen. Er umfasst richts- und Koordinierungsverfahren nutzen. Aktionen in drei Hauptbereichen:

• Stärkung der Anziehungskraft Europas für Investo- ren und Arbeitskräfte • Wissen und Innovation für Wachstum • Mehr und bessere Arbeitsplätze schaffen Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon

3.2. Stärkung der Anziehungskraft Dies sind Bereiche, in denen ein reales Wachstum mit der Europas für Investoren und gleichzeitigen Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen möglich ist, Arbeitskräfte was für Verbraucher und Verbraucherinnen unmittelbar relevant ist. In etlichen dieser Bereiche wurde im Rahmen der Strategie von Lissabon bereits viel Rechtsetzungsar- Damit Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze Auftrieb erhalten, beit geleistet, aber die Mitgliedstaaten enttäuschen ihre muss Europa für Investoren und Arbeitskräfte attraktiver Unternehmen und ihre Bürger, indem sie bei der Um- werden. Die Aktionen der Europäischen Union und der und Durchsetzung nur schleppend vorankommen. Mitgliedstaaten müssen an zentralen Punkten ansetzen. … Investitionen und Innovationen pushen … Die Rahmenbedingungen für unsere kleinen und mittleren Unternehmen müssen verbessert werden. Die Beseitigung der noch verbleibenden Hindernisse birgt in sich neue Chancen für Markteinsteiger. Der da- besonders wichtig für die kleinen Hier sind Aktionen raus resultierende Wettbewerb steigert Investitionen und und mittleren Unternehmen (KMU) , die 99% aller fördert Innovationen. All dies gewinnt vor dem Hinter- Unternehmen ausmachen und für zwei Drittel der Be- grund des stagnierenden EU-internen Warenhandels und schäftigung sorgen. Europa vergibt sich Chancen, weil der verzögerten Preiskonvergenz noch an Bedeutung. es einfach zu viele Hindernisse auf dem Weg zum Un- ternehmer oder zur Unternehmerin gibt. Zur Förderung Leistungen von allgemeinem Interesse optimal nutzen unternehmerischer Initiative gehört auch die Förderung 383 des unternehmerischen Denkens. Das Verhältnis zwischen Risiko und Erfolg, das zum Unternehmertum ge- Der öffentliche Dienst spielt in einem wirksamen und dy- hört, sollte überprüft werden. Das Stigma des Versagens namischen Binnenmarkt eine wichtige Rolle. Die Kom- macht einen Neustart schwer und hält viele davon ab, mission hat im Mai 2004 ein Weißbuch veröffentlicht, in überhaupt ein Unternehmen zu gründen. Darüber hin- dem die Grundlagen der EU-Politik im Zusammenhang aus fehlt es in Europa noch immer an Risikokapital für mit den Leistungen von allgemeinem Interesse dargelegt die Gründung innovativer Unternehmen, und die der- werden und auf wichtige Fragen wie Schnittstellen mit zeitigen Steuerbestimmungen verhindern, dass Profite dem Binnenmarkt, Wettbewerbsregeln und Regeln für zwecks Eigenkapitalbildung im Unternehmen bleiben. staatliche Beihilfen sowie auf die Auswahl von Dienst- leistern und die Verbraucherrechte eingegangen wird. Im Jahr 2005 wird die Kommission darauf zurückkommen. Wir müssen den Binnenmarkt erweitern und vertiefen ...

3.2.1. Erweiterung und Vertiefung des Die Kommission verfolgt mit großer Aufmerksamkeit Binnenmarkts die Prüfung ihres Vorschlags für eine neue Chemikali- enstrategie (REACH), über den in Parlament und Rat Die Vollendung des Binnenmarktes, vor allem im Be- intensiv beraten wird. Mit Interesse erwartet sie auch die reich der Dienstleistungen, der reglementierten Berufe, Ergebnisse der ergänzenden Arbeiten zur Folgenabschät- der Energie, des Transports, des öffentlichen Vergabe- zung , in deren Rahmen Fallstudien zu ausgewählten Lie- wesens und der Finanzdienstleistungen ist nach wie vor fer- bzw. Produktionsketten angestellt werden. eine wesentliche Aufgabe. Auch müssen allen Bürgern Leistungen von allgemeinem Interesse in hoher Qualität Den nationalen Verwaltungen kommt eine entscheidende zu bezahlbaren Preisen zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Rolle zu. Ein gesunder und offener Dienstleistungssektor ist für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze in der europäischen Wirt- Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten zudem für eine bessere An- schaft von immer größerer Bedeutung. Fast alle Arbeits- passung ihrer eigenen Rechtsordnungen an die Erfor- plätze, die in der EU zwischen 1997 und 2002 entstan- dernisse eines EU-weiten Marktes sorgen. Die Rolle der den sind, entfallen auf den Dienstleistungssektor. Die nationalen Verwaltungen bei der Bereitstellung angemes- Dienstleistungen machen inzwischen 70 % der in der sener Bedingungen für den Markt (z. B. stärkere Nutzung EU erzielten Wertschöpfung aus. Wird die Erbringung von Online-Diensten (e-Government), Bekämpfung von von Dienstleistungen erleichtert, so wird dies positiv auf Korruption und Betrug) sollte unbedingt gewährleistet Wachstum und Beschäftigung auswirken. Der Nettozu- und, wo nötig, verbessert werden. Außerdem kann in der wachs bei den Arbeitsplätzen könnte sich auf 600 000 Steuerpolitik viel getan werden, damit der Binnenmarkt belaufen. besser funktioniert und bestehende Hindernisse und Be- lastungen für die Unternehmen abgebaut werden. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

BINNENMARKTVORSCHRIFTEN Wettbewerb ist von zentraler Bedeutung. Der Aktionsplan für Finanzdienstleistungen war eine der wirklichen Erfolgsgeschichten in der ersten Phase 3.2.2. Offene und wettbewerbsorientierte der Strategie von Lissabon: Rechtsvorschriften wurden Märkte innerhalb und außerhalb pünktlich verabschiedet; die Europäischen Institutionen Europas sichern haben gut zusammengearbeitet, und der ehrgeizige neue Wettbewerb ist von zentraler Bedeutung für die Part- Rahmen wurde mit innovativen Lösungen ausgefüllt. nerschaft für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze insgesamt. Jetzt kommt es darauf an, dass die Regeln unionsweit Die EU-Wettbewerbspolitik hat eine Schlüsselrolle bei konsequent angewandt werden. Was von dem Aktions- der Gestaltung wettbewerbsorientierter europäischer plan für Finanzdienstleistungen noch aussteht, sollte Märkte gespielt, die zur Steigerung der Produktivität in den kommenden Jahren bewältigt werden. Etwaige beigetragen haben. Dies wird auch im erweiterten Euro- Maßnahmen werden nur eingeleitet, wenn eine umfas- pa so bleiben, insbesondere mittels aktiver Durchsetzung sende Konsultation interessierter Kreise und eine Fol- und einer Reform der staatlichen Beihilfen für Innova- genabschätzung einen eindeutigen Mehrwert erwarten tion, Forschung und Entwicklung sowie Risikokapital. lassen. Die Kommission wird deshalb ihre Wettbewerbspolitik fortsetzen, die auch dabei hilft, rechtliche und andere Um bei der Dienstleistungs-Richtlinie einen Konsens Wettbewerbshindernisse aufzuspüren. In Schlüsselsekto- zu diesem wichtigen Vorschlag herbeizuführen, wird die ren wie Finanzdienstleistungen und Energie werden Er- 384 Kommission im Vorfeld der ersten Lesung im Europäi- hebungen durchgeführt, um zu klären, warum die Märk- schen Parlament konstruktiv mit Parlament, Rat und ante in solchen Sektoren nicht reibungslos funktionieren. deren Beteiligten zusammenarbeiten. Dabei werden wir uns besonders auf die Bedenken in einzelnen Bereichen Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen Subventionen abbauen und konzentrieren, etwa die Anwendung der Regeln des Her- umlenken. kunftslandes und die potenziellen Folgen für bestimmte Sektoren. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten staatliche Beihilfen reduzieren und umlenken, um Marktversagen in Sektoren mit Bezüglich der REACH-Richtlinie betont die Kommis- hohem Wachstumspotenzial auszugleichen und die In- sion die Notwendigkeit, eine Entscheidung zu erzielen, novationstätigkeit anzuregen. Bei diesen Initiativen soll- die mit den Lissabon-Zielen (Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der ten wir die Bedürfnisse und Belastungen der kleinen und europäischen Industrie und Innovationsförderung) ver- mittleren Unternehmen im Auge behalten. Im Laufe des einbar ist und die zum Wohle der europäischen Bür- Jahres wird die Kommission eine größere Überarbeitung ger eine spürbare Verbesserung von Gesundheits- und der Regeln für staatliche Beihilfen in Angriff nehmen Umweltschutz bewirkt. Die Kommission bekundet ihre (siehe Abschnitt 3.3.1). Bereitschaft zu einer umfassenden Zusammenarbeit mit Parlament und Rat, um pragmatische Lösungen für Die Wirtschaft der EU braucht darüber hinaus offene Kernprobleme zu finden, die bei der Prüfung des RE- globale Märkte. ACH-Vorschlags aufgetaucht sind. Europäische Unternehmen stehen immer mehr vor in- Um die Schwierigkeiten zu überwinden, die sich aus der ternationalen Herausforderungen, und die EU-Handels- Existenz von 25 unterschiedlichen Regelwerken über politik muss sicherstellen, dass sie Zugang zu Drittmärk- die Besteuerung von grenzübergreifend tätigen Unter- ten haben und auf einer fairen Basis unter klaren Regeln nehmen ergeben, bemüht sich die Kommission um eine konkurrieren können. Zusammenfassend lässt sich gemeinsame konsolidierte Bemes- Einigung auf eine sagen, dass offene Märkte - sowohl in Europa als auch sungsgrundlage für die Körperschaftssteuer und deren weltweit - die Voraussetzung für höhere Wachstumsraten Einführung. Dadurch ließen sich die Unkosten bei einer sind. Geschäftstätigkeit in verschiedenen Ländern erheblich verringern, wobei den Mitgliedstaaten jedoch die Festle- WACHSTUM UND ARBEITSPLÄTZE: DIE GLOBALE gung des Steuersatzes überlassen bliebe. DIMENSION Das Gemeinschaftspatent ist zum Symbol des Engage- Der Abschluss einer ehrgeizigen Vereinbarung im Rah- ments der Union für eine wissensintensive Wirtschaft ge- men der Doha-Runde bleibt daher das wichtigste Ziel. worden. Dies ist ein wichtiger Vorschlag, und es müssen Diese Vereinbarung sollte durch bilateral und regional rasche Fortschritte auf dem Weg zu einer Lösung ange- verhandelte Freihandelsabkommen ergänzt werden, ins- strebt werden, die Innovationen fördert. besondere mit Mercosur und dem Golfkooperationsrat. Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon

Die Vereinheitlichung von Rechts- und Verwaltungs- Die Kommission wird dieses Ziel mit viel Engagement vorschriften auf internationaler Ebene, besonders in verfolgen und vor der Frühjahrstagung des Rates eine den transatlantischen Handelsbeziehungen, sollte neuen wichtige neue Initiative starten. Schub erhalten. Wenn dafür gesorgt wird, dass Normen auf der internationalen Ebene konvergieren – mit unse- Sie wird die Auswirkungen neuer Vorschläge für Rechts- ren wichtigsten Handelspartnern wie den USA und auch vorschriften und politische Maßnahmen, auch mit Hilfe mit rasch wachsenden Märkten wie China und Indien ihres Folgenabschätzungsverfahrens besser evaluieren. und anderen Ländern im Umfeld der EU –, entsteht das Potenzial für signifikante Kostenreduktionen und Pro- Sie wird externe Sachverständige hinzuziehen, die sie in duktivitätswachstum. Die Kommission wird diese Agen- Fragen der Qualität und Methodik von Folgenabschät- da aktiv weiterverfolgen. zungen beraten sollen.

Ein richtiger Vorschriftenrahmen hilft den Unternehmen Die kumulierte Belastung durch schwerfällige Vor- und sorgt bei Verbrauchern für Vertrauen. schriften, Schwierigkeiten beim Marktzugang und un- zureichenden Wettbewerbsdruck kann die Innovation 3.2.3. Verbesserung der europäischen und in Sektoren mit hohem Wachstumspotenzial hemmen. der nationalen Vorschriften Die Kommission wird deshalb eine Reihe sektoraler Überprüfungen durchführen, um festzustellen, welche Wenn unnötige Kosten gesenkt und Hindernisse besei- Faktoren das Wachstum und die Innovation in Schlüs- tigt werden, die der Flexibilität und Innovation entge- 385 selsektoren behindern. Besonderes Augenmerk wird auf genstehen, wenn die Rechtsvorschriften wettbewerbs- den Belastungen für kleine und mittlere Unternehmen und beschäftigungsfreundlicher gestaltet werden, fördert liegen. dies das Wirtschaftswachstum, die Beschäftigung und die Produktivität. Dazu zählen Maßnahmen wie Ver- einfachung, wohldurchdachte Rechtsvorschriften und Eine moderne Infrastruktur erleichtert Handel und Bemühungen, die Belastung durch Verwaltungskosten Mobilität. zu reduzieren. Ein angemessener rechtlicher Rahmen stärkt auch das Verbrauchervertrauen, was wiederum 3.2.4. Erweiterung und Verbesserung der zum Wachstum beitragen kann. KMU, die in der Regel europäischen Infrastruktur nur über begrenzte Ressourcen verfügen, sind von der Der Binnenmarkt braucht eine moderne Infrastruktur, Vorschriftenlast unverhältnismäßig stark betroffen. die Handel und Mobilität erleichtert. Die Fortschritte in diesem Bereich werden enttäuschend langsam erzielt, Wir müssen unnötige Belastungen vermeiden. weswegen diese Frage nun in Angriff genommen werden muss. Eine moderne Infrastruktur ist bei vielen Unter- Ein neuer Ansatz in der Rechtsetzung sollte auf eine Re- nehmensentscheidungen ein wichtiger Wettbewerbs- duktion der Belastungen und den Abbau von Bürokratie faktor, der die wirtschaftliche und soziale Attraktivität abzielen, die zur Erreichung der grundlegenden politi- eines Standortes mitbestimmt. Sie gewährleistet die Mo- schen Ziele nicht nötig sind. Eine bessere Rechtsetzung bilität von Personen, Gütern und Dienstleistungen in sollte ein Eckpfeiler für die Entscheidungsfindung auf der gesamten Union. Infrastrukturinvestitionen, beson- allen Ebenen der EU werden. ders in den neuen Mitgliedstaaten, werden das Wachs- tum ebenfalls fördern und eine höhere wirtschaftliche, BESSERE RECHTSETZUNG soziale und ökologische Konvergenz bewirken. Da sich Investitionen in die Infrastruktur langfristig auswirken, Eine bessere Rechtsetzung wirkt sich deutlich positiv dürften Entscheidungen in diesem Bereich deutlich zur auf die Rahmenbedingungen für Wirtschaftswachstum, Nachhaltigkeit beitragen. Ähnlich wird auch eine faire Beschäftigung und Produktivität aus, denn durch bes- und effiziente Preisgestaltung für die Infrastrukturnut- sere Rechtsvorschriften werden die richtigen Anreize für zung ihren Beitrag leisten. Unternehmen geschaffen, unnötige Kosten gesenkt und Hindernisse beseitigt, die der Anpassungsfähigkeit und Die Öffnung im Energiesektor und in anderen netzge- Innovation entgegenstehen. bundenen Sektoren muss abgeschlossen werden. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten ihre eigenen Initiativen für Schließlich müssen wir dafür sorgen, dass die bereits bessere Vorschriften weiter verfolgen, besonders in Sek- vereinbarte Öffnung von Sektoren wie der Energiever- toren, in denen das Produktivitätswachstum zurück- sorgung und anderer netzgebundener Wirtschaftszweige bleibt, etwa im Dienstleistungssektor. nun an Ort und Stelle vollzogen wird. Diese Maßnahmen DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

sind ein wichtiges Instrument zur optimalen Nutzung DAS ZIEL: 3 % FÜR F&E-AUSGABEN der Infrastruktur zum Vorteil der Industrie wie auch der Konsumentinnen und Konsumenten, denen sich Inwieweit bei der Erreichung der Lissabon-Zielvorgabe ortsunabhängig niedrigere Preise, eine größere Auswahl (2010 soll die EU 3 % des BIP für Forschung und Ent- und qualitativ hochwertige Leistungen von allgemeinem wicklung aufwenden) Fortschritte erzielt werden, haben Interesse bieten. die Mitgliedstaaten weitgehend selbst in der Hand. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten in ihren nationalen Lissabon-Pro- grammen erläutern, wie sie diesem Ziel näher kommen EUROPÄISCHE INFRASTRUKTUREN wollen. Die Mobilisierung höherer Unternehmensinves- Eine moderne Transport- und Energieinfrastruktur in titionen ist entscheidend. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten die der gesamten Europäischen Union ist eine Vorausset- Möglichkeiten ausschöpfen, die ihnen die neuen beihil- zung dafür, dass die neu in Schwung gebrachte Strategie ferechtlichen Rahmenvorschriften bieten. von Lissabon Früchte trägt. Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen ihre Verpflichtung erfüllen und mit den Arbeiten an den Ein weiterer zentraler Baustein sollte ein koordiniertes 45 grenzübergreifenden „Blitzstart-Projekten” in den europäisches Konzept zur Verbesserung der steuerlichen Bereichen Transport und Energie beginnen. Die Koor- Bedingungen für F&E sein. Dies ist ein immer wich- dination der einzelnen Projekte durch die Gemeinschaft tiger werdender Faktor, der die Unternehmen ermutigt, muss einhergehen mit der eindeutigen Verpflichtung der mehr für Investitionen, Forschung und Entwicklung in betroffenen Mitgliedstaaten, einen Planungs- und Finan- anderen Ländern auszugeben. Von Bedeutung ist dies 386 zierungsprozess einzuleiten. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten in erster Linie für das Wachstum kleiner und mittlerer über die im Rahmen ihrer nationalen Aktionsprogram- Hightech-Unternehmen in der Union. me erzielten Fortschritte Bericht erstatten. Auf EU-Ebene wird das 7. Rahmenforschungspro- 3.3. Wissen und Innovation für gramm der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit unserer Industrien in Wachstum Bereichen der Schlüsseltechnologie durch Bündelung und Verstärkung von Anstrengungen in der gesamten Wissen sorgt für Produktivitätszuwachs. EU sowie durch den Multiplikationseffekt auf Investi- tionen seitens des privaten Sektors einen starken Schub verleihen. Das neue Rahmenprogramm wird zudem für In fortgeschrittenen Wirtschaftssystemen wie dem der einen Europäischen Forschungsrat plädieren, der sich EU ist Wissen, d. h. Forschung und Entwicklung (F&E), aus unabhängigen und anerkannten Wissenschaftlern Innovation und Bildung, ein wichtiger Motor für das zusammensetzen soll und dem es obliegen wird, For- Produktivitätswachstum. Wissen ist ein entscheidender schungsprojekte und -programme aufgrund ihrer wis- Faktor, der Europa in einer globalisierten Welt, in der senschaftlichen Qualität auszuwählen. andere mit billigen Arbeitskräften oder Grundstoffen aufwarten können, konkurrenzfähig macht. ÜBERARBEITUNG DER BEIHILFE- RAHMENVORSCHRIFTEN FÜR F&E UND Die EU muss mehr in F&E investieren. INNOVATION 3.3.1 Mehr und gezieltere Investitionen in Im Zuge der Gesamtüberarbeitung der Vorschriften für Forschung und Entwicklung staatliche Beihilfen wird es auch eine Überarbeitung der bestehenden Rahmenvorschriften für F&E-Beihilfen ge- Die EU investiert immer noch etwa ein Drittel weniger ben, um den Zugang zu Finanzmitteln und Risikokapital in F&E als die USA. Etwa 80% dieser Differenz entfallen sowie zu öffentlichen Geldern für F&E und Innovation auf mangelnde Investitionen in Forschung und Entwick- zu erleichtern. Die Kommission wird noch im Frühjahr lung seitens des privaten Sektors, vor allem in IKT. Der- 2005 eine Mitteilung über die künftige Beihilfepolitik zeit gibt die Union lediglich 2% des BIP für F&E aus, d. vorlegen. Vor allem für junge und innovative Unterneh- h. kaum mehr als zum Zeitpunkt der Lissabon-Beschlüs- men muss es einfacher werden, Finanzmittel für For- se. Wir müssen raschere Fortschritte bei der Annäherung schung und Innovation zu erhalten. Der eingeschränkte an das EU-Ziel von 3 % des BIP für F&E-Ausgaben Zugang zu Finanzmitteln ist heute eines der größten In- erzielen. Hierzu erforderlich sind mehr und wirksamere novationshindernisse. Öffentliche Unterstützung sollte Leistungen der öffentlichen Hand, günstigere Rahmen- dort zur Verfügung stehen, wo ein erheblicher gesamtge- bedingungen und starke Anreize für Unternehmen, in sellschaftlicher Nutzen gegeben ist, ohne dass es dadurch Innovation und F&E einzusteigen, sowie gut ausgebilde- allerdings zu Wettbewerbsverzerrungen kommen darf. te und motivierte Forscher. Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon

3.3.2. Erleichterung der Innovation, Das Streben nach Erkenntnis beflügelt Europa seit jeher. Verbreitung von IKT und schonende Es hat zur Formung unserer Identität und unserer Werte Nutzung der Ressourcen beigetragen, und es ist die Triebfeder unserer künftigen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit. Um unser Bekenntnis zum Wis- Die Hochschulen haben eine Schlüsselrolle bei der Bereit- sen als dem Schlüssel zu Wachstum zu unterstreichen, stellung und Weitergabe von Wissen. schlägt die Kommission die Schaffung eines„Europäi - schen Technologie-Instituts“ vor, das zu einem Magne- Der Beitrag der Hochschulen zu Aufbau und Weiterga- ten für die besten Köpfe, Ideen und Unternehmen aus be von Wissen innerhalb der Union muss größer wer- der ganzen Welt werden soll. Die Kommission wird zu- den. Die Kommission wird Ideen unterbreiten, wie sich sammen mit den Mitgliedstaaten sowie öffentlichen und Potenzial und Qualität der Universitäten in Forschung privaten Interessenten prüfen, wie sich dieser Gedanke und Wissenschaft steigern ließen, damit sie attraktiver am besten umsetzen ließe. werden und bessere Verbindungen zur Industrie knüp- fen. Die Kommission wird darüber hinaus Leitlinien für Investitionen in neue Technologien … eine bessere Forschungszusammenarbeit und einen besseren Technologietransfer mit der Industrie vorschlagen. Innovation ist eng mit den wettbewerbs- und steuerpo- Sie wird außerdem prüfen, wie die europäischen Hoch- litischen Bedingungen sowie mit der Geschwindigkeit schulen in die Lage versetzt werden können, internatio- verknüpft, mit der neue Technologien - insbesondere an- nal mitzuhalten. In vielerlei Beziehung erweisen sich die gesichts der rasanten Weiterentwicklung - angenommen 387 bestehenden Vorgehensweisen bezüglich Finanzierung, und eingesetzt werden. Verwaltung und Qualität als unangemessen, um den He- rausforderungen des inzwischen globalen Professoren-, … sind entscheidend, um die Produktivität zu steigern Studierenden- und Wissensmarktes zu begegnen. und … Investitionen sind wichtig. Allgemeiner ausgedrückt, unsere Innovationsleistung hängt in hohem Maße von einer Aufstockung der In- Im Sinne eines effizienteren Einsatzes der für Forschungs-, vestitionen und einem vermehrten Einsatz moderner Struktur- und Kohäsionsprojekte ausgegebenen Gelder Technologie, insbesondere der IKT, seitens des priva- sollten wir verstärkt in Forschungs- und Innovationsstät- ten und des öffentlichen Sektors ab. Diese Technologien ten investieren, die es mehr Regionen ermöglichen, an bilden das Informationsrückgrat der wissensbasierten Forschungsaktivitäten der EU teilzunehmen. Wirtschaft. Sie sind für rund die Hälfte des Produkti- vitätszuwachses in modernen Volkswirtschaften ver- INNOVATIONSPOLE antwortlich. In Europa wurde weniger und später in Auf regionaler und lokaler Ebene müssen wir uns stärker IKT investiert als in den USA, vor allem in Dienstleis- auf die Gründung von Innovationspolen konzentrieren, tungsbereichen wie etwa Transport, Einzelhandel oder die mittelständische Hochtechnologie-Betriebe, Uni- Finanzdienstleistungen. versitäten sowie die entsprechende organisatorische und finanzielle Unterstützung zusammenführen. Die i2010: Die europäische Informationsgesellschaft kann Mitgliedstaaten sollten die Möglichkeiten wahrnehmen, den IKT-Einsatz fördern. die die EU-Regionalfonds bieten, um regionale Inno- vationsstrategien zu unterstützen. Dies ist entscheidend Die Hauptverantwortung für die Aufstellung ihrer In- für die neuen, mit unserem Forschungsprogramm an- vestitionsprogramme haben weiterhin Wirtschaft und gestrebten Leistungszentren („Centres of Excellence“) Verwaltung, aber Europa hilft. Mit einer neuen Initia- und auch dafür, dass die Forschungsergebnisse schnel- tive - i2010: European Information Society - soll die ler den Weg in die Werkhallen finden. Erleichtert wird e-Europe-Agenda vorangebracht werden, die durch die dies durch stärkere Verknüpfung der Regionalfonds mit Strategie von Lissabon gefördert wird. Dies erfolgt durch dem Forschungsrahmenprogramm und dem neuen Pro- die Förderung einer klaren, stabilen und wettbewerbs- gramm für Wettbewerb und Innovation. fähigen Umgebung für elektronische Kommunikation und digitale Dienste, mehr Forschung und Innovation Die nationalen Lissabon-Aktionsprogramme sollten ei- bei IKT und einer Informationsgesellschaft, die sich für nen Fahrplan für die Gründung neuer und den Ausbau Integration und Lebensqualität engagiert. bestehender Pole enthalten. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Wir müssen auch Ressourcen- und Umwelt-fragen anpa- zwar um so mehr, als technologische Durchbrüche wie cken … etwa unsere Erfahrungen mit GSM Europa ermöglichen, internationale Standards zu setzen. Um eine wirtschaftli- Damit die Union auf Dauer erfolgreich bleibt, müssen che und technologische Vormachtstellung zu fördern und eine Reihe von Ressourcen- und Umweltproblemen zu erhalten, muss Europa über große Industriekapazitäten angegangen werden, die andernfalls zu einer Wachs- verfügen, vor allem durch Ausschöpfung seines techno- tumsbremse würden. Die Rede ist hier von nachhaltiger logischen Potenzials. Wir brauchen ein integriertes und Entwicklung. Anders als in Europa geht eine hohe wirt- vorausschauendes Konzept, das auf der marktorientierten schaftliche Wachstumsrate in vielen Teilen der Welt mit Entwicklung von Industriesektoren beruht. Die Synergi- einem raschen Bevölkerungsanstieg einher. Europa muss en, die die Zusammenarbeit auf europäischer Ebene in der sich dieser Herausforderung stellen und eine führende Forschung, bei Rechts- und Finanzierungsfragen bietet, in Rolle auf dem Weg zu nachhaltigen Produktions- und Bereichen also, in denen - aus Gründen der Größenord- Verbrauchsmustern übernehmen. nung und des Umfangs - ein einzelner Mitgliedstaat im Kampf gegen Marktversagen nur scheitern kann, sind bis- Der Schlüssel zum Erfolg: Öko-Innovationen. her nicht immer voll ausgeschöpft worden.

Darüber hinaus können produktivitätssteigernde Inno- Galileo und Luftfahrt sind Beispiele erfolgreicher öffent- vationen, durch die sich das Input-Output-Verhältnis lich-privater Partnerschaften. verbessern lässt, entscheidend dazu beitragen, dass die 388 Wirtschaft zunehmend umweltverträglich wächst. Des- Das GALILEO-Projekt und die Luftfahrtindustrie sind wegen müssen Öko-Innovationen, vor allem in den Be- gute Beispiele für eine erfolgreiche Bündelung euro- reichen Verkehr und Energie, spürbar gefördert werden. päischer Spitzenleistungen – was in beiden Fällen der europäischen Wirtschaft große Vorteile bringt. Solche ÖKO-INNOVATIONEN Ansätze sollten - eventuell unter Nutzung öffentlich-privater Partnerschaften - auch für Fälle entwickelt werden, Die Kommission wird ihre Unterstützung für Umwelt- in denen der Nutzen für die Gesellschaft größer ist als technologien verstärken. Sie wird außerdem die not- für den privaten Sektor: z. B. bei Energie aus Wasser- wendigen Schritte einleiten, um die Entwicklung von stoff. Der Neustart der Strategie von Lissabon sollte die Konzepten und Technologien zu fördern, die es der EU richtigen Bedingungen schaffen, damit dieses Potenzial ermöglichen, die für die Nachhaltigkeit notwendigen genutzt und der erforderliche Strukturwandel erleichtert strukturellen Veränderungen vorzunehmen, etwa in den wird, während außerhalb an der Öffnung der Märkte ge- Bereichen Ressourcenverbrauch, Klimaveränderungen arbeitet wird. und Energieeffizienz. Diese werden sowohl innerhalb der EU benötigt als auch zur Deckung des Bedarfs in expan- EUROPÄISCHE TECHNOLOGIEINITIATIVEN dierenden Märkten weltweit. Umwelttechnologien und Energiesparverfahren bieten unter wirtschaftlichen, öko- Die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Industrie kann durch gro- logischen und Beschäftigungsgesichtspunkten erhebliche ße europäische Technologieinitiativen unterstützt werden, Synergiepotenziale. für die Finanzmittel der Union, der Mitgliedstaaten und der Industrie mobilisiert werden. Mit dem nächsten For- Flankierend hierzu soll es, um die Entwicklung und schungsrahmenprogramm kann dieser Prozess vorangetrie- Verbreitung kohlenstoffarmer Technologien zu fördern, ben werden, indem ihm ausreichend Priorität eingeräumt vermehrte Anstrengungen in der Forschung und bei der wird. Ziel ist es, mit Hilfe dieser Technologien Fälle von Einführung der Technologien geben; hierzu gehört auch Marktversagen anzugehen und konkrete Entwicklungen die Mobilisierung von Privatkapital durch die Europäi- von Produkten und Dienstleistugen voranzubringen, die sche Investitionsbank. nicht nur fundamentale Bedeutung für Europas Modell der nachhaltigen Entwicklung haben, sondern auch zur 3.3.3. Beitrag zu einer starken industriellen industriellen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit beitragen werden. Ihr Basis in der EU Umfang rechtfertigt zusätzliche EU-Mittel, die wiederum eine zusätzliche Finanzierung von nationaler und privater Eine solide industrielle Basis kann dafür sorgen, dass wir Seite mobilisieren wird. Das Management würde von ge- in Wissenschaft und Technologie führend bleiben. mischt öffentlich-privaten Partnerschaften übernommen.

Eine weltweite Vormachtstellung in den Bereichen F&E Wichtige Beispiele dafür sind umweltfreundliche Tech- sowie Innovation hat den Vorteil, dass man der „erste auf nologien wie etwa die Wasserstofftechnologien oder die dem Markt“ ist; dieser Vorteil kann lange anhalten, und Solarenergie. Für diese Projekte ist GALILEO, das einen Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon großen Markt und viele Arbeitsplätze schaffen wird, ein 3.4.1. Mehr Menschen an das guter Bezugspunkt. Die Verbesserung der Fähigkeit der Erwerbsleben heranführen und die EU, Technologie in konkrete Produkte, Märkte und Ar- Sozialschutzsysteme modernisieren beitsplätze umzuwandeln, ist ein Schlüssel zum Erfolg Lissabons. Wir müssen mehr Menschen für das Erwerbsleben gewinnen ... Die Kommission wird in enger Zusammenarbeit mit den wichtigsten Beteiligten (Mitgliedstaaten, Forschung, Zwar sollte angesichts der niedrigen Geburtenraten etwas Industrie und Zivilgesellschaft) Kriterien, Themen und unternommen werden, doch die Hebung des Beschäfti- Projekte ermitteln und dem Europäischen Rat im Juni gungsniveaus bleibt das Mittel der Wahl für Wachstum darüber berichten. Dieser Prozess und die anschließen- und Volkswirtschaften ohne soziale Ausgrenzung. Die de Vorbereitungs- und Finanzierungsphase werden dann Herausforderung besteht darin, durch aktive Arbeitsmarkt- mit der Vorbereitung und Verabschiedung des Rahmen- politik und entsprechende Anreize bei mehr Menschen das programms einhergehen. Interesse für den Arbeitsmarkt zu wecken. Um Menschen aus der Arbeitslosigkeit und Nichterwerbstätigkeit heraus 3.4. Mehr und bessere Arbeitsplätze wieder zur Beschäftigung zu bewegen und Anreize für einen längeren Verbleib im Erwerbsleben zu geben, ist allemal schaffen die Modernisierung der Sozialschutzsysteme erforderlich. Das riesige Potenzial, das die Frauen für den Arbeitsmarkt Europa braucht mehr und bessere Arbeitsplätze … darstellen, ist noch nicht ausgeschöpft. Die Sozialpartner 389 sollten sich weiterhin für die Beseitigung der ungleichen Wenn wir den Wohlstand sichern und das Risiko der so- Entlohnung von Männern und Frauen einsetzen. zialen Ausgrenzung reduzieren wollen, müssen wir mehr dafür tun, dass die Menschen eine Arbeit finden, und … und für junge wie für ältere Arbeitnehmer die geeigne- dafür sorgen, dass sie ihr ganzes Leben lang in den Ar- ten Maßnahmen finden. beits- und Bildungsprozess eingebunden bleiben. Auch für junge Menschen muss etwas unternommen … doch die demo-grafische Entwicklung lastet schwer auf werden, denn bei diesen ringt Europa immer noch unserer Beschäftigungsstatistik. mit einer hohen strukturellen Arbeitslosigkeit und hohen Abbrecherquoten im Bildungswesen, und für älte- Vor dem Hintergrund eines raschen wirtschaftlichen re Menschen, die immer noch in großem Umfang ab Wandels und einer rasch voranschreitenden Alterung der dem 55. Lebensjahr allmählich aus dem Erwerbsleben Bevölkerung ist die Schaffung von mehr und besseren ausscheiden. Viele Menschen finden es auch schwierig, Arbeitsplätzen nicht nur ein politischer Anspruch: Sie ist das Berufs- und Familienleben miteinander zu vereinen. vielmehr eine wirtschaftliche und soziale Notwendigkeit. Insbesondere die Bereitstellung besserer und erschwing- In den kommenden 50 Jahren wird sich die Bevölkerungs- licher Kinderbetreuungseinrichtungen könnte hier einen struktur Europas so stark wandeln wie nie zuvor. Den wertvollen Beitrag leisten. Der legalen Migration, durch demografischen Prognosen zufolge wird die erwerbstätige die sich Engpässe bei bestimmten Qualifikationen und Bevölkerung in absoluten Zahlen abnehmen. Abgesehen ein Missverhältnis zwischen Angebot und Nachfrage in von den damit einhergehenden bedeutsamen sozialen Ver- wichtigen Arbeitsmarktsegmenten vermeiden ließen, änderungen, führt dies zu einem enormen Druck auf un- kommt ebenfalls eine zentrale Rolle zu. sere Systeme der Altersversorgung und der sozialen Sicher- heit; wird nichts unternommen, zöge dies die potenzielle EUROPÄISCHE JUGENDINITIATIVE Wachstumsrate nach unten - auf klägliche 1% jährlich. Außerdem könnte sich die Bevölkerung mancher unserer In ihrem Brief vom 29. Oktober 2004 schlagen die Mitgliedstaaten drastisch verringern. Die Kommission Staats- und Regierungschefs Frankreichs, Deutschlands, wird ein Grünbuch annehmen, mit dem eine Debatte über Spaniens und Schwedens einen Europäischen Pakt für diese demografische Herausforderung eingeleitet werden die Jugend vor, in dessen Mittelpunkt die Verringerung soll, um so zu ermitteln, mit welchen öffentlichen Maß- der Jugendarbeitslosigkeit und die Erleichterung des Ein- nahmen sich dagegen angehen ließe. tritts in das Erwerbsleben stehen. Eine bessere Verein- barkeit von Berufs- und Familienleben ist ein zentrales Die Kommission wird 2005 eine Überarbeitung der eu- Element der Initiative. ropäischen Beschäftigungsstrategie als Bestandteil der neuen Strategie von Lissabon vorschlagen, der auf dem Die in der vorliegenden Mitteilung präsentierten Poli- Lissabon-Aktionsplan aufbaut. tikbereiche enthalten einige für die freie Entfaltung des DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Potenzials junger Menschen wesentliche Maßnahmen. Humankapital zu steigern. Eine Verlängerung der be- Sie werden eine wichtige Rolle in der überarbeiteten eu- hinderungsfreien Lebenserwartung wird hierfür von aus- ropäischen Beschäftigungsstrategie spielen und sollen aus schlaggebender Bedeutung sein. EU-Mitteln, besonders aus dem Europäischen Sozialfonds gefördert werden. Zusammen genommen machen diese Die Mitgliedsstaaten sollten sich nationale Beschäfti- Maßnahmen eine echte europäische Jugendinitiative aus: gungsziele stecken …

Der Politikbereich „Mehr Menschen an das Erwerbs- Die Kommission schlägt vor, dass die Mitgliedstaaten in leben heranführen und die Sozialschutzsysteme mo- ihren Lissabon-Aktionsprogrammen nationale Erwerbs- dernisieren“ sieht Maßnahmen zur Verringerung der quotenziele für 2008 und 2010 aufstellen und darlegen, Jugendarbeitslosigkeit vor - darunter die Verbesserung durch welche politischen Instrumente sie diese erreichen der Berufs- und die Weiterentwicklung der Lehrlingsaus- wollen. Die beschäftigungspolitischen Leitlinien werden bildung - und Maßnahmen, damit jungen arbeitslosen den Mitgliedstaaten bei der Auswahl der wirksamsten Menschen in der aktiven Arbeitsmarktpolitik besonde- Instrumente helfen und die Kommission wird auf dieser re Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet wird. Auch Aktionen zur Grundlage in ihrem strategischen Jahresbericht die Fort- Verbesserung der Einrichtungen zur Betreuung der Kin- schritte evaluieren. der sowie der älteren und behinderten Menschen und die Ausdehnung des Elternurlaubs für Väter werden in Freiwillige Unternehmensinitiativen im Zusammenhang diesem Bereich zu einer besseren Vereinbarkeit des Er- mit der Übernahme sozialer Verantwortung können ei- 390 werbs- und Familienlebens beitragen. nen großen Beitrag zu einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung leisten und Europas Innovationspotenzial und Wettbe- Im Politikbereich „Durch bessere Bildung und Qualifika- werbsfähigkeit steigern. tion stärker in das Humankapital investieren“ zielen verschiedene Maßnahmen speziell auf die jüngere Generati- … und wir brauchen die Unterstützung der Sozialpartner on ab, um diese Gruppe mit menschlichen Fähigkeiten und den Qualifikationen auszustatten, die in einer dy- Schließlich sind die Sozialpartner gefordert, sich um namischen wissensbasierten Wirtschaft benötigt werden. die Eingliederung der vom Arbeitsmarkt ausgegrenzten Zu diesen Maßnahmen zählen beispielsweise mehr In- Menschen zu bemühen. Dies wird nicht nur zur Be- vestitionen in Bildung und die Verbesserung ihrer Wirk- kämpfung der Armut, sondern auch zu einem höheren samkeit; Maßnahmen, damit es weniger Schulabbrecher Beschäftigungsstand beitragen. und Schulabgänger mit schlechten Leistungen gibt, und eine höhere Beteiligung an Studien der Mathematik, Wissenschaft, Technologie und Ingenieurwissenschaften. 3.4.2. Steigerung der Anpassungsfähigkeit von Erwerbstätigen und Unternehmen sowie der Flexibilität der Maßnahmen unter dem Titel „Steigerung und Verbesse- rung der Investitionen in Forschung und Entwicklung” Arbeitsmärkte - in Verbindung mit der Fähigkeit, das Humankapital Ein hohes Maß an Anpassungs-fähigkeit wird unsere in der Wirtschaft zu mehren - werden auch den jungen Leistung steigern und Menschen in Arbeit bringen. Generationen zugute kommen, indem sich ihnen neue Karriereaussichten eröffnen. In sich rasch wandelnden Volkswirtschaften ist ein hoher Grad der Anpassungsfähigkeit auch entscheidend für den Die Modernisierung der Sozialschutzsysteme ist ebenfalls Produktivitätsanstieg und die Schaffung von Arbeitsplät- wichtig. zen in rasch wachsenden Sektoren bei. Neue Firmen und KMU tragen in zunehmendem Maße erheblich zur Schaf- Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten ihre Sozialschutzsysteme fung von Arbeitsplätzen und zum Wachstum in Europa modernisieren (besonders die Alters- und Gesund- bei. Mehr Flexibilität bei gleichzeitig sicheren Arbeitsver- heitsversorgungssysteme) und ihre jeweilige Beschäf- trägen verlangt von den Beschäftigten und Unternehmen tigungspolitik stärken. Die Beschäftigungspolitik der eine größere Befähigung, Veränderungen vorwegzuneh- Mitgliedstaaten sollte darauf abzielen, mehr Menschen men, in Gang zu bringen und aufzufangen. Eine größere an eine Beschäftigung heranzuführen (besonders durch Anpassungsfähigkeit dürfte mit dafür sorgen, dass die Löh- bessere Nutzung einer aktiven Arbeitsmarktpolitik und ne nicht schneller steigen als die Produktivität und dass durch Strategien für ein aktives Altern), die Anpas- sie der Situation auf dem Arbeitsmarkt entsprechen. Auf- sungsfähigkeit von Erwerbstätigen und Unternehmen grund der bestehenden Unterschiede zwischen den für den durch der Produktivitätssteigerung entsprechende Loh- Arbeitsmarkt zuständigen Einrichtungen und im Funktio- nentwicklung und durch stärkere Investitionen in das nieren der Arbeitsmärkte wäre eine Einheitspolitik für alle Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon natürlich ineffizient und möglicherweise kontraproduktiv. Der Finanzierung durch die EU kommt dabei eine wich- Daher müssen die Mitgliedstaaten selbst die geschicktesten tige Rolle zu Maßnahmenkombinationen („bester Policy-Mix“) finden. Die Gemeinschaft wird durch Mobilisierung ihrer Aus- Wir müssen Mobilitätshindernisse abbauen. gabenpolitik zu mehr und besseren Arbeitsplätzen beitragen. Die Strukturfonds werden bereits genutzt und Um spezifische Probleme anzugehen, wird die Kommis- auf diese Ziele ausgerichtet, dieser Fortschritt lässt sich sion Vorschläge zur Beseitigung der Hindernisse für die jedoch nur durch die Annahme der Vorschläge für den Freizügigkeit der Arbeitnehmer im Bereich der betrieb- neuen Förderrahmen nach 2007 festigen. Für diese Poli- lichen Altersversorgung machen und sich mit der Koor- tikbereiche, durch die nationale und regionale Mittel des dinierung der Einwanderungspolitik gegenüber Wirt- privaten und öffentlichen Sektors aufgestockt würden, schaftsmigranten befassen. Von maßgebender Bedeutung sind adäquate Mittel erforderlich. sind auch die Verabschiedung der Vorlage für eine weiter gehende berufliche Mobilität und des Europäischen Qua- ERFÜLLUNG DER IN LISSABON EINGEGANGENEN lifikationsrahmens im Jahr 2006 sowie die Förderung der VERPFLICHTUNGEN: REFORM DER Chancengleichheit (umgestalteter Vorschlag). EU-KOHÄSIONSPOLITIK UND DIE ROLLE DER STRUKTURFONDS 3.4.3. Mehr Investitionen in das Für die kommende Generation der Regional- und Kohäs- Humankapital durch bessere Bildung ionsprogramme schlägt die Kommission im Bemühen um 391 und Qualifikation wachstums- und beschäftigungswirksame Inhalte ein stär- Mehr Investitionen in Bildung und Qualifizierung sind ker strategisch geprägtes Konzept vor. Durch Ratsbeschluss ein weiterer Faktor. werden auf Gemeinschaftsebene die strategischen Leitlini- en aufgestellt, durch die der Rahmen für die Leitlinien auf Strukturwandel, eine stärkere Erwerbsbeteiligung und Ebene der einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten partnerschaftlich und Produktivitätsanstieg erfordern ständige Investitionen unter Berücksichtigung der unterschiedlichen nationalen in hoch qualifizierte und anpassungsfähige Arbeitskräf- und regionalen Bedürfnisse und Umstände abgesteckt wird. te. Volkswirtschaften, die über qualifizierte Arbeitskräfte verfügen, sind eher in der Lage, neue Technologien ein- Mit den künftigen Regionalprogrammen und den nati- zuführen und wirksam zu nutzen. Das Bildungsniveau onalen Beschäftigungsprogrammen werden Ressourcen in Europa bleibt hinter dem zurück, was erforderlich ist, vor allem in weniger wohlhabenden Regionen, auf die damit Qualifikationen auf dem Arbeitsmarkt zur Ver- sich die Ressourcen der Gemeinschaft konzentrieren, ge- fügung stehen und damit neues Wissen hervorgebracht zielt eingesetzt für: wird, das dann in der Wirtschaft Verbreitung findet. Der Bedeutung des lebenslangen Lernens und des Wissens • die Entwicklung von mehr und besseren Arbeitsplät- im Wirtschaftsleben entspricht auch die Erkenntnis, dass zen durch Investitionen in Ausbildung und in die ein hohes Bildungsniveau und hohe Qualifikation we- Schaffung neuer Tätigkeiten, sentlich zum sozialen Zusammenhalt beitragen. • die Förderung von Innovation und Wachstum der wissensbasierten Wirtschaft durch Ausbau der For- Lebenslanges Lernen ist eine Priorität schungskapazitäten und Innovationsnetze, auch unter Nutzung der neuen Informations- und Kommunika- Die Modernisierung und Reform des allgemeinen und tionstechnologien, und beruflichen Bildungswesen in Europa ist im wesentlichen Sache der Mitgliedstaaten. Manche wichtige Schritte • die Verbesserung der Attraktivität von Regionen müssen jedoch auf europäischer Ebene getroffen werden, durch Einrichtung der Infrastruktur. um dazu beizutragen und diesen Prozess zu erleichtern. Auch Strategien für die ländliche Entwicklung werden Der Vorschlag für ein neues Programm für lebenslanges gezielter auf Wachstum und auf die Schaffung von Ar- Lernen, das die jetzige Generation der Programme für beitsplätzen in ländlichen Gebieten ausgerichtet. Um allgemeine und berufliche Bildung 2007 ablösen soll, Standortnachteile aufzuheben, müssen die Möglichkei- muss vom Gesetzgeber bis Ende 2005 verabschiedet ten des Internet und der Breitbandkommunikation in werden, damit es rechtzeitig wirksam umgesetzt werden vollem Umfang genutzt werden. kann. Es muss auch eine seinen Zielen angemessene Mit- telausstattung erhalten. Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen sich Dies sollten die Mitgliedstaaten in Partnerschaft mit den bis 2006 Strategien für ein an ihre Zusage halten und Regionen und den Städten vorantreiben. lebenslanges Lernen aufstellen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

3.5. Die Auswirkungen auf Wachstum könnte die jährliche EU-Wachstumsrate des BIP um 0,3 und Arbeitsplätze bis 0,5 Prozentpunkte erhöhen.

Lissabon wird sich mittel- und langfristig auf das Wachs- Mehr und bessere Arbeitsplätze schaffen tum auswirken. … und das richtige Beschäftigungskonzept könnte die Erwerbsbeteiligungs-quote um 1,5 % steigen lassen. Die in dieser Mitteilung skizzierten Maßnahmen werden sich entsprechend dem weiterentwickeln, was die Mit- Die in den letzten Jahren zu beobachtende Steigerung gliedstaaten in ihren nationalen Aktionsprogrammen im der Leistung im Beschäftigungsbereich ist in jenen Län- Einzelnen formulieren. Es ist zwar somit zum jetzigen dern signifikanter, die Reformen durchgeführt haben mit Zeitpunkt nicht möglich, eine umfassende Abschätzung dem Ziel, die Beteiligungsquote zu erhöhen und eine der Folgen des gesamten Lissabon-Aktionsplans vorzu- bessere aktive Arbeitsmarktpolitik sowie Steuer- und So- nehmen, doch wird allgemein nicht daran gezweifelt, zialleistungssysteme auszuarbeiten. Studien zeigen, dass dass die in diesem Aktionsplan vorgesehenen Maßnah- solche Reformen die Beteiligungsquote um 1,5 Prozent- men von ihrer Art her sehr geeignet sind, das Wachstum- punkte erhöhen und, kombiniert mit moderaten Lohn- spotenzial mittel- bis langfristig zu steigern2. forderungen, eine Reduktion der Arbeitslosenrate um 1 % bewirken können. Stärkung der Anziehungskraft Europas für In- 392 vestoren und Arbeitskräfte Die kumulative Wirkung dieser einzelnen Schritte könn- Ein Binnenmarkt für Dienstleistungen könnte das BIP um te bedeuten, dass die Gesamtaus-wirkungen noch viel 0,6 % steigern und die Beschäftigungsquote um 0,3 %. größer sind.

Das Binnenmarktprogramm ist eines der besten Beispie- Wie diese Auswahl zeigt, hätten die im Lissabon-Akti- le für eine Reform nach dem Muster von Lissabon, die onsplan vorgesehenen Einzelmaßnahmen substanzielle sich spürbar auf Wachstum und Beschäftigung auswirkt. positive Auswirkungen auf die Wirtschaft. Die Strate- Beispielsweise dürfte die Vollendung des Dienstleis- gie besteht jedoch aus einem ganzen Bündel von Maß- tungsbinnenmarktes mittelfristig zu einem Anstieg des nahmen, die sich in ihren Wirkungen gegenseitig ver- BIP um 0,6 % und der Beschäftigungsquote um 0,3 % stärken. Nach den vorliegenden Schätzungen darf man führen. Vollständig integrierte Finanzmärkte könnten vernünftigerweise davon ausgehen, dass der vollständige mittel- bis langfristig die Kapitalkosten für EU-Unter- Lissabon-Aktionsplan nach Verwirklichung all seiner nehmen um rund 0,5 Prozentpunkte senken, was lang- Bestandteile die aktuelle potenzielle Wachstumsrate der fristig eine Erhöhung des BIP um 1,1 % und der Be- EU um beinahe die angestrebten 3 % erhöhen würde. schäftigung um 0,5 % bewirken könnte. Er würde außerdem die Beschäftigung bis 2010 um rund sechs Millionen Arbeitsplätze ansteigen lassen. Wissen und Innovation für Wachstum Investitionen in Wissen und Bildung dürften unsere In- 4. DAFÜR SORGEN, DASS novationsfähigkeit verbessern, … DIE PARTNERSCHAFT Investitionen in das Wissen dürften die Fähigkeit der EU ZU WACHSTUM UND zu Innovation sowie zur Produktion und Anwendung ARBEITSPLÄTZEN FÜHRT neuer Technologien erhöhen. Eine Erhöhung des Anteils von F&E-Ausgaben am BIP von 1,9 % auf 3 % (um das Die Umsetzung von Lissabon wird neu gestaltet: … Lissabon-Ziel bis 2010 zu erreichen) hätte eine Steige- rung des BIP um 1,7 % bis 2010 zur Folge. Investitio- nen in Humankapital sind ebenfalls notwendig, da hoch Auf dem Weg zur Erreichung der auf der Tagung des Eu- qualifizierte Menschen die besten Voraussetzungen ha- ropäischen Rates in Lissabon im Jahr 2000 festgelegten ben, um mit dem produktivsten Kapital zu arbeiten und Ziele wurden zwar Fortschritte gemacht, das Gesamtbild für die neuen Technologien geeignete organisationelle ist jedoch sehr uneinheitlich. Die größte Herausforde- Änderungen umzusetzen. Ein Anstieg um ein Jahr beim rung, der wir auf halbem Weg bis 2010 gegenüberstehen, durchschnittlichen Bildungsniveau der Arbeitskräfte besteht somit darin, das Durchführungsdefizit zu decken. Wir müssen den Prozess zur Realisierung der Ziele, der zu kompliziert geworden ist und kaum verstanden 2 Siehe “The costs of non-Lisbon. An issues paper”, Entwurf wird, neu beleben. Es hat zu viele Worte, aber zu wenig eines Arbeitspapiers der Kommissionsdienststellen. Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon

Taten gegeben. Die Grenzen zwischen den Zuständigkei- daran bei der Durchführung rasche Fortschritte ten der nationalen Ebene und der europäischen Ebene erzielen lassen. haben sich verwischt. Ergebnis: nur wenige fühlen sich … ein einziges integriertes Dokument für die wirtschafts- verantwortlich. und beschäftigungspo¬litische Koordinierung. … nur noch ein einziges nationales Lissabon-Programm für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze, … • Der Vereinfachung der Berichterstattung würde auf Unionsebene die Integration der geltenden, auf dem Vertrag beruhenden wirtschafts- und beschäf- Um dem abzuhelfen, schlägt die Kommission eine Ge- tigungspolitischen Koordinationsmechanismen neralüberholung der Vorgehensweise bei der Durchfüh- in ein einziges Paket entsprechen (im Rahmen der rung der neu ausgerichteten Strategie von Lissabon vor: Grundzüge der Wirtschaftspolitik und der beschäfti- gungspolitischen Leitlinien): Dies soll in Form eines • Ein einziges nationales Aktionsprogramm für strategischen Jahresberichts erfolgen, der jedes Jahr Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze, das von den Regierun- im Januar3 veröffentlicht wird. gen der Mitgliedsstaaten nach Erörterung mit ihren Parlamenten verabschiedet wird, würde dazu beitra- Von den Mitgliedstaaten wird verbindliches Engagement gen, die Urheberschaft und die Legitimierung dieses gefordert. Programms auf die nationale Ebene zu übertragen. Dies würde durch die Einbeziehung der Sozialpartner Mitgliedstaaten. Der Schwachpunkt der Strategie von 393 und der Zivilgesellschaft in die Ausarbeitung eines Lissabon besteht in ihrer Durchführung. Die Vorschlä- nationalen Lissabon-Programms verstärkt. In diesem ge zur Verbesserung der Durchführungsmechanismen Programm würden die den Gegebenheiten in den könnten viele der Probleme lösen. Sie werden jedoch einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten entsprechenden Reform- nur zum Tragen kommen, wenn die Mitgliedstaaten sich maßnahmen und -ziele dargelegt. Es sollte von den ernsthaft engagieren. Regierungen nach Erörterung mit ihren nationalen Parlamenten ausgearbeitet und verabschiedet werden. Der Europäische Rat gibt den Kurs vor … … ein Herr oder eine Frau Lissabon in den nationalen Regierungen, … Auch auf europäischer Ebene würden die Rollen eindeutig verteilt: • Die Mitgliedstaaten würden einen Herrn oder eine Frau Lissabon auf Regierungsebene benennen, der/ Der Europäische Rat hätte die Gesamtverantwortung die mit der Koordination der verschiedenen Elemente für die Leitung des Prozesses. Ein integriertes Konzept der Strategie und der Vorstellung des Lissabon-Pro- zur Verabschiedung von Leitlinien für nationale Pro- gramms betraut wäre. gramme für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze sowie zur vereinfachten Berichterstattung durch die Mitgliedstaaten … ein einheitliches Berichtsverfahren … über die Durchführung soll eine noch stärkere Leitung durch den Europäischen Rat ermöglichen. • Die nationalen Lissabon-Programme für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze würden dann zum wichtigsten … unter Berücksichtigung der Meinung des Europäi- Instrument zur Berichterstattung über die wirt- schen Parlaments … schafts- und beschäftigungspolitischen Maßnahmen im Zusammenhang mit der Strategie von Lissabon Das Europäische Parlament würde durch seine Stellung- werden. Dies würde einer deutlichen Vereinfachung nahme zum strategischen Jahresbericht, die vom Rat zu der unzähligen derzeit vorliegenden Berichte im Rah- berücksichtigen wäre, ebenfalls in diesen Prozess einbe- men der offenen Koordinierungsmethode (OKM) zogen. Die Präsidenten des Parlaments, des Rates und führen, die die Kommission überprüfen soll. der Kommission werden - auch vor dem Europäischen … neben einem Lissabon-Plan der EU und … Rat im Frühjahr - weiterhin regelmäßig zusammenkommen, um zu ermitteln, wie die mit dem Lissabon-Pro- • Die Prioritäten für die Tätigkeit auf Unionsebene gramm der Gemeinschaft zusammenhängenden legisla- sind ermittelt und in einem gesonderten Lissa- tiven Vorschläge im legislativen Verfahren vorangebracht bon-Aktionsplan der Union beschrieben. Angestrebt wird eine Einigung über ihre Bedeutung, damit sich 3 SEK(2005) 193, “Für wachstum sorgen und arbeitsplätze bei der Entscheidungsfindung sowie im Anschluss schaffen: ein neuer und integrierter koordinierungszyklus für wirtschaft und beschäftigung in der EU”, http://europa.eu.int/ growthandjobs/index_de.htm. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

werden können. Diese Kommission wird außerdem das Dies sorgt für eine Strukturierung unserer Partnerschaft Europäische Parlament regelmäßig über ihre Analyse und für tatsächliche Veränderungen. der von den Mitgliedstaaten erzielten Fortschritte und durchgeführten Maßnahmen unterrichten. Insgesamt beruhen die Vorschläge zur Partnerschaft für Wachstum und Beschäftigung, auf einer eindeutigen ... und die Kommission ist der Motor des Prozesses. Zuweisung von Zuständigkeiten, die allen Akteuren er- möglicht, diejenigen Maßnahmen, für die sie zuständig Die Kommission würde die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Er- sind, als ihre eigenen zu betrachten. Das neue Konzept stellung ihrer Lissabon-Programme unterstützen und die bereitet dem gegenwärtigen Dickicht bei den Berichter- erforderlichen Strukturen schaffen, um diesen Prozess stattungsverpflichtungen ein Ende. Im Wesentlichen ver- zu erleichtern. Sie würde die von den Mitgliedstaaten lagert es den Schwerpunkt von der Koordination durch festgelegten Ziele und Maßnahmen bewerten, auf damit multilaterale Erörterungen unter 25 Mitgliedstaaten und verbundene Schwierigkeiten hinweisen und mit Hilfe der Kommission über einzelne politische Themen (die ihres strategischen Jahresberichts gewährleisten, dass die offene Koordinierungsmethode) auf einen eingehenden Union den Fahrplan einhielte. Ergänzend dazu würde sie bilateralen Dialog zwischen der Kommission und den ihre Befugnisse gemäß dem Vertrag wahrnehmen, um Mitgliedstaaten über ein auf Verpflichtungen basierendes eine ordnungsgemäße Umsetzung der Rechtsvorschrif- nationales Aktionsprogramm. Dieser Dialog ist eingebet- ten und die Einhaltung der in Lissabon gemachten Zusa- tet in die auf dem Vertrag beruhenden wirtschafts- und gen der Mitgliedstaaten sicherzustellen. beschäftigungspolitischen Koordinationsinstrumente, d. 394 h. in die Grundzüge der Wirtschaftspolitik und die be- Die Sozialpartner sollten eine besondere Rolle spielen. schäftigungspolitischen Leitlinien.

Auch die Sozialpartner werden eine wichtige Funktion So können wir die Früchte eines kohärenten Vorgehens ausüben. Ihre Unterstützung wird in Bereichen wie z. in veschiedenen Bereichen und auf verschiedenen Ebenen B. der aktiven Arbeitsmarktpolitik, dem lebenslangen ernten. Lernen oder der Antizipation des Strukturwandels in In- dustriesektoren von entscheidender Bedeutung sein. Die Und schließlich wird uns dieses Konzept ermöglichen, Kommission fordert sie auf, ihr eigenes Lissabon-Pro- durch die auf den verschiedenen Ebenen der Partner- gramm für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze unter Wahr- schaft durchgeführten Maßnahmen wirkliche Synergie- nehmung ihrer im Vertrag festgelegten Befugnisse zu effekte zu erzielen und auf Komplementaritäten mit und erstellen. Der regelmäßige Dreiergipfel sollte sich mit der unter den Mitgliedstaaten aufzubauen. Letztere werden Bewertung der erzielten Fortschritte und dem Austausch in ihren Lissabon-Programmen beispielsweise nationale bewährter Verfahren unter den Mitgliedstaaten befas- Ziele für die F&E-Ausgaben bekräftigen und die Maß- sen. Die Partnerschaft für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze nahmen darlegen, die sie ergreifen wollen. Auf Gemein- stimmt daher völlig überein mit den Ambitionen der schaftsebene wird eine Verdoppelung der F&E-Ausgaben Partnerschaft für den Wandel, die von den Sozialpart- innerhalb des 7. Rahmenprogramms vorgeschlagen so- nern auf ihrem Dreiergipfel im März 2004 eingegangen wie eine Reihe politischer Maßnahmen vorgesehen, mit wurde. deren Hilfe die F&E-Ausgaben in den Mitgliedstaaten gefördert werden sollen. Auf der Grundlage der natio- Dieser neue 3-Jahres-Zyklus beginnt 2005. nalen Lissabon-Programme wird die Kommission daher jährlich die Fortschritte auf dem Weg zur angestrebten Dieser neue Dreijahreszyklus würde 2005 mit der Fest- Höhe der F&E-Ausgaben von 3 % des BIP in der Union legung neuer allgemeinerer wirtschafts- und beschäfti- insgesamt bewerten, erforderliche Vorschläge zur Anpas- gungspolitischer Leitlinien eingeleitet, mit deren Hilfe sung der politischen Instrumente machen, den Mitglied- die Mitgliedstaaten ihre nationalen Lissabon-Programme staaten Rückmeldung geben und erforderlichenfalls dem an ihren jeweiligen nationalen Gegebenheiten ausrichten Europäischen Rat über ernsthafte Probleme berichten könnten. Im Jahr 2008 würde eine Überprüfung stattfin- können. den. Ein ausführlicher Überblick über das neue Gover- nance-Konzept wird gesondert veröffentlicht. Die Information der Bürger über Lissabon stellt einen wichtigen Schritt zur Schaffung eines Engagements auf allen Ebenen der Regierung dar. Zusammenarbeit für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze: Ein Neubeginn für die Strategie von Lissabon

Vor allem müssen die Menschen verstehen, warum Lissa- bon so wichtig ist…

Die Aufgabe, für die Reform einzutreten, endet nicht mit diesem Bericht, und auch nicht mit dem Eingehen einer Partnerschaft für Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze auf der Tagung des Europäischen Rates im März. Die ehrgeizige Reformagenda von Lissabon muss einhergehen mit Bemühungen, die Herausforderungen, denen wir gegenüberstehen, zu erklären. Wir müssen wieder und wieder für die Reform eintreten, damit ihre Dringlich- keit offenkundig wird, und zeigen, dass wir die Heraus- forderungen annehmen können – dass wir eine klare europäische Lösung dafür haben. Die Vermittlung dieser Botschaft erfordert jedoch ernsthafte und dauerhafte Bemühungen.

… und dies muss auf EU- und auf nationaler Ebene er- klärt werden. 395 Diese Aufgabe ist von den europäischen Institutionen gemeinsam zu übernehmen. Die Hauptverantwortung liegt jedoch auf der Ebene der Mitgliedstaaten, auf der Botschaften auf die eigenen Anliegen und Diskussionen abgestimmt werden können. Dazu sind all diejenigen einzubeziehen, die ein Interesse an Europas Erfolg haben, d. h. die nationalen Parlamente, die Regionen, Städ- te und ländlichen Gemeinden sowie die Zivilgesellschaft. Die Kommission ihrerseits wird diese Agenda für Wachs- tum und Arbeitsplätze während ihrer gesamten Amtszeit als zentrale Kommunikationspriorität behandeln. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

396 Der Beitrag der Kommission in der Zeit der Reflexion und danach: Plan D für Demokratie, Dialog und Diskussion

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION BRÜSSEL, 13. OKTOBER 2005 COM(2005) 494

1. EINLEITUNG sollte ihrer Ansicht nach die in der Verfassung erzielte generelle Ausgewogenheit nicht durch die stückweise 397 Umsetzung einzelner Teile des Textes gefährdet werden. Am Ende der Tagung des Europäischen Rates gaben die Die Zeit der Reflexion sollte vielmehr zunächst zu einer Staats- und Regierungschefs am 18. Juni 2005 eine Er- umfassenden und intensiven Diskussion über europäi- klärung zur „Ratifizierung des Vertrags über eine Verfas- sche Themen genutzt werden. Jede Vision zur Zukunft sung für Europa“ ab. Hierin wurde nach dem negativen Europas muss sich auf eine klare Bestandsaufnahme der Ausgang der Referenden zur Europäischen Verfassung in Bedürfnisse und Erwartungen der Bürger stützen. Dies Frankreich und den Niederlanden eine “Zeit der Refle- ist der Zweck, den wir mit Plan D verfolgen. xion” gefordert.

Die Staats- und Regierungschefs machten den Mitglied- staaten Vorschläge für die Art der Diskussion, die statt- 2. ZIELE VON PLAN D finden könnte: “Diese Zeit der Reflexion wird in jedem unserer Länder für eine ausführliche Diskussion genutzt Die Kommission hat einen Plan D für Demokratie, werden, an der die Bürger, die Zivilgesellschaft, die Sozi- Dialog und Diskussion vorgeschlagen, nicht als Ret- alpartner, die nationalen Parlamente und die politischen tungsmaßnahme für die Verfassung, sondern um eine Parteien teilnehmen werden”. Es wurde ebenfalls hervor- umfassendere Diskussion zwischen den demokratischen gehoben, dass die Organe der Europäischen Union „ih- Organen der Europäischen Union und ihren Bürgern ren Beitrag leisten müssen, wobei der Kommission eine anzuregen. Diese Debatte ist als Ergänzung zu den be- besondere Rolle zukommt“. Mit dieser Mitteilung soll reits bestehenden oder vorgeschlagenen Initiativen und dem Wunsch der Staats- und Regierungschefs entspro- Programmen, beispielsweise in den Bereichen Bildung, chen werden. Jugend, Kultur und Förderung der aktiven Unionsbür- gerschaft, zu sehen. Die Europäische Kommission hat die Ratifizierung der Verfassung tatkräftig unterstützt und allen Mitgliedstaa- Plan D fügt sich ein in den Aktionsplan für Kommuni- ten bei ihren Informationskampagnen zur Seite gestan- kation über Europa , mit dessen Hilfe die Art und Weise, den. Einzelne Kommissionsmitglieder haben sich aktiv in der die Kommission der Außenwelt ihre Tätigkeit daran der Diskussion in den verschiedenen Mitgliedstaaten stellt, verbessert werden soll, sowie in das angekündigte beteiligt. Die Kommission ist weiterhin der Auffassung, Weißbuch zur Kommunikationsstrategie und Demokra- dass die Verfassung ein wichtiger Schritt wäre, um die tie, mit dem ein Konsultationsprozess über die Grund- Europäische Union in der Außenwahrnehmung demo- sätze der Kommunikationspolitik in der Europäischen kratischer, transparenter, handlungsfähiger und stärker Union und die Bereiche der Zusammenarbeit mit ande- zu machen. Die Kommission bedauert daher, dass es un- ren Organen und Institutionen der Europäischen Union ter den gegenwärtigen Umständen unwahrscheinlich ist, in Gang gesetzt werden soll. Gemeinsam mit Plan D bil- dass die Verfassung in absehbarer Zukunft ratifiziert wird. den diese Initiativen einen langfristigen Plan zur Wie- Solange der Ratifizierungsprozess nicht abgeschlossen ist, derbelebung der europäischen Demokratie und tragen zum Entstehen einer europäischen Öffentlichkeit bei, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

die dem Bürger die Informationen und die Instrumente zusätzlichem Nutzen wäre, auf die einzelnen Zielgruppen an die Hand gibt, um aktiv am Entscheidungsfindungs- einzugehen, die während der Informationskampagnen verfahren teilzunehmen und Teilhaber des europäischen im Rahmen der Referenden nicht erreicht werden konn- Einigungswerks zu werden. ten. Hierzu gehören junge Menschen und Minderheiten. Schließlich können die Diskussionen nur zum Erfolg Wiederherstellung des Vertrauens der führen, wenn die Massenmedien, insbesondere das Fern- Öffentlichkeit in die Europäische Union sehen, an dem Prozess beteiligt werden. Auch das Internet ist besonders wichtig, um die Diskussion anzustoßen. Angesichts des schwindenden Vertrauens in die politischen Systeme ist die Kommission der Auffassung, dass Eine langfristige Verpflichtung die repräsentative Demokratie weiterhin das Vertrauen und die Beteiligung der europäischen Bürger gewährleis- Plan D ist nicht auf die Zeit der Reflexion begrenzt, son- ten muss. Die letzte Eurobarometer-Umfrage zeigt, dass dern muss für diese Kommission auf Dauer gelten. Die die öffentliche Zustimmung zur Europäischen Union in gegenwärtige Krise kann nur überwunden werden, wenn den letzten Monaten ständig abgenommen hat. Alle In- im Hinblick auf das europäische Einigungswerk ein neu- dikatoren im Zusammenhang mit Vertrauen, Image oder er Konsens erreicht wird, der sich auf die Erwartungen Beurteilung der EU-Mitgliedschaft verzeichnen eine Ab- der Bürger stützt. nahme. Eine ähnliche Abnahme ist bei der öffentliche Zustimmung und dem Vertrauen in den nationalen po- Aktives Zuhören für mehr Engagement 398 litischen Prozess zu beobachten. Obwohl die Mitglied- schaft in der EU nach wie vor von 54 % der EU-Bürger Letztendlich geht es bei Plan D für Demokratie, Dialog befürwortet wird, ist das Ansehen der Europäischen Uni- und Diskussion darum, den Bürgern zuzuhören, damit on bei den Bürgern ständig gesunken. Nur noch 47 % die Europäische Union ihre Belange wahrnehmen kann. der Befragten stehen der EU positiv gegenüber. Das Ver- Ziel der Kommission ist es, diese Diskussion anzustoßen trauen zur Europäischen Union ist von 50 % im Herbst und Anerkennung für den Zusatznutzen zu erhalten, den 2004 auf 44 % im Frühjahr 2005 gesunken. die Europäische Union bietet. Dieser demokratische Er- neuerungsprozess bedeutet, dass die EU-Bürger das Recht haben müssen, dass ihre Belange wahrgenommen werden. Die Bürger müssen erkennen, dass Europa einen Zusatz- nutzen bietet, und sie die Möglichkeit haben, Entschei- dungen zu beeinflussen. Gegenwärtig glauben 53 % der Bürger nicht, dass ihre Stimme in der Europäischen Union 3. UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER zählt2. Auf die Frage, welche Rolle die Europäische Uni- DISKUSSIONEN IN DEN on in fünf Jahren spielen solle, wünschen sich 49 % eine bedeutendere Rolle, und nur 14 % ein geringeres Engage- MITGLIEDSTAATEN ment in wichtigen Politikbereichen. Dies verlangt ein Eu- ropa, das stärker den Erwartungen der Bürger entspricht. 3.1. Veranstaltung von Diskussionen in den Mitgliedstaaten Dies ist umso entscheidender, als die Europäischen Or- gane nur allzu häufig als Sündenbock für unpopuläre Es ist Hauptaufgabe der Mitgliedstaaten, auf den Aufruf Entscheidungen sowie als bürgerfern und bürokratisch zu einer Zeit der Reflexion zu reagieren. Alle haben sich angesehen werden. Eines der wichtigsten Ziele in der verpflichtet, eine umfassende nationale Debatte über die Zeit der Reflexion ist das Ingangsetzen einer präziseren Zukunft Europas zu führen. Kommunikation über die Tätigkeit der Europäischen Union. Sowohl die Mitgliedstaaten als auch die Organe Der Kommission ist bekannt, dass in einigen Mitglied- der Europäischen Union müssen aufhören, sich gegensei- staaten bereits lebhafte Diskussionen begonnen haben. tig die Schuld zuzuschieben. In anderen Mitgliedstaaten muss die Debatte erst noch angestoßen, intensiviert oder ausgeweitet werden. Die Zielgruppen und moderne Medien Kommission ist bereit, Impulse zu setzen, indem sie ein Nach Auffassung der Kommission darf sich die Diskussi- gemeinsames Vorgehen vorschlägt und ihre Ideen, wie sie on nicht nur auf die politischen Führer und die üblichen als EU-Organ zu dieser Debatte beitragen kann, vorstellt. Beteiligten beschränken. Die Kommission teilt die An- sicht der Staats- und Regierungschefs, wonach an diesen Die Kommission ist der Auffassung, dass ihre Rolle darin Diskussionen “die Zivilgesellschaft, die Sozialpartner, die besteht, die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Veranstaltung von nationalen Parlamente und die politischen Parteien” be- Diskussionen auf nationaler Ebene zu unterstützen, und teiligt werden müssen, glaubt jedoch auch, dass es von nicht, ihre Aufgabe zu übernehmen. Die Kommission DER BEITRAG DER KOMMISSION IN DER ZEIT DER REFLEXION UND DANACH: PLAN D FÜR DEMOKRATIE, DIALOG UND DISKUSSION unterstützt die Regierungen der Mitgliedstaaten bei der zu einem nationalen Forum in Brüssel einladen, um den Organisation und Finanzierung von Veranstaltungen zur Beitrag der nationalen Parlamente während der Zeit der Förderung der Diskussion. Bei diesen Veranstaltungen Reflexion zu erörtern, Erfahrungen und bewährte Verfah- sollte das ganze politische Meinungsspektrum abgedeckt ren in den einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten auszutauschen und werden. Unterstützt werden die Maßnahmen während mögliche Formen der Zusammenarbeit und gemeinsame der Zeit der Reflexion von den Vertretungen der Euro- Maßnahmen, gegebenenfalls mit Unterstützung durch päischen Kommission in den Mitgliedstaaten (Vertre- die Organe der Europäischen Union, zu prüfen. tungen) und den Informationsbüros des Europäischen Parlaments. Das Europäische Parlament könnte ebenfalls 3.2. Inhalt eine wichtige Rolle bei den Diskussionen in den Mit- gliedstaaten spielen, sowohl in der Zusammenarbeit mit Plan D für Demokratie, Dialog und Diskussion ist ein den nationalen Organen als auch durch eine Beteiligung strukturierter Prozess, um eine öffentliche Debatte über einzelner Mitglieder des Europäischen Parlaments. die Zukunft der Europäischen Union anzuregen. Der politische Inhalt dieser Debatte sollte am Ende der Zeit Es gibt kein einheitliches Modell für die Veranstaltung der Reflexion zu einem Konzept führen. Innerhalb des von Diskussionen in den Mitgliedstaaten. In einigen von ihr gesetzten einheitlichen Rahmens akzeptiert die Mitgliedstaaten gibt es ständige Einrichtungen, Foren Kommission in vollem Umfang die eigenen lokalen, re- oder Plattformen, bei denen regelmäßig Diskussionen gionalen und nationalen Merkmale jeder Debatte. Ver- über Europafragen stattfinden. In anderen gibt es ein schiedene Themen werden im Mittelpunkt stehen und 399 weniger gut organisiertes System des Dialogs und der die Bedeutung der Europäischen Union wird sich je nach Diskussion. Das Nationale Forum in Irland oder die Land und politischem Inhalt unterschiedlich darstellen. Plattform für Europa in Spanien können anderen Mit- gliedstaaten als Vorbild dienen. Trotz der nationalen Besonderheiten sollten die nationalen Debatten die Aufmerksamkeit der Bürger auf die Die nationalen, regionalen und kommunalen Parlamen- Zukunft Europas lenken, ihre Erwartungen überprüfen te spielen eine besondere Rolle bei der Organisation und und den Zusatznutzen und die konkreten Vorteile von Förderung der Diskussionen. Die nationalen Parlamente Gemeinschaftsmaßnahmen zeigen. Hierdurch soll über gewährleisten eine wirksame Kontrolle der Beschlüsse, institutionelle Fragen und die Verfassung hinausgegangen die die Regierungen der Mitgliedstaaten zu europäischen werden. Der Schwerpunkt sollte darauf liegen, wie Europa Fragen fassen. Zahlreiche Parlamente der Mitgliedstaaten mit Fragen wie Arbeitsplätzen, Wirtschaft, Verkehr, Terro- sind Beispiele für bewährte Verfahren, allerdings muss rismusbekämpfung, Umweltschutz, Erdölpreisen, Natur- noch viel getan werden, um ihre Kontrollfunktion zu katastrophen oder der Bekämpfung der Armut in Afrika verbessern. Die Kommission möchte daher bei ihrer Zu- und der übrigen Welt umgeht. Mit Hilfe der Ergebnisse sammenarbeit mit den Parlamenten der Mitgliedstaaten dieser Diskussionen können die EU-Organe, insbesonde- über die Ziele der Beziehungen der Kommission zu den re die Kommission, ihre Prioritäten besser festlegen. nationalen Parlamenten, mit deren Umsetzung sie Anfang 2005 begonnen hat, hinausgehen. Diese Ziele beinhalten Der Prozess sollte in beide Richtungen verlaufen: Den drei Schwerpunkte – Zusammenarbeit, konkrete Vernet- Menschen sollte anhand konkreter Erfolge und Projekte zung, Einbeziehung der Menschen und der Volksvertreter: die Rolle Europas näher gebracht werden, während wir mehr Gewicht für die Parlamente bedeutet mehr Gewicht ein offenes Ohr für die Erwartungen der Bürger im Hin- für den europäischen Bürger – und beinhaltet eine Reihe blick auf das künftige Vorgehen haben müssen. Folgende konkreter Maßnahmen wie beispielsweise eine hochrangi- Themen könnten im Mittelpunkt der Debatten stehen: ge Beteiligung an der Konferenz der Europa-Ausschüsse der nationalen Parlamente (COSAC) und an der Konfe- –– Die wirtschaftliche und soziale Entwicklung Euro- renz der Parlamentspräsidenten der EU sowie die Feststel- pas : die Fähigkeit Europas, Wachstum und mehr lung des Bedarfs der Parlamente der Mitgliedstaaten an Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen, wobei die Wirkung der Informationen und Kooperationsmöglichkeiten, wobei in Lissabon vereinbarten Strategie maximiert wird; der elektronische Austausch von EU-Informationen zwi- die gemeinsamen Werte, auf denen das Wirtschafts- schen den nationalen Parlamenten erleichtert wird. und Gesellschaftsmodell in Europa basiert; die notwendigen Reformen, um dem globalen Wettbe- Die Kommission wird sobald wie möglich in enger Zu- werb standzuhalten, und die Bedingungen für eine sammenarbeit mit dem Europäischen Parlament und nach nachhaltige Entwicklung. Konsultation des amtierenden Vorsitzes der Konferenz der Parlamentspräsidenten der EU und der Vorsitzenden –– Die Wahrnehmung Europas und seiner Aufgaben : Troika der COSAC die Parlamente der Mitgliedstaaten Aufbauend auf bisher Erreichtem und den konkreten DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Vorteilen, die die Union im täglichen Leben der Bür- vor Ort und nationalen Debatten in der Union erstellen. ger bietet (z.B. Nahrungsmittelsicherheit, Erasmus, Hierauf kann sich der österreichische Ratsvorsitz bei der einheitliche Währung, Verbraucherschutz, Binnen- Erstellung der Gesamtbilanz stützen, die, wie in der Er- markt), könnte sich die Diskussion darauf konzen- klärung der Staats- und Regierungschefs gefordert, beim trieren, was nach Meinung der Bürger auf kommu- Europäischen Rat im Juni 2006 gezogen werden soll. naler Ebene behandelt werden sollte, und was ihrer Meinung nach in den Aufgabenbereich der Union fällt. Hierzu zählt auch die Schaffung eines Raums der 4. INITIATIVEN AUF Freiheit, der Sicherheit und des Rechts oder der Um- gang mit dem Klimawandel und Naturkatastrophen. GEMEINSCHAFTSEBENE

–– Die Grenzen Europas und Europas Rolle in der Welt Die Europäische Kommission ist bereit, eine tragende : die Perspektive neuer Erweiterungen, die Fähigkeit Rolle in der umfassenden Debatte über die Zukunft Eu- der Union, neue Mitglieder aufzunehmen, die Sicher- ropas zu spielen. Auch wenn sie nicht im Mittelpunkt der heit des gesamten Kontinents, die Beziehungen zu Diskussionen steht, muss sie ihren Beitrag dazu leisten, ihren Nachbarn oder Europas Einfluss im Verhältnis indem sie für die Förderung und Unterstützung gren- zu den anderen großen Blöcken in der Welt. Was züberschreitender Initiativen sorgt. Eine Reihe öffent- erwarten die Menschen von Europa in einer globali- lichkeitswirksamer, grenzübergreifender Veranstaltungen sierten Welt in den Bereichen Handel (z.B. Textilien) kann ebenfalls dazu beitragen, die Sichtbarkeit des Pro- Umweltschutz (z.B. Klimaveränderung), Mobilität 400 zesses zu erhöhen und die Beteiligung neuer Akteure am (z.B. Transeuropäische Netze), Sicherheit (z.B. frie- europäischen Beschlussfassungsverfahren anzuregen. denssichernden Maßnahmen) und Entwicklung (z.B. Entwicklungshilfe, Schuldenerlass für die Dritte Welt) Partnerschaft innerhalb der Organe und Selbstverständlich ist der Themenkatalog im Rahmen Institutionen der EU von Plan D in keiner Weise beschränkt. Vielmehr sollten Die Kommission wird bei der Anregung der Debatte je nach Zielgruppe und Umständen die interessantesten auf europäischer Ebene mit dem jetzigen und künftigen und aktuellsten Themen ausgewählt und diskutiert wer- Ratsvorsitz, dem Europäischen Parlament, dem Rat, dem den. Die Kommission ist bereit, diese Themengebiete auf Ausschuss der Regionen und dem Europäischen Wirt- Anfrage der Mitgliedstaaten zu erarbeiten. schafts- und Sozialausschuss zusammenarbeiten. Der Großteil dieser Initiativen kann gemeinsam mit dem 3.3. Feedback Europäischen Parlament und den anderen Organen und Institutionen der EU durchgeführt werden. Die Kom- Die Diskussionen in den Mitgliedstaaten müssen struktu- mission lädt alle Organe und Einrichtungen der EU ein, riert sein, damit das Feedback unmittelbare Auswirkungen ihren Beitrag zu leisten und Bereiche der Zusammenar- auf die politische Agenda der Europäischen Union hat. beit und gemeinsamer Maßnahmen zu erörtern. Die aktive Beschäftigung mit den Anliegen des Bürgers muss zu konkreten Ergebnissen führen, die am Ende der Die Kommission will mit dieser Initiative die EU-Bürger Zeit der Reflexion berücksichtigt werden. Jeder Mitglied- dazu anregen, sich politisch aktiv an der Debatte über die staat sollte der Kommission und dem Ratsvorsitz eine Syn- Zukunft Europas zu beteiligen, den Zusatznutzen, den these der vorläufigen Ergebnisse der nationalen Diskussion die Europäische Union bietet, deutlich machen sowie vorlegen. Diese Synthese sollte veröffentlicht werden. Regierungen, politische Parteien und Multiplikatoren ermutigen, die breite Öffentlichkeit für die europäische Ein erstes Feedback könnte im April 2006 erfolgen, damit Frage zu sensibilisieren. eine erste Reihe von Schlussfolgerungen gezogen werden kann. Als ersten Schritt veranstaltet die Kommission am 9. Folgende Initiativen sollten während der Zeit der Refle- Mai 2006, dem „Europatag“, eine europäische Konferenz xion auf Gemeinschaftsebene ergriffen werden: zur Zukunft Europas, zu der Vertreter der Bürgergesell- schaft, der Mitgliedstaaten, des Europäischen Parlaments 4.1. Anregung einer umfassenderen und der nationalen Parlamente, der Bürgerschaft und öffentlichen Diskussion anderer EU-Organe und –Institutionen eingeladen sind. Bei dieser Gelegenheit soll in Bezug auf die Diskussionen auf nationaler Ebene und die Tätigkeiten, die sich aus den 4.1.1. Besuche von Kommissionsmitgliedern grenzübergreifenden Diskussionen ergeben, Bilanz gezo- in den Mitgliedstaaten gen werden. Im Mai 2006 wird auch die Kommission ein Dokument mit einer allgemeinen Synthese der Besuche DER BEITRAG DER KOMMISSION IN DER ZEIT DER REFLEXION UND DANACH: PLAN D FÜR DEMOKRATIE, DIALOG UND DISKUSSION

Die Kommission strebt einen direkten Kontakt mit den Kommissionsmitglieder) in regelmäßigen Abständen für Bürgern an, möchte sich mit ihren Belangen befassen Bürgersprechstunden zur Verfügung stehen, wobei diese sowie sichtbarer und präsenter in den nationalen und Veranstaltungen nicht auf die Hauptstädte beschränkt regionalen Diskussionen werden. werden dürfen. Das Europäische Parlament sollte nach Möglichkeit ebenso verfahren, wobei diese Veranstaltun- Der Präsident und/oder die Vizepräsidentin für interna- gen koordiniert werden sollten. tionale Beziehungen planen speziell in den kommenden Monaten eine Reihe von Besuchen in möglichst vielen 4.1.4. Die Nutzung von Europe-Direct- Mitgliedstaaten. Hierbei werden sie von dem Kommissi- Zentren für regionale Veranstaltungen onsmitglied aus dem jeweiligen Mitgliedstaat und gegebenenfalls von anderen Kommissionsmitgliedern begleitet. Die Kommission hat in Partnerschaft mit regionalen Die Kommission empfiehlt, dass sich Mitglieder des Euro- und kommunalen Trägereinrichtungen ein dezentra- päischen Parlaments hieran ebenfalls beteiligen. Sie sollten les Netz lokaler EU-Informationsrelais eingerichtet. zusammentreffen mit Regierungen, nationalen Parlamen- Dieses Netz unterstützt alle Organe und Institutionen ten, Unternehmern und Gewerkschaftsführern, der Zivil- der EU bei ihrer Öffentlichkeitsarbeit vor Ort und gesellschaft, Studenten sowie regionalen und kommuna- bei der Umsetzung des Kommissionskonzepts für die len Behörden. Medienveranstaltungen und Kontakte mit Kommunikationsarbeit. der Zivilgesellschaft gehören zu jedem Besuch. Die Vertretungen nutzen das neueste Netz der Euro- 4.1.2. Verfügbarkeit der pe-Direct-Zentren zur Unterstützung von Plan D. Sie 401 Kommissionsmitglieder für die sollten als Anlaufstelle für die Tätigkeiten auf regionaler nationalen Parlamente Ebene genutzt werden. Die nationalen Parlamente gewährleisten eine wirksame 4.1.5. Europäischer Runder Tisch für Kontrolle der Beschlüsse, die die Regierungen der Mit- Demokratie gliedstaaten zu europäischen Fragen fassen. Wie oben erwähnt, will die Kommission eine aktive Rolle bei den Die Kommission will Bürger erreichen, insbesondere Diskussionen über europäische Themen spielen und die junge Menschen, die an europäischen Themen inte- Transparenz des europäischen Beschlussfassungsverfah- ressiert sind. Angestrebt werden Möglichkeiten einer rens in allen politischen Bereichen erhöhen. verbesserten grenzüberschreitenden Diskussion zur Förderung einer aktiven Bürgerschaft sowie die Stär- Zusätzlich zu der Tatsache, dass es eine Vizepräsidentin für kung des Bewusstseins für den Prozess des europäischen die Beziehungen zu den nationalen Parlamenten gibt, wer- Einigungswerks. den sich einzelne Kommissionsmitglieder bemühen, ihren jeweiligen nationalen Parlamenten auf Anfrage zur Verfü- Die Kommission arbeitet mit den Vertretern der Bürger- gung zu stehen und bereit zu sein, die Politik der Kommis- gesellschaft zusammen, um einen Europäischen Runden sion zu erläutern und einen Überblick über die jüngsten Tisch für Demokratie einzurichten. An dem Runden Entwicklungen in der EU zu geben. Die praktischen Vor- Tisch beteiligen sich Bürger verschiedener Weltanschau- bereitungen hierfür sind im Gange, indem bereits Kontak- ungen, die zusammenarbeiten oder über gemeinsame te zu den nationalen Parlamenten geknüpft wurden. europäische Themen diskutieren. Ausgehend von den Ergebnissen des Europäischen Runden Tisches sollten 4.1.3. Bürgerfreundliche Vertretungen Treffen in allen Mitgliedstaaten veranstaltet werden. Die Vertretungen der Kommission sind das Aushänge- 4.1.6. Europäische „Goodwill Ambassadors“ schild der Kommission in den Mitgliedstaaten, werden jedoch von der Mehrheit der Bürger, die die Kommission Entscheidend ist eine gute Öffentlichkeitsarbeit über nach wie vor als bürgerfern betrachtet, nicht ausreichend unsere Tätigkeit. Eine gute Politik muss durch gute und wahrgenommen. Sie sollen in der Öffentlichkeit als An- kreative Initiativen im Bereich der Öffentlichkeits- und laufstelle bekanntgemacht werden, wo Informationen Medienarbeit ergänzt werden. zur Verfügung gestellt und die Meinungen der Bürger zu europäischen Fragen gesammelt werden. Die Kommission will mit den Mitgliedstaaten zusammenarbeiten, um eine Reihe von regionalen Veranstal- Die Vertretungen stehen der Öffentlichkeit stän- tungen mit “Europäischen Goodwill Ambassadors” dig zur Verfügung. Darüber hinaus sollte der Lei- zu veranstalten. Hierbei stützt sie sich auf das Vorbild ter der Vertretung (und, falls möglich, auch die der Vereinten Nationen und die Erfahrungen mit den Volksbefragungen in den neuen Mitgliedstaaten im DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Zusammenhang mit ihrem Beitritt und lädt bekann- hinaus ein potenzielles Feedback für die Diskussionen te Persönlichkeiten aus dem Kultur-, Geschäfts- oder auf europäischer Ebene bieten. Sportleben bzw. anderen Bereichen zu Veranstaltungen mit bestimmten Zielgruppen ein. Diese „Botschafter“ 4.2.3. Mehr Transparenz könnten in dem betreffenden Mitgliedstaat bei offenen Veranstaltungen, Workshops und allgemeinen Diskus- Der europäische Bürger hat ein Recht auf effiziente, sionen über bestimmte europäische Themen oder Pro- transparente und dienstleistungsorientierte öffentli- gramme wie Bildung, Armutsbekämpfung, Wahlbetei- che Institutionen. Die Kommission unterstützt daher ligung oder Forschung und Entwicklung aktiv werden. Bemühungen um mehr Transparenz auf allen Ebenen der EU-Organe, wozu auch ihre eigene Europäische 4.2. Förderung der Bürgerbeteiligung Transparenzinitiative gehört. Im Hinblick auf den Rat beschloss der Europäische Rat von Sevilla die Öffnung am demokratischen Leben der Ratssitzungen für die Öffentlichkeit, wenn der Rat als Mitgesetzgeber handelt. Diese Vorschriften sind in 4.2.1. Förderung eines wirksameren der Geschäftsordnung des Rates festgelegt. Hierdurch Anhörungsverfahrens werden die Abstimmungsergebnisse und das Abstim- mungsverhalten bei den wichtigsten Vorschlägen für die In den letzten Jahren hat die Kommission ihre Anhö- Öffentlichkeit transparenter. Diese Verpflichtungen sind rungsverfahren bei wichtigen politischen Initiativen noch nicht in die Praxis umgesetzt. Der britische Rats- verbessert. Die Zahl der Anhörungen interessierter vorsitz prüft gegenwärtig eine Reihe von Möglichkeiten, 402 Gruppen mit Hilfe von Grün- und Weißbüchern sowie um die Ratsverfahren transparenter zu machen. Internet-Befragungen hat erheblich zugenommen. Im Rahmen des Anhörungsverfahrens möchte die Kommis- sion die vorhandenen Möglichkeiten zur Sammlung von Die Kommission unterstützt diese Initiative des Rats- Rückmeldungen von Bürgern, Verbrauchern und Un- vorsitzes, die in dieselbe Richtung wie die Europäi- ternehmen in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Europäischen sche Transparenzinitiative der Kommission geht, mit Parlament und anderen Organen verbessern. Nachdruck.

Die Kommission will ihre bestehenden Anhörungsver- 4.2.4. Erhöhung der Wahlbeteiligung fahren effizienter fördern, um eine stärkere Beteiligung Die niedrigere Wahlbeteiligung auf europäischer, natio- der nationalen und regionalen Teilnehmer, wie in dem naler und kommunaler Ebene hat den Eindruck einer Aktionsplan über die Verbesserung der Öffentlichkeits- fehlenden Legitimität des politischen Prozesses verstärkt. arbeit vorgesehen, zu erreichen. Insbesondere bei den letzten Wahlen zum Europäischen Parlament war die Wahlbeteiligung in einigen Mitglied- 4.2.2. Unterstützung europäischer staaten enttäuschend niedrig. Bürgerprojekte Da nach wie vor eine fehlende Legitimität und mangeln- Die Kommission wird den anderen EU-Organen vor- de Beteiligung der europäischen Bürger an den politi- schlagen, gemeinsam nach Möglichkeiten zu suchen, um schen Systemen festgestellt wird, muss ihr Sinn für die die Wahlbeteiligung bei Wahlen zum Europäischen Par- Teilhabe und das Engagement für das europäische Ideal lament und bei Volksabstimmungen in den Mitgliedstaa- auf allen Ebenen weiter gestärkt werden. Das kürzlich ten über europäische Themen zu erhöhen. Schwerpunkte vorgeschlagene Programm „Bürger für Europa“ zur För- hierbei sind die Beteiligung junger Menschen und von derung der aktiven Unionsbürgerschaft hat genau dies als Minderheiten sowie die Nutzung neuer Techniken zur Hauptziel festgelegt. Erhöhung der Wahlbeteiligung. Zur Koordinierung der Bemühungen in diesem Bereich könnte eine interinstitutionelle Arbeitsgruppe eingerichtet werden. Des Weiteren wurde in einigen Mitgliedstaaten örtlich eine Reihe von Bürgerkonventen geschaffen, die häufig in den Beschlussfassungsprozess auf regionaler Ebene 4.3. Mittel zur Einrichtung eines eingebunden sind. Die Kommission ist bestrebt, Initiati- Dialogs über europäische Themen ven für europäischen Bürgerkonvente zu unterstützen, in denen nach Möglichkeit ein repräsentativer Querschnitt 4.3.1. Besondere Eurobarometer-Umfrage der Bürger aus europäischen Regionen bestimmte poli- über die Zukunft Europas tische Themen diskutiert. Dies könnte auf bestehenden Modellen in den Mitgliedstaaten aufbauen und darüber Plan D ist ein Instrument des Zuhörens und des Dialogs. Hierdurch beabsichtigt die Kommission, Lehren aus den DER BEITRAG DER KOMMISSION IN DER ZEIT DER REFLEXION UND DANACH: PLAN D FÜR DEMOKRATIE, DIALOG UND DISKUSSION

Sorgen der Bürger zu ziehen. Darüber hinaus erhalten Kommission ist der Auffassung, dass die übrigen Mittel die Mitgliedstaaten die Möglichkeit, die Sorgen ihrer zur Unterstützung von Initiativen der Mitgliedstaaten und Bürger in der Zeit der Reflexion zu verstehen. der Bürgergesellschaft eingesetzt werden sollten.

Die Kommission wird eine besondere Eurobarome- Die Kommission unterstützt daher die Absicht des Eu- ter-Umfrage über die Zukunft Europas durchführen und ropäischen Parlaments, im Rahmen der Haushaltslinie die Meinungen der Bürger über die Zukunft des europä- PRINCE für 2006 zusätzliche sechs Millionen Euro ischen Einigungswerks sowie die Unterstützung und die bereitzustellen. Erwartungen der Bürger im Hinblick auf die politischen Maßnahmen auf europäischer Ebene beurteilen. 6. SCHLUSSFOLGERUNG 4.3.2. Internet Die Erfahrung zeigt zunehmend, dass das Internet ein Die nationalen Debatten über die Ratifizierung der Eu- wichtiges Forum der politischen Debatte geworden ist. ropäischen Verfassung haben gezeigt, dass die Mitglied- Wenn die Kommission eine wichtige Rolle bei der Mo- schaft in der Europäischen Union nach wie vor befür- deration der Diskussionen über die Zukunft Europas wortet wird, das Gefühl der Ausgeschlossenheit vom spielen will, sollte sie die Möglichkeiten aller interaktiven demokratischen Leben allerdings zunimmt. Kommunikationsmittel, die diese Debatte erleichtern können, ausprobieren. Die Staats- und Regierungschefs der Europäischen Union 403 haben eine Erklärung abgegeben, in der die Notwendig- Die Kommission nutzt die modernste Internet-Technik, keit hervorgehoben wird, auf die Belange der Bürger zu um ihre Politik aktiv zu diskutieren und zu vertreten. achten und eine umfassende Debatte in Gang zu setzen. Das Internet ist ein wichtiges meinungsbildendes Dis- kussionsforum geworden. Nun ist der Zeitpunkt des Zuhörens und Handelns gekommen. Diese Mitteilung beschreibt die Inhalte und 4.3.3. Zielgruppen Themen des Plans D für Demokratie, Dialog und Dis- kussion. Sie unterstreicht den nationalen Charakter der Wichtig in der Phase der Anhörung ist es, dass die Kom- Diskussionen, empfiehlt jedoch einen strukturierten Fee- mission sich auf die bewährte Methode stützt, Schwer- dback-Prozess und eine Reihe möglicher Initiativen auf punktgruppen als ersten Schritt für eine transparente Gemeinschaftsebene. Politik einzusetzen. Besondere Aufmerksamkeit sollte den Ansichten junger Menschen gewidmet werden. Dies könn- Bei Plan D geht es darum, einen neuen Konsens über te den Mitgliedstaaten dabei helfen, den Feedback-Prozess Europa zu verdeutlichen, zu vertiefen und zu legitimie- bei den nationalen Diskussionen zu verbessern. ren, sich mit Kritik auseinanderzusetzen und Lösungen zu finden, wo die Erwartungen nicht erfüllt wurden. Im Die Kommission ist bereit, die Mitgliedstaaten dabei zu Lichte der obigen Ausführungen empfiehlt die Europäi- unterstützen, eine Schwerpunktgruppenarbeit bei be- sche Kommission, dass die Mitgliedstaaten: stimmten europäischen Themen einzusetzen. –– die notwendigen Schritte ergreifen, um sobald wie möglich in jedem Mitgliedstaat eine nationale 5. FINANZIERUNG Debatte zu strukturieren; –– mit der Kommission und anderen Organen und Die umfassende Debatte über die Zukunft Europas muss Institutionen zusammenarbeiten, um die effektivste durch angemessene finanzielle Mittel unterstützt wer- Unterstützung und Mitwirkung an den nationalen den. Die Kommission bemüht sich, die Mitgliedstaaten Debatten, wozu auch Besuche in den Mitgliedstaa- und die Bürgergesellschaft durch die Förderung von Ein- ten gehören, zu erzielen; zelinitiativen zu unterstützen. –– sich bis zum nächsten Europäischen Rat auf das Anfang 2005 wurden im Rahmen der Haushaltslinie Feedback-Verfahren einigen, um zu gewährleisten, PRINCE - Debatte über die Zukunft Europas (Haus- dass die Sorgen und Erwartungen der Bürger be- haltslinie 250302) 9 Millionen EUR bereitgestellt. Alle kanntgemacht werden und in die Bestandsaufnah- Mitgliedstaaten haben eine finanzielle Unterstützung er- me, die unter österreichischem Ratsvorsitz erfolgen halten. Während des Ratifizierungsprozesses wurden be- soll, einfließen. reits knapp 6 Millionen EUR zur Verfügung gestellt. Die DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

404 20 und 20 bis 2020: Chancen Europas im Klimawandel

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLAMENT, DEN RAT, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN WIRTSCHAFTS- UND SOZIALAUSSCHUSS UND DEN AUSSCHUSS DER REGIONEN BRÜSSEL, DEN 23.1.2008 COM(2008)

Im Jahr 2007 wurden in der Klima- und Energiepolitik tig haben die jüngsten Preiserhöhungen bei Öl und Gas der Europäischen Union wichtige Weichen gestellt. Eu- veranschaulicht, dass der Wettbewerb um Energiequel- 405 ropa hat gezeigt, dass es bereit ist für eine weltweite Vor- len von Jahr zu Jahr intensiver wird, und Energieeffizienz reiterrolle bei der Bewältigung des Klimawandels, dem und erneuerbare Energien sich als rentable Investitio- Streben nach sicheren, nachhaltigen und wettbewerbsfä- nen erweisen können. Deswegen waren die Staats- und higen Energien und der Umwandlung der europäischen Regierungschefs der EU gewillt, einer wirtschaftlichen Wirtschaft zu einem Vorbild für nachhaltige Entwick- Transformation zuzustimmen, die erheblicher politi- lung im 21. Jahrhundert. Die öffentliche Meinung ist scher, gesellschaftlicher und wirtschaftlicher Anstren- inzwischen entschieden der Auffassung, dass dem Kli- gungen bedarf. Die Veränderungen können aber auch mawandel begegnet werden muss und Europa sich dem als Katalysator für die Modernisierung der europäischen Gebot der Stunde stellen muss, die Treibhausgasemissi- Wirtschaft dienen und dabei helfen, sie auf eine Zukunft onen zu senken und erneuerbare, nachhaltige Energien auszurichten, in der Technik und Gesellschaft auf neue zu entwickeln. Dass diesem Thema eine zentrale Rolle Bedürfnisse zugeschnitten sein werden und durch Inno- in der Politik der Europäischen Union zukommt, die das vation neue Chancen für Wachstum und Beschäftigung politische Handeln sowohl auf der Grundlage der Lissa- entstehen. bon-Strategie für Wachstum und Beschäftigung als auch in den Außenbeziehungen Europas als Leitmotiv prägt, Auf dem Europäischen Rat wurden zwei Schlüsselziele hat sich als Konsens herauskristallisiert. Das Europäische vereinbart: Parlament4 und der Europäische Rat unterstützen diese Schwerpunktsetzung. • eine Senkung der Treibhausgase um mindestens 20 % bis 2020 – oder sogar um 30 %, sofern ein Die Einigung auf der Tagung des Europäischen Rates im internationales Abkommen zustande kommt, in März 2007 auf präzise, rechtsverbindliche Zielvorgaben dem sich andere Industrieländer „zu vergleichbaren symbolisiert die Entschlossenheit Europas. Sie kam nicht Emissionsreduzierungen und die wirtschaftlich weiter leichtfertig zustande. Es steht viel auf dem Spiel. Das fortgeschrittenen Entwicklungsländer zu einem ihren Wohlergehen der europäischen Wirtschaft hängt davon Verantwortlichkeiten und jeweiligen Fähigkeiten ab, dass der richtige Weg in die Zukunft eingeschlagen angemessenen Beitrag verpflichten“, und wird. Inzwischen liegen überwältigende Beweise vor, dass die Kosten der Tatenlosigkeit für die Weltwirt- • ein verbindliches Ziel in Höhe von 20 % für den schaft unermesslich wären: Laut Stern-Bericht würden Anteil erneuerbarer Energien am Energieverbrauch sie 5 %-20 % des weltweiten BIP betragen5. Gleichzei- der EU bis 2020. Solche ehrgeizigen Ziele waren in den Augen des Eu- 4 Entschließung des Europäischen Parlaments zum Klimawandel, ropäischen Rates am ehesten zu erreichen, wenn jeder verabschiedet am 14. Februar 2007, (P6_TA(2007)0038). Mitgliedstaat wusste, was erwartet wurde, und die Ziel 5 HM Treasury, Stern Review on the economics of climate rechtsverbindlichen Charakter hatten. Auf diese Weise change, 2006, http://www.hm-treasury.gov.uk/independent_ könnten die Regierungen alle Hebel in Bewegung setzen, reviews/stern_review_economics_climate_change/stern_ review_report.cfm und der Privatsektor hätte das langfristige Vertrauen, das DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

erforderlich ist, um die Investitionen zur Umwandlung Meinungstrend ist eindeutig, und die EU kann die Rich- Europas in eine Volkswirtschaft mit geringem Kohlen- tung für ein internationales Klimaabkommen für die stoffeinsatz und hoher Energieeffizienz zu rechtfertigen. Zeit nach 2012 vorgeben.

Die Entschlossenheit des Europäischen Rates signalisier- Wenn die von den Staats- und Regierungschefs vereinte auch unseren internationalen Partnern, dass die EU barten Zielvorgaben für den Abbau der Treibhausgase bereit ist, ihren Worten Taten folgen zu lassen, was sich und die verstärkte Nutzung erneuerbarer Energien er- schon auf der Klimakonferenz der Vereinten Nationen reicht werden, wird die Abhängigkeit der EU von Öl- in Bali im Dezember 2007 auszahlte. Dort konnte die und Gaseinfuhren deutlich zurückgehen, und mit ihr Europäische Union bei der Einigung auf einen Fahrplan die Gefahren für die EU-Wirtschaft durch steigende und zu einem neuen umfassenden Abkommen zur Emis- instabile Energiepreise, Inflation, geopolitische Risiken sionssenkung, das bis 2009 ausgehandelt werden soll, und Angebots- und Versorgungsstrukturen, die mit der eine Vorreiterrolle übernehmen. Dies bestärkte die EU wachsenden weltweiten Nachfrage nicht Schritt halten. in ihrer Entschlossenheit, den Kampf gegen den Klima- wandel fortzusetzen und ihrer Überzeugung, dass Indus- Die mit ihnen verbundenen Chancen sind breit gefächert: trieländer ihre Emissionen bis 2020 um 30 % senken können und sollten, Taten folgen zu lassen. Die EU soll- • Die Öl- und Gaseinfuhren dürften 2020 um etwa te auch weiterhin in den Verhandlungen über ein ehr- 50 Mrd. EUR zurückgehen6, was die Energiesicher- geiziges internationales Abkommen eine Führungsrolle heit erhöhen und Menschen und Unternehmen in 406 übernehmen. der gesamten EU zugute kommen wird. Würde das heutige Ölpreisniveau je Barrel zur Regel, würden Als nächstes müssen die politischen Vorgaben der Eu- die Einsparungen durch eine Senkung der Einfuhren ropäischen Union in konkrete Maßnahmen umgesetzt noch höher ausfallen. werden. Die Kommission schlägt ein kohärentes und umfassendes Maßnahmenpaket vor, um Europa für den • Mit Technologien für erneuerbare Energien wird Übergang in eine emissionsarme Wirtschaft zu wappnen. bereits ein Umsatz von 20 Mrd. EUR erwirtschaftet, Dieses Paket zeigt, wie sinnvoll die erforderlichen An- und der Wirtschaftszweig zählt 300 000 Arbeitsplät- strengungen sind. Die Maßnahmen sind so konzipiert, ze. Bei einem Anteil der erneuerbaren Energien von dass sie sich gegenseitig stützen und gewährleisten, dass 20 % dürfte die Branche bis 2020 fast eine Million der politische Schwung beibehalten wird und Europa sei- Arbeitsplätze aufweisen – oder sogar noch mehr, nen ehrgeizigen Zielen in Bezug auf Klimawandel, Ener- wenn Europa seine Möglichkeiten voll ausschöpft, giesicherheit und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit gerecht wird. auf diesem Gebiet weltweit führend zu werden. Es handelt sich zudem um einen arbeitsintensiven Wirt- Den Wohlstand in Europa in einer Zeit des schaftszweig mit vielen kleinen und mittleren Unter- Wandels sichern nehmen, so dass sämtliche Teile Europas von dieser Beschäftigung und der einhergehenden Entwicklung Für die europäische Wirtschaft ist es eine Herausforde- profitieren. Das gleiche gilt für energieeffiziente rung, sich an die Erfordernisse einer emissionsarmen Gebäude und Produkte. Wirtschaft mit sicherer Energieversorgung anzupassen. • Indem alle Unternehmen zur Nutzung kohlenstoffar- Diese Herausforderung kann jedoch bewältigt werden, mer Technologien ermutigt werden, kann der Klima- und sie eröffnet das Tor zu neuen Chancen. Das Potenzi- wandel in eine Chance für die europäische Industrie al, um aus klimafreundlicher Politik einen wesentlichen verwandelt werden. Insgesamt gibt es in der Öko-In- Motor für Wachstum und Beschäftigung zu machen, ist dustrie in Europa bereits 3,4 Millionen Arbeitsplätze. vorhanden. Der Übergang zu einer kohlenstoffarmen Dort ist das Wachstumspotenzial besonders stark aus- Wirtschaft erfordert auch die angemessene Einbindung geprägt. Grüne Technologien sind nicht das Monopol der Sozialpartner insbesondere auf sektoraler Ebene. irgend eines Teils Europas. Sie nehmen einen immer größeren Platz in einer Branche ein, deren jährlicher Ein weltweites Abkommen bleibt unerlässlich für den Umsatz inzwischen 227 Mrd. EUR ausmacht, und Kampf gegen den Klimawandel. Dennoch kann Europa die Vorteile liegen auf Seiten derjenigen, die zuerst nicht umhin, jetzt zu handeln. Je länger Europa wartet, auf diesem Markt Fuß fassen. umso höher werden die Anpassungskosten ausfallen. Je früher Europa sich bewegt, umso größer die Chance, dass es sein Knowhow und seine Technologie zur Bele- bung von Innovation und Wachstum nutzen und dabei von seiner Pionierrolle profitieren kann. Der weltweite 6 Ausgehend von einem Ölpreis von 61 USD je Barrel. 20 und 20 bis 2020: Chancen Europas im Klimawandel

Diese Überlegungen liegen dem politischen Konsens zu- Beschäftigung und den sozialen Zusammenhalt muss gunsten des Wandels und dem Entschluss des Europäi- bei der Strukturierung der Maßnahmen höchste schen Rates zum Handeln zugrunde. Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet werden. • Die EU muss über 2020 hinaus ihren Ausstoß an In ihrem Aufbau orientieren sich die Vorschläge an zwei Treibhausgasen noch viel deutlicher senken, wenn Kerngedanken. Zum einen sind sie so konzipiert, dass die die angestrebte Halbierung der Emissionen bis 2050 Zielvorgaben auf die kostengünstigste Weise verwirklicht erreicht werden soll. Hierzu müssen Anreize für die werden. Zum anderen gewährleisten sie eine ausgewoge- technologische Entwicklung geschaffen und Vorkeh- ne und faire Lastenverteilung unter den Mitgliedstaaten rungen getroffen werden, dass technische Neuerun- und den verschiedenen Wirtschaftszweigen und berück- gen sofort genutzt werden können; die verfügbaren sichtigen ihre jeweilige besondere Situation. Fairness und Instrumente müssen zur Innovationsförderung Solidarität waren ein Hauptanliegen der Kommission bei eingesetzt werden, um bei sauberen Energien und der Konzeption dieses Maßnahmenpakets. Industrietechnologien einen Wettbewerbsvorsprung zu erlangen. Die wichtigsten Grundsätze • Die EU muss alles daransetzen, dass ein umfassendes Mit diesem Maßnahmenpaket kommt die Europäische internationales Abkommen zur Senkung der Treib- Kommission der Aufforderung des Europäischen Rates hausgasemissionen zustande kommt. Die Vorschläge nach, spezifische Vorschläge zu unterbreiten. Unter den lassen die Bereitschaft der Union deutlich werden, Staats- und Regierungschefs gibt es aber auch eine poli- im Zuge eines internationalen Abkommens weitere 407 tische Verständigung, nach welchen Grundsätzen diese Anstrengungen zu unternehmen und anstelle des Vorschläge konzipiert sein sollten. Mindestziels von 20 % sogar eine Senkung um 30 % zu erreichen. Mit dem Aufbau ihrer Vorschläge war die Kommissi- on bestrebt, die vom Europäischen Rat vorgegebenen Die Instrumente zur Verwirklichung dieser Ziele Grundsätze zu befolgen. Insbesondere orientierte sich Aktualisierung des Emissionshandels-Systems die Umrechnung der EU-Gesamtziele in spezifische Zie- le für die einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten an der Notwendig- Das Emissionshandels-System der Europäischen Union keit, einen politischen Konsens herzustellen, mit dem hat eine Pionierrolle bei der Suche nach marktgerechten der Wandel vorangebracht und die öffentliche Meinung Anreizen zur Senkung von Treibhausgasen gespielt. Da- gewonnen werden kann. nach müssen Unternehmen Emissionsberechtigungen

abgeben, die der Höhe ihres CO2-Ausstoßes entspre- Die Vorschläge beruhen auf fünf Grundsätzen: chen. Nach dem derzeitigen Konzept von „Obergrenzen und Handel“ werden Emissionsberechtigungen von den • Um den Bürgern keine Zweifel an der Realität des nationalen Regierungen an die Unternehmen ausgege- Wandels zu lassen, die Investoren zu überzeugen ben; die entsprechenden nationalen Pläne sind von der und unseren Partnern in der Welt die Ernsthaftigkeit Kommission zu genehmigen. Für diese Emissionsrechte unserer Absichten unter Beweis zu stellen, müssen hat sich ein eigener Markt entwickelt, da Unternehmen die gesetzten Ziele erreicht werden. Die Vorschläge die ihnen zugeteilten Berechtigungen verkaufen können, müssen daher wirksam und energisch genug sein, um wenn sie weniger eigene Emissionen ausstoßen, oder hin- glaubwürdig zu wirken, und ihre Umsetzung muss zukaufen müssen, wenn ihre Emissionen über der Menge kontrollier- und gegebenenfalls durchsetzbar sein. liegen, zu der sie berechtigt sind. Unternehmen, die in • Die dem einzelnen Mitgliedstaat abverlangten An- Emissionssenkung investieren, können somit einen Er- strengungen müssen fair sein. Einige Mitgliedstaaten lös aus dem Verkauf von Emissionsrechten erzielen, was verfügen über bessere Möglichkeiten, die notwen- gleichzeitig die Innovation anregt und Veränderungen digen Investitionen zu finanzieren, als andere. Die dort vorantreibt, wo der größte Kosten-Nutzen-Effekt Vorschläge müssen daher flexibel genug sein, um die erzielt werden kann. Am Emissionshandel sind etwa 10 000 Industrieanlagen aus der gesamten EU – u.a. unterschiedliche Ausgangslage und der Mitgliedstaa- Kraftwerke, Erdölraffinerien und Stahlwerke – beteiligt, ten und ihre spezifische Situation zu berücksichtigen. auf die fast die Hälfte der CO2-Emissionen in der EU • Die Kosten müssen durch maßgeschneiderte Konzep- entfällt. tionen so gering wie möglich gehalten werden, um die EU-Wirtschaft nicht über Gebühr zu belasten. Eine Überprüfung des Emissionshandels-Systems hat je- Den Kosten der Veränderungen und den Folgen für doch ergeben, dass das System erweitert und aktualisiert die weltweite Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Union, die werden muss, damit die neuen Ziele erreicht werden. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Der Anreizeffekt des derzeitigen Handelssystems wurde und –speicherung, die Unterstützung von Entwick- durch die großzügige Zuteilung von Berechtigungen lungsländern oder die Unterstützung der weniger in der ersten Phase (2005-2007) abgeschwächt. Sein Wohlhabenden bei Investitionen in Energieeffizienz Aufbau – mit nationalen Zuteilungs-Plänen – kann zu zur Verfügung. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten sich ver- Wettbewerbsverzerrungen im Binnenmarkt führen. Sei- pflichten, mindestens 20 % ihrer Auktionserlöse für ne Beschränkung auf bestimmte Wirtschaftszweige und diese Zwecke zu verwenden. Schadstoffe setzt seinen Fähigkeiten zur Schadstoffsen- • Gemäß dem Kyoto-Protokoll können sich die Indust- kung Grenzen. rieländer über den Mechanismus für umweltverträgli- che Entwicklung Investitionen in Projekte zur Emissi- Ein erweitertes Emissionshandels-System würde auf den onssenkung in Übersee – u.a. in Entwicklungsländern bisherigen positiven Erfahrungen aufbauen können und – auf ihre Emissionsziele anrechnen lassen8. Dadurch so konzipiert werden, dass es den Bemühungen um eine können Emissionsziele kostengünstiger erreicht klimafreundliche Wirtschaft neuen Schwung verleiht. werden. Zudem wird die Weitergabe von emissionsarmer Technologie an Entwicklungsländer gefördert. • Das System würde auf andere Treibhausgase CDM haben sich bei der Emissionssenkung bewährt 7 (neben CO2) und alle großen Verursacher von und bieten manchmal kostengünstigere Optionen, Industrieemissionen ausgeweitet. Um die Verwal- als sie innerhalb Europas zur Verfügung stehen. Eine tungslasten zu verringern, würden Industrieanlagen zu großzügige Verwendung von CDM kann jedoch mit CO2-Emissionen von weniger als 10 000 Tonnen die Wirksamkeit des Emissionshandels-Systems 408 von der Pflicht zur Teilnahme am Emissionshandel aushöhlen, da das Angebot an Gutschriften erhöht befreit, soweit mittels gleichwertiger Maßnahmen und die Nachfrage nach Berechtigungen gesenkt gewährleistet ist, dass auch sie einen angemessenen wird; auch verringern sich die Anreize für Staaten Anteil zur Emissionssenkung beitragen. und Unternehmen, sich für eine Emissionssenkung • Ein harmonisiertes, für die ganze Union geltendes im Inland einzusetzen. Auch der treibenden Rolle des System wäre bestens auf den Binnenmarkt zuge- Emissionshandels bei der Verwirklichung der Zielvor- schnitten und würde durch gemeinsame Regeln ein- gaben für die erneuerbaren Energien können dadurch heitliche Wettbewerbsvoraussetzungen gewährleisten. Schranken gesetzt werden. Die nationalen Zuteilungspläne würden durch eine Im neuen Emissionshandelssystem werden die Auktion oder eine freie Zuteilung von Emissions- Unternehmen weiterhin Zugang zu CDM haben rechten auf der Grundlage EU-weiter Regeln ersetzt. können, aber die Nutzung der durch diese Mechanis- Die auf den Markt gebrachten Verschmutzungsrechte men bewirkten Gutschriften wird auf das Niveau des würden jedes Jahr reduziert, so dass die unter das laufenden Handelszeitraums eingefroren. Dadurch Emissionshandels-System fallenden Emissionen bis würde Spielraum für eine Ausweitung des Mechanis- 2020 gegenüber 2005 um 21 % gesenkt würden. mus geschaffen, wenn ein internationales Abkommen Die Verschmutzungsrechte für die Energiewirtschaft unterzeichnet wird – eine wesentliche Voraussetzung – auf die ein großer Teil der Emissionen entfällt – für einen geschmeidigen Umstieg der EU auf die ehr- würden mit Inkrafttreten der neuen Regelung ab geizigere 30 %-Zielmarke, die im Falle eines solchen 2013 vollständig versteigert werden. Für die meisten Abkommens gelten würde. Die Freigabe des Zugangs anderen Wirtschaftszweige und den Luftverkehr ist zu diesem Mechanismus würde auch die Anreize für ein allmählicher Übergang zum Versteigerungsprinzip Drittländer zur Unterzeichnung eines internationalen bis 2020 vorgesehen. Abkommens verstärken, da sie dann mit europäi- Die Versteigerungen würden von den Mitgliedstaaten schen Investitionen und Technologietransfer rechnen organisiert, und die Einnahmen kämen den einzel- könnten. staatlichen Haushalten zugute. Allerdings sollen es of- Emissionssenkung über das Emissionshandels-System fene Auktionen sein, so dass die in der EU ansässigen hinaus Unternehmen in sämtlichen Mitgliedstaaten Emis- sionsrechte erwerben könnten. Die erheblichen Ein- Da weniger als die Hälfte der Treibhausgasemissionen nahmen der Mitgliedstaaten durch diese Versteige- vom neuen Emissionshandels-System erfasst würden, ist rungen stehen für die Umstellung auf eine Wirtschaft ein EU-Rahmen erforderlich, damit die Mitgliedstaaten mit niedrigen Kohlenstoffemissionen, Forschung, auch die übrigen Emissionen in ihre Verpflichtungen Entwicklung und Innovation in Bereichen wie einbeziehen. Dieser Rahmen beträfe Bereiche wie den erneuerbare Energien oder Kohlenstoffabscheidung

7 N2O aus der Säureproduktion und PFC-Emissionen der 8 Die gemeinsame Erfüllung von Verpflichtungen ist auch über Aluminiumindustrie. Projekte in anderen Industrieländern mit Kyoto-Zielen möglich. 20 und 20 bis 2020: Chancen Europas im Klimawandel

Gebäudesektor, den Verkehr, die Landwirtschaft, die Ab- die bisherigen Erfolge der Mitgliedstaaten bei der Er- fallwirtschaft und Industrieanlagen, deren Emissionen höhung des Anteils der erneuerbaren Energien in den unterhalb der Schwelle liegen, ab der eine Teilnahme am letzten Jahren in die Ziele ein. Mit dieser Berechnungs- Emissionshandel Pflicht wird. Für diese Sektoren würde methode, die mit einem neuen Flexibilitätsmechanismus eine Emissionssenkung von 10 % gegenüber dem Niveau einhergeht, wurde dem Auftrag des Europäischen Rates von 2005 vorgegeben, mit spezifischen Zielwerten für je- in vollem Umfang nachgekommen. den Mitgliedstaat. Der Emissionsabbau würde teilweise durch EU-Maßnahmen – wie schärfere CO2Normen für Die Möglichkeiten für den Ausbau erneuerbaren Ener- Kraftfahrzeuge und Kraftstoffe oder Regeln zur Förde- gien unterscheiden sich von einem Mitgliedstaat zum rung der Energieeffizienz – bewirkt, aber die Mitglied- anderen. Einige verfügen über Potenzial zum Ausbau der staaten könnten ansonsten selber entscheiden, wo sie Windenergie, andere eher für Sonnenenergie oder Bio- Schwerpunkte setzen und mit welchen Maßnahmen sie masse. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten entscheiden, wo sie Veränderungen herbeiführen wollen. Außerdem hätten die Schwerpunkte setzen. Wegen der langen Vorlaufzei- die Mitgliedstaaten Zugang zu CDM-Gutschriften für ten für den Einsatz erneuerbarer Energien und der er- fast ein Drittel ihrer Reduktionsanstrengungen. forderlichen Rechtssicherheit für Investoren ist es jedoch unabdingbar, dass die Mitgliedstaaten klare Vorstellun- Eine neue Ära für erneuerbare Energien gen über ihre Schwerpunktsetzung hegen. Jeder Mit- gliedstaat wird einen nationalen Aktionsplan vorlegen, Der Europäische Rat hat auf seiner Tagung im März der beschreibt, wie die Ziele erreicht werden sollen, und 2007 den erneuerbaren Energien besonderes Gewicht eine wirksame Kontrolle der Fortschritte erlaubt. Beson- 409 beigemessen. Mit dem Beschluss, ein festes Ziel für dere Anstrengungen sind erforderlich, um die Senkung die EU als Ganzes sowie präzise Ziele für die einzelnen der Treibhausgasemissionen und eine sicherere Energie- Mitgliedstaaten festzusetzen, haben die Staats- und Re- versorgung im Verkehrssektor zu erreichen. Deswegen gierungschefs den besonderen Beitrag anerkannt, den hat der Europäische Rat ein verbindliches Mindestziel erneuerbare Energien sowohl zum Emissionsabbau als in Höhe von 10 % für den Anteil von Biokraftstoffen auch zur Verbesserung der Energiesicherheit leisten kön- am gesamten verkehrsbedingten Benzin- und Dieselver- nen. Heute liegt der Anteil der erneuerbaren Energien brauch in der EU beschlossen. am Endenergieverbrauch der EU bei 8,5 %. Ein durch- schnittlicher Anstieg um 11,5 % ist erforderlich, um bis Auch die Kosten für die Nutzung des Potenzials an erneu- 2020 das Ziel von 20 % zu erreichen. Dafür sind massive erbaren Energien variieren. Einige Investitionen können Investitionen in der gesamten Union erforderlich, aber reibungslos ans Netz gebracht und rentabel bewirtschaf- die relativen Kosten werden zurückgehen, da die übrigen tet werden. Wenn dieses Potenzial jedoch aufgebraucht Energieerzeuger die Kosten für Verschmutzungsrech- ist, sind auch teurere Möglichkeiten ins Auge zu fassen. te im Emissionshandels-System tragen müssen und die Gleichzeitig werden die Kosten mit zunehmender Pro- Preise für Erdöl und Erdgas weiter steigen werden. duktion zurückgehen. Deswegen brauchen die Mitglied- staaten eine gewisse Flexibilität. Solange das Gesamtziel Die Möglichkeiten, erneuerbare Energien in Anspruch der EU eingehalten wird, sollten die Mitgliedstaaten zu nehmen, sind nicht in allen Mitgliedstaaten gleich hinsichtlich der erneuerbaren Energie einen Beitrag zum groß. Deswegen ist bei den Anforderungen an die Mit- Gesamtziel Europas leisten können, ohne dass dies not- gliedstaaten im Hinblick auf ihren Beitrag zu einem wendigerweise auf ihre eigenen Grenzen bezogen sein 20 %-Anteil der erneuerbaren Energien am EU-Gesamt- muss. wenn den Mitgliedstaaten erlaubt wird, durch ei- verbrauch zu differenzieren. Der Europäische Rat hat nen Beitrag zur Entwicklung erneuerbarer Energien in einige Erwägungen vorgegeben, die bei der Festlegung einem anderen Mitgliedstaat ihre Ziele zu verwirklichen, der nationalen Ziele berücksichtigt werden sollten. Die können sie ihre eigenen Kosten für die Verwirklichung Ziele sollten fair sein und den unterschiedlichen natio- der Energieziele senken und gleichzeitig dem anderen nalen Ausgangslagen und Möglichkeiten, einschließlich Mitgliedstaaten sinnvolle neue Einnahmemöglichkeiten des bestehenden Anteils erneuerbarer Energien und des eröffnen. Aus mehr europäischer als nationaler Perspek- bestehenden Energiemixes – insbesondere kohlenstoffar- tive würden damit Investitionen in jede Gebiete in der men Technologien – Rechnung tragen. EU verlagert, in denen erneuerbare Energien am effizi- entesten produziert werden können. Damit könnten die Die Kommission hat ihrem Vorschlag eine Berechnungs- Kosten für die Verwirklichung dieser Ziele um zwischen methode zugrunde gelegt, demzufolge die Hälfte der zwei und acht Milliarden Euro gesenkt werden. zusätzlichen Anforderungen zu gleichen Teilen zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten aufgeteilt wird. Die andere Hälfte Für eine solche Investition in einem anderen Mit- wird nach dem Pro-Kopf-BIP gestaffelt. Ferner fließen gliedstaat wäre kein physischer Ressourcentransfer DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

erforderlich, dem geografische und technische Hinder- Verkehr, Gebäude und eine effizientere Erzeugung, Wei- nisse entgegenstehen. Er könnte in Form von übertrag- terleitung und Verteilung von Strom bieten Chancen, baren Herkunftsnachweisen erfolgen (Nachweis, dass die durch Gesetzgebungs- und Informationsmaßnahmen erneuerbare Energie produziert wurde). Der Vorschlag stimuliert, aber auch aus dem Wunsch heraus ergriffen sieht vor, dass diese Mechanismen parallel zu bestehen- werden sollten, den Folgen höherer Energiekosten für den nationalen Programmen zur Förderung erneuerbarer die Verbraucher zu entgehen. Bei vielen Gütern vom Energien. Auf diese Weise wird das Gesamtziel so kosten- Fernseher über Kraftfahrzeuge bis hin zu Heizgeräten günstig wie möglich verwirklicht. und Straßenleuchten lässt sich die Energieeffizienz mittels der Produktnormung verbessern. Schon eine bessere Jede Ausweitung erneuerbarer Energien verlangt auch Kennzeichnung würde dazu führen, dass 75 % aller ge- nach einer Anpassung des bestehenden Rechtsrahmens kennzeichneten Produkte in der Güteklasse „A“ gekauft für herkömmliche Energien: alle unnötigen rechtlichen, werden. Diese Einsparungen verschafften den Haushal- administrativen und planerischen Hindernisse für die ten mehr Spielraum, um höhere Energiepreise aufzufan- Förderung und den Ausbau erneuerbarer Energien müs- gen, und mehr Raum für Investitionen in Technologie sen abgeschafft werden, und der Vorschlag soll das geeig- und Arbeitsplätze. Um aber das 20 %-Ziel zu erreichen, nete Umfeld gewährleisten, in dem erneuerbare Energien müssen alle Verwaltungsebenen, aber auch alle Wirt- aufblühen können. schaftstätigen und alle Bürger erhebliche Anstrengungen unternehmen. Schließlich hat sich der Europäische Rat für ein sepa- 410 rates Mindestziel für den Anteil nachhaltiger Biokraft- Blick in die Zeit nach 2020: das Potenzial für weiterge- stoffe am verkehrsbedingten Kraftstoffverbrauch in der hende Emissionssenkungen beleben EU ausgesprochen. Da Biokraftstoffe auf absehbare Zeit die einzige realistische Kraftstoff-Alternative darstellen, In den vergangenen zehn Jahren haben sich die techni- muss ihre umweltpolitische Nachhaltigkeit mit festen schen Möglichkeiten rasch entwickelt. Wind- und Son- Wachstumskriterien gefördert werden. Die vorgeschlage- nenenergie sind rentabler als je zuvor. Energieeffizienz ne Regelung enthält daher Mindestanforderungen an die ist inzwischen ein festes Produktionskriterium von der Emissionswerte von Biokraftstoffen, die im Falle ihrer einfachen Glühbirne bis hin zur kompliziertesten Indus- Anrechnung auf das 10 %-Ziel einzuhalten sind. Eben- trieanlage. Dieser Prozess muss aber noch beschleunigt so werden verbindliche Kriterien für die Bewahrung der werden, wenn Europa seine klima- und energiepoliti- Artenvielfalt vorgegeben und bestimmte Formen der schen Ziele erreichen will und das kommerzielle Potenzi- Flächenumwidmung verboten. Werden die Vorschläge al dieser Technologien voll ausgeschöpft werden soll. Der angenommen, verfügt die EU über das weltweit umfas- Europäische Strategieplan für Energietechnologie9 zeigt, sendste System dieser Art, das sowohl für einheimische wie die Hebel der EU genutzt werden können, um die wie für eingeführte Biokraftstoffe gelten wird. Die Re- Führungsrolle Europas bei nachhaltigen Technologien zu geln sind unabdingbar, um zu gewährleisten, dass die behaupten. Klimawandel und Energie sind voraussicht- umweltpolitischen Vorteile einer Verwendung von Bio- lich auch die ersten Gebiete, in denen das Europäische kraftstoffen ihre Nachteile für die Umwelt überwiegen. Technologieinstitut Schwerpunkte setzen wird. Die Kommission ist entschlossen, die rasche Entwick- lung von Biokraftstoffen der zweiten Generation in allen Von besonderer Bedeutung ist dabei die Kohlenstoffab- Bereichen ihrer politischen Tätigkeit zu fördern. Sie wird scheidung und –speicherung. Fossile Kraftstoffe werden die Marktentwicklungen und ihre Folgen für Nahrungs- auch in den kommenden Jahrzehnten die wichtigste und Futtermittel, das Energiewesen und andere indust- Energiequelle weltweit bleiben. Zur Energieversorgung rielle Verwendungen von Biomasse genau verfolgen und in Europa und zur Deckung des in vielen Entwicklungs- gegebenenfalls geeignete Maßnahmen ergreifen. ländern bereits jetzt dramatisch wachsenden Bedarfs wird auch auf Kohlevorkommen zurückgegriffen wer- Die Rolle der Energieeffizienz den müssen. Die angestrebte Halbierung der weltweiten Treibhausgasemissionen gegenüber 1990 bis 2050 wird Das EU-Ziel, den Energieverbrauch bis 2020 um 20 % jedoch nur verwirklicht werden können, wenn das Ener- zu senken, ist ein wesentlicher Baustein des Gesamtkon- giepotenzial der Kohle genutzt werden kann, ohne die zepts. Dadurch würde die EU bis zu 100 Mrd. EUR spa- Emissionen zu vervielfachen. Deswegen hat der Europä- ren, und die Emissionen würden um fast 800 Mio. Ton- ische Rat Sofortmaßnahmen in die Wege geleitet, damit nen jährlich gesenkt. Ein niedrigerer Energieverbrauch ist eines der wichtigsten Mittel zur Verwirklichung der CO -Emissionsziele. 9 Ein Europäischer Strategieplan für Energietechnologie: Der 2 Weg zu einer kohlenstoffemissionsarmen Zukunft - KOM(2007) 723 vom 22.11.2007. 20 und 20 bis 2020: Chancen Europas im Klimawandel die Kohlenstoffabscheidung und –speicherung in neuen Um die Ziele der EU zu den geringstmöglichen Kosten fossil befeuerten Kraftwerken zur Standard-Technologie zu erreichen, greift die Kommission mit ihren Vorschlä- wird, und u.a. die Einrichtung von bis zu 12 Demonst- gen auf die Erfahrungen mit dem Emissionshandels-Sys- rationsanlagen bis 2015 beschlossen. tem zurück und plädiert dafür, dem Markt möglichst freien Spielraum zu belassen. Auch die Mitgliedstaaten Damit die Kohlenstoffabscheidung und –speicherung im sollen innerhalb der spezifischen nationalen Zielvorga- Binnenmarkt funktionieren und eine Rolle im Emissi- ben möglichst flexibel selbst entscheiden können. onshandels-System spielen kann, muss durch europäische Rechtsvorschriften ein passender Rahmen geschaffen • Das künftige Emissionshandels-System wird werden. Dieser Aspekt ist im geplanten Maßnahmen- gewährleisten, dass die Preise hoch genug sind, um paket von großer Bedeutung: Investoren müssen sicher den Unternehmen starke wirtschaftliche Anreize zu sein, dass sie die Kosten für Emissionsrechte, die bei ih- geben, den Kosten für die Verschmutzungsrechte zu ren Wettbewerbern anfallen, einsparen können, und dass entgehen. die richtigen Sicherheitsmaßnahmen getroffen wurden, • Die Versteigerung der Verschmutzungsrechte wird die eine langfristige Investition rechtfertigen. Die wich- effizientere Anlagen bevorzugen. tigsten Beteiligten sollen in einer Europäischen Indus- trieinitiative zusammengebracht werden, um der neuen • Bei der Emissionssenkung außerhalb des Emissi- Technologie einen kohärenten Anschub zu verschaffen. onshandels können die Mitgliedstaaten eigene, auf die innerstaatliche Besonderheiten zugeschnittene Dennoch sind für die Finanzierung von Demonstrati- Strategien entwickeln. 411 onsanlagen und den Anschub der kommerziellen Ent- • Außerdem sollten sie selbst bestimmen können, wicklung beträchtliche Investitionen in zweistelliger Mil- welchen Anteil die einzelnen Energieträger an ihrer liardenhöhe erforderlich. Da eine massive Finanzierung Energieversorgung erhalten10 und wie erneuerbare aus dem EU-Haushalt nicht möglich ist, können die ent- Energien gefördert werden. Die Einführung einer sprechenden Mittel nur durch öffentlich-private Partner- Regelung, nach der die Mitgliedstaaten ihre Ziele schaften aufgebracht werden, bei denen der Großteil der hinsichtlich der erneuerbaren Energien auch durch Gelder aus nationalen Haushalten und von der Privat- die Zusammenarbeit mit anderen Mitgliedstaaten wirtschaft kommt. Die Staaten können hierzu natürlich verwirklichen können, lässt den Mitgliedstaaten die auf die Einnahmen aus den Auktionen der Verschmut- Wahl, inwieweit sie die Produktion erneuerbarer zungsrechte im Zuge des Emissionshandels zurückgrei- Energien im Inland vorantreiben wollen. fen. Für die Privatwirtschaft könnte sich wegen der Un- vermeidlichkeit des Umstiegs auf diese Technologie der • Staatliche Beihilfen zur Förderung der politisch frühe Einstieg in diesen Markt als wirtschaftlich vorteil- gewollten Emissionssenkungen und erneuerbaren haft erweisen. Je später dieser Umstieg jedoch beginnt, Energien sind legitim. Allerdings muss bei der desto stärker wird die Politik die Möglichkeit in Betracht Gewährung solcher Beihilfen ein ausgewogenes ziehen müssen, dass diese Technologie nur durch eine Verhältnis zwischen einer großzügigen, zielgenauen zwangsweise Einführung vorangebracht werden kann. Förderung des Umweltschutzes und der Wahrung des Wettbewerbs gefunden werden. Ein wirksamer Die Gestaltung des Wandels Wettbewerb ist unerlässlich, wenn die marktbasierten Instrumente reibungslos funktionieren sollen. Bei der Untersuchung verschiedener Handlungsoptio- Neue Beihilfeleitlinien werden einen Rahmen für nen und möglicher Szenarien hat die Kommission be- die Förderung eines höheren Umweltschutzniveaus sonderen Wert darauf gelegt, einen Ansatz zu entwickeln, durch staatliche Beihilfen auch im Energiewesen mit dem die Kosten des Wandels für die EU-Wirtschaft vorgeben. Staatliche Beihilfen können nicht nur zur in Grenzen gehalten werden – damit das Konzept für Behebung eines etwaigen Versagens des Marktes bei die Lissabon-Strategie für Wachstum und Beschäftigung der angemessenen Berücksichtigung der Umwelt- maßgeschneidert ist.. Selbstverständlich wäre es sinnlos kosten beitragen, sondern auch den Unternehmen zu leugnen, dass Veränderungen in dieser Größenord- nung nicht ohne wirtschaftliche Anstrengungen verwirklicht werden können. Nach Auffassung der Kommis- 10 Auf seiner Tagung im März 2007 hat der Europäische Rat daran erinnert, „dass die Energiepolitik für Europa die Wahl sion können die Kosten, wenn die richtigen Konzepte derMitgliedstaaten in Bezug auf den Energiemix in vollem zum Tragen kommen, bis 2020 jedoch auf weniger als Umfang respektiert“, und bestätigt, dass „es Sache jedes 0,5 % des BIP/Jahr begrenzt werden. Dadurch gewinnen einzelnen Mitgliedstaats ist, zu entscheiden, ob er Kernenergie Wohlstand und Wachstum mehr Spielraum als durch einsetzt, (aber) gleichzeitig die nukleare Sicherheit und die Entsorgung radioaktiver Abfälle weiter verbessert werden Tatenlosigkeit. müssen“. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Anreize für die Übernahme umweltfreundlicherer Emissionshandelssystem ganz oder teilweise kostenlos Verfahren oder zur Investition in grüne Technologien zugeteilt bekommen. Dann würden je nach dem Ergeb- bieten. In den neuen Leitlinien wird u.a. anerkannt, nis internationaler Verhandlungen Vorschläge vorgelegt, dass staatliche Beihilfen gerechtfertigt sein können, den Anteil der kostenlos zugeteilten Rechte anzupassen wenn höhere Produktionskosten den Marktzutritt oder Importeure zu verpflichten, wie ihre europäischen erneuerbarer Energien behindern. Sie erlauben die Konkurrenten Emissionsrechte zu ersteigern, solange das volle Unterstützung erneuerbarer Energien, damit sie Handelssystem mit den WTO-Verpflichtungen verein- wirtschaftlich werden. Außerdem wird eine Mög- bar ist lichkeit eröffnet, staatliche Beihilfen zur Förderung der Kohlenstoffabscheidung und -speicherung in Die Kapazität für Investitionen Betracht zu ziehen, und sie bieten Rechtssicherheit für Emissionshandelssysteme. Der Europäische Rat hat anerkannt, dass die Vorschläge Die besonderen Bedürfnisse energieintensiver Industrien ehrgeizig sind und den Mitgliedstaaten erhebliche An- strengungen abverlangen. Die Kommission hat daher die Energieintensive Industrien sind ein wichtiger Bestand- wirtschaftlichen Folgen ihrer Vorschläge gegenüber der teil der Wirtschaftslandschaft der EU. Sie stellt der Fähigkeit der einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten, die erforderli- Übergang zu einer umweltfreundlichen Wirtschaft vor chen Investitionen vorzunehmen, sorgfältig abgewogen. besondere Herausforderungen. Sie werden nicht nur die Angesichts der geschätzten Gesamtkosten von knapp unter 0,5 % des BIP bis 2020 vertritt die Kommission die höheren Stromkosten zu tragen haben, sondern müssten 412 Auffassung, dass keinem Mitgliedstaat Investitionen ab- als große Verschmutzer unter normalen Umständen auch verlangt werden sollten, die zu weit von diesem allgemei- an den Versteigerungen der Emissionsrechte teilnehmen. nen Durchschnitt abweichen. Vor diesem Hintergrund Diese Zusatzkosten fallen bei ihren Konkurrenten in sollten die besonderen Anforderungen an die einzelnen Ländern, die keine Maßnahmen zur Senkung der Koh- Mitgliedstaaten so modifiziert werden, dass den ärmeren lenstoffemissionen getroffen haben, nicht an. Das hat Mitgliedstaaten ein realistischer Investitionsbetrag ab- nicht nur Auswirkungen auf Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und verlangt wird. Diese Modifizierung wirkt sich auf drei Beschäftigung, sondern birgt auch die Gefahr, dass die Aspekte der Vorschläge aus: Produktion und damit einhergehend die Verschmutzung in Länder verlagert werden, die keine Politik zur Sen- kung der Kohlenstoffemissionen betreiben. Eine Reihe • die einzelstaatlichen Emissionsziele außerhalb des von energieintensiven Wirtschaftszweigen, insbesondere Emissionshandels-Systems, die Eisen- und Stahlindustrie und die Nichteisen-Metal- • die einzelstaatlichen Ziele zur Verwirklichung des lindustrie, die Holz- und Papierindustrie und die mine- anvisierten Anteils der erneuerbaren Energien am ralverarbeitende Industrie, hat entsprechende Besorgnis- Energieverbrauch in der EU, se geäußert. Auch die Auswirkungen auf die Strompreise für bestimmte Branchen wurden angesprochen und • die Versteigerung der Emissinsrechte im Emissi- müssen, sollten sich die Befürchtungen bestätigen, be- onshandelssystem, da ärmere Mitgliedstaaten einen handelt werden. höheren Anteil der Emissionsrechte versteigern dürfen sollen. Ein umfassendes internationales Abkommen würde die- Dieses Konzept setzt allen Mitgliedstaaten realistische ses Problem lösen. Solange ein solches Abkommen aus- und tragfähige Ziele. Es verlangt ihnen wirkliche An- bleibt und Wettbewerber bei energieintensiven Industri- strengungen ab, eröffnet ihnen aber die Chance, ihren en nicht ihrerseits in beträchtlichem Umfang einseitige Beitrag zu leisten, damit sich die europäische Wirtschaft Maßnahmen treffen, muss die EU für einheitliche Wett- zu einer wahrhaft klimafreundlichen Wirtschaft wandelt. bewerbsvoraussetzungen sorgen. Fazit In den Vorschlägen sind daher auch entsprechende Maßnahmen vorgesehen Für sie bestünde Bedarf, wenn Das Europa von 2050 wird ganz anders aussehen als das anhand bestimmter Kriterien nachgewiesen wird, dass Europa von heute. Nirgendwo wird dieser Wandel deut- die Zusatzkosten nur unter Inkaufnahme eines be- licher werden als in der Art und Weise, wie wir unseren trächtlichen Verlusts von Marktanteilen zugunsten we- Energiebedarf decken, und wie respektvoll wir mit der niger emissionseffizienter Konkurrenten außerhalb der Welt um uns herum umgehen. Diese Vision inspiriert EU weitergegeben werden könnten. Unternehmen aus schon jetzt viele unserer Mitbürger. Die Menschen er- Wirtschaftszweigen, in denen diese Kriterien erfüllt kennen, dass es Alternativen gibt, dass wir unser Leben sind, könnten ihre Verschmutzungsrechte unter dem so gestalten können, dass Europa weiter nach Wachs- tum und Beschäftigung streben und gleichzeitig eine 20 und 20 bis 2020: Chancen Europas im Klimawandel führende Rolle bei den weltweiten Bemühungen über- nehmen kann. Außerdem ist Europa in einer guten Posi- tion, um die damit einhergehenden neuen Chancen und Technologien zu nutzen. Herstellern und Versorgern werden neue unternehmerische Möglichkeiten geboten.

Die Vorschläge der Europäischen Kommission weisen Europa die Richtung in diese Zukunft. Sie sollen den Rahmen und die Anreize dafür schaffen, die vom Eu- ropäischen Rat im Frühjahr 2007 beschlossenen, von der Konferenz in Bali bestätigen ehrgeizigen politischen Ziele zu verwirklichen. Sie bilden einen wesentlichen Be- standteil der Bemühungen Europas, seine Wirtschaft zu modernisieren und gegen die Herausforderungen des 21. Jahrhunderts zu wappnen.

413 DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

414 WWU@10: Zehn Jahre Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion – Errungenschaften und Herausforderungen

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLAMENT, DEN RAT, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN WIRTSCHAFTS- UND SOZIALAUSSCHUSS, DEN AUSSCHUSS DER REGIONEN UND DIE EUROPÄISCHE ZENTRALBANK BRÜSSEL, DEN 7.5.2008 COM(2008) 238

Ein historischer Schritt der Europa zu einem Pol makroökonomischer Stabilität geworden ist, was gerade bei den gegenwärtigen Finanz- 415 Am 2. Mai 1998 fassten die europäischen Staats- und turbulenzen zu begrüßen ist. Regierungschefs den historischen Beschluss, die einheitliche Währung, den Euro, einzuführen. Der Über- Der Euro ist zwar eindeutig eine Erfolgsgeschichte, doch gang zur letzten Stufe der Wirtschafts- und Währungs- ist er bisher in mancher Hinsicht hinter den ursprüng- union – kurz: WWU – markierte einen Wendepunkt lichen Erwartungen zurückgeblieben. Wirtschafts- und in der europäischen Integration. Wenngleich es sich im insbesondere Produktivitätswachstum sind hinter an- Wesentlichen um einen wirtschaftlichen Aspekt der In- deren Industrienationen zurückgeblieben, und die Sor- tegration handelte, wurde damit doch auch ein starkes ge über eine gerechte Verteilung von Einkommen und politisches Signal für die europäischen Bürger und den Vermögen wächst. Außerdem sind einige große Heraus- Rest der Welt gesetzt und deutlich gemacht, dass Europa forderungen, die bei der Planung der WWU noch nicht in der Lage ist, weitreichende Entscheidungen zu treffen, bestanden oder sich gerade erst abzuzeichnen begannen, um eine gemeinsame blühende Zukunft für einen Konti- inzwischen drängender geworden. Die Globalisierung nent zu sichern, der allzu häufig unter Kriegen und wirt- schreitet rasch voran und die natürlichen Ressourcen schaftlicher wie politischer Instabilität zu leiden hatte. werden immer knapper. Der Klimawandel und die Aus- Die Einführung der WWU – die wichtigste Währungs- wirkungen der Bevölkerungsalterung werden die Wachs- reform seit Bretton Woods – war ein mutiger Schritt, tumsmöglichkeiten unserer Volkswirtschaften ebenfalls der in der neueren europäischen Wirtschaftsgeschichte einschränken. Darüber hinaus geraten der Euro-Wech- seinesgleichen sucht und der die Wirtschaftslandschaft selkurs und das Funktionieren unserer Finanzsysteme weltweit verändert hat. durch die Korrektur globaler Ungleichgewichte zusätz- lich unter Druck. Gleichzeitig wird die Wirtschaft des Zehn Jahre nach seiner Einführung kann man sagen, Euroraums mit dessen schrittweiser Erweiterung zwar an Dynamik gewinnen, doch wird gleichzeitig auch die dass der Euro ein voller Erfolg ist. Die einheitliche Wäh- Vielfalt innerhalb der WWU zunehmen, so dass höhe- rung ist zu einem Symbol Europas geworden, das von re Anforderungen an ihre Anpassungsfähigkeit gestellt den Bürgern im Euroraum – neben der Freizügigkeit in werden. der EU und dem Frieden in Europa – als eines der posi- tivsten Ergebnisse der europäischen Integration gesehen 11 wird. Für jeden zweiten Bürger im Euroraum bedeutet Die vorliegende Mitteilung und der zugehörige Bericht EU vor allem einheitliche Währung. Die WWU sichert bewerten die Erfahrungen der ersten zehn Jahre WWU, makroökonomische Stabilität und fördert grenzüber- zeigen Ziele und Herausforderungen für den Euroraum schreitenden Handel, finanzielle Integration und Investi- auf und formulieren eine politische Agenda, die sicher- tionen. Die Zahl der Länder, die den Euro eingeführt ha- stellen soll, dass die WWU auch weiterhin Erfolgsge- ben, ist von ursprünglich elf zum Jahresanfang 2008 auf schichte schreibt. fünfzehn gestiegen und wird sich demnächst noch weiter erhöhen. Die WWU ist eine Errungenschaft von strate- 11 SEK(2008) 553: „WWU@10: Zehn Jahre Wirtschafts- und gischer Bedeutung für die EU und die Welt insgesamt, in Währungsunion – Errungenschaften und Herausforderungen“. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

DIE GRÖSSTEN ERRUNGENSCHAFTEN DER ERSTEN beigetragen, sondern auch zu einer nachhaltigeren Kor- ZEHN JAHRE rektur übermäßiger Defizite, da dem Rückgriff auf einmalige Maßnahmen entgegengewirkt wurde. Prozykli- radikale Verän- Die Einführung des Euro bedeutete eine sche Finanzpolitik wurde zwar nicht ganz aus der Welt derung des makroökonomischen Umfelds der teilneh- geschafft, ist aber ebenfalls wesentlich seltener geworden. menden Mitgliedstaaten und auch darüber hinaus. Eine Infolgedessen und dank unerwarteter Steuermehrein- einheitliche Geldpolitik in Kombination mit einer nati- nahmen in den vergangenen Jahren hatte kein Land des onalen, aber abgestimmten Finanzpolitik hat makroöko- Euroraums im Jahr 2007 ein Haushaltdefizit von mehr nomische Stabilität gefördert. Die Wechselkursanpas- als 3 % zu verzeichnen, und das Gesamtdefizit für den sungen, die die europäischen Volkswirtschaften früher Euroraum (0,6 % des BIP im Jahr 2007) war das nied- immer wieder erschüttert haben, gehören der Vergan- rigste seit mehreren Jahrzehnten. Zehn von fünfzehn genheit an. Die Europäische Zentralbank (EZB), die für Ländern des Euroraums wiesen 2007 entweder einen die Geldpolitik im Euroraum verantwortlich ist, hat sich Haushaltsüberschuss oder einen weitgehend ausgegliche- rasch als glaubwürdige Instanz etabliert. Die Haushalts- nen Haushalt auf. disziplin hat sich deutlich verbessert – eine Entwicklung, die durch den Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt (SWP) Die WWU hat die Integration der Volkswirtschaften untermauert wurde. Die Wirtschaft des Euroraums hat und Märkte gefördert. Der Wegfall der Wechselkursri- bei der wirtschaftlichen und finanziellen Integration ein siken und die geringeren Kosten grenzüberschreitender rascheres Tempo angeschlagen als der Rest der EU und Transaktionen haben sich förderlich auf die Entwicklung ist inzwischen besser in der Lage, externe Schocks zu ver- 416 des Binnenmarkts und die Integration der Produkt- kraften. Generell waren an vielen Fronten Fortschritte zu märkte ausgewirkt. Die Handelströme innerhalb des verzeichnen, wie im Folgenden dargelegt wird. Euroraums machen inzwischen ein Drittel des BIP des Euroraums aus (vor zehn Jahren war es nur ein Viertel), Die Geldpolitik hat die langfristigen Inflationserwar- und vorliegenden Schätzungen zufolge lässt sich dieser tungen verankert auf einem Niveau , das in der Nähe der Anstieg fast zur Hälfte durch den Wegfall der Wechsel- von der EZB definierten Preisstabilität liegt. Die Infla- kursvolatilität erklären. Noch wichtiger ist, dass die aus- tion hat sich im ersten Jahrzehnt der WWU bei durch- ländischen Direktinvestitionen im Euroraum nunmehr schnittlich gut 2 % eingependelt, nachdem sie in den ein Drittel des BIP betragen – gegenüber ursprünglich 90er Jahren bei 3 % gelegen und sich in den 70er und einem Fünftel. Hier gehen Schätzungen davon aus, dass 80er Jahren noch bei 8 bis 10 % bewegt hatte. Die no- bis zu zwei Drittel dieses Anstiegs direkt auf die Einfüh- minalen Zinssätze sind seit den Anfängen des Euro von rung der einheitlichen Währung zurückzuführen sind. 9 % in den 90er Jahren und 12 % in den 80er Jahren auf Diese Entwicklungen haben wiederum zu beachtlichen durchschnittlich etwa 5 % gesunken. Die realen Zinssät- Größenvorteilen geführt, den Wettbewerb angekurbelt ze in der WWU sind auf ein Niveau zurückgegangen, das und sich spürbar auf die Produktionseffizienz ausgewirkt. seit Jahrzehnten nicht mehr so niedrig war, nicht einmal Ebenso hat der Rückgang der in den Kapitalkosten ent- in den Ländern, die vor Einführung des Euro den höchs- haltenen Risikoprämien die Kapitalbildung angekurbelt, ten Grad an Stabilität zu verzeichnen hatten. Zugegebe- die inzwischen fast bei 22 % des BIP liegt – einem seit nermaßen ist die Inflation in letzter Zeit gestiegen, vor Anfang der 90er Jahre nicht mehr erreichten Niveau. allem aufgrund des rasanten Preisanstiegs bei Erdöl und Insgesamt wird davon ausgegangen, dass die einheitliche Rohstoffen. Gleichzeitig sind die Kreditkonditionen für Währung die Arbeitsproduktivität je geleisteter Arbeits- private Haushalte und Unternehmen durch die Finanz- stunde seit ihrer Einführung über diese verschiedenen marktturbulenzen restriktiver geworden. Wenn dieser ex- Kanäle um ganze 5 % erhöht hat. terne Druck nachlässt, ist jedoch eine Rückkehr zu nied- riger Inflation und „normaleren“ Kreditbedingungen zu Der Euro hat als leistungsstarker Katalysator für die erwarten – auch wenn die Öl- und Rohstoffpreise auf- Finanzmarktintegration gewirkt. Die Interbankengeld- grund der starken Nachfrage aus den rasch wachsenden märkte im Euroraum sind inzwischen vollständig integ- Schwellenländern tendenziell weiter steigen könnten. riert, und das grenzüberschreitende Interbankgeschäften ist seit 1999 kontinuierlich gewachsen. Die grenzüber- Die Finanzpolitik hat makroökonomische Stabilität in schreitende Konsolidierung zwischen den Banken hat gefördert der WWU . Die Fortschritte bei der Konsoli- sich beschleunigt: die sechzehn größten Bankengruppen dierung der öffentlichen Finanzen waren in den letzten halten nunmehr über 25 % ihrer EU-Vermögenswerte Jahren beeindruckend und haben es ermöglicht, das außerhalb ihres Herkunftsmitgliedstaats. Es hat sich ein Defizit 2007 auf lediglich 0,6 % des BIP zurückzufüh- bedeutender Markt für auf Euro lautende Anleihen des ren, während es in den 80er und 90er Jahren noch bei privaten Sektors herausgebildet, der mit einem jährli- durchschnittlich 4 % lag. Die Reform des SWP im Jahr chen Bruttoemissionsvolumen von über 1 Billion EUR 2005 hat nicht nur zu einer besseren Haushaltsdisziplin WWU@10: ZEHN JAHRE WIRTSCHAFTS- UND WÄHRUNGSUNION – ERRUNGENSCHAFTEN UND HERAUSFORDERUNGEN mittlerweile deutlich über der Mittelaufnahme des öf- Schuldverschreibungen überstiegen im Jahr 2004 die fentlichen Sektors (etwa 800 Mrd. EUR) liegt. Auch Schuldverschreibungen in US-Dollar, während die Ban- die Integration der Aktienmärkte hat sich schneller als ken im Euroraum inzwischen 36 % ihrer Darlehen an anderswo vollzogen, wobei sich der Anteil der in ande- Darlehensnehmer außerhalb des Euroraums in Euro ver- ren Ländern des Euroraums gehaltenen Aktien von 20 geben, gegenüber 45 % in US-Dollar. Der Euro steht auf 40 % erhöht hat. Die Finanzmarktinfrastruktur hat auf Platz 2 der meistgehandelten Währungen an den sich weiterentwickelt, und bei grenzüberschreitenden weltweiten Devisenmärkten und wird bei mehr als ei- Großkunden-Finanzdienstleistungen wurden Fortschrit- nem Drittel aller Devisengeschäfte verwendet. Auch die te erzielt, während der einheitliche Euro-Zahlungsver- Verwendung des Euro als amtliche Reservewährung hat kehrsraum die Unterschiede zwischen nationalem und zugenommen. Weltweit ist der Anteil der in Euro de- grenzüberschreitendem Zahlungsverkehr für Privatkun- nominierten Reserven von 18 % im Jahr 1999 auf über den beseitigen wird. Parallel wurde durch die Umsetzung 25 % im Jahr 2007 gestiegen. Ebenso hat der Euro als des Aktionsplans für Finanzdienstleistungen und die Tä- Fakturierungs- und Verrechnungswährung im Handel tigkeit der Lamfalussy-Ausschüsse ein gewisser Grad an an Bedeutung gewonnen und inzwischen einen Anteil Konvergenz bei der Regulierung und Aufsicht erreicht. von über 50 % am Außenhandel des Euroraums erreicht. Auch in vielen Drittländern ist der Euro sehr wichtig Die WWU hat die Widerstandsfähigkeit des Euroraums geworden, insbesondere in den Ländern, die Kandida- gegenüber negativen äußeren Entwicklungen gestärkt. ten für den Beitritt zum Euroraum sind, und in angren- In den ersten zehn Jahren war der Euroraum einer Reihe zenden EU-Ländern, deren Handel inzwischen zu etwa externer Schocks ausgesetzt, die durch den Verlauf der 60 % in Euro fakturiert wird. 417 Weltkonjunktur bedingt waren. Die wichtigsten Er- eignisse waren in diesem Kontext das Platzen der Dot- Der Euroraum ist zu einem Pol der Stabilität für Eu- com-Blase und der anschließende Wirtschaftsabschwung ropa und die Weltwirtschaft geworden. Dank dem in den USA Anfang dieses Jahrtausends. Die daraus re- immer wichtiger werdenden internationalen Status des sultierende Konjunkturverlangsamung im Euroraum zu Euro und allein schon wegen der Größe der Wirtschaft Beginn des Jahrzehnts fiel jedoch beträchtlich geringer des Euroraums hat die Wirtschaftspolitik innerhalb der aus, als dies in ähnlichen Zeiten vor Einführung der ge- WWU zunehmend auch globale Auswirkungen. Mit meinsamen Währung der Fall war. Auch heute scheint einer ausgeglichenen Zahlungsbilanzposition, verlässli- der Euroraum vor den schlimmsten Auswirkungen der chen makroökonomischen Rahmenbedingungen und derzeitigen Finanzturbulenzen gefeit. Die Verankerung einem soliden Finanzsystem leistet der Euroraum einen der Inflationserwartungen hat zu dieser verbesserten Beitrag zu einer geordneten Entwicklung der Weltwirt- Widerstandsfähigkeit ebenso beigetragen wie die im schaft, selbst in so turbulenten Zeiten wie in den vergan- Rahmen der Lissabon-Strategie für Wachstum und Be- genen Monaten. schäftigung durchgeführten Reformen und die erneuerte Haushaltsdisziplin seit der Reform des Stabilitäts- und Der Euroraum hat eine solide Struktur wirtschaftlicher Wachstumspakts. Governance aufgebaut. Während die Hauptverantwor- tung für die Wirtschaftspolitik nach wie vor auf nati- Die WWU hat den im Aufholprozess begriffenen Mit- onaler Ebne liegt, hat sich zwischen den WWU-Mit- gliedstaaten erhebliche Vorteile gebracht. Das durch gliedstaaten ein gemeinsames Verständnis dahingehend makroökonomische Stabilität und niedrige Zinssätze ge- entwickelt, dass solide öffentliche Finanzen und flexible kennzeichnete Umfeld und die Unterstützung durch die und integrierte Produkt-, Arbeits- und Finanzmärkte Kohäsionspolitik mit den Struktur- und Kohäsionsfonds unverzichtbar sind, wenn die WWU effizient funkti- haben die Voraussetzungen für einen beschleunigten onieren soll. Die Reform des Stabilitäts- und Wachs- Aufholprozess geschaffen; die positiven Effekte einer so- tumspakts im Jahr 2005 hat die Eigenverantwortung liden Wirtschaftspolitik wurden durch die Entwicklung der nationalen Regierungen für die haushaltspolitischen und Integration der nationalen Finanzmärkte mit dem Rahmenvorgaben verstärkt. Und die überarbeitete Lissa- übrigen Euroraum verstärkt. Daher überrascht es nicht, bon-Strategie für Wachstum und Beschäftigung zentrales dass die Teilnahme an der WWU für die zwölf Mitglied- Instrument zur Koordinierung der Wirtschaftspolitik in staaten, die der EU seit 2004 beigetreten sind, sehr at- der EU fordert in Leitlinie 6, dass die Mitgliedstaaten traktiv ist. Drei von ihnen haben sich bereits erfolgreich zur „Verbesserung von Dynamik und Funktionieren dem Euroraum angeschlossen, und die Slowakei steht für der WWU“ beitragen sollen. Die Eurogruppe dient als den Beitritt im Jahr 2009 bereit. zentrales Forum, in dem die Finanzminister des Euro- raums Fragen erörtern, die die einheitliche Währung Der Euro hat sich als zweitwichtigste internationale betreffen und über die im Vertrag vorgesehenen Über- Währung fest etabliert. Auf Euro lautende internationale wachungs- und Koordinierungsaufgaben hinausgehen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Da der informelle Charakter der Gruppe einen offenen, das Pro-Kopf-Einkommen im Euroraum bei 70 % des ehrlichen Meinungsaustausch fördert, ist sie ein ideales Pro-Kopf-Einkommens der Vereinigten Staaten verharrt. Forum, um ein gemeinsames Verständnis und klare Po- Während die meisten kleineren Volkswirtschaften im sitionen in makroökonomischen Fragen zu entwickeln, Euroraum mit einer außerordentlich guten Leistung auf- die den Euroraum betreffen. Im Laufe der Zeit hat die warten, hätte das Potenzialwachstum in einigen der größ- Eurogruppe an Sichtbarkeit und Bedeutung gewonnen, ten Mitgliedstaaten deutlich höher ausfallen müssen. insbesondere seit Ernennung ihres ersten ständigen Vor- sitzenden im Januar 2005. Auf internationaler Ebene ha- Darüber hinaus bestehen hinsichtlich Inflation und ben die kollektiven Maßnahmen des Euroraums diesem Lohnstückkosten immer noch erhebliche Unterschiede größeren Einfluss verschafft, wie das Engagement der zwischen den einzelnen Ländern. Diese tendenziell hart- Troika der Eurogruppe – bestehend aus dem Vorsitzen- näckigen Unterschiede zwischen den einzelnen Mitglied- den der Eurogruppe, dem Präsidenten der EZB und dem staaten des Euroraums haben ihren Grund zum Teil in Kommissar für Wirtschaft und Währung – im bilatera- einer mangelnden Reagibilität der Preise und Löhne, die len Dialog mit China und anderen Ländern und zuletzt sich nicht reibungslos über alle Produkte, Wirtschafts- bei den multilateralen Konsultationen über globale Un- bereiche und Regionen hinweg anpassen. Dadurch sind gleichgewichte unter Federführung des IWF vom ver- Wettbewerbseinbußen und große externe Ungleichge- gangenen Jahr belegen. wichte aufgelaufen, die in der WWU lange Anpassungs- phasen erfordern. Dieser langwierige Anpassungsprozess All diese positiven Entwicklungen haben es ermöglicht, ist im Wesentlichen Ausdruck dessen, dass die Struktur- 418 dass im ersten Jahrzehnt der WWU eine Rekordzahl reformen inzwischen weniger ambitioniert sind als noch von 16 Millionen Arbeitsplätzen im Euroraum geschaf- im Vorfeld der Euro-Einführung. Wie dies auch für die fen wurde. Seit Einführung der gemeinsamen Währung EU als Ganzes der Fall ist, sind die Produktmärkte im hat die Beschäftigung um fast 15 % zugenommen. Die Euroraum nach wie vor lediglich teilweise integriert, und Arbeitslosigkeit ist auf etwa 7 % zurückgegangen. Dies die grenzüberschreitende Erbringung von Dienstleistun- ist der niedrigste Stand seit über 15 Jahren. Interessant ist gen ist nach wie vor unterentwickelt. dabei vor allem, dass die Beschäftigung im Euroraum dabei rascher gewachsen ist als in anderen reifen Volkswirt- Als internationale Währung ist der Euro ein wesentliches schaften, unter anderem den Vereinigten Staaten. Die Plus für alle Mitglieder des Euroraums und für die EU als meisten der erzielten Verbesserungen sind das Ergebnis Ganzes. Das Fehlen einer klaren internationalen Stra- von Reformen der Arbeitsmärkte und der sozialen Si- tegie und die Tatsache, dass es an einer starken Stimme cherungssysteme im Rahmen der Lissabon-Strategie für in internationalen Foren fehlt, sind für den Euroraum Wachstum und Beschäftigung, der Koordinierungs- und in einer zunehmend globalisierten Welt jedoch mit Kos- Überwachungsmechanismen im Rahmen der WWU ten verbunden. Die globalen wirtschaftlichen Ungleich- und der Lohnzurückhaltung, die in den meisten Ländern gewichte, die seit Mitte der 90er Jahre entstanden sind, des Euroraums praktiziert wurde. Dies ist ein klares Indiz beginnen sich nun bemerkbar zu machen: Die Wechsel- dafür, dass Europas Arbeitskräfte in der Lage sind, neue kurse sind übermäßig volatil und die Vorkehrungen zur Herausforderungen anzunehmen und die erforderlichen Sicherung von Finanzstabilität sind einer Belastungspro- Veränderungen zu bewältigen, die letztlich zur Entste- be ausgesetzt. Die rasch wachsende Nachfrage der auf- hung weiterer Arbeitplätze und zu mehr Wirtschafts- strebenden Volkswirtschaften nach knappen Energien wachstum führen werden. und anderen Primärressourcen trifft auf Engpässe beim Angebot, so dass die Preise für Öl, Nahrungsmittel und DIE KÜNFTIGEN HERAUSFORDERUNGEN FÜR andere Rohstoffe in die Höhe schnellen. In einem derart DIE WWU IM KONTEXT NEUER GLOBALER turbulenten Umfeld bildet die einheitliche Währung ge- ENTWICKLUNGEN wissermaßen ein Schutzschild und kann den Euroraum in die einzigartige Position versetzen, in der globalen po- Insgesamt ergibt sich somit für die ersten zehn Jahre der litischen Arena eine zentrale Rolle bei der Bewältigung WWU ein sehr positives Bild. Jedoch wurden nicht alle der daraus resultierenden Gefahren zu übernehmen. Das Erwartungen erfüllt. vorhandene Potenzial wird jedoch nicht ausreichend genutzt, da der Euroraum weder über eine klar definierte Mit etwa 2 % pro Jahr ist das Potenzialwachstum internationale Strategie verfügt noch über eine wirkungs- nach wie vor zu gering. Trotz des erheblichen Beschäf- volle internationale Vertretung. tigungsanstiegs und der positiven Auswirkungen der einheitlichen Währung ist das Produktivitätswachstum Und schließlich entspricht das Image des Euro in der von 1 ½ % in den 90er Jahren auf etwa 1 % in die- Öffentlichkeit keineswegs dem großen wirtschaftlichen sem Jahrzehnt zurückgegangen. Ein Ergebnis ist, dass Erfolg der WWU. Der Euro muss häufig als Sündenbock WWU@10: ZEHN JAHRE WIRTSCHAFTS- UND WÄHRUNGSUNION – ERRUNGENSCHAFTEN UND HERAUSFORDERUNGEN herhalten für eine schlechte Wirtschaftsleistung, die ih- und Energie im Zaum zu halten, unter Umständen ren tatsächlichen Grund in einer unzulänglichen einzel- nicht ohne weiteres gleichzeitig zu bewältigen sind. staatlichen Wirtschaftspolitik hat. Des Weiteren sind die Die Länder des Euroraums können von diesen Prob- Bürger in einigen Ländern der Meinung, dass die Preise lemen in unterschiedlichem Maße betroffen sein, so infolge der Einführung des Euro deutlich gestiegen sind. dass eine spannungsfreie Anpassung an Schocks umso Zwar hat sich die Gesamtinflation in der Phase der Um- wichtiger wird. stellung nur unwesentlich erhöht, doch haben gelegent- • Derweil wird die Bevölkerung im Euroraum wie auch liche missbräuchliche Preiserhöhungen in bestimmten in anderen Teilen der Welt immer älter. Damit wird Wirtschaftszweigen und Ländern dem Image des Euro der Anteil der Bevölkerung, der von Renten abhängig geschadet und tun dies auch weiterhin. Gleichzeitig hat ist, zunehmen, wodurch gleichzeitig das Wachs- auch der fehlende Ausbau des wirtschaftlichen Pfeilers tumspotenzial sinkt. So wird sich das Verhältnis der der WWU im Vergleich zum monetären Pfeiler die Sor- Bevölkerung im erwerbsfähigen Alter zur Zahl der ge genährt, der Euroraum sei möglicherweise gar nicht älteren Menschen in den kommenden vier Jahrzehn- in der Lage, die großen Herausforderungen, vor denen ten halbieren. Und wenn ein Wandel in der Politik er steht, zu bewältigen, was sein Image in der Öffent- ausbleibt, wird das Potenzialwachstum des Euroraums lichkeit noch mehr schädigt. Es ist offenkundig, dass von derzeit etwa 2 % auf gut 1 % pro Jahr zurück- noch einiges an Arbeit vor uns liegt. Doch abgesehen gehen. Die Bevölkerungsalterung wird relativ hohe von der Erfüllung der ursprünglichen Erwartungen wird öffentliche Ausgaben erforderlich machen. Bleiben die Politikagenda der WWU für das nächste Jahrzehnt Reformen der Renten- und Gesundheitssysteme aus, mehr denn je durch neue globale Herausforderungen be- 419 wird sich der Anteil der öffentlichen Ausgaben am stimmt werden, angesichts deren die im Vorangehenden BIP in den nächsten vier Jahrzehnten schätzungsweise aufgezeigten Schwächen der WWU noch deutlicher zu 4 Prozentpunkte erhöhen. Alternde Bevölkerungen Tage treten werden. stellen die Anpassungsfähigkeit des Euroraums auf eine harte Probe und bedeuten eine Gefahr für die • Die Globalisierung schreitet rasch voran, und die Nachhaltigkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen und für die aufstrebenden Volkswirtschaften konkurrieren mit Wohlfahrtssysteme im Allgemeinen. den Industrieländern nicht nur in Wirtschaftsbe- reichen, die geringere Qualifikationen erfordern, Diese längerfristigen Trends, deren Auswirkungen zu- sondern in zunehmendem Maße auch in Bereichen nehmend spürbar werden, stellen die Leistungsfähigkeit mit hoher Wertschöpfung. Die Globalisierung aller Industrienationen in Sachen Wachstum, makroöko- eröffnet beträchtliche Marktwachstumschancen, was nomische Stabilität, Anpassungsfähigkeit, Tragfähigkeit den Verbrauchern niedrigere Preise und eine größere der sozialen Sicherungssysteme sowie Einkommens- und Auswahl und den Produzenten Effizienzgewinne Wohlstandsverteilung vor große Herausforderungen. Be- bescheren wird. Sie stellt aber auch hohe Anforde- sonders dringende politische Herausforderungen erge- rungen an die Anpassungsfähigkeit der Mitglieder ben sich daraus aber für den Euroraum angesichts seines des Euroraums, da an die Stelle der im Niedergang relativ geringen Wachstumspotenzials, seiner geringeren befindlichen Industrien neue Wirtschaftstätigkeiten Anpassungsfähigkeit, der hohen öffentlichen Verschul- treten müssen und Forschung, Innovation und Hum- dung und der starken wechselseitigen Abhängigkeit sei- ankapital als Motor wirtschaftlicher Dynamik immer ner Volkswirtschaften. mehr an Bedeutung gewinnen. Außerdem zwingt die Globalisierung den Euroraum, eine wirksame Rolle EINE AUF DREI SÄULEN BASIERENDE in der globalen wirtschaftlichen und finanziellen POLITIKAGENDA FÜR DAS NÄCHSTE JAHRZEHNT Governance zu übernehmen. Die Erfahrungen der ersten zehn Jahre der WWU fallen • Die Preise für Energie und Nahrungsmittel steigen, zwar insgesamt sehr positiv aus, lassen aber auch einige angetrieben durch ein schnelles Wachstum der Defizite erkennen, die es zu beheben gilt. Es wird erfor- Weltwirtschaft und veränderte Konsummuster in den derlich sein, die so hart errungene makroökonomische aufstrebenden Volkswirtschaften. Auch der Klima- Stabilität zu festigen und gleichzeitig a) das Potenzial- wandel hat in zunehmendem Maße wirtschaftliche wachstum zu erhöhen und das Wohlergehen der Bürger Auswirkungen. Diese Entwicklungen können als im Euroraum zu sichern und zu steigern, b) mit Blick Wachstumsbremse wirken und sich negativ auf die auf die Aufnahme neuer Mitglieder in die WWU die Fä- Einkommens- und Vermögensverteilung auswirken, higkeit zur spannungsfreien Anpassung zu gewährleisten da die am wenigsten Begüterten in überproportiona- und c) die Interessen des Euroraums in der Weltwirt- lem Maße betroffen sind. Erschwerend hinzu kommt, schaft erfolgreich zu schützen. Dabei gilt es zu berück- dass die Aufgaben, dem Klimawandel Einhalt zu ge- sichtigen, dass die entsprechenden Anstrengungen in bieten und gleichzeitig die Preise für Nahrungsmittel einem globalen Umfeld unternommen werden müssen, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

das sich seit Einführung des Euro erheblich verändert der Entwicklung des öffentlichen Schuldenstands hat. Und ein Scheitern käme uns heute noch teurer zu ein größeres Augenmerk gelten. Die mittelfristigen stehen als damals. Haushaltsziele sollten verschärft werden, um impliziten Verbindlichkeiten Rechnung zu tragen. Darüber Zur Bewältigung der anstehenden Herausforderungen hinaus können langfristige Haushaltsprojektionen, schlägt die Kommission eine auf drei Säulen basierende die die Auswirkungen der Bevölkerungsalterung auf Agenda vor: die öffentlichen Finanzen ausweisen, die Ausarbei- tung nationaler Nachhaltigkeitsstrategien unterstüt- Intern muss es darum gehen, die finanzpolitische Ko- zen und Maßnahmen zur Reform der Renten- und ordinierung und Überwachung zu vertiefen, die mak- Gesundheitssysteme und zur Erhöhung der Beschäf- roökonomische Überwachung in der WWU über die tigungsquoten voranbringen. Finanzpolitik hinaus auszuweiten und die Strukturrefor- men besser in die allgemeine Politikkoordinierung inner- ii) Verbesserung der Qualität der öffentlichen Finan- halb der WWU zu integrieren. zen: Mit anderen Worten: Optimierung des Ein- satzes öffentlicher Mittel durch Ausrichtung der Im externen Verhältnis wird es darum gehen, die Rol- öffentlichen Ausgaben und der Steuersysteme auf le des Euroraums in der globalen wirtschaftspolitischen Aktivitäten, die dem Wachstum und der Wettbe- Governance zu stärken. werbsfähigkeit förderlich sind. Reformen der Sozi- alausgabenprogramme, die einen besseren Einkom- 420 mensschutz bieten und gleichzeitig stärkere Anreize Die Umsetzung beider Komponenten wird ein effekti- zur Arbeitsaufnahme schaffen (Stichwort „Flexicu- veres System wirtschaftlicher Governance erfordern. rity“), wären eine große Hilfe, wenn es darum geht, Tragfähigkeit und Qualität der öffentlichen Finan- zen zu verbessern und gleichzeitig sicherzustellen, I. Die interne Komponente dass die Haushalte der makroökonomischen Stabili- der Agenda: Bessere tät förderlich sind. Koordinierung und Über die haushaltspolitische Überwachung hinaus besteht Überwachung jedoch eindeutig die Notwendigkeit, die Überwachung auszuweiten, um makroökonomische Ungleichgewichte Vertiefung und Ausweitung der Überwachung zu beheben. Verschiedene Entwicklungen in den Mit- gliedstaaten, wie das Anwachsen der Leistungsbilanzde- Die korrektive Komponente des Stabilitäts- und Wachs- fizite, die hartnäckigen Inflationsunterschiede oder die tumspakts (SWP) sollte weiterhin konsequent ange- Tendenz zu einem unausgewogenen Wachstum, bedürfen wandt und die Überwachung im Rahmen der präventi- der Überwachung, da diese Entwicklungen aufgrund von ven Komponente des SWP sollte verbessert werden. Die Spillover-Effekten und der zunehmenden Interdependenz Koordinierung der Finanzpolitik sollte das einzelstaatli- der Volkswirtschaften innerhalb des Euroraums nicht che Haushaltsgebaren über den gesamten Konjunkturzy- nur für das jeweilige Land, sondern für den Euroraum klus hinweg – also in guten wie in schlechten Zeiten – als Ganzes eine Gefahr darstellen. Die ersten zehn Jahre besser lenken. Die Haushaltsüberwachung sollte vertieft WWU haben gezeigt, dass die Marktintegration, insbe- werden und dabei zwei wichtige Aspekte abdecken: sondere im Finanzdienstleistungsbereich, für die WWU zwar insgesamt von Nutzen ist da sie helfen kann, mak- i) Gewährleistung der Tragfähigkeit der öffentlichen roökonomische Störungen abzufedern, indem sie Risiko- Finanzen zum Nutzen künftiger Generationen: Auf teilung ermöglicht und die Reallokation von Ressourcen nationaler Ebene könnte man mit der Festlegung fördert , dass sie jedoch auch die bestehenden Unter- eines mittelfristigen Finanzrahmens der Gewährleis- schiede zwischen den teilnehmenden Ländern vergrößern tung stabiler und tragfähiger öffentlicher Finanzen kann, wenn sie nicht von geeigneten politischen Maßnah- ein gutes Stück näher kommen. Um wirkungsvoll zu men flankiert wird. Während einige dieser Unterschiede sein, sollte ein solcher Rahmen gut konzipierte Aus- positiv zu bewerten sein können, weil sie den Aufholpro- gabenregeln beinhalten, die es ermöglichen, dass die zess oder gar eine „normale“ Anpassung spiegeln, können automatischen Stabilisatoren innerhalb der Grenzen andere Unterschiede sich nachteilig auswirken und Ergeb- des SWP wirken, während gleichzeitig die Zusam- nis einer ineffizienten Anpassung sein. In diesem Fall wür- mensetzung der öffentlichen Ausgaben am struktu- de eine verstärkte Überwachung den betroffenen Ländern rellen und konjunkturellen Bedarf der Wirtschaft helfen, frühzeitig Abhilfemaßnahmen zu konzipieren, be- ausgerichtet wird. Auf der Ebene des Euroraums sollte vor sich die Unterschiede verfestigen. WWU@10: ZEHN JAHRE WIRTSCHAFTS- UND WÄHRUNGSUNION – ERRUNGENSCHAFTEN UND HERAUSFORDERUNGEN

Schließlich ist eine umfassendere Überwachung der Prozess der Halbzeitüberprüfung des Haushalts, die die Kandidaten für einen Beitritt zum Euroraum, ähnlich Eurogruppe alljährlich im Frühjahr vornimmt. Während wie sie für die derzeitigen Mitglieder des Euroraums bislang die Haushaltsüberwachung im Fokus stand, soll- vorgeschlagen wird, von zentraler Bedeutung, um die- te durch diesen Peer-Review-Mechanismus künftig ein se Länder in ihren Vorbereitungen für die Übernahme größerer Bereich abgedeckt werden, damit die im Vertrag der gemeinsamen Währung zu unterstützen. In vielen verankerte Überwachung wirksamer gestaltet wird. künftigen Mitgliedstaaten des Euroraums sind massive Kapitalzuflüsse (Ausdruck der Erwartung eines weiter- Bessere Integration der Strukturpolitik in den hin raschen Einkommenswachstums) und eine rasche Koordinierungsprozess Entwicklung des Finanzsektors zu beobachten, die beide zu einem erhöhten Kreditwachstum (üblicherweise von Der Euroraum hat besonderes Interesse daran, dass die einer niedrigen Ausgangsbasis) und externen Ungleich- Strukturreformen greifen. Das Vorantreiben der Refor- gewichten führen können. Derzeit erfolgt die Überwa- men – selbstverständlich gleichermaßen willkommen chung der künftigen Euroraum-Mitglieder durch die in der EU als Ganzes – ist für den Euroraum ein ab- Bewertung ihrer Konvergenzprogramme. Es bestünde solutes „Muss“. Zu bedenken ist dabei, dass sich besser jedoch durchaus die Möglichkeit stärkerer politischer reagierende Märkte doppelt auszahlen, indem sie lang- Vorgaben und einer engeren Überwachung der wirt- fristig zur Hebung des Lebensstandards beitragen und schaftlichen Entwicklungen, insbesondere bei denjeni- außerdem eine bessere Anpassung im Falle externer gen Ländern, die am Wechselkursmechanismus (WKM) Schocks ermöglichen und die makroökonomische Sta- II teilnehmen, was sowohl Voraussetzung für Einführung bilität fördern. Unsere Analysen haben den empirischen 421 des Euro als auch ein Instrument zur Förderung einer Nachweis erbracht, dass Strukturreformen in Ländern, nachhaltigen nominalen und realen Konvergenz ist. Dies die die gemeinsame Währung eingeführt haben, eine sollte nicht bedeuten, dass der Beitritt zum Euroraum an höhere Multiplikatorwirkung als anderswo erzielen: Län- zusätzliche Bedingungen geknüpft wird. der, die Strukturreformen durchführen, können stärker profitieren, während Länder, die hinterherhinken, unter Die Überwachung muss sich auf die bestehenden In- Umständen einen höheren Preis für ihre politische Untä- strumente stützen. Die zentralen Instrumente für die tigkeit zahlen müssen. Die Lissabon-Strategie für Wachs- haushaltspolitische Überwachung und die wirtschafts- tum und Beschäftigung, mit der Strukturreformen auf politische Koordinierung sind im Vertrag und im SWP die politische Agenda gesetzt wurden, hat mit der Leit- eindeutig festgelegt. Die Durchsetzung der korrektiven linie 6 zum Euroraum und den Euroraum-spezifischen Komponente des SWP wird auch weiterhin ein wesentli- Empfehlungen die Basis geschaffen für die Ermittlung cher Faktor sein, um einer Nichteinhaltung der im Ver- derjenigen Bereiche, in denen der dringendste Hand- trag festgelegten Bedingungen entgegenzuwirken. Der lungsbedarf besteht. Im Rahmen eines partnerschaftli- SWP sieht die Festlegung und Bewertung mittelfristiger chen Ansatzes zwischen der Kommission und den Mit- Haushaltsstrategien in Form von Stellungnahmen des gliedstaaten bildet die Lissabon-Strategie die Grundlage Rates zu den nationalen Stabilitätsprogrammen vor. Ar- für die Steuerung des Reformprozesses sowohl im Euro- tikel 99 EGVertrag sieht Folgendes vor: „Die Mitglied- raum als auch in den einzelnen Ländern. staaten betrachten ihre Wirtschaftspolitik als eine Ange- legenheit von gemeinsamem Interesse und koordinieren Die Beseitigung der Hindernisse für eine Integration sie im Rat“. Die Empfehlungen für den Euroraum und der Produktmärkte ist für ein einwandfreies Funktio- die länderspezifischen Empfehlungen im Rahmen des nieren des Euroraums von grundlegender Bedeutung. Lissabon-Prozesses sind zentrale Instrumente für Steu- Trotz der Impulse, die von der WWU und vom Binnen- erung und Überwachung. Die Art und Weise der An- marktprogramm für die Schaffung offenerer und wett- wendung dieser Instrumente kann jedoch durchaus noch bewerbsfähigerer Volkswirtschaften ausgehen, stehen verbessert werden. Die Analyse der ersten zehn Jahre das geringe Produktivitätswachstum und Marktzutritts- WWU unterstreicht die Notwendigkeit einer Stärkung schranken, insbesondere im Dienstleistungssektor, nach der präventiven Komponente des SWP, wie sie auch vom wie vor einer effizienten Anpassung an die sich verän- 12 ECOFIN-Rat befürwortet wurde . Zweck muss es sein, dernden wirtschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen im Eu- eine tragfähige Haushaltspolitik zu unterstützen und all- roraum entgegen und halten die Preise hoch. Innovation gemeinere Fragen zu erörtern, die die makroökonomi- und Technologieverbreitung, wichtige Faktoren für die sche Stabilität eines Landes und das Funktionieren der Steigerung von Wettbewerb und Produktivität, hinken WWU insgesamt beeinträchtigen können. Diese im Ver- in den Mitgliedstaaten des Euroraums hinterher. Das trag verankerten Instrumente werden ergänzt durch den im Rahmen der Überprüfung des Binnenmarkes vorgeschlagene Überwachungssystem sollte genutzt werden, 12 KOM(2007) 316. um speziell diese Defizite anzugehen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Der Euroraum braucht besser funktionierende Arbeits- unterstützend wirken: a) Die Empfehlungen, die an den märkte, die den Anpassungsprozess in einer globalisier- Euroraum als Ganzes gerichtet werden, und die länderspe- ten Wirtschaft unterstützen und das Wachstumspotenzial zifischen Empfehlungen im Rahmen der Integrierten Leit- angesichts alternder Bevölkerungen erhöhen. Mehr Fle- linien der Lissabon-Strategie bilden das Fundament für die xibilität und Differenzierung bei den Löhnen – über alle Koordinierung der Strukturreformen; die Umsetzung be- Wirtschaftszweige, Berufe und Regionen hinweg – und darf jedoch eine besseren Überwachung. b) Mit der Reform Investitionen in das Humankapital sind für die Steigerung des SWP im Jahr 2005 wurde die Möglichkeit geschaffen, der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und für eine reibungslose Res- bei der Bewertung der Fortschritte in der Realisierung der sourcenreallokation im Falle von Schocks von entscheiden- mittelfristigen Haushaltsziele Strukturreformen Rechnung der Bedeutung. Im Rahmen der Lissabon-Strategie wurden zu tragen, die kurzfristig zwar Kosten verursachen, lang- zahlreiche Reformen zur Optimierung der Arbeitskräfte- fristig jedoch einen Gewinn in Sachen Wachstum und fi- nutzung auf den Weg gebracht, die sich inzwischen bezahlt nanzielle Tragfähigkeit versprechen. Damit sichergestellt machen. Die Fortschritte sind jedoch von Land zu Land wird, dass den im SWP festgelegten Verpflichtungen auch unterschiedlich groß. Deshalb sollte hier auch im nächsten nachgekommen wird, könnte ein Peer-Review-Mechanis- Jahrzehnt ein Schwerpunkt der Reformstrategien liegen. mus eingerichtet werden, der sich auf den im Rahmen der Reformen der Sozialausgabenprogramme und aktive Ar- Lissabon-Strategie entwickelten analytischen Rahmen und beitsmarktpolitiken sollten darauf abstellen, einen besse- auf die von den Mitgliedstaaten vorab gelieferten Infor- ren Einkommensschutz bei gleichzeitiger Schaffung von mationen stützt. c) Zur besseren zeitlichen Staffelung der Arbeitsanreizen zu gewährleisten. Reformmaßnahmen sollte der Verbesserung der Funkti- 422 onsweise der Finanzmärkte besondere Priorität eingeräumt Der Euroraum kann aus einer Förderung der finanziellen werden. Dies würde sich zwar nicht positiv auf Wachstum Integration der EU einen vergleichsweise großen Nutzen und Anpassung auswirken, dafür aber dazu beitragen, ziehen. In der Integration der EU-Finanzmärkte wurden stärkere Anreize für weitere Strukturreformen zu schaffen, beträchtliche Fortschritte erzielt, doch sind weitere An- indem ihr langfristiger Nutzen verdeutlicht und Kapital- strengungen erforderlich, um Effizienz und Liquidität der zuflüsse in neue Investitionsmöglichkeiten ermöglicht wer- Finanzmärkte im Euroraum zu steigern. Dies würde die den, die im Zuge der Strukturreformen entstehen. wirtschaftliche Anpassung durch Risikoteilung erleichtern und einer gleichmäßigen Wirkung der einheitlichen Geld- politik innerhalb des Euroraums zuträglich sein. Insbeson- II. Die externe Komponente dere sind vermehrte Anstrengungen erforderlich, um die grenzüberschreitende Erbringung von Finanzdienstleistun- der Agenda: Stärkung der gen für Privatkunden zu fördern, die Effizienz der Finan- internationalen Rolle des zierung über Unternehmensschuldverschreibungen und Staatsanleihen zu verbessern und die im Zusammenhang Euroraums mit Regulierung und Aufsicht anfallenden Kosten für Fi- nanzintermediäre zu reduzieren, die in einem von verschie- Der internationale Status des Euro bringt Vorteile, denen Rechtsordnungen bestimmten Umfeld operieren. In Verantwortlichkeiten und Risiken. Dies trägt zur Ent- Anbetracht der gemeinsamen Verantwortung des Eurosys- wicklung der Finanzbranche in Europa bei, bringt tems und der teilnehmenden Mitgliedstaaten für die Ge- Seignorage-Erträge aus der Verwendung des Euro als währleistung der Finanzstabilität im Euroraum als Ganzes Reservewährung und verringert die aus einer Wechsel- besteht in zunehmendem Maße die Notwendigkeit einer kursvolatilität resultierenden Risiken, je mehr der Euro stärkeren grenzüberschreitenden Zusammenarbeit bei der für die Preis- und Rechnungsstellung verwendet wird. Krisenprävention und –bewältigung im Zuge der fortschrei- Doch allein die Größe des Euroraums bedeutet, dass po- tenden Finanzintegration. Im Lichte dieser spezifischen Ef- litische Entscheidungen und wirtschaftliche Entwicklun- fizienz- und Stabilitätsüberlegungen und der aus den der- gen innerhalb der WWU sich auch anderswo bemerkbar zeitigen Finanzturbulenzen zu ziehenden Lehren sollte der machen, nicht zuletzt deshalb, weil die globalen Finanz- Euroraum tatkräftig dazu beitragen, die EU-Agenda für die märkte als immer wichtigerer internationaler Transmis- Finanzintegration und die Vorkehrungen zur Wahrung der sionskanal fungieren. Und es bestehen gewisse Risiken, Finanzstabilität in der EU weiter voranzubringen. da der zunehmend bedeutsame internationale Status des Euro den Euroraum der Gefahr disruptiv wirkender Portfolioumschichtungen zwischen wichtigen internati- Damit das Potenzial der WWU in vollem Umfang aus- onalen Währungen und Vermögenswertarten aussetzt. geschöpft werden kann, müssen stärkere Anreize für die Alles in allem hat die zunehmende Bedeutung des Euro Fortführung der Reformen im Euroraum geschaffen wer- als internationale Währung und die geballte Stärke der den. Die Integration der Strukturpolitiken in den Euro- Euroraum-Wirtschaft die Spielregeln für die Mitglieder raum-Koordinierungsprozess kann hier auf dreierlei Weise der WWU und ihre internationalen Partner verändert. WWU@10: ZEHN JAHRE WIRTSCHAFTS- UND WÄHRUNGSUNION – ERRUNGENSCHAFTEN UND HERAUSFORDERUNGEN

Daher muss der Euroraum eine internationale Strategie Instrumenten, die die Wirtschaftspolitik der WWU len- entwickeln, die dem internationalen Status seiner Wäh- ken, bildet zwar insgesamt ein solides Fundament, doch rung gerecht wird. Nach einem erfolgreichen ersten Jahr- besteht eindeutig die Notwendigkeit, Institutionen und zehnt muss der Euroraum, der für seine Nachbarn bereits Praktiken anzupassen, damit neue politische Herausfor- zu einem Stabilitätsanker geworden ist, nunmehr eine klare derungen gemeistert werden können. und umfassende Strategie für internationale Wirtschafts- und Finanzangelegenheiten entwickeln. Er muss eine ak- Eine enge Einbindung sämtlicher EU-Mitgliedstaaten im tivere und selbstbewusstere Rolle sowohl in multilateralen Rahmen des ECOFIN-Rates ist von zentraler Bedeutung, Foren als auch im bilateralen Dialog mit strategischen wenn ein effektives Funktionieren der WWU gewährleis- Partnern übernehmen. Er muss für eine bessere Koordinie- tet werden soll. Von Anfang an war der ECOFIN-Rat das rung sorgen und gemeinsame Positionen definieren und Forum für die wirtschaftspolitische Entscheidungsfindung – soweit angebracht – einen gemeinsamen Bezugsrahmen in der EU und – angesichts der zunehmenden Überschnei- für all diese Fragen festlegen. Er muss mit einer Stimme dungen zwischen Euroraum und EU sollte er auch künftig sprechen, wenn es um die Wechselkurspolitik geht, und er die Hauptbühne im WWU-System der wirtschaftlichen muss seiner Verantwortung in Fragen der Finanzstabilität Governance bleiben, in dem er WWU-Belange konse- und der makroökonomischen Überwachung gerecht wer- quenter in seine Arbeit einbezieht. Insbesondere könnte er den. Angesichts des Risikos, dass der Abbau globaler Un- auf einen kohärenteren Ansatz in seinen eigenen Zustän- gleichgewichte der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit des Euroraums digkeitsbereichen – makroökonomische Politik, Finanz- und seiner Mitglieder in unverhältnismäßig hohem Maße märkte, Steuern usw. – hinarbeiten, damit positive Syner- schaden kann, ist Handeln umso dringender geboten. gien gefördert werden. Der derzeitige Vertrag bietet breiten 423 Raum für eine umfassendere EU-weite Koordinierung und Der effektivste Weg für den Euroraum, einen Einfluss Überwachung in diesem Sinne. Der neue Lissabon-Vertrag zu gewinnen, der seinem wirtschaftlichen Gewicht ent- wird, sobald er ratifiziert ist, die Rolle der Finanzminister spricht, besteht darin, gemeinsame Positionen zu entwi- des Euroraums weiter stärken, soweit es um Belange geht, ckeln, die Vertretung des Euroraums stärken und letztlich die das Funktionieren der WWU betreffen; künftig wer- einen gemeinsamen Sitz in den einschlägigen internatio- den sämtliche einschlägigen Diskussionen innerhalb des nalen Finanzinstitutionen und –foren zu erhalten. Dies ist ECOFIN-Rates geführt. ein ehrgeiziges Ziel, und die Fortschritte bei der Abarbei- tung der „externen Agenda“ werden in erster Linie davon Die Eurogruppe sollte weiterhin als Plattform für abhängen, inwieweit es gelingt, ein effektiveres System der eine Vertiefung und Ausweitung der Politikkoordi- Euroraum-Governance zu schaffen. Auch wenn andere nierung und Überwachung in der WWU dienen. Was Länder häufig die Auffassung vertreten, EU und Euroraum die finanzpolitische Überwachung anbelangt, sollte die seien in internationalen Organisationen überrepräsentiert Ex-ante-Koordinierung der Haushaltspolitik im Rah- (sowohl was die Zahl der Sitze als auch was die Stimmrech- men der Halbzeit-Überprüfung des Haushalts darauf te anbelangt), entspricht die Vertretung des Euroraums in ausgerichtet sein, die Finanzpolitik über den gesamten internationalen Foren nach wie vor nicht seinem wirt- Konjunkturzyklus hinweg zu steuern, um etwaigen schaftlichen Gewicht. Eine Stärkung der Vertretung des prozyklischen Tendenzen vorzubeugen. Angesichts der Euroraums würde ihm mehr Gewicht in internationalen Bevölkerungsalterung besteht eine der Hauptaufgaben Verhandlungen verleihen und die Kosten einer internati- darin, die Wirksamkeit der präventiven Komponen- onalen Koordinierung reduzieren, sowohl für den Euro- te des SWP zu erhöhen, indem auf die Verwirklichung raum selbst als auch für seine wichtigsten Partner. Dies ehrgeiziger mittelfristiger Ziele hingearbeitet wird. Um würde auch den aufstrebenden Marktwirtschaften den der Entstehung von Ungleichgewichten und übermäßi- Spielraum verschaffen, den sie so dringend benötigen, um gen Diskrepanzen zwischen den einzelnen Ländern des in stärkerem Maße in internationalen Finanzinstitutionen Euroraums entgegenzuwirken, sollte die Eurogruppe mitzuarbeiten. Gedanken austauschen, politische Leitlinien formulieren und deren Befolgung durch die Mitgliedstaaten in Bereichen überwachen, die Anpassungsfähigkeit und III. Förderung einer effektiven makroökonomische Stabilität fördern. „Peer-Reviews“ – multilaterale Diskussionen über relevante Entwicklun- Governance der WWU gen in einem oder mehreren Ländern – sollten verstärkt stattfinden, damit die Finanzminister ermutigt werden, Das WWU-System der wirtschaftlichen Governance nationale Fragen und Politiken aus der Perspektive des muss den Herausforderungen, denen sich der Euroraum Euroraums zu sehen. Darüber hinaus sollte die Euro- zu stellen hat, gewachsen sein. Die derzeitige Aufteilung gruppe der Überwachung der Lissabon-Empfehlungen der Verantwortlichkeiten zwischen Institutionen und zum Euroraum größere Aufmerksamkeit widmen, damit DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

im Wege von Strukturreformen Potenzialwachstum und ausgeweitet werden, und wenn gewährleistet ist, dass Wettbewerbsfähigkeit gesteigert werden. dieser Prozess ordnungsgemäß abläuft, ist damit auch gewährleistet, dass die Wirtschaft im Euroraum künf- Die Kommission sollte eine starke, unterstützende Rol- tig effektiv funktioniert. Während der Teilnahme am le spielen und für das effektive Funktionieren der WWU WKM II sollten die einzelnen Länder von einem Um- Sorge tragen. Sie ist aufgefordert, die Koordinierung der feld verstärkter makroökonomischer Stabilität profitieren Politiken zu fördern und gleichzeitig die WWU-Dimen- können, um eine solide makroökonomische und Struk- sion in ihren politischen Vorschlägen zu berücksichtigen. turpolitik einführen zu können. Wie im Vertrag festge- Sie sollte ihre finanzpolitische und makroökonomische legt, sollte die Kommission die im Konvergenzprozess Überwachung verstärken und eine weitergehende wirt- erzielten nachhaltigen Fortschritte regelmäßig einer fai- schaftliche und finanzielle Integration fördern. In der ren Bewertung unterziehen. Der Euro-Gruppe und dem Wahrnehmung ihrer Überwachungsfunktion sollte sie ECOFIN-Rat fallen eine besondere Verantwortung zu, eine vertiefende Bewertung der wirtschaftlichen und wenn es darum geht, Vertrauen aufzubauen, die Wirt- finanziellen Entwicklungen im Euroraum in Angriff schaftsentwicklung zu beobachten und Orientierungen nehmen und sich dabei insbesondere mit den Spil- für Politiken und Reformen vorzugeben, die erforderlich lover-Effekten einzelstaatlicher Maßnahmen befassen. sind, um die nominale und reale Konvergenz der künfti- Die Arbeiten zur Erhöhung der Genauigkeit der kon- gen Mitglieder des Euroraums zu gewährleisten. junkturellen und strukturellen Finanzindikatoren sollten in Zusammenarbeit mit den Mitgliedstaaten fortgeführt Auch ist es erforderlich, den Dialog über die WWU 424 werden. Was die internationale Komponente der Agenda zwischen den EU-Institutionen und mit der breiten betrifft, muss die Kommission ihre Rolle in internati- Öffentlichkeit zu verbessern. Die Kommission sollte onalen Dialogen und Foren stärken. Generell muss sie Dialog und Konsultation insbesondere mit dem Euro- Bemühungen unterstützen, die darauf ausgerichtet sind, päischen Parlament, aber auch mit anderen europäischen das Funktionieren der WWU sowohl intern als auch in- nationalen Interessenträgern weiterentwickeln. Ebenso ternational zu optimieren, indem sie die ihr durch den sollte die Euro-Gruppe den Dialog mit der EZB, dem Vertrag zugewiesenen Aufgaben als Hüterin einer gesun- Europäischen Parlament und den Sozialpartnern im Eu- den Wirtschaftspolitik wahrnimmt. Zu diesem Zweck roraum fortführen. All diese Einrichtungen, angefangen sollte sie sich bemühen, die im Vertrag vorgesehenen mit der Kommission, sollten die Kommunikation über Instrumente besser zu nutzen. WWU-Belange in der breiten Öffentlichkeit verbessern. Vor allem müssen der beträchtliche makro- und mik- Der neue Vertrag wird, sobald er ratifiziert ist, Möglich- roökonomische Nutzen des Euro, wie etwa seine Rolle keiten bieten, die Koordinierung und Überwachung als Schutzschild während der jüngsten finanziellen Tur- der Wirtschaftspolitiken innerhalb des Euroraums zu bulenzen, und der wichtige positive Beitrag der Wirt- verstärken. Artikel 136 des neuen Vertrags über die Ar- schaftspolitik in der WWU besser verdeutlicht werden. beitsweise der Europäischen Union sieht die Möglichkeit vor, spezifische Maßnahmen „für die Mitgliedstaaten, FAZIT deren Währung der Euro ist“, zu erlassen, „um die Koor- dinierung und Überwachung ihrer Haushaltsdisziplin zu Die WWU ist ein voller Erfolg. In den zehn Jahren ihres verstärken“ und „für diese Staaten Grundzüge der Wirt- Bestehens hat sie makroökonomische Stabilität gewähr- schaftspolitik auszuarbeiten, wobei darauf zu achten ist, leistet, die wirtschaftliche Integration Europas – nicht dass diese mit den für die gesamte Union angenomme- zuletzt durch die aufeinanderfolgenden Erweiterungen nen Grundzügen der Wirtschaftspolitik vereinbar sind, – vorangetrieben, ihre Widerstandsfähigkeit im Falle ne- und ihre Einhaltung zu überwachen“. Darüber hinaus gativer Schocks gestärkt und ist regional und weltweit zu würde der Vertrag die Rolle der Kommission als unab- einem Pol der Stabilität geworden. Die einheitliche Wäh- hängige „Schiedsrichterin“ im Kontext der multilate- rung und der politische Rahmen, in den sie sich einfügt, ralen Überwachung stärken. Artikel 121 ermöglicht es erweisen sich als großes Plus. Das Potenzial der WWU ist nämlich der Kommission, direkte Verwarnungen an Mit- jedoch noch nicht in vollem Umfang ausgeschöpft. Dies gliedstaaten zu richten, deren Wirtschaftspolitik nicht – zusammen mit den drängenden Herausforderungen mit den Grundzügen vereinbar ist oder das ordnungs- der Globalisierung, der knappen natürlichen Ressour- gemäße Funktionieren der WWU zu gefährden droht. cen, des Klimawandels und der Bevölkerungsalterung – macht eine bessere Koordinierung der Wirtschaftspo- litik, weitere Fortschritte bei den Strukturreformen, eine Das Governance-System der WWU muss gewährleis- wichtigere Rolle des Euroraums in der Welt und ein be- ten, dass die Erweiterung des Euroraums weiterhin rei- harrliches Engagement der Mitgliedstaaten für die Ver- bungslos verläuft. Im nächsten Jahrzehnt soll der Euro- wirklichung dieser Ziele erforderlich. Der Umstand, dass raum auf die meisten der derzeitigen EU-Mitgliedstaaten die Auswirkungen dieser globalen Trends sich bereits in WWU@10: ZEHN JAHRE WIRTSCHAFTS- UND WÄHRUNGSUNION – ERRUNGENSCHAFTEN UND HERAUSFORDERUNGEN hohen Preisen für Energie, Nahrungsmittel und Rohstof- Erforderlich sind der politische Wille und die Entschlos- fe, in Finanzturbulenzen und weltweiten Wechselkursan- senheit, diese umfassende Agenda umzusetzen. Gerade passungen niederschlagen, macht umso deutlicher, dass der Erfolg der WWU führt vor Augen, dass politische dringender Handlungsbedarf besteht. Initiative und politischer Ehrgeiz einen beträchtlichen wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und politischen Nutzen ge- Die Umsetzung der internen und der externen Kompo- nerieren können. Damit die Vorteile jedoch in vollem nente der Agenda und die Verbesserung der Governance Umfang zum Tragen kommen können, kommt es ent- gemäß dem in dieser Mitteilung umrissenen Ansatz wird scheidend auf eine kontinuierliche Einbindung aller Be- uns in der Bewältigung der Herausforderungen, denen teiligten an. Daher wird die Kommission in der zweiten sich der Euroraum und die Weltwirtschaft gegenüber Jahreshälfte 2008 zu einer umfassenden Diskussion die- sehen, ein gutes Stück voranbringen. Auch wird sie be- ser Fragen aufrufen – im Bestreben, einen breiten Kon- trächtlichen Nutzen für alle EU-Mitgliedstaaten bringen: sens über die einzelnen Komponenten dieser Agenda mit anderen EU-Institutionen sowie einem breiten Spekt- • Die WWU ist nach wie vor als Meilenstein in der rum einschlägiger Einrichtungen und Interessenträger zu EU-Integration zu sehen. Wenngleich ihre Ziele und erzielen. Aufbauend auf den Ergebnissen dieser Diskus- das bisher Geleistete in erster Linie wirtschaftlicher sion wird die Kommission dann geeignete operationelle Art sind, war die WWU nie nur ein wirtschaftliches Vorschläge unterbreiten. Projekt. Von Anfang an wurde die WWU als ein entscheidender Schritt im Prozess der EU-Integ- ration begriffen. Dieser Aspekt hat erst recht an 425 Bedeutung gewonnen mit der EU-Erweiterung von 15 auf 27 Mitgliedstaaten seit 2004 und mit Blick darauf, dass alle neu beigetretenen EU-Mitgliedstaa- ten planen, den Euro einzuführen. Die Aussicht auf den Beitritt zum Euroraum ist eine der wichtigsten Triebkräfte für die Angleichung dieser Länder an den EU-Lebensstandard. • Eine gut funktionierende WWU ist ein großes Plus für die EU als Ganzes, nicht zuletzt deswegen, weil die überwältigende Mehrheit der EU-Länder – wenn nicht gar alle – schließlich Mitglieder der WWU werden. Eine blühende Wirtschaft im Euroraum wird Wohlstand und Dynamik der gesamten EU voranbringen und die öffentliche Unterstützung für die EU-Integration sowohl innerhalb als auch außerhalb des Euroraums stärken. • Eine starke WWU wird auch die Führungsrolle der EU in der Weltwirtschaft stärken. Ein gut funktionierender Euroraum legt das Fundament dafür, dass die WWU nach außen eine starke Rolle spielen kann, sowohl makroökonomisch als auch im Bereich der weltweiten Überwachung der Finanzpolitik und der Regulierung. Wenn die WWU unter Beweis stellt, dass sie in der Lage ist, die externe Rolle des Euro- raums zu stärken und weltweit Verantwortung zu übernehmen, wird dies auch positive Wirkungen für andere Politikbereiche haben, in denen die EU weltweit eine Führungsrolle beansprucht, z. B. nachhaltige Entwicklung, Entwicklungshilfe, Handelspolitik, Wettbewerb Menschenrechte. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

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MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DEN EUROPÄISCHEN RAT BRÜSSEL, DEN 26.11.2008 COM(2008) 800

Den Worten Taten folgen lassen die Wende herbeiführen. Wir gehen gemeinsam unter oder wir schwimmen gemeinsam an Land. 427 Wirklich auf die Probe gestellt werden die Regierungen und Institutionen Europas vor allem in Krisenzeiten. Dann Die Europäische Union zeichnet sich besonders durch ihre Fä- müssen sie beweisen, dass sie mit Phantasie, Entschlossenheit higkeit aus, die Zusammenarbeit unter Partnern zu fördern. und Flexibilität handeln können, dass sie ihr Ohr am Puls Die Kombination der Maßnahmen der Mitgliedstaaten und der Bedürfnisse der Familien und der Gemeinschaften in der Gemeinschaft gibt uns einen starken Hebel an die Hand, ganz Europa haben, dass sie der Aufgabe gewachsen sind, um die Wende herbeizuführen. Sie schafft die Grundlage da- auf die plötzliche Verschlechterung der Wachstums- und Be- für, dass die Stärken der einzelnen Teile Europas ihre optimale schäftigungsaussichten in Europa die richtige Antwort zu Wirkung entfalten und wir die globale Antwort auf die glo- finden. bale Krise entscheidend mitgestalten können.

Europa wird in erster Linie an seinen Ergebnissen gemes- Vergangenen Monat hat die Kommission aufgezeigt, wie wir sen. Seit ihrem Amtsantritt stellt diese Kommission die Fä- entschlossen und koordiniert auf die Wirtschaftskrise reagie- higkeit der Europäischen Union, für ihre Bürger konkrete ren können. Ich freue mich, dass die Regierungen der Mit- Ergebnisse zu erzielen, in den Mittelpunkt. Sie wird gezielt gliedstaaten sich bei der Bewältigung ihrer jeweiligen Pro- in den Bereichen tätig, die die Menschen in der gesamten bleme von den gemeinsamen Grundsätzen leiten lassen, die EU betreffen. Sie sucht die partnerschaftliche Zusammenar- unser Handeln auf europäischer Ebene bestimmen. Heute beit mit den Beteiligten auf allen Ebenen und hat deutlich legt die Kommission ein Programm vor, um den Abschwung gemacht, dass ihre Arbeit erst dann als getan gelten kann, einzudämmen und Nachfrage und Vertrauen zu stärken, wenn sich ihre Auswirkungen vor Ort bemerkbar machen. um Hunderttausende Arbeitsplätze zu retten und große und kleine Unternehmen in Erwartung einer Rückkehr des Wachstums vor dem Konkurs zu bewahren. Die gegenwärtige Wirtschaftskrise bietet erneut Gelegenheit, den Beweis anzutreten, dass Europa seinen Bürgern den besten Dienst erweist, wenn es konkrete Maßnahmen ins Zent- Das Europäische Konjunkturprogramm beruht auf zwei rum rückt. Europa kann den Ausschlag geben. Säulen und einem Grundsatz:

In schwierigen Zeiten ist die Versuchung groß, sich einem • Die erste Säule ist ein massiver Kaufkraftschub für die Gefühl der Machtlosigkeit hinzugeben. Aber Europa ist Wirtschaft, um die Nachfrage zu beleben und das Ver- nicht machtlos. Die Möglichkeiten der Regierungen, die trauen wiederherzustellen. Die Kommission schlägt als Instrumente der Europäischen Union und eine kluge Ko- Dringlichkeitsmaßnahme vor, dass die Mitgliedstaaten ordinierung bilden zusammen ein mächtiges Gespann, das und die EU umgehend eine Finanzspritze in Höhe von der Gefahr einer tiefen Rezession Einhalt gebieten kann. 200 Mrd. EUR (1,5 % des BIP) zur Verfügung stellen, Wenn Europa bereit ist, rasch, selbstbewusst, ehrgeizig und um - bei uneingeschränkter Beachtung des Stabilitäts- gezielt zu handeln, kann es den Abschwung bremsen und und Wachstumspakts - einen sofortigen Nachfragesprung auszulösen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

• Die zweite Säule beruht auf der Notwendigkeit, mit 1. EINLEITUNG kurzfristigen Maßnahmen Europas Wettbewerbsfähig- keit langfristig zu stärken. Geplant ist ein umfassendes Die weltweite Finanzkrise hat die EU hart getroffen. Kre- Maßnahmenprogramm für „intelligente“ Investitionen. ditverknappung, fallende Immobilienpreise und Kurstürze Intelligente Investitionen sind Investitionen in die an den Börsen führen zu einem immer stärkeren Vertrau- richtigen Qualifikationen für den Bedarf von morgen, ensverlust bei den Verbrauchern sowie zu einem Einbruch Investitionen in Energieeffizienz, um Arbeitsplätze bei Nachfrage und Investitionen. Die Haushalte stehen zu schaffen und Energie zu sparen, Investitionen in enorm unter Druck. Die Auftragsbücher der Unterneh- umweltfreundliche Technologien, um Wirtschaftszweige men sind leer. In Wirtschaftszweigen, die von Verbrau- wie das Baugewerbe und die Automobilindustrie für die cherkrediten abhängen – beispielsweise dem Baugewerbe Märkte von morgen fit zu machen, auf denen Schad- und der Automobilindustrie – haben sich die Märkte in stoffarmut Trumpf ist, und schließlich Investitionen in vielen Mitgliedstaaten drastisch verschlechtert. Infrastruktur und Verbundsysteme zur Förderung von Effizienz und Innovation. Gleichzeitig werden die zehn Konjunkturmaßnahmen Die jüngsten Wirtschaftsprognosen zeichnen ein düste- des Programms den Mitgliedstaaten dabei helfen, die res Bild. Ohne Korrekturmaßnahmen wird der EU 2009 richtigen gesellschaftlichen und wirtschaftlichen Maß- voraussichtlich ein Wachstum um die null Prozent so- nahmen zu treffen, um den Herausforderungen von heu- wie möglicherweise eine Rezession bevorstehen, und die te zu begegnen, den KMU neue Finanzierungsmöglich- Zahl der Arbeitslosen wird in den nächsten zwei Jahren um rund 2,7 Millionen steigen. In den Wochen nach 428 keiten zu erschließen, die Verwaltungslast zu senken und Investitionen in die Modernisierung der Infrastruktur Veröffentlichung der Prognosen hat sich die wirtschaftli- anzustoßen. So wird ein wettbewerbsfähiges Europa mit che Situation noch weiter verschlechtert: einer zunehmend schadstoffarmen Wirtschaft entstehen. • Die Situation auf den Finanzmärkten ist nach wie vor • Das Programm beruht auf dem Grundsatz von Solida- kritisch und bleibt voraussichtlich länger als erwartet rität und sozialer Gerechtigkeit. In Krisenzeiten müssen angespannt. wir vor allem denen helfen, die unsere Unterstützung am meisten benötigen. Wir müssen Arbeitsplätze sichern, • Das Vertrauen der Haushalte und Unternehmen ist indem wir die Sozialabgaben senken. Wir müssen stärker als erwartet gesunken. denjenigen, die ihre Arbeit verloren haben, umgehend • Die Verlangsamung der Wirtschaftstätigkeit greift langfristige Perspektiven im Rahmen des Europäischen auf die Schwellenländer über, was sich negativ auf die Fonds für die Anpassung an die Globalisierung sowie europäischen Exporte auswirkt. durch eine raschere Bereitstellung von Mitteln aus dem Europäischen Sozialfonds bieten. Wir müssen die Die Eurozone und mehrere Mitgliedstaaten befinden sich Energiekosten für die am stärksten Benachteiligten durch bereits in einer Phase der Rezession. Dabei besteht die Ge- gezielte Energiesparmaßnahmen senken. Wir müssen fahr, das sich die Situation noch weiter verschärft. Investi- dafür sorgen, dass auch diejenigen Menschen die Mög- tionen und private Käufe drohen aufgeschoben zu werden, lichkeit erhalten, das Internet als Kommunikationsmittel wodurch ein Teufelskreis in Gang kommt: Die Nachfrage zu nutzen, die dies bisher nicht konnten. sinkt, Unternehmensaktivitäten werden zurückgefahren, es gibt weniger Innovationen und mehr Arbeitslose. Dies Ich bin überzeugt, dass Krisenzeiten die Möglichkeit bieten, könnte in der EU zu einer schweren und lang anhaltenden umzudenken und Strukturreformen einzuleiten, damit wir Rezession führen. Nächstes Jahr wäre dann mit einem wei- in der globalisierten Wirtschaft von morgen bestehen kön- teren Konjunkturrückgang und möglicherweise weiteren nen. Dies ist eine große Chance für Europa. Millionen von Arbeitslosen zu rechnen.

Ein umfassendes und ehrgeiziges Konjunkturprogramm liegt Europa muss schnell und entschlossen handeln, um diese nun vor. Je schneller wir es verwirklichen, desto früher wird Abwärtsspirale zu stoppen. Dabei sind alle zur Verfügung die dringend benötigte Hilfe bei den Europäern ankommen. stehenden Mittel zu nutzen. Die Mitgliedstaaten und die Union müssen geschlossen vorgehen, sich auf europäi- José Manuel Durão Barroso scher Ebene abstimmen und ihre Maßnahmen in eine globale Krisenbewältigungsstrategie einfließen lassen. Brüssel, den 26. November 2008 Im Kontext der Finanzkrise hat die Union dafür gesorgt, dass die Maßnahmen auf Ebene der EU und der Mit- gliedstaaten Hand in Hand gingen. Dieses Vorgehen hat sich bewährt und zu einem äußerst kritischen Zeitpunkt für Stabilität gesorgt. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten nun Europäisches Konjunkturprogramm erneut die Stärken der EU nutzen: effiziente Koordina- Konjunkturprogramm setzt daher insbesondere auf In- tion, ein glaubwürdiger Rahmen durch den Stabilitäts- novation und eine stärkere ökologische Ausrichtung der und Wachstumspakt und die Lissabon-Strategie, sowie EU-Investitionen. Die EU kann solchen „intelligenten Größenvorteile durch den Euro und den weltweit größ- Maßnahmen“ einen deutlichen Schub geben, indem sie ten Binnenmarkt. Das Zusammenspiel nationaler und ihre Maßnahmen und Finanzmittel so kombiniert, dass EU-weiter Maßnahmen kann allen Mitgliedstaaten hel- die Mitgliedstaaten dabei unterstützt werden, diejenigen fen, den Turbulenzen der weltweiten Wirtschaftskrise zu Investitionsvorhaben fortzuführen oder anzustoßen, die trotzen und sogar gestärkt aus der Krise hervorzugehen. Arbeitsplätze schaffen, die Nachfrage ankurbeln und Eu- ropa noch besser in die Lage versetzen, aus der Globali- Insbesondere der Euro hat sich als unschätzbarer Wert sierung Nutzen zu ziehen. für die EU-Wirtschaft und als Stabilitätsanker erwiesen. Dank der starken Position der unabhängigen Europäi- Mit dem Konjunkturprogramm sollen folgende strategischen Zentralbank bietet der Euro Schutz gegen Wech- sche Ziele erreicht werden: selkursschwankungen, die die Wirtschaft destabilisieren und die nationalen Krisenbewältigungsmaßnahmen • Schnelles Ankurbeln der Nachfrage und Stärkung des deutlich erschwert hätten. Vertrauens der Verbraucher; • Abfedern der Auswirkungen des Konjunkturrück- Vor einem Monat hat die Kommission ihre Strategie zur gangs auf die Menschen, insbesondere auf die Bewältigung der Finanzkrise vorgestellt, mit der die Pro- wirtschaftlich Schwächsten: Viele Arbeiter und ihre 429 bleme der Wirtschaft im weiteren Sinne angegangen wer- Familien sind bereits Opfer der Krise oder drohen es den und Europa eine Schlüsselrolle bei der weltweiten zu werden. Mit gezielten Maßnahmen können sie da- Reaktion auf die Finanzkrise eingeräumt werden soll13. Anfang November verständigten sich die Staats- und Re- bei unterstützt werden, den Arbeitsplatzverlust besser gierungschefs der EU darauf, dass ein koordiniertes Vor- zu verkraften, schnell wieder einen Job zu finden und gehen nötig ist und baten für ihre Tagung im Dezember der Langzeitarbeitslosigkeit zu entgehen; um Diskussionsvorschläge seitens der Kommission. • Europa für den Aufschwung rüsten, so dass die euro- päische Wirtschaft daraus Nutzen ziehen und – wie Europäisches Konjunkturprogramm in der Lissabon-Strategie für Wachstum und Beschäf- tigung skizziert – den Anforderungen im Hinblick Das Europäische Konjunkturprogramm ist die Antwort auf Wettbewerbs- und Zukunftsfähigkeit gerecht der Kommission auf die derzeitige Wirtschaftslage. An- werden kann. Das bedeutet, dass die notwendigen gesichts des Ausmaßes der aktuellen Krise braucht die Strukturreformen vorangebracht werden, Förderung EU einen koordinierten Ansatz, der schlagkräftig genug der Innovation und Aufbau einer wissensbasierten ist, um das Vertrauen der Verbraucher und der Wirt- Wirtschaft; schaft wiederherzustellen. Er muss alle politischen Hebel • Beschleunigte Veränderung hin zu einer Wirtschaft nutzen, die auf Ebene der EU und der Mitgliedstaaten mit geringem CO2-Ausstoß. Unter diesen Vorausset- zur Verfügung stehen. Die meisten wirtschaftspolitischen zungen ist Europa gut aufgestellt, um seine Strategie Hebel, insbesondere die zur kurzfristigen Ankurbelung zur Begrenzung des Klimawandels und zur Förderung der Verbrauchernachfrage, liegen in der Hand der Mit- der Energiesicherheit in die Tat umzusetzen. Diese gliedstaaten. Gerade weil die einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten Strategie wird neue Technologien fördern, neue „grü- über einen ganz unterschiedlichen haushaltspolitischen ne Jobs“ schaffen, Geschäftsmöglichkeiten auf schnell Spielraum verfügen, ist eine effiziente Koordinierung wachsenden Weltmärkten eröffnen, die Energiekosten umso wichtiger. für Bürger und Unternehmen in einem überschau- baren Rahmen halten und die Abhängigkeit Europas Alle Mitgliedstaaten werden Maßnahmen zur Krisenbe- von Energieeinfuhren aus dem Ausland verringern. wältigung ergreifen müssen. Durch die richtige Koordi- nation der einzelnen nationalen Anstrengungen können • Zur Verwirklichung dieser Ziele ist das Europäische verschiedene Ziele parallel in Angriff genommen und der Konjunkturprogramm darauf ausgerichtet, Abschwung kurzfristig abgefedert werden. Ferner können • durch koordiniertes Vorgehen Synergien zu nutzen damit auch diejenigen Strukturreformen vorangebracht und nachteilige Dominoeffekte zu verhindern; werden, die es der EU ermöglichen, gestärkt aus der Krise hervorzugehen, ohne die längerfristige haushalts- • alle verfügbaren politischen Hebel zu nutzen, die die politische Stabilität zu beeinträchtigen. Das Europäische Finanzpolitik, die Außenpolitik sowie Struktur und Finanzmarktreformen bieten; 13 Mitteilung vom 29. Oktober – KOM(2008) 706. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

• Sofortmaßnahmen und die mittel- und langfristigen bereits die Zinsen gesenkt. Die EZB hat signalisiert, dass Ziele der EU aufeinander abzustimmen; es Spielraum für weitere Senkungen gibt. Sie hat bereits ihre Bedeutung für die Stabilisierung der Märkte durch • der Tatsache Rechnung zu tragen, dass es sich um die Vergabe von Krediten an Banken und ihren Beitrag ein Problem globalen Ausmaßes handelt und der zur Liquidität nachgewiesen. Beitrag der EU auf die internationalen Maßnahmen abzustimmen ist. 2.1.2. Die Rolle der Banken Das Europäische Konjunkturprogramm umfasst ein ehrgeiziges Paket antizyklischer makroökonomischer Ursache der Probleme der Realwirtschaft ist die Instabi- Krisenbewältigungsmaßnahmen zur Unterstützung der lität auf den Finanzmärkten. Ein zuverlässiger und effi- Realwirtschaft. Ziel ist es, eine tiefe Rezession zu ver- zienter Finanzsektor ist Voraussetzung für eine gesunde, hindern. Grundlage des Programms bilden der Stabili- wachsende Wirtschaft. Die Stabilisierung des Banken- täts- und Wachstumspakt und die Lissabon-Strategie für systems ist daher der erste Schritt zur Eindämmung des Wachstum und Beschäftigung. Abschwungs und zur Förderung einer raschen und nachhaltigen Erholung. Die EU muss diese gemeinsamen Bemühungen um eine Wiederherstellung der Stabilität Vorgesehen ist eine sofortige Anschubfinanzierung in und des Vertrauens in den nach wie vor anfälligen Fi- Höhe von 200 Mrd. EUR (1,5 % des BIP der EU), die nanzsektor fortführen und die Voraussetzungen für eine sich aus zusätzlichen Haushaltsmitteln der Mitglied- nachhaltige wirtschaftliche Erholung schaffen. Die Kri- staaten von 170 Mrd. EUR (ungefähr 1,2 % des BIP se hat bei der aktuellen Governance der Finanzmärkte 430 der EU) sowie EU-Mitteln zur Unterstützung von So- Risiken aufgezeigt, die in Zeiten schwerer Turbulenzen fortmaßnahmen in Höhe von 30 Mrd. EUR (ungefähr real und systemisch geworden sind oder dies werden 0,3 % des BIP) zusammensetzt; könnten. Das Reformtempo wird in den kommenden Monaten aufrechterhalten, um die Stabilität wiederher- Gleichzeitig soll unsere Wirtschaft dank einer Reihe ge- zustellen und die Interessen der europäischen Bürger und meinsamer, auf der Lissabon-Strategie basierender Schwer- Unternehmen zu schützen. punktmaßnahmen an langfristige Herausforderungen angepasst werden, wobei die Strukturreformen zur Steige- Entscheidend ist jedoch im Augenblick, dass die Banken rung des Wachstumspotenzials fortgeführt werden. ihre normale Aufgabe wieder wahrnehmen, Liquidi- tät bereitstellen und Investitionen in die Realwirtschaft fördern. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten die umfangreichen 2. UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER Finanzhilfen für den Bankensektor nutzen, um eine REALWIRTSCHAFT UND Rückkehr zur normalen Kreditvergabe zu beschleunigen und sicherzustellen, dass die Zinssenkungen an die STÄRKUNG DES VERTRAUENS Kreditnehmer weitergegeben werden. Die Kommission wird die Auswirkungen der zur Unterstützung des Ban- Da die Volkswirtschaften aller Mitgliedstaaten eng mitei- kensektors getroffenen Maßnahmen auf Wirtschaft und nander verflochten sind, einen Binnenmarkt haben und Wettbewerb weiterhin überwachen. viele politische Maßnahmen gemeinsam durchführen, muss unser Handeln währungs-, kredit- und haushalts- 2.1.3. Die Rolle der Europäischen politische Aspekte sowie Maßnahmen im Rahmen der Investitionsbank und der Europäischen Lissabon-Strategie für Wachstum und Beschäftigung Bank für Wiederaufbau und berücksichtigen. Entwicklung 2.1. Währungs- und kreditpolitische Die gegenwärtige Krise erfordert verstärkte Interventio- Aspekte nen der Europäischen Investitionsbank (EIB)-Gruppe. Die EIB erhöht in den nächsten zwei Jahren ihre jährli- chen Interventionen in der EU um rund 15 Mrd. EUR. 2.1.1. Die Rolle der Europäischen Diese verstärkte Aktivität in Form von Darlehen, Be- Zentralbank und anderer teiligungskapital, Garantien und Finanzierungen auf Zentralbanken Risikoteilungsbasis wird auch zu einer positiven He- In der gegenwärtigen Phase spielt die Geldpolitik eine belwirkung durch zusätzliche Investitionen aus priva- entscheidende Rolle. Angesichts der mittelfristig erwarteten Quellen führen. Insgesamt trägt dieses von der EIB ten Inflation hat die Europäische Zentralbank (EZB) für vorgeschlagene Paket dazu bei, in den nächsten zwei die Eurozone zusammen mit anderen EU-Zentralbanken Jahren zusätzliche private Ressourcen zur Unterstützung weiterer Investitionen zu mobilisieren. Damit die EIB Europäisches Konjunkturprogramm ihre Finanzierungstätigkeit ausbauen kann, sollten die haben, sollte die Haushaltspolitik im Wesentlichen dar- Mitgliedstaaten noch vor Ende des Jahres als deutliches auf abzielen, diese Ungleichgewichte zu korrigieren. politisches Signal für die Märkte und zur Erhöhung der Darlehenskapazität der Bank beschließen, die EIB-Re- Das Konjunkturpaket muss zweckmäßig sein und serven zur Stärkung ihrer Kapitalbasis in der Größen- auf folgenden Grundsätzen beruhen: ordnung von 60 Mrd. EUR einzusetzen. Die Europäi- sche Bank für Wiederaufbau und Entwicklung (EBWE) (1) Es muss rechtzeitig, befristet, zielgerichtet dürfte ebenfalls ihr derzeitiges Finanzierungsniveau in und koordiniert sein. den neuen Mitgliedstaaten um 500 Mio. EUR pro Jahr Nationale Konjunkturpakete sollten insbesondere aufstocken. • rechtzeitig sein, so dass sie in Zeiten geringer Nachfra- 2.2. Haushaltspolitik ge rasch die Wirtschaftstätigkeit fördern, da Verzöge- rungen bei der Umsetzung dazu führen könnten, dass Die Wiederherstellung des Vertrauens hängt von der der finanzpolitische Impuls erst in der Erholungspha- Fähigkeit Europas ab, die Nachfrage zu stärken, indem se spürbar wird; Haushaltspolitik im Rahmen der Flexibilität, die der • befristet sein, um eine ständige Verschlechterung der überarbeitete Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts bietet, Haushaltslage zu vermeiden, die die Nachhaltigkeit genutzt wird. Unter den derzeitigen Umständen kommt gefährden und schließlich eine Finanzierung durch der Haushaltspolitik eine noch wichtigere Rolle bei der fortlaufende Steuererhöhungen erfordern würde; 431 Stabilisierung der Wirtschaft und Erhaltung der Nach- frage zu. • zielgerichtet auf die Quelle der wirtschaftlichen Herausforderung (zunehmende Arbeitslosigkeit, Nur mit einem umfangreichen Konjunkturpaket kann kreditabhängige Unternehmen/Haushalte usw.) sein Europa auf den erwarteten Abwärtstrend bei der Nach- und die Strukturreformen unterstützen, da dies die frage und die negativen Auswirkungen auf Investitionen stabilisierende Wirkung der begrenzten Haushalts- und Beschäftigung reagieren. Daher schlägt die Kommis- mittel maximiert; sion vor, dass die Mitgliedstaaten sich auf ein koordinier- • koordiniert sein, so dass sie die positiven Auswirkun- tes Konjunkturpaket einigen, das rechtzeitig, zielgerich- gen multiplizieren und eine langfristige Tragfähigkeit tet und befristet ist und sofort durchgeführt wird. des Haushalts gewährleisten.

Dieses koordinierte Konjunkturpaket im Rahmen (2) Es sollte Einnahmen- und der nationalen Haushalte sollte einen Umfang von Ausgabeninstrumente einsetzen. 170 Mrd. EUR, d.h. 1,2 % des BIP der Union, haben, Allgemein gilt, dass öffentliche Ausgaben, die nach ei- um zusätzlich zu den automatischen Stabilisatoren nach- genem Ermessen getätigt werden, kurzfristig positivere haltig positive und rasche Auswirkungen auf Wirtschaft Auswirkungen auf die Nachfrage haben als Steuersen- und Beschäftigung in Europa zu zeitigen. Die dabei vor- kungen. Dies liegt daran, dass einige Verbraucher lieber gesehenen Ausgaben und/oder Steuersenkungen müssen sparen als konsumieren, es sei denn, die Steuersenkungen im Einklang stehen mit der Flexibilität des Stabilitäts- sind zeitlich begrenzt. Angesichts der unterschiedlichen und Wachstumspakts und die Strukturreformen der Situationen der Mitgliedstaaten sind folgende Maßnah- Lissabon-Strategie unterstützen. Das Konjunkturpaket men in Erwägung zu ziehen14: sollte zeitlich begrenzt sein. Anschließend sollten die Mitgliedstaaten für eine Verbesserung der öffentlichen • Die öffentlichen Ausgabenhaben kurzfristig Auswir- Finanzlage sorgen und sich wieder auf die mittelfristigen kungen auf die Nachfrage. Maßnahmen, die rasch Haushaltsziele besinnen. durchgeführt werden können und auf Haushalte ausgerichtet sind, die von dem Abschwung besonders Zur Optimierung ihrer Auswirkungen sollten die Haus- hart betroffen sind, fließen nahezu unmittelbar in haltsanreize die Ausgangslage der einzelnen Mitglied- den Konsum. Dies gilt beispielsweise für zeitwei- staaten berücksichtigen. Es ist klar, dass sich nicht alle lig erhöhte Transferzahlungen an Arbeitslose oder Mitgliedstaaten in der gleichen Lage befinden. Die Mit- Haushalte mit niedrigem Einkommen oder für eine gliedstaaten, die die guten Zeiten genutzt haben, um tragfähigere öffentliche Finanzen zu erreichen und ihre Wettbewerbsposition zu verbessern, haben jetzt mehr 14 Die allgemeinen Empfehlungen und spezifischen Maßnahmen im Zusammenhang mit den in dieser Mitteilung genannten Spielraum. In den Mitgliedstaaten, insbesondere außer- vorrangigen Bereichen müssen den Binnenmarkt- und halb der Euro-Zone, die mit erheblichen außen- und Wettbewerbsregeln, insbesondere den Regeln für staatliche binnenwirtschaftlichen Ungleichgewichten zu kämpfen Beihilfen, entsprechen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

vorübergehende Verlängerung der Arbeitslosen- antizyklische Maßnahmen ergreifen, sollten bis Ende unterstützung. Dies kann auch erfolgen durch die Dezember 2008 ein aktualisiertes Stabilitäts- bzw. Kon- Bereitstellung öffentlicher Investitionen für Projekte, vergenzprogramm vorlegen. In dieser Aktualisierung die den KMU zugute kommen, sowie für langfristige sollten die Maßnahmen aufgeführt werden, mit deren politische Ziele wie die Verbesserung der Infrastruk- Hilfe die schlechte Haushaltslage verbessert und eine tur oder den Kampf gegen den Klimawandel. langfristige Tragfähigkeit erreicht werden soll. Die Kom- mission überprüft die Haushaltsanreiz-Maßnahmen so- • Bürgschaften und Darlehenszuschüsse als Ausgleich für wie die Stabilitäts- und Konvergenzprogramme anhand die derzeit ungewöhnlich hohen Risikoprämien können aktualisierter Prognosen und berät die Mitgliedstaaten besonders wirksam in einem Umfeld sein, in dem im Hinblick auf die jeweilige Vorgehensweise, wobei sie Kredite allgemein knapp sind. Sie können dazu bei- sich auf folgende Ziele stützt: tragen, den Mangel an kurzfristigem Betriebskapital zu überbrücken, der gegenwärtig für viele Unterneh- • Gewährleistung der Reversibilität von Maßnahmen, men ein Problem darstellt. die kurzfristig zu steigenden Defiziten führen; • Gut konzipierte finanzielle Anreizefür die Beschleu- • Verbesserung der mittelfristigen Haushaltspolitik nigung der Anpassung unserer Volkswirtschaften an durch Stärkung der nationalen Haushaltsvorschriften langfristige Herausforderungen wie Klimawandel, und Finanzrahmen; wozu auch Anreize für Energieeffizienz gehören. • Sicherung der langfristigen Tragfähigkeit der 432 • Niedrigere Steuern und Sozialabgaben: niedrigere Sozi- alabgaben für Arbeitgeber können positive Auswir- öffentlichen Finanzen, vor allem durch Reformen, kungen auf die Erhaltung und Schaffung von Arbeits- die den Anstieg der alterungsbedingten Ausgaben plätzen haben, während eine niedrigere Besteuerung eindämmen. von Arbeitseinkommen die Kaufkraft fördern kann, (4) Es sollte einhergehen mit Strukturreformen, insbesondere für Niedriglohnempfänger. die die Nachfrage stützen und die Widerstandskraft stärken. • Eine vorübergehende Senkung des MwSt-Normalsat- zes kann schnell vorgenommen werden und könnte Während die meisten unmittelbaren Auswirkungen auf finanzielle Anreize zur Konsumsteigerung bewirken. Wachstum und Beschäftigung durch kurzfristige wäh- rungs- und finanzpolitische Anreize zustande kommen, (3) Es sollte im Rahmen des Stabilitäts- und muss ein umfassendes Erholungsprogramm auch eine Wachstumspakts erfolgen. ehrgeizige Strukturreformagenda beinhalten, die auf die Die Haushaltspolitik sollte im Rahmen des Stabilitäts- Bedürfnisse der einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten zugeschnitten und Wachstumspakts erfolgen, um einen einheitlichen ist, damit diese gestärkt aus der Krise hervorgehen. Dies und glaubwürdigen Politikrahmen zu schaffen. Aufgrund liegt zum Teil daran, dass einige der Strukturreformen der 2005 erfolgten Überarbeitung des Paktes können die auch einen Beitrag zur kurzfristigen Stärkung der ge- konjunkturellen Bedingungen besser berücksichtigt und samtwirtschaftlichen Nachfrage leisten können. Ferner die mittel- und langfristige Finanzdisziplin gestärkt wer- sind Strukturreformen nötig, um einige der tieferen Ur- den. Der sich daraus ergebende Rahmen ist in guten Zei- sachen der gegenwärtigen Krise zu beseitigen und die für ten anspruchsvoller und bietet in schlechten Zeiten mehr eine rasche Erholung erforderlichen Anpassungskapazi- Flexibilität. Außerordentliche Umstände, in denen eine täten der Volkswirtschaft zu stärken. Finanzkrise und eine Rezession gleichzeitig auftreten, rechtfertigen eine koordinierte Haushaltsexpansion in Eine widerstandsfähige, flexible Wirtschaft trägt dazu der EU. Für einige Mitgliedstaaten bedeutet dies, dass sie bei, die negativen Auswirkungen einer Wirtschaftskrise den Referenzwert von 3 % des BIP überschreiten. Mit- zu mildern. Durch die Lissabon-Strategie wurden die gliedstaaten mit einem übermäßigen Defizit müssen in wirtschaftlichen Grundlagen Europas bereits gestärkt. Zeiträumen wirtschaftlicher Erholung Abhilfe schaffen. Entsprechend abgestimmt könnten die Strukturrefor- Dies entspricht voll und ganz den Verfahren des Stabi- men der Lissabon-Strategie eine angemessene kurzfristi- litäts- und Wachstumspakts, die sicherstellen, dass das ge politische Reaktion auf die Krise darstellen, da sie für übermäßige Defizit zu gegebener Zeit korrigiert wird, mehr wirtschaftliche Belastbarkeit und Flexibilität sor- wodurch die langfristige Tragfähigkeit des Haushalts gegen. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten folgende Maßnahmen sichert wird. ins Auge fassen:

Der Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt wird daher sorg- • Förderung der Kaufkraft durch besseres Funktionie- fältig angewendet, um eine glaubwürdige mittelfristige ren des Marktes: Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung der Finanzpolitik zu gewährleisten. Mitgliedstaaten, die Funktionsweise der wichtigsten Märkte helfen, durch Europäisches Konjunkturprogramm

Senkung der Preise die Nachfrage aufrechtzuerhal- zu fiskalpolitischen Impulsen zu vermitteln und die ten und somit die Kaufkraft der Privathaushalte zu Mitgliedstaaten bei der Umsetzung ihrer Strategien zu fördern. unterstützen. Andere Maßnahmen bezwecken eine Ver- besserung der Rahmenbedingungen für Investitionen • Sofortige Inangriffnahme der Probleme bei der Wett- sowie die Verringerung der Verwaltungslasten und die bewerbsfähigkeit: Mitgliedstaaten mit Inflation und Beschleunigung von Innovationen. Diese Maßnahmen Problemen bei der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit müssen un- bilden ein integriertes Paket. Hinsichtlich der jeweiligen verzüglich Maßnahmen zur Stärkung der Verbindung Auswirkungen auf den Haushalt ist den im vorangehen- zwischen Lohnbildungsmechanismus und Produktivi- den Abschnitt dargelegten Grundsätzen Rechnung zu tätsentwicklungen ergreifen. tragen. • Förderung von Beschäftigung und Erleichterung der Übergänge auf dem Arbeitsmarkt: Die Hauptheraus- 2.3.1. Sicherung der Beschäftigung und forderung auf den heutigen Arbeitsmärkten ist es, Förderung der unternehmerischen den schädlichen Abbau von Arbeitsplätzen durch Initiative vorübergehend von kurzfristigen Nachfrageproble- men betroffene Industriezweige zu vermeiden. Hierzu Am allerwichtigsten ist es, die europäischen Bürger vor könnten flexiblere Arbeitszeitregelungen oder eine den schlimmsten Auswirkungen der Finanzkrise zu be- verbesserte Arbeitsvermittlung beitragen. wahren, denn sie sind – ob als Arbeitnehmer, in Privat- haushalten oder als Unternehmer – als erste betroffen. • Bürokratieabbau für Unternehmen. Derartige Re- Bei der Bewältigung der Auswirkungen der Finanzkrise 433 formen steigern die Produktivität und stärken die auf die Beschäftigung und in sozialer Hinsicht sollten die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit. Zu den rasch umzusetzende Mitgliedstaaten die Sozialpartner aktiv einbeziehen. Maßnahmen gehören anhaltende Bemühungen um eine Reduzierung des bürokratischen Aufwands bei a) Menschen Unternehmensgründungen. Die Umsetzung aktiver Eingliederungs- und integrierter 2.3. Maßnahmen in den vier Flexicurity-Strategien mit den Schwerpunkten Aktivie- vorrangigen Bereichen der rung, Umschulung und Qualifizierung ist für die Förde- Lissabon-Strategie rung der Beschäftigungsfähigkeit, die rasche Wiederein- gliederung in den Arbeitsmarkt von Beschäftigten, deren Arbeitplatz gestrichen wurde, und zur Vermeidung von Um den größtmöglichen Nutzen zu erreichen, die Ziele Langzeitarbeitslosigkeit von ausschlaggebender Bedeu- des Konjunkturprogramms zum Schutz der Menschen tung. Wichtig ist in diesem Zusammenhang auch eine zu verwirklichen, und zu verhindern, dass die Krise die angemessene soziale Sicherung, die sowohl Anreize zur Aufmerksamkeit von den langfristigen Interessen der Arbeitsaufnahme schafft als auch die Kaufkraft sichert. EU und der Notwendigkeit, in ihre Zukunft zu investieren, ablenkt, sollte es eine enge Verbindung zwischen den finanziellen Anreizen und den in diesem Abschnitt 1. Umfangreiche europäische Initiative zur beschriebenen Maßnahmen in den vier Schwerpunktbe- Beschäftigungsförderung reichen der Lissabon-Strategie (Menschen, Wirtschaft, Infrastruktur und Energie, Forschung und Innovation) a) Die Kommission schlägt vor, die Kriterien für geben. Um dies zu erreichen, wird die Kommission am die Förderung durch den Europäischen Sozial- 16. Dezember 2008 für jeden einzelnen Mitgliedstaat ei- fonds (ESF) zu vereinfachen und ab Anfang 2009 nen Bericht vorlegen, der Vorschläge für Empfehlungen die Vorauszahlungen zu beschleunigen, damit die im Rahmen ihres jährlichen Lissabon-Pakets enthält Mitgliedstaaten rascher auf bis zu 1,8 Mrd. EUR zugreifen können, um Eine geschickte Verknüpfung von EU-Strategien und • im Rahmen der Flexicurity-Strategien die EU-Mitteln kann als Katalysator für Schlüsselinvesti- Aktivierungsprogramme insbesondere in tionen wirken, die der EU den Weg zu nachhaltigem Bezug auf Geringqualifizierte rasch auszubauen Wohlstand in der Zukunft bereiten. Sie ist ebenso be- (individuelle Beratung, intensive (Um-)Schulung deutsam für die Schaffung stabiler, berechenbarer Rah- und Weiterqualifizierung von Arbeitnehmern, menbedingungen, um Vertrauen zu schaffen, Investitio- Lehrlingsausbildung, subventionierte nen zu erleichtern und gemeinsame Probleme möglichst Arbeitsplätze sowie Zuschüsse für Selbständige kostengünstig zu lösen. Einige der in diesem Abschnitt und Unternehmensgründer) und vorgeschlagenen Maßnahmen zielen darauf ab, durch die Bereitstellung von EU-Mitteln einen direkten Beitrag DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

b) Wirtschaft • ihre Programme dahingehend neu auszurichten, Voraussetzung für Investitionen, Wachstum und die dass sich die Unterstützung auf die Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen im Privatsektor sind aus- wirtschaftlich Schwächsten konzentriert, reichende und erschwingliche Finanzierungsmöglich- und in diesem Zeitraum einschlägige keiten. Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen die Hebelwirkung Projekte erforderlichenfalls vollständig aus einer umfangreichen finanziellen Unterstützung des Gemeinschaftsmitteln zu finanzieren; Bankensektors nutzen, um dafür zu sorgen, dass die Ban- • die Überwachung und Abstimmung von ken ihre normale Kreditvergabe fortführen können. Um Maßnahmen zur Entwicklung von Fähigkeiten Kleinunternehmen und die unternehmerische Initiative und zur Qualifizierung mit den Anforderungen zu unterstützen, müssen vonseiten der EU und der Mit- vorhandener und absehbarer offener Stellen zu gliedstaaten dringend Schritte zu einer erheblichen Ver- verbessern; dies wird in enger Zusammenarbeit ringerung der Verwaltungslasten von KMU und Klein- der Sozialpartner, der öffentlichen stunternehmen unternommen werden, insbesondere im Arbeitsverwaltungen und der Universitäten zu Wege der raschen Umsetzung der entsprechenden Kom- leisten sein. missionsvorschläge. Dazu sollte auch die europäische Re- gelung für kleine Unternehmen („Small Business Act“) In Zusammenarbeit mit den Mitgliedstaaten möglichst rasch umgesetzt werden. schlägt die Kommission eine Neuausrichtung der Ausgabenpolitik des ESF vor, damit sichergestellt Die EU-Regeln für staatliche Beihilfen räumen den Mit- ist, dass den unmittelbaren Prioritäten entsprochen 434 gliedstaaten ein breites Spektrum an Möglichkeiten zur wird. finanziellen Unterstützung von Unternehmen, Regionen b) Ferner wird die Kommission eine Überarbeitung und Beschäftigten bzw. Arbeitslosen sowie zur Stimulie- der Regelungen des Europäischen Fonds für die rung der Nachfrage ein. Diese Regeln sorgen außerdem Anpassung an die Globalisierung vorschlagen, für gleiche Wettbewerbsbedingungen und gewährleisten, damit dieser rascher in Schlüsselsektoren tätig dass staatliche Beihilfen zur Unterstützung von EU-Zie- werden kann, um Schulungen und Stellenver- len etwa auf den Gebieten FuE, Innovation, IKT, Ver- mittlungen für diejenigen zu kofinanzieren, deren kehr oder Energieeffizienz eingesetzt werden und nicht Arbeitsplatz gestrichen wurde, oder um Fachkräfte durch Begünstigung bestimmter Unternehmen oder im Arbeitsmarkt zu halten, die bei einem erneuten Sektoren den Wettbewerb verfälschen. In der derzeitigen Aufschwung der Wirtschaft benötigt werden. Die Ausnahmesituation ist der Zugang zu Finanzmitteln von Kommission wird die für den Fonds verfügbaren größter wirtschaftlicher Bedeutung, weshalb die Kom- Haushaltsmittel im Lichte der Umsetzung der mission befristet geltende Leitlinien für die Genehmi- überarbeiteten Regelungen überprüfen. gung der staatlichen Unterstützung von Darlehen ausarbeiten wird (s.u.). 2. Nachfrage nach Arbeitskraft schaffen Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten in Betracht ziehen, bei niedrig entlohnten Tätigkeiten die Sozialabgaben 3. Verbesserung des Zugangs der Unterneh- des Arbeitgebers zu senken, um die Beschäfti- men zu Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten gungsfähigkeit Geringqualifizierter zu fördern. Die EIB hat ein Paket im Umfang von Außerdem sollten die Mitgliedstaaten innovative 30 Mrd. EUR für Darlehen an KMU zusammen- Lösungen erwägen (z.B. Erledigung von Haus- gestellt – gegenüber dem bisherigen Darlehens- arbeiten und Kinderbetreuung gegen Dienst- volumen in diesem Bereich eine Aufstockung um leistungsschecks, befristete Subventionen für die 10 Mrd. EUR. Einstellung Benachteiligter), die in Teilen der EU bereits erfolgreich praktiziert werden. Außerdem erhöht die EIB ihr Darlehensvolumen für mittelgroße Gesellschaften – ein Schlüssele- Der Rat sollte noch vor dem Frühjahrsgipfel 2009 lement der EU-Wirtschaft – um 1 Mrd. EUR pro den Richtlinienvorschlag annehmen, demzufolge die Jahr. Eine weitere Milliarde Euro wird die EIB MwSt-Ermäßigung für arbeitsintensive Dienstleis- zudem dem EIF für eine Mezzanine-Finanzie- tungen eine ständige Regelung werden soll. rungsfazilität zur Verfügung stellen. Europäisches Konjunkturprogramm

Die Kommission wird ein Bündel von Vereinfa- Kosteneinsparungen von bis zu 18 Mrd. EUR chungsmaßnahmen vorlegen, die insbesondere den erzielt werden könnten); außerdem sollten alle Entscheidungsprozess bei staatlichen Beihilfen Zahlungsrückstände öffentlicher Einrichtungen beschleunigen sollen. Jegliche staatliche Beihilfe beglichen werden; sollte im Wege von Querschnittsregelungen zur • die Gebühren für die Anmeldung und das Unterstützung der Lissabon-Ziele – Forschung, Halten von Patenten um bis zu 75 % senken Innovation, Schulung, Umweltschutz und insbe- und die Kosten für eine Gemeinschaftsmarke sondere saubere Technologien, Verkehr und Ener- halbieren. gieeffizienz – gewährt werden. Die Kommission wird den Mitgliedstaaten vorübergehend gestatten, Unternehmen den Zugang zu Finanzierungsmit- teln zu erleichtern, indem ihnen subventionierte 2.3.2. Weiter in die Zukunft investieren Bürgschaften und Darlehenszuschüsse für Inves- Wir erleben gerade den Beginn eines umfangreichen struk- titionen in Produkte gewährt werden, die über turellen Wandels hin zu einer Wirtschaft mit geringem die EU-Umweltschutznormen hinausgehenden CO2-Ausstoß. Dies ist für die EU eine Chance zur Schaf- Anforderungen genügen. fung neuer Unternehmen, neuer Industrien und von Mil- 4. Verringerung der Verwaltungslasten und lionen neuer, gutbezahlter Stellen. Dabei sind alle Sektoren Förderung der unternehmerischen Initiative einzubeziehen: so werden beispielsweise mit dem jüngsten Beschluss zum GAP-Gesundheitscheck 3 Mrd. EUR für 435 Um die Verwaltungslasten der Unternehmen klimafreundliche Investitionen in die Entwicklung des deutlich zu verringern, den Cash-flow der Unter- ländlichen Raums gebunden. Rasche Maßnahmen können nehmen zu unterstützen und mehr Menschen beim hier der Union sowohl kurz- als auch langfristig Vorteile Sprung in die Selbständigkeit zu helfen, sollten die verschaffen. Um die Investitionstätigkeit zu beschleuni- EU und die Mitgliedstaaten auf der Grundlage des gen, gedenkt die Kommission, die Rechtsvorschriften für „Small Business Act“ Folgendes bewerkstelligen: öffentlich-private Partnerschaften zur Durchführung von • dafür sorgen, dass die Gründung eines großen Infrastruktur- und Forschungsinvestitionen klarer Unternehmens überall in der EU binnen drei zu fassen, um den Rückgriff auf diese Mischform der Fi- Tagen kostenlos vollzogen werden kann und dass nanzierung zu erleichtern. die Formalitäten für die Einstellung des ersten Beschäftigten bei einer einzigen Anlaufstelle c) Infrastruktur und Energie erledigt werden können; Der Schlüssel zur Maximierung von Vorteilen und zur Mi- nimierung von Kosten liegt in der gezielten Nutzung der • die Pflicht zur Erstellung von Jahresabschlüssen Möglichkeiten zur Steigerung der Energieeffizienz – etwa für Kleinstunternehmen aufheben (für bei Gebäuden, Beleuchtungs-, Kühl- oder Heizungsanla- die betroffenen Unternehmen würde gen – wie auch bei anderen technologischen Erzeugnis- dies Einsparungen von schätzungsweise sen – etwa Fahrzeugen und Maschinen. Bereits kurzfristig 7 Mrd. EUR pro Jahr bedeuten) und das können Privathaushalte und Unternehmen von den um- erforderliche Mindestkapital einer Europäischen fänglichen positiven Auswirkungen profitieren. Privatgesellschaft auf einen Euro beschränken; • die Annahme des Vorschlags über das Zugleich muss Europa aber noch rascher in seine Inf- Statut der Europäischen Privatgesellschaft rastruktur, insbesondere in die umweltfreundlichen beschleunigen, damit es ab Anfang 2009 die Verkehrsarten im Rahmen der Transeuropäischen Netze grenzübergreifenden Tätigkeiten von KMU (TEN), in Hochgeschwindigkeits-IKT-Netze, in Ener- erleichtern kann und sie in die Lage versetzt, gieverbundnetze und in gesamteuropäische Forschungs- in der gesamten EU anhand einheitlicher infrastrukturen, investieren. Die Beschleunigung von gesellschaftsrechtlicher Vorschriften tätig zu sein; Infrastrukturinvestitionen wird nicht nur den in den meisten Mitgliedstaaten derzeit rapiden Rückgang der • dafür sorgen, dass die Behörden Rechnungen – Investitionen im Bausektor auffangen, sondern steigert auch von KMU – über Lieferungen und auch längerfristig das Potenzial Europas für ein nachhal- Dienstleistungen innerhalb eines Monats tiges Wachstum. Insbesondere im Energiesektor würde bezahlen, um Liquiditätsengpässe zu eine Reihe ehrgeiziger europäischer Projekte dazu bei- vermeiden, und dass elektronische Rechnungen tragen, die Energiesicherheit der EU zu verbessern und Papierrechnungen gleichgestellt werden (womit mehr Mitgliedstaaten in das europäische Stromverbund- netz einzubeziehen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

5. Beschleunigung von Investitionen zur Mo- • Parallel dazu wird die EIB für die Finanzierung dernisierung der europäischen Infrastruktur von Investitionen zur Bekämpfung des Klima- wandels, zur Sicherung der Energieversorgung Zumindest in den kommenden zwei Jahren steht und für Infrastrukturprojekte erheblich mehr nicht zu erwarten, dass die im Finanzrahmen ver- Mittel bereitstellen – bis zu 6 Mrd. EUR mehr EU-Haushalts anschlagten Mittel im Wege des zur pro Jahr. Zugleich wird sie die Durchführung der Gänze ausgegeben werden können. Die Kommission beiden zusammen mit der Kommission entwickel- schlägt daher vor, für die Jahre 2009 und 2010 zu- ten innovativen Finanzierungsinstrumente (Fazili- sätzliche Mittel in Höhe von 5 Mrd. EUR für Projek- tät für Finanzierungen auf Risikoteilungsbasis zur te im Rahmen der transeuropäischen Energienetze Unterstützung von FuE und Kreditgarantieinst- und für Breitband-Infrastrukturprojekte bereitzu- rument für TEN-Verkehrsprojekte zur Förderung stellen. Dazu müssten der Rat und das Parlament der Beteiligung des Privatsektors) beschleunigen. beschließen, den Finanzrahmen unter Einhaltung der durch den bewilligten Haushalt vorgegebenen • Die EBWE wird für Projekte zur Steigerung Grenzen zu überprüfen. der Energieeffizienz und zur Eindämmung des Klimawandels sowie zur Finanzierung von Mit einer Mittelausstattung von über 347 Mrd. EUR Infrastrukturdienstleistungen kommunaler und für den Zeitraum 2007-2013 verfügt die Kohäsi- anderer Stellen mehr als doppelt so viel Mittel onspolitik über erhebliche Mittel zur Unterstützung bereitstellen wie bisher. Die dadurch bewirkte 436 öffentlicher Investitionen der Mitgliedstaaten und Mobilisierung von Mitteln aufseiten des Privats- ihrer Regionen. Allerdings besteht die Gefahr, dass der ektors könnte zu Investitionen im Umfang von auf den nationalen Haushalten lastende Druck die ge- 5 Mrd. EUR führen. planten Investitionen verlangsamt. Um die Wirtschaft sofort in Schwung zu bringen, sollte die Durchfüh- 6. Steigerung der Energieeffizienz von rung der Strukturfonds beschleunigt werden. Dazu Gebäuden • wird die Kommission vorschlagen, mehr Mittel • Die Mitgliedstaaten und die EU-Organe sollten zur Vorfinanzierung von Programmen bereitzu- gemeinsam dringende Maßnahmen zur Steige- stellen, damit Anfang 2009 bis zu 4,5 Mrd. EUR rung der Energieeffizienz privater und öffentlicher verfügbar sind; Gebäude sowie zur Förderung der raschen Markt- einführung umweltfreundlicher Produkte treffen: • sollten die Mitgliedstaaten die flexiblen Möglich- keiten nutzen, um die Finanzierung von Projekten • Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten anspruchsvolle Ziele vorzuziehen, und dabei den von der Gemeinschaft formulieren, damit öffentliche Gebäude ebenso finanzierten Anteil höher anzusetzen; wie Privat- und Sozialwohnungen den höchsten europäischen Energieeffizienznormen genügen • wird die Kommission eine Reihe weiterer Maß- und regelmäßig einer Energiezertifizierung nahmen vorschlagen, um die Durchführung von unterzogen werden. Um ihre nationalen Ziele großen Investitionsvorhaben voranzubringen, den leichter zu erreichen, sollten die Mitgliedstaaten Einsatz von Mitteln im Wege der Finanzierungs- eine Ermäßigung der Grundsteuer für energie- technik zu erleichtern, die Behandlung von Vor- effiziente Gebäude in Erwägung ziehen. Die auszahlungen zu vereinfachen und die Möglich- Kommission hat gerade Vorschläge16 unter- keiten zur pauschalen Abrechnung förderfähiger breitet, die auf eine erhebliche Steigerung der Ausgaben bei allen Fonds zu erweitern. Energieeffizienz von Gebäuden abzielen, und sie Die Kommission betont, dass diese Vorschläge rasch ruft Rat und Parlament auf, der Annahme dieser angenommen werden müssen. Vorschläge Priorität einzuräumen. • Bis Ende März 2009 wird die Kommission eine Aufforderung zur Einreichung von Vorschlägen für transeuropäische Verkehrsprojekte (TEN-T) im Umfang von 500 Mio. EUR veröffentlichen. Diese Mittel könnten dann noch vor Ende 2009 für Baumaßnahmen verwendet werden. Damit werden vorhandene Mittel genutzt, die ansonsten im Rah- men der Halbzeitbilanz des Mehrjahresprogramms TEN-T im Jahr 2010 umgeschichtet würden. 15 KOM(2008) 755 vom 13.11.2008. Europäisches Konjunkturprogramm

d) Forschung und Innovation • Außerdem sollten die Mitgliedstaaten ihre Die Finanzkrise und in ihrem Gefolge die Verknappung operativen Strukturfondsprogramme neu der öffentlichen und privaten finanziellen Ressourcen ausrichten und dabei für Investitionen mag mancherorts zum Anlass dienen, geplante FuE- und in die Energieeffizienz, auch im sozialen Bildungsinvestitionen zu verzögern oder beträchtlich zu Wohnungsbau, einen höheren Anteil kürzen, wie in früheren Abschwungphasen schon ge- vorsehen. Um die Möglichkeiten in diesem schehen. In der Rückschau hat sich jedoch erwiesen, dass Zusammenhang auszuweiten, schlägt die diese Beschlüsse zu einer massiven Vernichtung von Ka- Kommission eine Änderung der Strukturfonds- pital und Wissen mit sehr negativen Auswirkungen auf Verordnungen zur Unterstützung dieser die mittel- bis längerfristigen Wachstums- und Beschäf- Neuausrichtung vor; diese Änderungen müssten tigungsaussichten in Europa geführt haben. Demgegen- rasch angenommen werden. über gab es sowohl innerhalb als auch außerhalb Europas • Die Kommission wird mit der EIB und einer Beispiele von Ländern, die in weiser Voraussicht in wirt- Reihe von nationalen Entwicklungsbanken schaftlich schwierigen Zeiten ihre FuE- und Bildungs- zusammenarbeiten, um einen „2020-Fonds für ausgaben erhöht und damit die Grundlage für ihre starke Energie, Klimaschutz und Infrastruktur“ zur Stellung auf dem Feld der Innovation gelegt haben. Finanzierung von Eigenkapital- und Quasi- Eigenkapitalprojekten aufzulegen. 8. Steigerung der Investitionen in FuE, Inno- • Die Kommission ruft Mitgliedstaaten und vation und Bildung 437 Wirtschaft dringend zur Entwicklung innovativer Finanzierungsmodelle auf Die Mitgliedstaaten und die private Wirtschaft (Finanzierung von Sanierungsarbeiten sollten die geplanten Investitionen in Bildung und beispielsweise durch über mehrere Jahre FuE (entsprechend ihren nationalen FuE-Ziel- gestreckte Rückzahlungen auf der Grundlage der vorgaben) erhöhen, um Wachstum und Produk- eingesparten Energiekosten). tivität zu beleben. Sie sollten auch Maßnahmen zur Steigerung der privaten FuE-Investitionen in 7. Förderung der raschen Markteinführung Betracht ziehen, beispielsweise steuerliche Anreize, von umweltfreundlichen Produkten Zuschüsse und/oder Subventionen. Die Mit- • Die Kommission wird vorschlagen, gliedstaaten sollten weiter in die Verbesserung der auf umweltfreundliche Waren und Bildung investieren. Dienstleistungen ermäßigte MwSt-Sätze zu 9. Entwicklung sauberer Technologien für erheben, um insbesondere die Energieeffizienz Autos und im Bauwesen bei Gebäuden zu steigern. Sie ermutigt die Mitgliedstaaten zu weiteren Anreizen für Zur Förderung der Innovation im produzierenden die Verbraucher, um die Nachfrage nach Gewerbe und insbesondere in der Bau- und der umweltfreundlichen Produkten zu stimulieren. Automobilindustrie, die sich einem krisenbedingten Nachfrageeinbruch und erheblichen Heraus- • Außerdem sollten die Mitgliedstaaten rasch forderungen beim Übergang zu einer umwelt- Umweltverträglichkeitsanforderungen in Bezug freundlichen Wirtschaft gegenübersehen, schlägt auf externe Stromversorgungseinrichtungen, die Kommission drei große öffentlich-private den Stromverbrauch von Geräten im Stand-by- Partnerschaften vor: Modus und in ausgeschaltetem Zustand, Set- top-Boxen und Leuchtstofflampen anwenden. Im Automobilsektor soll in einer „Europäischen Initiative für umweltfreundliche Kraftfahrzeuge“ • Die Kommission wird rasch Regelungen die Forschung zu einem breiten Spektrum an Tech- für andere Produkte mit einem sehr hohen nologien und intelligenten Energieinfrastrukturen Energiesparpotenzial – etwa Fernsehgeräte, gebündelt werden, die für einen Durchbruch bei der Innenbeleuchtungen, Kühl- und Gefriergeräte, Nutzung erneuerbarer und nicht verschmutzender Waschmaschinen, Warmwasserbereiter und Energieträger und der Senkung der CO2-Emissionen Klimaanlagen – ausarbeiten. sowie für die Verkehrssicherheit und einen flüssigen Verkehr entscheidend sind. Die Finanzierung der mit mindestens 5 Mrd. EUR ausgestatteten Partner- schaft würden sich die Gemeinschaft, die EIB, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

die Wirtschaft und die Mitgliedstaaten teilen. 10. Hochgeschwindigkeits-Internet für alle Dabei würde die EIB kostenbasierte Darlehen für Automobilhersteller und Zulieferer bereitstellen, Hochgeschwindigkeits-Internetverbindungen um Innovationen insbesondere in Technologien fördern die schnelle Verbreitung von Technolo- zur Verbesserung der Sicherheit und der Um- gien, was wiederum Nachfrage nach innovativen weltfreundlichkeit von Kraftfahrzeugen, z.B. in Produkten und Dienstleistungen schafft. Die Elektrofahrzeuge, zu finanzieren. Nachfrageseitige Ausstattung Europas mit dieser modernen Infra- Maßnahmen wie beispielsweise die Senkung von struktur gleicht in ihrer Bedeutung dem Aufbau Zulassungs- und anderen Kraftfahrzeugsteuern des Eisenbahnnetzes im neunzehnten Jahrhundert. für emissionsarme Fahrzeuge durch die Mitglied- Um die führende Position Europas bei Festnetz- staaten sowie Regelungen zur Verschrottung von und drahtloser Kommunikation auszubauen Altfahrzeugen sollten in diese Initiative einbezogen und die Entwicklung von Dienstleistungen mit werden. Darüber hinaus wird die Kommission den hohem Mehrwert zu beschleunigen, sollten die Aufbau eines Beschaffungsnetzes regionaler und lo- Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten gemeinsam Breitband-Strategie kaler Behörden unterstützen, in dem die Nachfrage mit der Branche eine zur nach sauberen Omnibussen und anderen Fahrzeu- Beschleunigung der Erneuerung und des Ausbaus gen gebündelt werden soll, und die Durchführung der Netze entwickeln. Diese Strategie wird aus der Initiative „CARS21“ beschleunigen. öffentlichen Mitteln gefördert, um unterversorgte oder nur unter hohen Kosten erreichbare Gebiete 438 Im Bausektor sollen in einer „Europäischen mit Breitband-Anschlüssen zu versorgen, wenn Initiative für energieeffiziente Gebäude“ umwelt- der Markt dies nicht leistet. Bis 2010 sollten freundliche Technologien und die Entwicklung die EU-Bürger zu 100 % mit Hochgeschwin- energieeffizienter Systeme und Materialien für neue digkeits-Breitbandanschlüssen versorgt sein. und renovierte Gebäude gefördert werden, um Außerdem sollten die Mitgliedstaaten – auch zur

Energieverbrauch und CO2-Emissionen radikal zu Steigerung der Leistungsfähigkeit der bestehenden senken17. Regulierungs- und Normierungsfragen Netze – wettbewerbsorientierte Investitionen in sollten in dieser Initiative einen breiten Raum ein- Glasfasernetze fördern und die Vorschläge der nehmen, und auch hier ist an die Bildung eines Be- Kommission zur Bereitstellung von Frequenzen für schaffungsnetzes regionaler und lokaler Behörden drahtlose Breitbanddienste genehmigen. Aus den gedacht. Für diese Partnerschaft wird mit einem für die o.a. Maßnahme 5 veranschlagten Mitteln Mittelbedarf in Höhe von 1 Mrd. EUR gerechnet. wird die Kommission in den Jahren 2009/10 für Die Initiative würde durch spezifische Maßnahmen Investitionen in diese Breitbandnetze zusätzlich unterstützt, die im Rahmen der Maßnahmen 5 1 Mrd. EUR bereitstellen. und 6 zu Infrastruktur und Energieeffizienz vorgeschlagen werden. Eine „Initiative zur Fabrik der Zukunft“ soll die Technologienutzung im produzierenden Gewerbe 3. EINSATZ FÜR WELTWEITE fördern. Mit dieser sektorübergreifenden Initiative LÖSUNGEN sollen EU-Unternehmen des produzierenden Ge- werbes und insbesondere KMU durch Ausbau ih- Die Herausforderungen, denen sich die EU heute gegen- rer technologischen Grundlagen bei der Anpassung übersieht, sind Teil der weltweiten makroökonomischen an den weltweiten Wettbewerbsdruck unterstützt Herausforderungen, die der Washingtoner Gipfel über werden, indem zukunftsträchtige Basistechnologi- die Finanzmärkte und die Weltwirtschaft hervorgehoben en etwa für intelligente Maschinen und Herstel- hat. Dieses Europäische Konjunkturprogramm wird Teil lungsverfahren entwickelt und in ihre Tätigkeit des EU-Beitrags zu einer engeren internationalen mak- integriert werden. Für diese Partnerschaft wird ein roökonomischen Zusammenarbeit unter Einschluss der Mittelbedarf von 1,2 Mrd. EUR veranschlagt. Schwellenländer sein, um zum Wirtschaftswachstum zu- rückzukehren, nachteilige Dominoeffekte zu vermeiden und die Entwicklungsländer zu unterstützen. Die EU hat in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten in großem Umfang vom wachsenden grenzüberschreitenden Kapitalverkehr und Handel mit den Industrie- und zunehmend auch den Schwellenländern profitiert. Die Finanzkrise hat ge- 16 Gegenwärtig entfallen rund 40 % des Energieverbrauchs auf zeigt, wie stark die gegenseitige Abhängigkeit inzwischen Gebäude. Europäisches Konjunkturprogramm geworden ist. Das Ausmaß und die Geschwindigkeit, ein mit 120 Mio. EUR ausgestattetes „Krisenbewälti- mit denen ein Vertrauensverlust in einem Erdteil binnen gungspaket“ zusammenstellen, um Darlehen internatio- kürzester Frist weltweit die Finanzmärkte erschüttert naler Finanzinstitutionen in Höhe von 500 Mio. EUR und auf die Realwirtschaft übergegriffen hat, geben zu zu mobilisieren. Recht Anlass zu Besorgnis. In der Wirtschaft von heute stellt eine Krise auf einem systemrelevanten Finanzmarkt Schaffung eines dichten und umfassenden Netzes von ein globales Problem dar und sollte entsprechend behan- Freihandelsabkommen mit den Nachbarländern als delt werden. Ein entscheidender Teil einer abgestimm- Schritt auf dem Weg zu einem stärker integrierten regio- ten EU-Reaktion auf den wirtschaftlichen Abschwung nalen Markt. Mit ihrem Instrument der Nachbarschafts- muss in einem intensiveren Zusammengehen mit un- politik kann die EU auf der Mittelmeer-Union und seren internationalen Partnern und mit internationalen den Plänen für eine neue Partnerschaft mit dem Osten Organisationen liegen, um bei der Bewältigung der He- aufbauen. rausforderungen im In- und Ausland und auch in den Entwicklungsländern, die mit am härtesten getroffen Intensivierung der Bemühungen um den Abschluss neu- werden, zusammenzuarbeiten. er, anspruchsvoller Freihandelsabkommen mit anderen Handelspartnern. Den Welthandel in Gang halten Die wirtschaftliche Erholung Europas hängt von der Aufbau enger Arbeitsbeziehungen mit der neuen US-Re- gierung, u.a. im Rahmen des Transatlantischen Wirt- Fähigkeit unserer Unternehmen ab, die von den Welt- 439 märkten gebotenen Chancen bestmöglich zu nutzen. schaftsrats. Auch mit anderen wichtigen Industrielän- Die Rückkehr Europas auf einen soliden Wachstumspfad dern wie etwa Kanada und Japan wäre eine wirksame wird auch von seiner Exportfähigkeit abhängen. Daher Zusammenarbeit auf der Regulierungsebene zu führen. sind die Offenhaltung von Handelsverbindungen und Investitionsgelegenheiten auch das beste Mittel, die glo- Fortsetzung des Dialogs mit wichtigen bilateralen Part- balen Auswirkungen der Krise zu begrenzen, da die welt- nern wie China, Indien, Brasilien und Russland zur Er- weite Erholung ganz wesentlich von der Wirtschaftslage örterung von Angelegenheiten des öffentlichen Beschaf- der Schwellen- und Entwicklungsländer abhängt. fungswesens und des Wettbewerbs sowie von Fragen des geistigen Eigentums. Wir müssen daher unser Engagement für weltweit offene Märkte fortsetzen, unseren eigenen Markt so offen wie Dem Klimawandel begegnen möglich halten und darauf bestehen, dass die Drittlän- Die Krise fällt in eine Zeit, in der ein umfassender Struk- der das Gleiche tun, wozu insbesondere die Einhaltung turwandel hin zur Wirtschaft mit geringem CO2-Ausstoß der WTO-Regeln gewährleistet werden muss. Um dieses kurz bevorsteht. Die Bekämpfung des Klimawandels Ziel zu erreichen, sollte sich Europa erneut in folgenden kann große neue wirtschaftliche Chancen zur Entwick- Bereichen engagieren: lung neuer Technologien, zur Schaffung von Arbeitsplät- zen und zur Sicherung der Energieversorgung eröffnen. Einsatz für eine rasche Einigung über ein Welthandelsab- kommen in der Doha-Runde der WTO. Entsprechend Eine Einigung über die interne EU-Klimastrategie auf ihrer auf dem Washingtoner Gipfel vom 15. November dem Europäischen Rat im Dezember und mit dem Euro- erneuerten Zusage hat die Kommission nicht gezögert, päischen Parlament würde die führende Rolle untermau- zusammen mit den wichtigsten WTO-Partnern ihre ern, die die EU bei den Bemühungen um ein ehrgeiziges Bemühungen um eine Einigung über die Modalitäten internationales Klimaabkommen auf der Kopenhagener bis Jahresende zu intensivieren. Ein Erfolg der Handels- UN-Klimakonferenz Ende 2009 anstreben muss. runde würde kurzfristig ein starkes Signal des Vertrauens in die neue Weltwirtschaftsordnung aussenden. Daraus Die Entwicklungsländer unterstützen würden auf mittlere Sicht durch Senkung noch bestehender hoher Zölle in wichtigen Partnermärkten Verbrau- Die aktuelle Krise wird den bestehenden Druck auf die chern und Unternehmen in der ganzen Welt Vorteile in Entwicklungsländer, die sich oftmals in einer weniger Form niedrigerer Preise erwachsen. guten Ausgangsposition befinden, weiter erhöhen. Umso wichtiger ist es, dass die EU und andere Partner ihren Weitere Unterstützung der der wirtschaftlichen und sozi- Willen zur Einhaltung der Millenniumsentwicklungs- alen Konsolidierung in den Kandidatenländern und den ziele bekräftigen. Zudem könnte es erforderlich sein, Staaten des westlichen Balkans im gegenseitigen Interes- dass Industrieländer regionen wie die EU neue, flexible se der EU und der Region. Dazu wird die Kommission und innovative Instrumente für die Unterstützung der DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Entwicklungsländer bei der Bewältigung der schnell zu- Sie ersucht die Staats- und Regierungschefs, auf ihrer Ta- tage tretenden Auswirkungen der Krise entwickeln (z.B. gung am 11. und 12. Dezember 2008 die Nahrungsmittelhilfe-Fazilität der EU). • dieses Europäische Konjunkturprogramm zu Die weitere Unterstützung von Schwellen- und Entwick- genehmigen, lungsländern auf dem Weg zu nachhaltigem Wachstum • die Europäische Kommission und den Rat aufzu- ist im Vorfeld der internationalen Konferenz über Ent- fordern, gemeinsam dafür Sorge zu tragen, dass wicklungsfinanzierung, die vom 29. November bis zum die Maßnahmen auf nationaler und auf EU-Ebene 2. Dezember in Doha stattfinden wird, von besonderer zusammengenommen mindestens ein Volumen von Bedeutung. Auf dieser Konferenz wird die EU – auch 1,5 % des BIP erreichen, 2007 größter Geldgeber – das Ziel bekräftigen, die Ent- wicklungshilfe bis 2010 auf 0,56 % und bis 2015 auf • dafür zu sorgen, dass aktualisierte Stabilitäts- und 0,7 % des BNE anzuheben, und andere Geberländer auf- Konvergenzprogramme einschließlich der nationa- fordern, ebenfalls an diesen Zielvorgaben festzuhalten. len Impulse nach Maßgabe der im Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt festgelegten Verfahren bewertet und Die Förderung einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung u.a. die dabei mögliche Flexibilität genutzt wird, durch Verwirklichung der Zielvorgaben für den Ent- • die zehn Maßnahmen des Europäischen Konjunktur- wicklungshilfeanteil am BNE und der Millenniumsent- programms zu genehmigen und Rat und Parlament wicklungsziele, aber auch durch das Angehen der Her- aufzufordern, die zur Durchführung dieser Maßnah- 440 ausforderungen im Hinblick auf verantwortungsvolles men gegebenenfalls erforderlichen gesetzgeberischen Regierungshandeln, ist in wirtschaftlichen Krisenzeiten Schritte zu beschleunigen, von besonderer Bedeutung. Die gerechte Verteilung der Vorteile nachhaltigen Wachstums, die Bekämpfung • zu vereinbaren, die Fortschritte bei der Umsetzung des Klimawandels, die Sicherheit der Energie- und des Programms auf der Grundlage eines Beitrags der der Lebensmittelversorgung und verantwortungsvol- Kommission vor dem Frühjahrsgipfel 2009 zu bewer- les Regierungshandeln stellen miteinander verknüpfte ten, um weitere Maßnahmen zu bestimmen, die auf Herausforderungen dar, bei deren Bewältigung auch der Ebene der EU und der Mitgliedstaaten erforder- den internationalen Finanzgremien ebenso wie ande- lich sind, um die Konjunktur zu stimulieren, ren internationalen Organisationen eine wichtige Rolle zukommt. • weiter in enger Zusammenarbeit mit den internationalen Partnern globale Lösungen zur Stärkung einer globalen Ordnungspolitik und zur Unterstützung des 4. Schlussfolgerungen wirtschaftlichen Wiederaufschwungs zu entwickeln.

Unzweifelhaft stehen der EU in den kommenden Mona- ten schwierige Zeiten bevor, wenn die Folgen des Wirt- schaftsabschwungs in der Welt und in Europa Beschäfti- gung und Nachfrage unter Druck setzen werden. Durch gemeinsames Handeln können die Mitgliedstaaten und die EU-Organe jedoch das Vertrauen bei Verbrauchern und Unternehmen wiederherstellen, das Kreditgeschäft wiederbeleben und Investitionen in unsere Volkswirt- schaften stimulieren, so dass Arbeitsplätze geschaffen werden und Arbeitslose neue Stellen finden. Das in dieser Mitteilung vorgestellte Europäische Konjunktur- programm soll die Grundlagen für eine rasche Einigung zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten schaffen, um die europäi- sche Wirtschaft wieder in Schwung zu bringen.

Die Europäische Kommission ruft das Europäische Par- lament auf, dieses Europäische Konjunkturprogramm voll zu unterstützen. Aus der Finanzkrise in den Aufschwung: Ein Aktionsrahmen für Europa

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION BRÜSSEL, DEN 29.10.2008 COM(2008) 706

Koordiniertes Vorgehen auf für die Stabilisierung des Bankensektors entscheidend. Es hat sich als richtig erwiesen, die nationalen Maßnah- 441 EU-Ebene men innerhalb eines Rahmens mit klaren EU-weiten Grundsätzen untereinander abzustimmen und durch Die bislang schwerste Krise der internationalen Finanz- gezielte Maßnahmen seitens der EU zu ergänzen. Die- märkte stellt Europa vor große Herausforderungen. Das ses Konzept wurde durch koordiniertes und effizientes EU-weit koordinierte Vorgehen aller 27 Mitgliedstaaten Handeln umgesetzt: auf EU-Ebene durch die französi- hat bei der Stabilisierung des europäischen Bankenwesens sche Ratspräsidentschaft, die Kommission und die Eu- seine Wirkung entfaltet. Die Maßnahmen müssen rasch ropäische Zentralbank sowie auf nationaler Ebene durch umgesetzt werden, damit viel liquide Mittel ins Finanzsys- die Mitgliedstaaten, mit umfassender Unterstützung des tem zurückfließen. Die Finanzkrise ist jedoch noch nicht Europäischen Parlaments. vorüber. Bereits jetzt zeichnet sich in der gesamten Wirt- schaft ein deutlicher Konjunkturrückgang ab, der Haus- Die EU sollte auf diesem Erfolg aufbauen, die nächsten halte, Unternehmen und Arbeitsplätze gleichermaßen Phasen der Krise geschlossen und koordiniert angehen trifft. Die dramatischen Auswirkungen auf die europäische und die Herausforderungen als Chance nutzen. In die- Wirtschaft werden voraussichtlich mittelfristig zu einer ge- sem Zusammenhang muss die Lissabon-Strategie für ringeren Wachstumsrate führen und das derzeitige Wachs- Wachstum und Beschäftigung gezielt um kurzfristige tum in den Jahren 2009 und 2010 deutlich hemmen. Da Maßnahmen ergänzt werden. Die vorliegende Mittei- in risikoreichen Zeiten grundsätzlich weniger Investitio- lung umfasst einen dreigliedrigen Ansatz, der Grundlage nen getätigt werden, wird sich dies tendenziell negativ auf für einen übergreifenden EU-Maßnahmenplan/Rahmen die Produktivität und Innovationskraft auswirken. zur Krisenbewältigung ist.

Europas Stärke liegt in der Solidarität und der Fähigkeit • Eine neue Finanzmarktarchitektur auf EU-Ebene zum gemeinsamen Handeln. Alle Mitgliedstaaten werden mit den Auswirkungen konfrontiert werden - wenn auch • Begrenzen der Auswirkungen auf die Realwirtschaft in unterschiedlicher Weise und unterschiedlich stark. Vo- • Eine globale Reaktion auf die Finanzkrise raussichtlich wird die Arbeitslosigkeit steigen, die Nach- frage sinken und die Finanzlage der öffentlichen Hand Mit dieser Mitteilung möchte die Kommission zur ak- darunter leiden. Durch ein gemeinsames Handeln können tuellen Diskussion innerhalb der EU und mit den inter- wir effizienter und glaubwürdiger reagieren. Handelt jeder nationalen Partnern beitragen, wie die derzeitige Krise Mitgliedstaat im Alleingang, so werden die Bemühungen und ihre Folgen am besten bewältigt werden können. nicht genügend Zugkraft haben. Ferner besteht das Risiko, Am 26. November wird die Kommission einen detail- dass sich die Maßnahmen negativ auf andere Mitgliedstaa- lierteren Rahmen zur Überwindung der Krise vorschla- ten auswirken. gen, der sich in die Lissabon-Strategie für Wachstum und Beschäftigung einfügt. Er enthält eine Reihe kurzfristiger Das gemeinsame Vorgehen der EU-Mitgliedstaaten, als Maßnahmen zur Bewältigung der negativen Auswirkun- der Druck auf die Finanzmärkte am stärksten war, war gen auf die Wirtschaft und zeigt auf, wie die mittel bis DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

langfristigen Maßnahmen der Lissabon-Strategie ange- eine starke, nachhaltige Erholung erforderlichen sichts der Krise anzupassen sind. Bedingungen geschaffen werden. Konsequenz ist deshalb geboten, weil eine maximale globale Wirkung der Rettungspläne in der gesamten EU erreicht und 1. EINE NEUE eine Spaltung des Binnenmarktes verhindert werden soll, und weil gleiche Bedingungen für die Empfänger FINANZMARKTARCHITEKTUR staatlicher Hilfen und jene, die keine Unterstützung AUF EU-EBENE erhalten, gewahrt werden sollen. • Entschlossene Maßnahmen, um die Ausbreitung der Krise Den europäischen Finanzsektor aus der Krise auf alle Mitgliedstaaten zu begrenzen. Die Finanzkrise steuern beginnt sich inzwischen auch auf die erst kürzlich bei- Die Mitgliedstaaten und die Kommission haben sich in getretenen Mitgliedstaaten in Mittel- und Osteuropa enger Zusammenarbeit auf eine Reihe von Sofortmaß- auszudehnen. Deshalb ist die EU bereit, denjenigen nahmen geeinigt, mit denen die Einlagen unserer Bürger Mitgliedstaaten, deren Zahlungsbilanz unter Druck geschützt und angeschlagene Banken gerettet werden sol- geraten oder deren Finanzstabilität gefährdet ist, ge- len. Die ursprüngliche Reaktion auf die verschiedenen meinsam mit dem IWF mittelfristig eine substanzielle Pakete für die Kreditmärkte war positiv, doch müssen sie Finanzhilfe zur Verfügung zu stellen. jetzt rasch umgesetzt und ihre Wirkung kontinuierlich Eine verstärkte Regulierung und wirkungsvollere 442 überwacht werden. Die Wettbewerbspolitik leistet einen Aufsicht sicherstellen entscheidenden Beitrag zu einer koordinierten Reaktion, belässt den Mitgliedstaaten aber die Möglichkeit, ent- Parallel zu der Stabilisierung der Krise sind eine Um- sprechend den innerstaatlichen Bedingungen zu interve- strukturierung des Bankensektors und zu einem späte- nieren.17 Die Kommission wird gleiche Wettbewerbsbe- ren Zeitpunkt die Rückführung der Banken in den Pri- dingungen zwischen den Instituten, die staatliche Hilfe vatsektor unumgänglich. Die Kommission wird direkt erhalten, und jenen, die keine solche Hilfen in Anspruch mit den Mitgliedstaaten darauf hinarbeiten, Teile des nehmen, wahren. Banksektors in der Weise umzustrukturieren, dass in der Zukunft ein fairer und gesunder Wettbewerb gesichert Das globale Finanzsystem ist weiterhin stark gefährdet, ist. Privatpersonen und Unternehmen müssen Zugang und das Risiko einer gravierenden Kreditverknappung zu einem soliden und stabilen Banksystem haben, um besteht weiter. Deshalb wäre es völlig verfehlt, sich mit geplante Investitionen finanzieren zu können, und die der Umsetzung der Strategie zur Rettung des europäi- Gesellschaft insgesamt wird von den Maßnahmen pro- schen Finanzsektors zufrieden zu geben. Die EU muss fitieren, die gewährleisten, dass auch künftig Kredite zu ihr Vorgehen weiterhin abstimmen, damit sie mit ihrer vertretbaren Bedingungen vergeben werden. Reaktion den größtmöglichen Erfolg erzielt. Insbesonde- re muss Folgendes gesichert sein: Die Kommission hat Vorschläge zu Einlagensicherung und Eigenkapitalanforderungen sowie zu Möglichkeiten • Weiterhin entschlossene Unterstützung des Finanz- vorgelegt, wie gegen die Gefahr einer prozyklischen Wir- systems durch die EZB und andere Zentralbanken. kung von Regulierung und Rechnungslegungsvorschrif- Die Zentralbanken haben sich bei der Beschaffung ten vorgegangen werden kann. In Kürze wird sie auch ausreichender Liquidität für den Bankensektor als Vorschläge zu Rating-Agenturen und zur Entlohnung außerordentlich flexibel und beeindruckend einfalls- von Managern veröffentlichen. Die Angemessenheit der reich erwiesen; dies gilt auch für ihre Maßnahmen Kapitalmarktaufsicht und des Risikomanagements bei zur Verhinderung des Übergreifens der Krise auf Derivaten, Hedgefonds und Private Equity sind ebenfalls andere Teile des Finanzsystems. Gegenstand von Beratungen. Die Kommission fordert den Rat und das Europäische Parlament auf, sich vorran- • Zügige und konsequente Umsetzung der Pläne der gig mit diesen Vorschlägen zu befassen, um schnell eine Mitgliedstaaten zur Rettung der Banken. Nur so lässt stärkere Regulierung und Aufsicht zu ermöglichen und sich das Vertrauen in den EU-Bankensektor schnell so das Vertrauen in das System wiederherzustellen. wiederherstellen und damit der Schaden für die Wirtschaft begrenzen; nur so können auch die für Diese Maßnahmen sollen dazu beitragen, das Vertrauen in das System insgesamt wiederherzustellen und Abhilfe gegen die aufgedeckten Mängel zu schaffen. Wir müs- 17 Mitteilung der Kommission „Die Anwendung der Vorschriften für staatliche Beihilfen auf Maßnahmen zur Stützung sen die rechtliche und aufsichtsrechtliche Ausgestal- von Finanzinstituten im Kontext der derzeitigen globalen tung des EU-Finanzsektors, insbesondere der großen Finanzkrise“ (ABl. C 270 vom 25. Oktober 2008, S. 8). Aus der Finanzkrise in den Aufschwung: Ein Aktionsrahmen für Europa grenzübergreifend tätigen Finanzinstitutionen, neu defi- • Entlastung von Unternehmen, insbesondere KMU, nieren. Die derzeitige einzelstaatliche Organisation der damit sie in dem Land, in dem sie tätig sind, sowie Aufsicht in der EU begrenzt die Möglichkeiten für eine international Märkte aufbauen können; wirksame Gesamtaufsicht. Die Kommission hat im Rah- • Stärkung der europäischen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit men der De-Larosière-Gruppe mit Beratungen über die durch die zunehmende Umstellung unserer Wirt- Art von Aufsichtssystem begonnen, das in Zukunft erfor- schaft auf „grüne“ Produkte und Verfahren als Mittel derlich sein wird.18 zur Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen und neuen Techni- ken, so dass wir eine drohende Unsicherheit bei der Energieversorgung abwenden und unsere Umweltzie- 2. DIE AUSWIRKUNGEN AUF le erreichen können. DIE REALWIRTSCHAFT Je mehr es Europa gelingt, seine Anstrengungen zu koor- BEGRENZEN: RAHMEN FÜR dinieren, umso zahlreicher werden die positiven Wirkun- gen dieser Maßnahmen sein. Ausgehend von dem part- DIE ERHOLUNG nerschaftlichen Ansatz, einer wesentlichen Komponente der Lissabonner Strategie, fordern wir die Mitgliedstaa- Die Auswirkungen der Kreditklemme auf andere Teile ten auf, sich auf ein größeres Maß an Koordinierung zu der Wirtschaft werden sich durch zunehmende Arbeits- verständigen, damit wir diesen neuen Herausforderun- losigkeit und geringere Nachfrage nach Gütern und gen besser begegnen können. Dienstleistungen von Unternehmen unterschiedlichster 443 Größe bemerkbar machen. Die politischen Instrumente Der Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt zur Beeinflussung der Beschäftigung und Ankurbelung der Nachfrage befinden sich im Wesentlichen in den Da der wirtschaftliche Schock die ganze EU trifft und Händen der Mitgliedstaaten. Die EU-Dimension wird der Inflationsdruck nunmehr nachlässt, kann die Geld- jedoch einen erheblichen Mehrwert bewirken. Wie die und Fiskalpolitik zur Stützung der Nachfrage beitragen. positiven Ergebnisse der Lissabon-Strategie gezeigt ha- Die Staatshaushalte werden in den kommenden Jahren ben, lässt sich in Bereichen, in denen die Mitgliedstaaten wahrscheinlich aufgrund zurückgehender Einnahmen und die Kommission partnerschaftlich auf mehr Wachs- in eine erheblich schlechtere Lage geraten. Zwar be- tum und die Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen hinarbeiten, ruht dieser Rückgang zum Teil auf der Verlangsamung ein erheblicher zusätzlicher Nutzen erzielen. der Wirtschaftstätigkeit, zum Teil aber spiegelt er auch Anpassungen in manchen Wirtschaftszweigen wie dem In der derzeitigen Krise muss die EU die mittel- bis lang- aufgeblähten Immobilienmarkt wider; dieser Teil wird fristigen Maßnahmen der Lissabon-Strategie allerdings dauerhaftere Folgen für die Einnahmenseite der öffent- anpassen, um der Krisensituation Rechnung zu tragen. lichen Haushalte nach sich ziehen. Die Prognosen gehen Sie muss ihre Strukturreformagenda um kurzfristige momentan davon aus, dass sich die Lage der öffentlichen Maßnahmen ergänzen, aber gleichzeitig weiterhin in die Haushalte in der EU im kommenden Jahr um über ei- Zukunft investieren, und zwar durch: nen BIP-Prozentpunkt verschlechtern wird, wobei es zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten beträchtliche Unterschiede • Steigerung der Investitionen in FuE, Innovation und gibt. Dadurch könnten die Folgen der Konjunkturabfla- Bildung; chung zwar kurzfristig teilweise abgefedert werden, jedoch auf Kosten einer schlechteren Haushaltslage, wobei • Förderung von Flexicurity als Mittel zur Stärkung der zusätzliche Belastungen durch die Finanznothilfe-Maß- Anpassungsfähigkeit und zum Schutz der Menschen nahmen noch nicht eingerechnet sind. Allerdings dürfte und nicht zum Schutz bestimmter Arbeitsplätze; das Haushaltsdefizit in der EU und insbesondere in der Euro-Zone dank der bisherigen Maßnahmen infolge des 18 Die Gruppe ist beauftragt, Überlegungen über die Gestaltung Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts nach aktuellen Voraus- europäischer Finanzeinrichtungen anzustellen, um die Solidität schätzungen unter der Marke von 3% des BIP bleiben. der Aufsicht, das ordnungsmäßige Funktionieren von Märkten und eine engere europäische Zusammenarbeit für einen Der größte Teil der angekündigten Maßnahmen zur Überblick hinsichtlich Finanzstabilität, Frühwarnsystemen und Krisenmanagement, einschließlich des Managements von grenz- Stabilisierung der Finanzwirtschaft (Bürgschaften) wird und branchenübergreifenden Risiken zu gewährleisten. Sie sich nicht sofort auf das Haushaltsdefizit auswirken; die wird sich auch mit der Zusammenarbeit zwischen der EU und wirklichen Haushaltskosten werden sich erst bemerkbar anderen großen Rechtsräumen befassen, die mithelfen sollen, machen, wenn die Bürgschaften der öffentlichen Hand die Finanzstabilität auf globaler Ebene zu wahren. Mitglieder der Gruppe sind: Jacques de Larosière (Vorsitzender), Leszek in Anspruch genommen werden. Gleichzeitig erhöhen Balcerowicz, Otmar Issing, Rainer Masera, Callum McCarthy, die Maßnahmen zur Kapitalerhöhung bei den Banken Lars Nyberg, José Perez Fernandez, Onno Ruding. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

bereits jetzt das Schuldenniveau. Zusammen mit den Übergänge im und in den Arbeitsmarkt kurz- und mit- Anzeichen für eine anhaltende strukturelle Verschlechte- telfristig zu erleichtern und das Wachstumspotenzial rung der Haushaltsbilanzen könnte das die langfristige langfristig zu erhöhen. Stabilität der öffentlichen Finanzen besonders in den am stärksten betroffenen Ländern gefährden. Von besonderer Bedeutung wird es sein, die Investitionen so auszurichten, dass sie maximale Wirkung erzielen. Die Der Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt bietet den richtigen öffentlichen Finanzhilfen aus der EU und den Mitglied- politischen Rahmen, da er kurzfristige Stabilisierungs- staaten für die Unternehmen müssen zweierlei bewirken: bedürfnisse und langfristigen Strukturreform-Bedarf Sie müssen kurzfristige Nachfrageausfälle auffangen und ausbalanciert und vor allem den Anpassungsprozess gleichzeitig langfristig reformierend und modernisierend unterstützt. Der Pakt sollte gewährleisten, dass jede Ver- wirken. Innerhalb der im Rahmen der Lissabon-Strategie schlechterung der öffentlichen Finanzen mit der Lage an- identifizierten Reform-Prioritäten sollten die Mitglied- gemessenen Strukturreformen einhergeht und langfristig staaten jene grundlegenden Reformen an die erste Stelle wieder eine nachhaltige Haushaltslage geschaffen wird. setzen, die Innovation und produktivitätsfördernde In- Die Haushaltspolitik sollte den im Vertrag erlaubten vestitionen unterstützen. Zusammen mit Maßnahmen Handlungsspielraum voll ausschöpfen, und im überar- zum Inflationsabbau und gezielten sozialpolitischen Ein- beiteten Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt sollten folgende kommensstützen für die Haushalte werden diese Refor- Grundsätze berücksichtigt werden: men die Nachfrage beleben.

444 • Die Finanzpolitik sollte den Pfad der Nachhaltigkeit Angesichts der sich weiter in die Länge ziehenden Schwä- weiterverfolgen, um der Erwartung Ausdruck zu chephase des Finanzsektors und der zu erwartenden Ver- verleihen, dass die Krise bewältigt werden wird. änderungen in der Risikobereitschaft der Branche stellt sich die Frage, wie künftig innovative Technologien • Länderspezifische Unterschiede in den haushaltspoli- gefördert, die internationale Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der tischen Spielräumen sollten unter der Voraussetzung europäischen Wirtschaft gewahrt und KMU finanziert in Betracht gezogen werden, dass das betreffende werden sollen. Zudem wird es erforderlich sein, sich wei- Land über starke und glaubwürdige Haushaltsorgane terhin intensiv für eine Öffnung von Drittlandsmärkten und einen mittelfristigen Finanzrahmen verfügt. für die europäischen – und insbesondere auch die mittel- • Unter den geplanten Strukturreformen sollten jene ständischen – Unternehmen einzusetzen. besonders ehrgeizig verfolgt werden, die die Wider- standsfähigkeit und die langfristige Nachhaltigkeit Die Kommission wird mit den Mitgliedstaaten folgende stärken. Maßnahmen erörtern: • Reformen zur kurzfristigen Nachfragestützung sollten • Nach der informellen Tagung des ECOFIN-Rats im rechtzeitig und gezielt erfolgen und von befristeter vergangenen Monat hat die Europäische Investitions- Dauer sein. bank-Gruppe ein Gesamtpaket von 30 Mrd. EUR Das Verfahren bei übermäßigen Defiziten sollte als In- für Geschäftsbanken-Darlehen an KMU in Europa strument der gegenseitigen Unterstützung bei der Be- zusammengestellt. Dies ist eine beträchtliche Stei- wältigung der gegenwärtigen Schwierigkeiten und der gerung gegenüber dem in diesem Bereich üblichen Herstellung langfristiger Stabilität betrachtet werden. Darlehensvolumen, jedoch muss die Maßnahme jetzt Es wird ein eindeutiger Unterschied gemacht werden dringend umgesetzt werden. zwischen den Haushaltsfolgen politischer Fehlentschei- • In enger Zusammenarbeit mit der Kommission dungen und konjunkturbedingten Auswirkungen, wozu könnte die EIB ihre Tätigkeiten zur Finanzierung auch die Folgen des Rettungspakets zur Finanzkrise zäh- von insbesondere grenzübergreifenden Projekten in len. Insbesondere werden höhere Schulden aufgrund von den Feldern Klimawandel, Energiesicherheit und Rettungsplänen im Überwachungsverfahren berücksich- Infrastruktur beschleunigen. Hierzu könnte sich eine tigt werden. Stärkung der Kapitalbasis der EIB als erforderlich erweisen, beispielsweise durch Vorziehen des Termins Reformen und Investitionen beschleunigen für die nächste Kapitalerhöhung, die gegenwärtig für Die Finanzkrise, die die europäische Wirtschaft momen- 2010 geplant ist. tan erschüttert, dürfte das Wachstum dämpfen, mehr • Die EBWE spielt bei der Reform des Finanzsektors Arbeitslosigkeit verursachen und damit auch die Nach- und der Finanzierung der Privatwirtschaft in unseren frage beeinträchtigen. Strukturreformen sind deswegen neueren Mitgliedstaaten eine Schlüsselrolle. Unter unabdingbar, um die Nachfrage kurzfristig zu stützen, den gegenwärtigen Rahmenbedingungen in der Aus der Finanzkrise in den Aufschwung: Ein Aktionsrahmen für Europa

Finanzbranche könnten ihre Aktivitäten in diesen die Hauptverantwortung auf diesem Gebiet bei den Ländern ausgebaut werden. Mitgliedstaaten, aber eine gute Abstimmung zwischen Gemeinschafts- und einzelstaatlichen Maßnahmen wäre • Mit einem Finanzrahmen von über 350 Mrd. hilfreich. Die Kommission wird gemeinsam mit den EUR für den Zeitraum 2007-2013 unterstützt die Sozialpartnern nach den besten Antworten auf diese Kohäsionspolitik die öffentlichen Investitionen der Krise suchen. Wachstumsbereiche mit hohem Beschäf- Mitgliedstaaten und ihrer Regionen erheblich. Die tigungspotenzial wie Personal-, Gesundheits- und soziale Kommission wird mit den Mitgliedstaaten den Dienstleistungen sollten weiter gefördert werden, da die- Spielraum für eine Beschleunigung von Investitions- ses Beschäftigungspotenzial auch Zugang zum Arbeits- vorhaben und ein Vorziehen von Auszahlungen an markt und Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten schafft. die Mitgliedstaaten ausloten. • Zu erörtern wären ferner innovative Finanzierungs- Europa hat es in den vergangenen Jahren nicht vermocht, formen für eine große Bandbreite von Infrastruk- die Menschen mit aktiven Arbeitsmarktmaßnahmen da- turprojekten (u.a. Verkehr, Energie, Hochtechnolo- bei zu unterstützen, sich für künftige Herausforderungen gie-Netze), beispielsweise durch eine bessere Nutzung weiterzubilden und neue Arbeitsplätze zu finden oder zu öffentlich-privater Partnerschaften. schaffen. Dringlicher als bisher müssen Um- und Ein- stiegsmöglichkeiten auf dem Arbeitsmarkt unterstützt, • Die Förderung von Energieeffizienz und um- Angebot und Nachfrage im Beschäftigungssektor ge- weltfreundlicher Technik, z.B. in Gebäuden und stärkt und miteinander in Einklang gebracht und die Kraftfahrzeugen, könnte den Unternehmen und Produktivität erhöht werden. Dazu müssen bestimmte in 445 insbesondere den KMU neue Geschäftsmöglichkeiten der Lissabon-Strategie befürwortete Maßnahmen durch- eröffnen und gleichzeitig dazu beitragen, dass die EU geführt werden: ihre Klimaziele verwirklicht. • Die Nachfrage nach energieeffizienten Waren und • Abfederung der Folgen der Arbeitslosigkeit, indem Dienstleistungen könnte durch Steuererleichterungen den Mitgliedstaaten die Möglichkeit eröffnet wird, oder andere zielgerichtete fiskalpolitische Maßnah- ESF-Mittel auf die Förderung einer raschen Wieder- men gesteigert werden. eingliederung in den Arbeitsmarkt umzulenken; • Die Exportchancen europäischer Unternehmen und • Überprüfung der Wirksamkeit des Europäischen insbesondere der KMU könnten durch eine voraus- Fonds für die Anpassung an die Globalisierung; greifende Marktöffnungspolitik konsolidiert und aus- • Unterstützung Arbeitsloser bei einer raschen und gebaut werden, u.a. mittels Handelsabkommen und kostengünstigen Existenzgründung; der Weiterverfolgung unserer Marktzugangs-Strategie. • Mit den Mitteln der nationalen und europäischen • Beobachtung der Auswirkungen der Krise auf von Wettbewerbs- und Verbraucherschutzpolitik könnten Strukturanpassungen betroffene Wirtschaftszweige das Funktionieren der Märkte verbessert, eine Sen- und gegebenenfalls Nutzung des Spielraums im kung der Verbraucherpreise ausgelöst und die Vorteile Beihilferecht für rechtzeitige, gezielte befristete des Binnenmarktes voll nutzbar gemacht werden. Hilfsmaßnahmen; • Weiterverfolgung der Flexicurity-Politik und insbe- Durch partnerschaftliche Zusammenarbeit und ein ab- sondere aktiver arbeitsmarktpolitischer Maßnahmen, gestimmtes Vorgehen können die Mitgliedstaaten und Reform von Abgaben und Leistungen und inten- die europäischen Organe beträchtliche Finanzmittel sivere Qualifizierungsanstrengungen. Die Lage ist mobilisieren, um dringend benötigte Investitionen zu voraussichtlich am unteren Ende des Arbeitsmarktes beschleunigen und die EU so zu wappnen, dass sie aus besonders problematisch, weswegen es ausgesprochen der Krise gestärkt hervorgeht. wichtig ist, die unvermeidliche Umstrukturierung zu erleichtern und Einkommenshilfen sowie sozialen Folgenbewältigung in den Bereichen Schutz sehr gezielt einzusetzen. Beschäftigung und Soziales Der Wirtschaftsabschwung wird Familien, Haushal- 3. GLOBALE REAKTION AUF DIE te und die schwächsten Gruppen unserer Gesellschaft treffen. Erste Folgen auf dem Arbeitsmarkt machen sich FINANZKRISE bereits bemerkbar. Die EU muss versuchen, die Auswir- kungen auf die Arbeitsplätze so gering wie möglich zu Die Krise hat alle Weltregionen getroffen, und keine Re- halten und die ihr zur Verfügung stehenden Hebel zur gion kann ihre Auswirkungen allein bewältigen. Offen- Abfederung der sozialen Folgen zu nutzen. Zwar liegt sichtlich greift sie bereits auf die Schwellenländer über DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

und wird den bestehenden Druck auf Entwicklungslän- Reformierung der globalen Finanzarchitektur verfolgt der weiter verstärken. Nunmehr gilt es alles zu tun, um werden. In groben Zügen sollten sie Folgendes zum Ziel ihre weitere Ausbreitung einzudämmen; der IWF soll- haben: te bereit sein, nach Bedarf mit Nothilfen einzugreifen. Europa wird mit dem IWF zusammenarbeiten und sein • Stärkung der internationalen Einheitlichkeit und Instrument der makrofinanziellen Hilfe insbesondere zu- Qualität von Regulierungsstandards, einschließlich gunsten von Nachbarländern einsetzen. Europa ist und Reformen (vgl. Fahrpläne des Rates Wirtschaft und bleibt ein aktiver Partner bei der koordinierten globalen Finanzen und die Empfehlungen des FSF) und Aus- Antwort. weitung auf die globale Ebene; • Stärkung der internationalen Koordinierung zwischen Die gegenwärtige Finanzkrise hat mehr denn je die Inter- Finanzaufsichtsbehörden; aktion zwischen makroökonomischen Maßnahmen und Finanzmärkten auf globaler Ebene verdeutlicht. Deshalb • Stärkung der makroökonomischen Aufsicht und muss jetzt sowohl gegen Regulierungs- und Aufsichts- Krisenprävention, gemeinsame Prüfung von Aufsicht- defizite als auch gegen makroökonomische Ungleichge- saspekten auf der Systemebene wie auf der Ebene der wichte und Ungleichgewichte bei den Wechselkursen einzelnen Institute, Stärkung der Finanzstabilität und vorgegangen werden, die die derzeitige Krise mit verur- Entwicklung von Frühwarnsystemen sowie sacht haben. • Weiterentwicklung der Fähigkeit zum Umgang mit Finanzkrisen und Lösungskapazitäten auf nationaler, 446 Die Finanzkrise hat Fragen zur globalen Ordnung („glo- regionaler und multilateraler Ebene. bal governance“) aufgeworfen, die über den Finanzsektor hinausreichen. Das eigentliche Thema sind die globalen Zur Herstellung von finanzieller Stabilität wird es Ungleichgewichte, die allerdings auch in einem größeren schließlich auch wesentlich sein, die einschlägigen Ins- Kontext gesehen werden müssen - den Verpflichtungen, titutionen umfassend zu reformieren. Nur so könnten zu denen die EU weiterhin stehen muss: offene Märkte wir die Ergebnisse der globalen Finanzkrisengipfel auf in Handel und Dienstleistungen und stärkere multilate- Dauer sichern. Während die gegenwärtige Krise einige rale Zusammenarbeit, Bekämpfung protektionistischer Schwächen im europäischen Regulierungssystem aufge- Bestrebungen und weitere Bemühungen um positive deckt hat, ist Europa dennoch gut aufgestellt, um bei der Ergebnisse bei der Doha-Runde der Welthandelsorga- Konzeption der neuen globalen Architektur und deren nisation. Wichtig ist außerdem weiterhin, die Vorteile gutem Funktionieren eine aktive Rolle zu übernehmen. des nachhaltigen Wachstums mit den Entwicklungslän- Die Grundlage dafür müssten folgende Schlüsselprinzi- dern zu teilen, und dies besonders zu einer Zeit volatiler pien sein: Güterpreise und großer Herausforderungen wie Klima- wandel, globaler Wohlstand und Verwirklichung der • Effizienz: Es bedarf eines Gleichgewichts, um ohne Millenniums-Entwicklungsziele. übermäßige Einmischung rasche, fundierte Entschei- dungen zu gewährleisten. Im Anschluss an die EU-Initiative, bei der die Kommis- sion eine wichtige Rolle gespielt hat, werden die Verei- • Transparenz und Rechenschaftspflicht: Neue oder nigten Staaten am 15. November das erste internationale reformierte Organisationen müssen ordnungsgemäß Gipfeltreffen zur Finanzkrise ausrichten, zu dessen Zie- ihrer Rechenschaftspflicht genügen, die Anreize zur len es gehört, eine verbesserte Koordinierung auf glo- Anwendung und Durchsetzung müssen verstärkt baler Ebene einzuleiten, die Rolle der für die Aufsicht werden. über die Finanzmärkte zuständigen internationalen In- • Vertretung: Wichtige Schwellenländer sollten glo- stitutionen zu überprüfen und die Strukturen für eine balen Gruppen angehören, um die Legitimität der Weltordnungspolitik mit Blick auf die Zukunft anzupas- Beschlussfassung zu erhöhen. Die sehr uneinheitliche sen. Die Kommission hat aktiv internationale Anstren- Vertretung der europäischen Länder und des Eu- gungen unterstützt, die auf einen dauerhaften Rahmen ro-Raums sollte verbessert werden, um die Wirksam- abzielen, in dem auf globaler Ebene Angelegenheiten, keit und den Einfluss der EU insgesamt zu stärken. die Investitionstätigkeiten betreffen, einschließlich der vom Welt-Währungsfonds ausgearbeiteten allgemeinen Risiken und Chancen Grundsätze und Praktiken betreffend Staatsfonds , be- Die EU muss in wirkungsvoller Weise tätig werden, um handelt werden. der Krise zu begegnen. Sie muss klug handeln, damit in unserer Wirtschaft der Anstoß zu den richtigen Ände- Um in Zukunft das Risiko neuerlicher Finanzkrisen rungen gegeben wird und sichergestellt ist, dass wir aus zu vermeiden, sollten eine Reihe von Maßnahmen zur dieser Krise herausfinden. Wir müssen dann vorbereitet Aus der Finanzkrise in den Aufschwung: Ein Aktionsrahmen für Europa sein, um den Aufschwung sofort voll zu nutzen. Dies kann am besten gelingen, wenn wir alle Chancen zur weiteren Umstrukturierung unserer Wirtschaften ergreifen, unsere Bürger für die neuen Herausforderungen ausbilden und vorbereiten und gleichzeitig im Sinne von Artikel 2 des Vertrags für die besonders benachteiligten Personen in unseren Gesellschaften sorgen. Wie wir aus Erfahrung wissen, war Europa Erfolg beschieden, weil wir wirtschaftlichen Nationalismus hinter uns gelassen haben und die Kräfte, die das europäische Wachstum angetrieben haben, durch den Abbau von Hindernissen zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten haben wirken lassen; dabei konnten wir aus der Größe und Stärke unseres Binnen- marktes Nutzen ziehen.

Die EU war in ihrer Geschichte bereits mit Krisen verschiedener Art konfrontiert und ging aus diesen stets stärker und einiger hervor. Wie wir bereits gezeigt haben, können wir Erfolg haben und Ergebnisse erzielen, wenn sich alle 27 Mitgliedstaaten und die EU-Organe auf eine 447 Zusammenarbeit verständigen. Die gegenwärtige Krise kann für Europa nämlich auch eine Chance sein. In diesem Papier wird skizziert, wie wir die EU gemeinsam auf den Weg des Aufschwungs führen können. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

448 Impulse für den Aufschwung in Europa

MITTEILUNG FÜR DIE FRÜHJAHRSTAGUNG DES EUROPÄISCHEN RATES BRÜSSEL, DEN 4.3.2009 COM(2009) 114

1. EINLEITUNG Da die Weltwirtschaft weiterhin nachlässt, treffen die sinkende Nachfrage und der Beschäftigungsgrückgang 449 Unternehmen, Familien und Bevölkerungsgruppen in In den vergangenen sechs Monaten hat Europa einen der gesamten EU. In der Finanzbranche herrscht immer beispiellosen Druck auf seine Wirtschaft erlebt, der noch ein Mangel an Vertrauen. Neue Schwachstellen durch eine Weltwirtschaftskrise verursacht wurde. Dabei kommen ans Tageslicht und verlangen nach einer abge- wurden die Widerstandsfähigkeit und die Fähigkeit Eu- stimmten Antwort. Die Bereinigung des Bankensystems ropas zur raschen Reaktion auf die Probe gestellt. Gefragt ist eine Voraussetzung für eine Rückkehr zu normalen waren auch eine enge Koordinierung und eine Stärkung Bedingungen auf den Darlehensmärkten. Eine umfas- der Solidarität unter den 27 Mitgliedstaaten. Im vergan- sende Mobilisierung ist erforderlich, da die wirtschaftli- genen Herbst hat die EU das Notwendige getan, um che Erholung Zeit brauchen wird. einen Zusammenbruch der Finanzmärkte abzuwenden. Im Dezember hat sie ein Europäisches Konjunkturpro- gramm beschlossen, um den Abschwung aufzuhalten Die Stabilisierung der Finanzmärkte hat noch nicht zur und die Voraussetzungen für eine konjunkturelle Wende Beseitigung der Kreditknappheit und zur Wiederbele- zu schaffen. Die Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten bung der Darlehensvergabe an Unternehmen und Haus- haben die Notwendigkeit erkannt, Maßnahmen gegen halte geführt. Deswegen darf die EU bei der Reformie- die Krise und zur Vorbereitung einer konjunkturellen rung der Finanzmärkte keine Verzögerungen dulden und Erholung zu ergreifen, und positiv reagiert. muss die Reform des Regulierungsrahmens in Angriff nehmen; auch ist das Aufsichtssystem stärker an die In- ternationalisierung des Bankensektors anzupassen. Jetzt, in der Umsetzungsphase, macht sich ein Bedarf an engerer Abstimmung bemerkbar, um die positiven Wirkungen dieser Maßnahmen über die Staatsgrenzen Solange Kredite eine knappe Ware bleiben, laufen Bemü- hinweg zu maximieren. In dieser Mitteilung wird dar- hungen zur Stärkung der Nachfrage und des Verbraucher- gelegt, welches die nächsten Schritte sein sollten, um vertrauens ins Leere. Die im Dezember im Europäischen die Krise zu bewältigen und die EU auf den konjunk- Konjunkturprogramm beschlossenen Konjunkturförde- turellen Genesungspfad zu führen. Sie enthält ein ehr- rungsmaßnahmen wurden inzwischen eingeleitet. Die po- geiziges Programm zur Reform der Finanzbranche, eine sitiven Folgen werden sich zwar erst in einiger Zeit in der Bestandsaufnahme der Maßnahmen zur Nachfragestüt- Wirtschaft bemerkbar machen, aber das umfangreiche Fi- zung, Investitionsförderung und Arbeitsplatzsicherung nanzpaket (rund 3,3 % des EU-BIP bzw. 400 Mrd. EUR) oder –schaffung und einen Fahrplan zur Vorbereitung wird neue Investitionen bewirken, Arbeitnehmer und ihre des Beschäftigungsgipfels im Mai. Außerdem stellt sie Familien unterstützen und einen Nachfrageschub verursa- die internen Anstrengungen der EU in den breiteren chen. Darüber hinaus werden auch Maßnahmen ergriffen, Kontext des anstehenden G20-Gipfels, auf dem die EU mit denen die langfristigen Ziele einer wettbewerbsfähi- einen ehrgeizigen Aktionsplan zur Reformierung des in- gen und nachhaltigen EU-Wirtschaft im Sinne der Lissa- ternationalen Ordnungsrahmens für die Finanzmärkte bon-Strategie für Wachstum und Beschäftigung angestrebt vorstellen sollte. werden. Dadurch ist gewährleistet, dass die EU nicht nur dem aktuellen Konjunkturabschwung entgegenwirkt, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

sondern auch die bestmögliche Nutzung künftiger neuer und soziale Modelle, die in Zeiten extremen Drucks den wirtschaftlicher Chancen vorbereitet. Schwächsten in unserer Gesellschaft Schutz geboten und damit ihren Wert unter Beweis gestellt haben. Die EU ist Inzwischen macht sich die Krise auch auf dem Arbeits- besonders gut für den Übergang in eine emissionsarme markt bemerkbar. Mit gezielten Maßnahmen müssen Wirtschaft und die Bewältigung der mit dem Klimawan- Härten für Einzelne begrenzt und der Verlust wertvollen del einhergehenden technologischen Herausforderungen Knowhows verhindert werden. Es können und sollten gerüstet. Ein gemeinsames Vorgehen gegen die Krise im Schritte unternommen werden, um Menschen während Geiste der Solidarität ist der beste Weg, diese Stärken aus- der konjunkturellen Schwächephase in Arbeit zu halten zunutzen, um dem Abschwung Einhalt zu gebieten und und kreative Lösungen zur kontinuierlichen Steigerung auf den Wachstumspfad zurückzukehren. des Qualifikationsniveaus zu entwickeln.

Da es sich um eine weltweite Krise handelt, wird auch die 2. WIEDERHERSTELLUNG UND wirtschaftliche Erholung erst vollendet sein, wenn alle AUFRECHTERHALTUNG großen Akteure der Weltwirtschaft wieder ein Wachstum verzeichnen und miteinander handeln. Die Maßnahmen EINES STABILEN UND der EU haben unsere Partner in der Welt inspiriert und VERLÄSSLICHEN zu einem Konsens über das erforderliche Vorgehen beigetragen, dass auf dem kommenden G20-Gipfel in Lon- FINANZSYSTEMS 450 don in konkrete Maßnahmen münden sollte. 2.1. Vertrauen zurückgewinnen und Im Verlauf der Krise ist die Bedeutung der EU-Dimen- die Kreditvergabe wieder in Gang sion immer offensichtlicher geworden. Der Binnen- bringen markt war in den letzten 15 Jahren Fundament und Motor des Wachstums in der EU; er hat die Schaffung Ein stabiler Finanzsektor bildet die Voraussetzung für von Millionen neuer Arbeitsplätze bewirkt und Europa eine nachhaltige konjunkturelle Erholung. Im vergan- wettbewerbsfähiger und effizienter gemacht. Er hat eine genen Herbst hat ein koordiniertes Vorgehen Europas beispiellose Interdependenz der Wirtschaftsbeteiligten bei der Rekapitalisierung und Absicherung von Geldin- untereinander bewirkt. Noch nie waren Händler, Lie- stituten in der gesamten EU den Zusammenbruch der feranten, Hersteller und Verbraucher so eng miteinan- europäischen Bankenbranche verhindert und dazu beige- der verbunden. Sämtliche Mitgliedstaaten treiben mehr tragen, die Interbankenmärkte wieder in einem gewissen Handel untereinander als mit der übrigen Welt. Der bes- Umfang mit Liquidität zu versorgen. te Weg, der Wirtschaft einen Schub zu verleihen, ist es daher, sich diese Interdependenz zunutze zu machen und Jetzt muss darauf geachtet werden, dass die Stabilisie- jeder Versuchung zu widerstehen, der Wirkung der Kon- rungspakete für den Finanzsektor wirksam umgesetzt junkturmaßnahmen künstliche Schranken zu setzen. werden. Sowohl in den Herkunfts- als auch in den Auf- nahmeländern grenzübergreifend tätiger Finanzinstitute Aus diesem Grund ist ein koordiniertes Vorgehen von haben die Behörden ein starkes gemeinsames Interesse so großer Bedeutung. Zwar gibt es zwischen den Mit- an der Bewahrung der makrofinanziellen Stabilität durch gliedstaaten klare Unterschiede in der sozialen und wirt- die Absicherung der Finanzierung und der Stabilität der schaftlichen Lage, aber alle verfügen sie über eine große einheimischen Bankensysteme und die Aufrecherhaltung Bandbreite an Hebeln, die sie an ihrer besonderen Situ- des freien Kapitalverkehrs. ation ansetzen können. Die Wirkung dieser Hebel wird umso erfolgreicher sein, wenn sie innerhalb eines klaren Die Kommission hat mehrere Rechtsakte vorgeschlagen, EU-Kontexts genutzt werden. Nationale Maßnahmen um den Einlegerschutz zu verbessern, die Verlässlichkeit zur Nachfrageförderung werden beispielsweise oft posi- des Ratings zu erhöhen, auf den Verbriefungsmärkten für tive Folgen für Waren und Dienstleistungen in anderen die richtigen Anreize zu sorgen und die Solidität und die Mitgliedstaaten nach sich ziehen und damit für Europa Beaufsichtigung von Banken und Versicherungsunter- insgesamt konjunkturell belebend wirken. nehmen zu stärken. Schnell wurden Anpassungen der Rechnungslegungs-Vorschriften vereinbart, um die Wett- Die Wirtschaft der EU verfügt über immense langfristige bewerbsvoraussetzungen der europäischen Finanzinstitu- Stärken. Mit der Bewahrung ihrer starken Stellung auf te an das internationale Umfeld anzugleichen. Mit diesen den weltweiten Ausfuhrmärkten hat sie ihre Wettbewerbs- Maßnahmen soll zum Aufbau eines stärkeren, zuverlässi- fähigkeit im Zeitalter der Globalisierung unter Beweis geren Systems für die Zukunft beigetragen werden. gestellt. Sie verfügt über hochqualifizierte Arbeitskräfte Impulse für den Aufschwung in Europa

Dennoch ist die Vertrauenskrise in der Bankenbranche Rentabilität und eine Rückkehr der Bankenbranche zu noch nicht überwunden. Banken und andere Akteure be- normalen Funktionsabläufen zu gewährleisten. finden sich immer noch in einer Phase der Bereinigung ihres Darlehensbestandes und haben noch nicht zu ihrer Um die Bedingungen auf den Darlehensmärkten zu verbes- üblichen Rolle auf den Groß- und Privatkundenmärkten sern, hat die EZB zusammen mit anderen Zentralbanken zurückgefunden. Sie verhalten sich bei der Kreditvergabe beträchtliche Liquidität zur Verfügung gestellt. Es wurden weiterhin sehr restriktiv. Die Wiederherstellung des Kre- bereits Zinssenkungen vorgenommen, und die EZB hat ditflusses für die Realwirtschaft steht daher an oberster angedeutet, dass es Spielraum für weitere Zinssenkungen Stelle der Tagesordnung, um einen weiteren Rückgang des könnte. Das Konjunkturprogramm wird überdies neue Wirtschaftswachstums zu verhindern. Nachfrage nach Darlehen schaffen und damit ebenfalls das Vertrauen in der Bankenbranche und ihre Bereitschaft zur Es ist Zeit zu handeln, um den Kreislauf aus nachlassendem Kreditvergabe erhöhen. Der Kreditfluss sollte daher in den Vertrauen und sinkender Bereitschaft zur Darlehensverga- kommenden Monaten genau beobachtet werden, um zu be zu durchbrechen. In einigen Fällen muss dabei direkt gewährleisten, dass das umfangreiche staatliche Einschrei- auf der Aktivaseite der Bankbilanzen eingegriffen werden, ten im Finanzsektor tatsächlich die Lage für die europäi- um der Unsicherheit hinsichtlich der Bewertung und An- schen Haushalte und Unternehmen erleichtert. siedlung künftiger Verluste ein Ende zu setzen Wenn das Vertrauen in den Bankensektor insgesamt wiederherge- 2.2. Verantwortungsvolle und stellt werden soll, müssen alle Finanzinstitute das Ausmaß verlässliche Finanzmärkte für die 451 ihrer Wertberichtigungen den Behörden offenlegen. Zukunft Aufbauend auf den bereits veröffentlichten Orientierungs- Die Krise hat unakzeptable Risiken im gegenwärtigen hilfen zur Anwendung der Vorschriften für staatliche Bei- System des internationalen und europäischen Ordnungs- hilfen auf Maßnahmen zur Stützung von Finanzinstituten rahmens für die Finanzmärkte aufgedeckt, die in Zeiten und zur Rekapitalisierung von Finanzinstituten19 hat die Kommission eine weitere Mitteilung vorgelegt20, um die erheblicher Turbulenzen eintreten und das gesamte Sys- Mitgliedstaaten bei der Konzeption von Maßnahmen zur tem gefährden. Die beispiellosen Maßnahmen zur Stabi- Behandlung von wertgemindertem Anlagevermögen zu lisierung der Branche müssen mit energischen Reformen unterstützen. Zu den möglichen Optionen zählen der Er- einhergehen, um die festgestellten Schwächen zu beheben werb von Anlagevermögen durch den Staat, staatliche Ga- sowie künftige Schwachstellen zu identifizieren und zu be- rantien, der Tausch staatlicher Titel gegen wertgeminderte seitigen. Die europäischen Unternehmen und Bürger müs- Aktiva oder eine Abtrennung letzterer. Die Mitgliedstaaten sen darauf vertrauen können, dass die Finanzinstitute bei entscheiden, ob und wie sie von diesen Instrumenten Ge- der für die langfristige Gesundheit der Wirtschaft so wich- brauch machen. Ein gemeinsamer und koordinierter euro- tigen Umwandlung ihrer Einlagen in Investitionen zuver- päischer Rahmen, beruhend auf den Grundsätzen Trans- lässige Partner sind. Um das Vertrauen der Verbraucher ins parenz, Offenlegung, Bewertung und Lastenteilung, wird Privatkundengeschäft wiederherzustellen, kommt auch der aber dazu beitragen, dass die Maßnahmen zur Rettung des Überwachung der Märkte und der Durchsetzung vertrag- Anlagevermögens eine maximale Wirkung entfalten. licher und geschäftlicher Praktiken große Bedeutung zu.

Außerdem wird er gleiche Wettbewerbsvoraussetzungen Im Laufe des Jahres 2009 wird die Kommission eine ehr- für Geldinstitute gewährleisten, die Einhaltung der Vor- geizige Reform des europäischen Finanzsystems vorschla- schriften über staatliche Beihilfen erleichtern, die Auswir- gen, die nachstehend dargelegt und im Anhang I aus- kungen auf die Finanzen der öffentlichen Hand eingren- führlicher beschrieben wird. Mit dieser Reform wird die zen und die notwendige Umstrukturierung der Branche EU den globalen Wandel insbesondere im Rahmen der vorbereiten. Die Kommission wird in Kürze ausführlichere G-20 prägen und eine Vorreiterrolle übernehmen kön- Leitlinien für die Beurteilung von Umstrukturierungs- nen. Gleichzeitig wird die Kommission die Anwendung und Sanierungsplänen für Geldinstitute anhand der Vor- des Gemeinschaftsrahmens für Maßnahmen zur Rettung schriften über staatliche Beihilfen vorlegen, Sie wird jeden sowie zur langfristigen Sanierung von Banken gemäß den Fall einzeln prüfen und dabei die Gesamtheit in Form von bestehenden Beihilfevorschriften fortsetzen. Rekapitalisierungen, Garantien oder Anlagesanierungen erhaltenen Beihilfen berücksichtigen, um die langfristige Die Reform wird gewährleisten, dass alle einschlägigen Akteure und sämtliche Sorten von Finanzinstrumenten einer angemessenen Regulierung und Aufsicht unterliegen. 19 ABl. C 270 vom 25.10.2008, S. 8, und ABl. C 10 vom Ihr werden die Prinzipien Verantwortlichkeit, Integrität, 15.1.2009, S. 2. Transparenz und Konsistenz zugrunde liegen. 20 K (2009) 1345 (noch nicht veröffentlicht. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Im vergangenen November hat die Kommission eine europäischen Ausschüsse der Aufsichtsbehörden bedeu- hochrangige Gruppe unter dem Vorsitz von Jacques de tet einen wichtigen Schritt nach vorne, stößt aber an Larosière beauftragt, Empfehlungen für eine solche Re- Grenzen. Die Kommission hat den Aufgabenbereich der form vorzulegen und dabei Aufsichtsaspekten besondere Ausschüsse abgeändert, um ihre Effizienz und Wirkung Beachtung zu widmen. Die Kommission begrüßt den am zu steigern und eine Beschlussfassung mit qualifizierter 25. Februar 2009 vorgelegten Bericht und stimmt den Mehrheit sowie die Regel „Einhalten oder erläutern“ ein- Ausführungen der Gruppe zu den Gründen der Finanz- zuführen. Die Haushaltsbehörde ist mit einem Vorschlag krise zu. Die 31 Empfehlungen der Gruppe enthalten über eine bessere finanzielle Ausstattung der Ausschüsse eine umfassende Liste konkreter Konzepte für Korrek- befasst. turen auf der Regulierungs- und Aufsichtsebene und im weltweiten Finanzsystem. Der Bericht der de Larosière-Gruppe hebt die bestehenden Lücken bei der Vorbeugung, Behandlung und Lö- Viele der Empfehlungen der Gruppe zu regulierungssei- sung von Krisen und die durch den Mangel an Zusam- tigen Korrekturmaßnahmen tragen zum wachsenden menarbeit, Koordinierung, Abstimmung und Vertrauen Konsens darüber bei, wo Änderungsbedarf besteht, und unter den einzelstaatlichen Aufsichtsbehörden verursach- spiegeln Anliegen wichtiger Akteure wie des Europä- ten Schwierigkeiten hervor. Für die Unternehmen ist das ischen Parlaments wider. Die Kommission hat bereits Erfordernis, unterschiedliche Regeln einzuhalten, mit konkrete Initiativen in Bereichen wie Ratingagenturen, zusätzlichen administrativen und rechtlichen Beschwer- Versicherungen, Überprüfung der Eigenkapitalanfor- nissen verbunden. Die Kommission stimmt der Beob- 452 derungen (Basel II), verbriefte Produkte, Rechnungs- achtung der Gruppe zu, dass die Aufsichtsbehörden, wie legungsvorschriften über die Berechnung nach dem aus den jüngsten Erfahrungen hervorgeht, sowohl bei Marktwert und zu prozyklischen Wirkungen von Re- der Behandlung von Einzelfällen als auch bei ihrem Vor- gulierungsmaßnahmen ergriffen. Die Branche ist der gehen gegenüber dem Finanzsystem insgesamt in erheb- Aufforderung der Kommission nachgekommen, auf lichem Maße versagt haben. Europäische Institute oder Indizes europäischer Institute bezogene Credit Default Swaps (Kreditausfallversiche- Die Kommission begrüßt insbesondere die Anregung rungen) an eine zentrale Clearingstelle zu übertragen, der Gruppe zu einer neuen europäischen Gesamtaufsicht die zum 31. Juli 2009 eingerichtet sein und über einen unter der Verantwortung der EZB und mit Beteiligung Regulierungs- und Aufsichtsrahmen verfügen soll. Wei- der Kommission und der europäischen Ausschüsse der tere Vorschläge wie zur Regulierung von Hedgefonds Aufsichtsbehörden, um Informationen über Risiken und anderen Nichtbank-Anlegern, zur Transparenz der zu gewinnen und zu prüfen, die über alle Finanzbran- Derivatemärkte und zur Verbesserung der Rechnungsle- chen hinweg den gesamten Sektor betreffen. Eine solche gungsvorschriften werden in den kommenden Monaten Einrichtung wäre in der Lage, Systemrisiken auf euro- vorrangig bearbeitet. päischer Ebene zu identifizieren und entsprechend zu warnen. Verbindliche Kontroll- und Überwachungsele- Von besonderem Interesse ist die Empfehlung der Grup- mente und die Möglichkeit einer Verweisung von Fällen pe in Bezug auf den Bedarf, ein Gerüst an EU-einheit- an ein weltweites Frühwarnsystem wären unerlässlich. lichen Standards zu entwickeln. Kritische Unterschiede in einzelstaatlichen Rechtsvorschriften aufgrund von Zur Aufsicht über einzelne Unternehmen hat die Gruppe Ausnahmen, Abweichungen oder Zusatzregelungen oder die Einrichtung eines Europäischen Systems der Finan- Zweideutigkeiten in geltenden Richtlinien sollten erfasst zaufsicht (ESFA) vorgeschlagen. In einer ersten Phase und beseitigt werden. Die Kommission wird daher eine würden die drei europäischen Ausschüsse der Aufsichts- bedeutende neue Initiative in diesem Sinne in die Wege behörden sowie die nationalen Aufsichtsbehörden ge- leiten. Die Feststellungen der Gruppe zu Sanktionsregeln stärkt und einheitlichere Befugnisse und Sanktionsregeln zeigen ferner, dass es auch in diesem Bereich eines neuen eingeführt. In einer zweiten Phase würden die Ausschüs- Anstoßes bedarf. se zu Behörden umgewandelt, die bestimmte Aufgaben auf europäischer Ebene ausführen, für die routinemäßige Aufsichtsmodelle auf einzelstaatlicher Grundlage bleiben Aufsicht über einzelne Unternehmen aber auf die Kol- hinter der Marktentwicklung zurück, da immer mehr legien der Aufsichtsbehörden und die einzelstaatlichen Banken und Versicherungen grenzüberschreitend tätig Aufsichtsbehörden zurückgreifen würden. Nach drei sind. Die Kommission hat bereits die Einrichtung von Jahren würde geprüft, ob das ESFA einer weiteren Kon- Kollegien der Aufsichtsbehörden vorgeschlagen, um die solidierung bedürfte. Zusammenarbeit bei der Beaufsichtigung von grenzüber- greifend tätigen Banken und Versicherungsunternehmen Die Kommission teilt die Auffassung der Gruppe, dass zu erleichtern. Die Koordinierung innerhalb der drei die Struktur der aktuellen Ausschüsse – deren Rolle die Impulse für den Aufschwung in Europa

Grenzen des rechtlich Möglichen erreicht hat – nicht ausreicht, um die finanzielle Stabilität in der EU und Um verantwortungsvolle und verlässliche Finanz- ihren Mitgliedstaaten zu gewährleisten, und dass die Un- märkte für die Zukunft zu schaffen, wird die Kom- zulänglichkeiten der gegenwärtigen Struktur so rasch wie mission ein ehrgeiziges neues Reformprogramm möglich beseitigt werden sollten. Die Kommission hält vorschlagen, mit dem fünf wesentliche Ziel erfüllt ein System für sinnvoll, in dem die Zusammenlegung werden sollen: bestimmter Zuständigkeiten auf der europäischen Ebene • Sie sollen der EU einen Aufsichtsrahmen an mit der Beibehaltung einer klaren Rolle für die einzel- die Hand geben, mit dem potenzielle Risiken staatlichen Aufsichtsbehörden kombiniert wird, die die früh erkannt und vor ihrem Eintreten wirksam engste Verbindung zum Alltagsgeschäft der Unterneh- angegangen werden, und der komplexen, men aufweisen. internationalen Finanzmärkten gerecht wird. Die Kommission wird vor Ende Mai ein Die Kommission stuft Maßnahmen in diesem Bereich Vorschlagpaket zum europäischen System als besonders dringlich ein und wird vorschlagen, die der Finanzaufsicht vorlegen, über das der Umsetzung der Empfehlungen der Gruppe zu beschleu- Europäische Rat im Juni befinden kann. nigen. Durch die Verbindung der beiden von der Gruppe Die Vorschläge über die dazu erforderlichen vorgeschlagenen Phasen sollte es schneller gelingen kön- gesetzgeberischen Änderungen werden im nen, Qualität und Kohärenz der Aufsicht in Europa zu Herbst folgen und sollten so zeitig angenommen verbessern und die drei bestehenden Ausschüsse in Be- werden, dass das neue Aufsichtssystem im Laufe 453 hörden eines europäischen Finanzaufsichtssystems um- des Jahres 2010 eingerichtet wird und seine zuwandeln. Außerdem wäre zu prüfen, ob diese Behör- Arbeit aufnehmen kann. Das Paket soll 2 Teile den teilweise zusammengelegt werden können, um eine umfassen: maximale Kohärenz, die Einheitlichkeit des Vorgehens sowie die Interaktion von Banken-, Versicherungs- und –– im Hinblick auf eine europäische Marktaufsichtsexperten zu fördern. Gesamtaufsicht Maßnahmen zum Aufbau einer europäische Einrichtung, die über Die Behörden könnten für die Aufsicht über die Kolle- die Stabilität des Finanzsystems insgesamt gien der Aufsichtsbehörden zuständig sein und in Bezug wachen soll; auf grenzübergreifend tätige Konzerne die letzte Ent- –– im Hinblick auf die Aufsicht über einzelne scheidungsgewalt innehaben, durch gemeinsame hohe Unternehmen Vorschläge zum Aufbau einer Standards und die Auslegung von aufsichtsrechtlichen europäischen Finanzaufsicht. Anforderungen einheitliche und bewährte Vorgehens- weisen fördern sowie im Frühwarnmechanismus und im • Sie sollen nach dem Grundsatz „Safety first“ Krisenmanagement in Zusammenarbeit mit der für das die Lücken schließen, die unzureichende oder Gesamtsystem zuständigen Einrichtung eine wichtige unvollständige europäische oder einzelstaatliche Rolle spielen. Regulierungen gelassen haben. Hierzu wird die Kommission Folgendes vorschlagen: Gestützt auf die Empfehlungen der de Larosière-Gruppe –– einen umfassenden Rechtsakt über wird die Kommission mit der Ausarbeitung von Vorschlä- gemeinsame Regulierungs- und gen für ein neues europäisches System der Finanzaufsicht Aufsichtsnormen für Hedgefonds, beginnen. Entsprechend den von den Mitgliedstaaten, Beteiligungskapitalfonds und sonstige den bestehenden Ausschüssen, dem Europäischen Parla- systemwichtige Marktteilnehmer (April 2009), ment, der EZB und anderen Beteiligten vorgebrachten Auffassungen wird die Kommission – in Einklang mit –– ein Weißbuch über Instrumente der den Grundsätzen der besseren Rechtsetzung – bei der frühzeitigen Krisenprävention (Juni 2009). Ausarbeitung ihrer Vorschläge eine Folgenabschätzung –– Maßnahmen für mehr Transparenz und vornehmen. finanzielle Stabilität bei Derivaten und anderen komplexen Finanzprodukten auf der Grundlage eines einschlägigen Berichts (Juni 2009), DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Die Kommission fordert den Europäischen Rat auf, diese –– Rechtsakte zur Stärkung von Qualität Reform auf seiner Frühjahrstagung im Hinblick auf den und Quantität des Eigenkapitals für anstehenden G20-Gipfel in London zu unterstützen. Wertpapierhandelstätigkeiten, zur Kontrolle Damit würden die Bereitschaft und die Entschlossenheit komplexer Verbriefungsmärkte (Juni 2009) der Europäischen Union deutlich, zur Durchführung des und zur Einschränkung des Liquiditätsrisikos Washingtoner Aktionsplans der G20 ehrgeizige Maß- und einer übermäßigen Kreditvergabe (Herbst nahmen zu ergreifen. Das Europäische Parlament und 2009), der Rat sollten aufgefordert werden, die entsprechenden –– ein laufendes Programm von Maßnahmen zur Vorschläge der Kommission mit dem gebührenden Vor- Vereinheitlichung der Aufsichtsregeln (mit rang zu behandeln. dem 2009 begonnen werden soll). • Sie sollen bewirken, dass europäische Anleger, 3. UNTERSTÜTZUNG DER Verbraucher und KMU im Hinblick auf ihre Ersparnisse, ihren Zugang zu Darlehen und ihre REALWIRTSCHAFT Rechte beim Umgang mit Finanzprodukten Vertrauen hegen können. Hierzu beabsichtigt Die Weltwirtschaft befindet sich in der schlimmsten Re- die Kommission: zession seit Jahrzehnten. Der Welthandel hat sich rapide verringert. Die Industrieproduktion hat gegen Ende –– eine Mitteilung über Anlageprodukte 454 2008 rapide nachgelassen. In den USA und Japan ging für Kleinanleger, mit der das BIP deutlich zurück, während China die niedrigste Sicherheitsvorkehrungen beim Vertrieb der Wachstumsrate seit 2001 verzeichnete, worin der drama- Produkte verbessert werden sollen (April tische Rückgang des Welthandels zum Ausdruck kommt. 2009), –– weitere Maßnahmen zur Stärkung des Die EU-Wirtschaft konnte von diesem weltweiten Ab- Schutzes von Einlegern, Anlegern und schwung nicht verschont bleiben. Sowohl der Euroraum Versicherungsnehmern (Herbst 2009), als auch die EU befinden sich inzwischen in einer schweren Rezession. Das verarbeitende Gewerbe und der Bau- –– Maßnahmen für verantwortungsvolles sektor wurden besonders hart getroffen; ihre geschätzten Kreditgebaren (Herbst 2009). Verluste belaufen sich auf das Gesamtjahr hochgerechnet • Sie sollen ferner das Risikomanagement auf 150 Mrd. EUR. Alleine in der Automobilindustrie in Finanzunternehmen verbessern und die ging die Produktion um 32,3 % zurück, wodurch auch Verknüpfung von Vergütungsanreizen mit viele andere Branchen in Mitleidenschaft gezogen wur- nachhaltigen Erfolgskriterien fördern. Hierzu den. Die Ausfuhren des verarbeitenden Gewerbes in plant die Kommission: Drittländer gingen im November/Dezember 2008 um 5,8 % zurück, und der innergemeinschaftliche Handel –– eine Aufwertung ihrer Empfehlung von 2004 lag um 13,7 % unter dem Vorjahreswert. über die Vergütung von Mitgliedern der Unternehmensleitung (April 2009), Das reale BIP dürfte 2009 um nahezu 2 % zurückge- 21 –– eine neue Empfehlung über die Vergütungen hen , sich 2010 aber dann wieder um rund ½ % er- im Finanzdienstleistungssektor (April 2009) holen, zum Teil weil sich die Folgen der politischen und anschließend Rechtsakte, durch die die Maßnahmen auf europäischer und nationaler Ebene im Befugnisse der Aufsichtsorgane auch auf die Rahmen des Europäischen Konjunkturprogramms be- Vergütungsregelungen ausgeweitet werden merkbar machen werden. (Herbst 2009). 3.1. Durchführung des Europäischen • Sie sollen wirkungsvollere Sanktionen gegen Fehlverhalten am Markt ermöglichen. Hierzu Konjunkturprogramms plant die Kommission: Im Dezember 2008 wurde auf der Grundlage von Kom- –– eine Überprüfung der Richtlinie über missionsvorschlägen ein ehrgeiziges Europäisches Kon- Marktmissbrauch (Herbst 2009), junkturprogramm vereinbart. Sein Hauptanliegen war –– Vorschläge für eine harmonisierte Stärkung eine gemeinsame Anstrengung, um Europas Wirtschaft und bessere Durchsetzung von Sanktionen einen unmittelbaren finanziellen Impuls zu geben und (Herbst 2009). 21 Prognose der Kommission vom Januar. Impulse für den Aufschwung in Europa sie gleichzeitig mit gezielten Investitionen für die lang- Von entscheidender Bedeutung ist eine wirksame und fristigen Herausforderungen zu wappnen. In dem Pro- rasche Durchführung dieser Maßnahmen. Ergänzend gramm wurde die besondere kurzfristige Rolle öffent- müssen aber auch die Rahmenbedingungen für Unter- licher Ausgaben angesichts der rückläufigen privaten nehmen verbessert werden. Es liegt massiv im Interesse Nachfrage ausdrücklich anerkannt. der EU, beim Übergang zu einer wissensbasierten und emissionsarmen Wirtschaft eine starke und wettbewerbs- Die Wirkung des Konjunkturprogramms wird sich erst fähige industrielle Grundlage zu bewahren. Angesichts in den kommenden Monaten in vollem Umfang be- der Komplexität moderner Industrieproduktion sowie merkbar machen, aber die ersten Zeichen sind sowohl der Größenvorteile und Diversifizierungsmöglichkeiten in Bezug auf den Umfang des Pakets als auch in Bezug des Binnenmarkts hat die EU in den letzten Jahren die auf die Richtung der Reformen positiv. Die meisten Mit- Umstellung von Hilfen für die Wirtschaft auf horizonta- gliedstaaten haben Konjunkturpakete verabschiedet oder le Maßnahmen gefördert. Damit können zur Unterstüt- angekündigt. Im Zeitraum 2009-2010 wird die Finanz- zung und Weiterentwicklung der Wirtschaft FuE, Inno- politik die Wirtschaft mit Mitteln in der Größenordnung vation, neue und umweltfreundliche Technologien sowie von 3,3 % des BIP unterstützen; das entspricht mehr als Ausbildungsmaßnahmen sowohl von der EU als auch auf 400 Milliarden Euro – ein potenziell gewaltiger Schub nationaler Ebene gefördert werden. Horizontale Maß- für Wachstum und Beschäftigung in der gesamten EU. nahmen dieser Art können in unterschiedlichen Wirt- schaftszweigen zum Einsatz kommen, wie der von der Ein Großteil dieser Unterstützung stammt aus dem Ein- Kommission am 25. Februar veröffentlichte EU-Beihil- satz automatischer Stabilisatoren, die in der EU besonders ferahmen für Maßnahmen zur Bewältigung der Krise in 455 23 stark sind. Hinzu kommen die vom Europäischen Kon- der europäischen Automobilindustrie veranschaulicht . junkturprogramm geforderten, nach eigenem Ermessen gestalteten Konjunkturpakete der Mitgliedstaaten in ei- Wegen ihres großen Beitrags zur Beschäftigung in der ner Größenordnung von 1,2 % des BIP, das allerdings je EU insgesamt messen die Mitgliedstaaten auch den nach finanzpolitischem Spielraum von Mitgliedstaat zu Bedürfnissen der KMU Priorität bei. Sie werden auf- Mitgliedstaat höchst unterschiedlich ausfällt. Weitere 30 gefordert, die Umsetzung des „Small Business Act“ zu Mrd. EUR (oder 0,3 % des BIP) wurden aus EU-Mitteln beschleunigen. Die Kommission wird in Kürze einen bereitgestellt22. Die Kommission hat vorgeschlagen, 5 Rechtsakt vorschlagen, der sich mit dem Problem des Mrd. EUR für zielgerichtete Investitionen in die Versor- Zahlungsverzugs befassen soll. Außerdem sollte das Po- gungssicherheit im Energiesektor und für die Anbindung tenzial einer besseren Rechtsetzung voll ausgeschöpft ländlicher Räume an das Hochgeschwindigkeits-Internet werden, insbesondere im Sinne einer Reduzierung der vorzusehen und die Vorauszahlungen aus Mitteln der Verwaltungslasten. Kohäsionspolitik um 11 Mrd. EUR zu erhöhen, von denen 7 Mrd. EUR in die neuen Mitgliedstaaten flie- Maßnahmen zur Qualifizierung, zur Förderung von ßen sollen. Ferner hat die Europäische Investitionsbank Forschungsinvestitionen, zur Verbesserung der Voraus- (EIB) ihre Darlehensfazilitäten für KMU um 15 Mrd. setzungen für Innovationen, zum Ausbau des Hochge- EUR aufgestockt. schwindigkeits-Internets, zur Erneuerung bestehender Verkehrs- und Energieinfrastruktur auch unter Rückgriff Die meisten Maßnahmen der Mitgliedstaaten sind ziel- auf neue öffentlich-private Partnerschaften sowie zum genau darauf ausgerichtet, die Nachfrage zu beleben: Ausbau der Energieeffizienz und der erneuerbaren Ener- Unterstützung für Haushalte und Unternehmen, Be- gien passen ebenfalls hervorragend zu den Zielen des Eu- schäftigungsförderung, unmittelbare Nachfrageerhö- ropäischen Konjunkturprogramms. Diese Maßnahmen hung durch öffentliche Investitionen und die Moderni- würden durch eine rasche Annahme der vorgeschlagenen sierung der Infrastruktur (Einzelheiten siehe Anhang II). Änderungen der Vorschriften zur Kohäsionspolitik er- Die meisten dieser Maßnahmen stehen mit den in den leichtert. Die Mitgliedstaaten werden eingeladen, die mit länderspezifischen Empfehlungen im Rahmen der Lissa- diesen Änderungen gebotenen Möglichkeiten voll auszu- bon-Strategie für Wachstum und Beschäftigung aufge- schöpfen, um wichtige Investitionen zu beschleunigen. führten längerfristigen Zielen wie Bildung und Qualifi- zierung, Förderung der Energiesicherheit und Umstieg Von existenzieller Bedeutung wird es sein, die langfris- auf eine emissionsarme Wirtschaft in Einklang. tigen Folgen der Krise für die Finanzen der öffentlichen Hand zu erkennen und zu bewältigen und die Folgen für die Renten- und Gesundheitssysteme zu meistern. Die Haushaltsdefizite sollten vor allem angesichts der

22 Darin enthalten sind eine Reihe neue öffentlich-privater Partnerschaften. 23 KOM (2009) 104 vom 25.2.2009. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

künftigen Kosten der Bevölkerungsalterung auf Positi- Durch die Inanspruchnahme des beschleunigten Verga- onen zurückgeführt werden, die mit der notwendigen beverfahrens können mit Investitionen verbundene öf- langfristigen Tragfähigkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen in fentliche Aufträge binnen eines Monats vergeben werden. Einklang stehen, sobald die Wirtschaftslage es zulässt Der befristete Rahmen für staatliche Beihilfen erleichtert Die langfristige Tragfähigkeit sollte innerhalb des vom den Unternehmen den Zugang zu Finanzmitteln, wenn Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt vorgegebenen Rahmens Banken sich bei der Darlehensvergabe zurückhalten. Die verwirklicht werden. Mitgliedstaaten können über öffentliche Einrichtungen zusätzliche Bürgschaften für Ausfuhrkredite abgeben, Einige Mitgliedstaaten sind im Begriff, ihr Haushalts- wenn diese auf dem freien Markt wegen der Finanzkrise defizit zu reduzieren, um ihre Kreditabhängigkeit zu nicht länger erhältlich sind. verringern. Das System des mittelfristigen finanziellen Beistands zur Stützung der Zahlungsbilanzen von nicht Gleichzeitig muss auch die EU selbst bestrebt sein, die dem Euro-Raum angehörigen Mitgliedstaaten wurde Rahmenbedingungen für die Unternehmen weiter zu nach einer rechtzeitigen Unterstützung für Ungarn und verbessern und kleine und mittlere Unternehmen zu Lettland ausgebaut. unterstützen, denen wahrscheinlich bei einer Erholung der Konjunktur eine Vorreiterrolle zufallen wird. Die Das Europäische Konjunkturprogramm ist Teil der Lis- Kommission hat vor kurzem Vorschläge vorgelegt, um sabon-Strategie für Wachstum und Beschäftigung in der die Buchführungslasten für Kleinstunternehmen zu ver- gegenwärtigen Krise. Es bietet das richtige Gleichgewicht ringern, was eine Entlastung der Unternehmen um rund 456 zwischen kurzfristigen Anschubmaßnahmen und der er- 6 Mrd. EUR zur Folge haben könnte25, und sie wird die forderlichen langfristigen Perspektive. Europa sollte aus mit neuen Initiativen verbundenen Belastungen weiter- dieser Krise besser gewappnet für die Herausforderungen hin sorgfältig abwägen. Die rechtzeitige Umsetzung der einer Weltwirtschaft hervorgehen, in der Emissionsar- Dienstleistungsrichtlinie in diesem Jahr wird ebenfalls mut und Innovation eine immer größere Rolle spielen. zur Förderung neuer Wirtschaftstätigkeiten und Beschäf- tigungsmöglichkeiten beitragen. Die Kommission wird die Wirkung der ergriffenen Maßnahmen gemeinsam mit den Mitgliedstaaten genau Die Aufrechterhaltung des Binnenmarkts und ein Ein- beobachten und dem Europäischen Rat vor seiner Juni- treten für die gleichen Werte außerhalb Europas wird tagung berichten. der EU eine Trumpfkarte für die Rückkehr zum Wachs- tumspfad an die Hand geben. Protektionismus und die 3.2. Der Binnenmarkt als Rückbesinnung auf nationale Märkte können hingegen nur zu Stagnation, tieferer und längerer Rezession und Konjunkturhebel Wohlstandseinbußen führen. Die konjunkturelle Erholung Europas wird von unserer Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen in ihren Maßnahmen zur Fähigkeit abhängen, den Binnen- und den Weltmarkt zu Krisenbewältigung die Binnenmarktdimension berück- unserem größtmöglichen Vorteil zu nutzen. Der Binnen- sichtigen. Nahezu alle Mitgliedstaaten werden während markt war der Motor für wirtschaftlichen und sozialen der Krise die einheimische Wirtschaftstätigkeit unter- Wohlstand und für die Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen in stützen. Der intelligente Einsatz der einzelstaatlichen der EU24. Er bietet Größen- und Effizienzvorteile und Hebel im europäischen Kontext ist die beste Garantie die Chance, die Stärken der EU auszuschöpfen. Er kann dafür, dass die gewünschte Wirkung erzielt wird. zu einem wesentlichen Motor der konjunkturellen Erho- lung werden, wenn er auf der europäischen Ebene umfassend koordiniert wird. Die einzelstaatlichen Maßnahmen sind erfolgverspre- chender, wenn die Mitgliedstaaten darauf bauen können, dass sie sich den Binnenmarkt zunutze machen können. Die Kommission hat im Interesse einer abgestimmten Die Kommission ist bereit, die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Reaktion auf die Krise dafür gesorgt, dass die Mitglied- Konzeption und Durchführung konkreter Maßnahmen staaten bei der Ausarbeitung ihrer nachfragestützenden partnerschaftlich zu unterstützen und den Austausch Maßnahmen die Flexibilität, die ihnen die bestehenden von bewährten Konzepten und Erfahrungen zu fördern. Gemeinschaftsregeln bieten, voll ausschöpfen können. Diese Abstimmung kann gewährleisten, dass die Maß- nahmen eine maximale positive Hebelwirkung entfalten. 24 Der Binnenmarkt hat den Wohlstand in der EU jährlich um Dazu gehörten die gegenseitige Inforation über die er- 2,15 % des EU-BIP gesteigert und zwischen 1992 und 2006 griffenen Maßnahmen und eine gemeinsame Bewertung die Schaffung von 2,75 Mio. zusätzlichen Arbeitsplätzen ermöglicht. Der innergemeinschaftliche Handel hat gemessen am BIP zwischen 1995 und 2005 um 30 % zugenommen. 25 KOM(2009) 83 vom 26.2.2009. Impulse für den Aufschwung in Europa ihrer Folgen. Anhang III enthält weitere Orientierungs- für die Zeit nach -2010 zusammenarbeiten. Beginnen hilfen, wie die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Konzeption von wird dieser Prozess mit einer allgemeinen Überprü- Konjunkturmaßnahmen die Einhaltung der wichtigsten fung der überarbeiteten Lissabon-Strategie während einschlägigen Gemeinschaftsvorschriften gewährleisten der schwedischen Präsidentschaft; Beschlüsse sollten im können. Frühjahr 2010 während der spanischen Präsidentschaft folgen. 3.3. Erneuerung der europäischen Wirtschaft über die Krise hinaus Die Wirkung des Konjunkturprogramms wird sich erst in den kommenden Monaten in vollem Umfang An den schmerzhaften Auswirkungen dieser Finanz- und bemerkbar machen, aber die ersten Zeichen sind Wirtschaftskrise für die europäischen Haushalte und sowohl in Bezug auf den Umfang des Pakets als auch Unternehmen besteht kein Zweifel. Der Weg wird nur in Bezug auf die Richtung der Reformen positiv. in kleinen Schritten gangbar sein und eine umfassende Mobilisierung aller Beteiligten für eine beschleunigte –– Die meisten Mitgliedstaaten haben inzwischen Durchführung der in der Lissabon-Strategie vorgese- finanzpolitische Konjunkturpakete beschlossen, henen Strukturreformen erforderlich machen.. Durch mit denen das Gesamtziel von 1,5 % des EU- eine Bündelung unserer Anstrengungen und die größt- BIP erreicht wird.. Unter Berücksichtigung der mögliche Ausschöpfung unserer Wettbewerbsvorteile – Folgen der automatischen Stabilisatoren belaufen insbesondere unseres Binnenmarktes – können wir ge- sich die für die Konjunktur zur Verfügung 457 währleisten, dass Europa aus dieser Rezession schneller gestellten Finanzmittel auf etwa 33,3% des BIP, herauskommt. was einem Betrag von mehr als 400 Mrd. EUR entspricht – ein gewaltiger Schub für Wachstum Wenn wir fest zu unseren gemeinsamen Werten und und Beschäftigung in der gesamten EU. längerfristigen politischen Zielen stehen, werden wir mit –– Die meisten Maßnahmen der Mitgliedstaaten unseren Maßnahmen gegen die Krise die Grundlagen für sind zielgenau darauf ausgerichtet, die einen reibungslosen Übergang in die Wirtschaft der Zu- Nachfrage zu beleben, und stehen mit den kunft vorbereiten. Wir sollten daher in unseren Bemü- längerfristigen Zielen wie der Anhebung des hungen um einen Übergang in eine emissionsarme Wirt- Qualifikations- und Bildungsniveaus, der schaft nicht nachlassen. Wenn der Aufschwung einsetzt, Förderung der Innovationstätigkeit, dem dürften grüne Technologien und Produkte zu den füh- Ausbau des Hochgeschwindigkeits-Internets renden Märkten gehören. Wir müssen uns jetzt im Zuge und der Erneuerung bestehender Verkehrs- und der Krisenbewältigung um die Verbesserung der Struktu- Energieinfrastruktur in Einklang. ren bemühen. Unternehmen werden sich umstrukturie- ren, einige werden ihre Tätigkeiten diversifizieren, und –– Die Kommission hat dafür gesorgt, dass einige werden vielleicht den Markt verlassen. Der Prozess die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Ausarbeitung der Reprivatisierung verstaatlichter Unternehmen und ihrer nachfragestützenden Maßnahmen die generell der Rückführung der staatlichen Intervention Flexibilität, die ihnen die Gemeinschaftsregeln auf ein normales Maß muss behutsam gesteuert werden. bieten, voll ausschöpfen können. Die Die Wettbewerbspolitik der Gemeinschaft kann diesen Kommission hat beispielsweise vor Kurzem entscheidenden Prozess unterstützen und für offene, effi- Leitlinien für Maßnahmen zugunsten der ziente und innovative Lösungen sorgen. Automobilindustrie vorgestellt, um den Mitgliedstaaten bei der Förderung der Die Lösungen dieser Krise werden auch bei der Erneue- Umstrukturierung dieses Wirtschaftszweiges rung des Fahrplans für die Strukturreformen berücksich- Orientierungshilfe zu bieten. tigt werden müssen. Aufbauend auf den Lehren aus den jüngsten Erfahrungen beabsichtigt die Kommission, eine Debatte über die Integrierten Leitlinien für Wachstum und Beschäftigung einzuleiten, die den Mitgliedstaaten und der Gemeinschaft bei der Ausarbeitung ihrer Struk- turreform-Programme Orientierung bieten soll.

Sie wird eng mit den Mitgliedstaaten und den übrigen Akteuren der Lissabon-Strategie bei der Einbeziehung der Ergebnisse dieser Debatte in die Lissabon-Strategie DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Dank des Binnenmarktes werden alle Mitgliedstaaten –– Wir sollten den Binnenmarkt für unsere direkt und indirekt von den Aufträgen für Waren Handelspartner offen halten und internationale und Dienstleistungen profitieren, die infolge dieses Verpflichtungen insbesondere innerhalb der Konjunkturpakets vergeben werden. Dabei sollten WTO einhalten. sie besonders positive Auswirkungen im gesamten Im Einklang mit dem Europäischen Konjunkturpro- Binnenmarkt im Auge haben, der die Triebfeder für gramm sollten die Mitgliedstaaten dafür Sorge tragen, wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Wohlstand und Beschäf- dass ihre Konjunkturpakete mit einer Beschleunigung tigung in der EU war und bleiben wird. der Strukturreformen in den in den länderspezifischen Zu diesem Zweck sollten die Mitgliedstaaten ihre Empfehlungen im Rahmen der Lissabon-Strategie für Maßnahmen zur Stützung der Realwirtschaft an Wachstum und Beschäftigung aufgeführten Bereichen folgenden Grundsätzen ausrichten: einhergehen. Dies ist der beste Weg, um zu gewähr- leisten, dass die Ausgaben effizient getätigt werden, Der EU-Binnenmarkt sollte offengehalten, –– das Wachstumspotenzial stärken und die langfristige bestehende Hindernisse weiterhin beseitigt und Haushaltsperspektive so wenig wie möglich schädigen. neue vermieden werden. Europa muss die Chancen, die diese Krise bietet, nut- –– Durch die Behandlung von Waren und zen, um aus ihr besser gewappnet für die Herausfor- Dienstleistungen aus anderen Mitgliedstaaten derungen einer Weltwirtschaft hervorzugehen, in der in Einklang mit den EU-Regeln und den Emissionsarmut, IKT, Innovation und Knowhow eine 458 Grundsätzen der Verträge sollte jegliche immer größere Rolle spielen. Diskriminierung ausgeschlossen werden. Die Kommission wird die Fortschritte regelmäßig be- –– Das Eingreifen der öffentlichen Hand sollte obachten und rechtzeitig vor den nächsten Tagungen der Verwirklichung unserer längerfristigen des Europäischen Rates berichten. Sie wird die Ergeb- politischen Ziele dienen. Der Strukturwandel nisse des Konjunkturprogramms in die vorbereitenden sollte erleichtert, die langfristige Arbeiten für die Nach-Lissabon-Strategie ab 2010 Wettbewerbsfähigkeit gestärkt und wichtige einfließen lassen. Herausforderungen wie der Umstieg auf eine emissionsarme Wirtschaft angegangen werden. –– Die entscheidende Rolle der KMU sollte durch 4. HILFE FÜR DIE MENSCHEN IN Anwendung des Prinzips des „zuerst an die DER KRISE kleinen Betriebe denken“ ungeingeschränkt berücksichtigt werden. Die Auswirkungen des Abschwungs auf Haushalte und –– Ein reger Informations- und Arbeitnehmer werden nun deutlicher. Die Arbeitsmarkt- Erfahrungsaustausch sollte die Größenvorteile situation, die in den letzten Jahren gut war, verschlechtert zur Geltung bringen und eine maximale sich mittlerweile schnell und erheblich. Die Kommission Wirkung der Maßnahmen gewährleisten. geht davon aus, dass das Beschäftigungswachstum in den nächsten beiden Jahren negativ sein wird. Die Arbeitslo- –– Die Maßnahmen sollten so gebündelt und senquote dürfte deutlich ansteigen. Auch wenn sich die konzipiert werden, dass sie zusammen mit Lage von Mitgliedstaat zu Mitgliedstaat unterschiedlich denjenigen der übrigen Mitgliedstaaten darstellt, wird davon ausgegangen, dass die Gesamtbe- Synergien entfalten. Entscheidend ist hierbei schäftigung in diesem Jahr um 1,6 % - d.h. um rund eine engere Zusammenarbeit auf europäischer 3,5 Millionen Arbeitsplätze – schrumpft, und dass die Ebene. Arbeitslosenquote in der EU im Jahr 2010 bei 10 % lie- –– Mit der im erneuerten Stabilitäts- und gen könnte. Wachstumspakt enthaltenen Flexibilität sollte verantwortungsbewusst umgegangen werden, Einige Arbeitsmarktanpassungen machen die Auswir- um so rasch wie möglich wieder Kurs auf mit kungen erfolgreicher Strukturreformen in der Vergan- dem Grundsatz nachhaltiger öffentlicher genheit deutlich. Hierdurch sollten raschere Verbesse- Finanzen in Einklang stehende Defizite rungen möglich werden, wenn die Konjunktur wieder nehmen zu können, während die Gründe für anspringt; dennoch ist deutlich, dass der kurzfristige die makroökonomischen Ungleichgewichte Schaden groß sein wird. Junge Menschen, Menschen mit entschlossen angegangen werden. befristeten Arbeitsverträgen und Migranten dürften am stärksten getroffen werden. Impulse für den Aufschwung in Europa

4.1. Linderung des durch die Krise Zur Unterstützung der Mitgliedstaaten bei der Bewäl- hervorgerufenen menschlichen tigung der Krise und der Umsetzung der Konjunktur- Leids maßnahmen werden die verfügbaren Finanzinstrumente gestärkt. Der neu gestaltete Europäische Fonds für die Anpassung an die Globalisierung26 kann rasch aktiviert Die meisten Mitgliedstaaten haben Beschäftigungs- und werden, um den von erheblichem Arbeitsplatzabbau Sozialmaßnahmen ergriffen, um die Menschen zu unter- betroffenen Arbeitnehmern und ihren Gemeinden zu stützen und das durch die Krise hervorgerufene mensch- helfen. liche Leid zu lindern. Während die Mitgliedstaaten in vorderster Linie stehen, um diesen Herausforderungen Aus den gegenwärtigen Programmen des Europäischen zu begegnen, helfen Maßnahmen auf europäischer Ebe- Sozialfonds (ESF) werden jährlich neun Millionen Ar- ne ihnen bei der Gestaltung und Umsetzung wirksamer beitnehmer gefördert; 10,8 Mrd. EUR stehen allein 2009 Antworten auf die Herausforderungen auf dem Arbeits- als Finanzhilfen im Rahmen des ESF zur Verfügung. Der markt und beim sozialen Zusammenhalt. Fonds kann in krisenbedingten Notsituationen helfen, beispielsweise bei der Angleichung von Nachfrage und Die Mitgliedstaaten konzentrieren ihre Maßnahmen auf Angebot an Arbeitsstellen, gemeinsame Initiativen von vier Schwerpunkte: Sozialpartnern unterstützen, soziale Innovation und Beschäftigungspartnerschaften fördern oder staatliche • Maßnahmen zum Erhalt bestehender Arbeitsplätze: Arbeitsvermittlungsstellen stärken. Die Vereinfachung befristete Zuschläge, verminderte Sozialversiche- der ESF-Bestimmungen27 wird zu einem unmittelbaren 459 rungsbeiträge, Entlastung bei den Lohnkosten und Anstieg der Vorauszahlungen um 1,8 Mrd. EUR führen. Unterstützung für KMU; In allen Fällen, wo die ESF-Planung an den Krisenbedarf • Maßnahmen zur Gewährleistung einer raschen angepasst werden muss, gewährleistet die Kommission, (Wieder-) Eingliederung in den Arbeitsmarkt: be- dass Planungsänderungen so rasch wie möglich vorge- rufliche Bildung und Unterstützung Benachteiligter, nommen werden. Änderung der Leistungen bei Krankheit oder Erwerb- sunfähigkeit sowie neue Kriterien für die Gewährung Während weitere Maßnahmen zur Beschäftigungsförde- von Arbeitslosenunterstützung; rung von den Mitgliedstaaten in Zusammenarbeit mit den Sozialpartnern auf ihre speziellen Wirtschaftsbe- • Maßnahmen zur Unterstützung der am stärksten dingungen und die Arbeitsmarktsituation zugeschnit- Benachteiligten: Anhebung der Mindesteinkom- ten werden müssen, ist darauf zu achten, dass sie dem men/-Löhne, erweiterter Abdeckungsbereich oder langfristigen Bedarf an Strukturreformen weiterhin längere Laufzeit von Arbeitslosenunterstützung, entsprechen. Die Maßnahmen sollten die langfristige höhere Wohn- oder Familienzulagen, Steuerermäßi- Umstrukturierung der am stärksten betroffenen Sekto- gungen oder -befreiungen sowie Maßnahmen gegen ren erleichtern und ihre Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und ihr Überschuldung oder Zwangsversteigerungen; Humankapital verbessern. Sie sollten auch dazu beitra- • Maßnahmen zur Stärkung des sozialen Schutzes und gen, wichtige langfristige Herausforderungen wie die der Infrastrukturnetze in den Bereichen Soziales Auswirkungen der Bevölkerungsalterung auf das Ar- und Gesundheit: Investitionen in den Bau von beitsplatzangebot zu bewältigen und die Chancen einer Wohnungen und Krankenhäusern, Grundversorgung, CO2-armen Wirtschaft zu nutzen. dauerhafte Infrastrukturen im Bereich Gesundheit und Schulen sowie Maßnahmen zur nachhaltigen Um positive Spill-over-Effekte zu maximieren und ge- Sicherung der Pensionsfonds. meinsam die nie dagewesenen Herausforderungen der Krise besser zu bewältigen, fördert die Kommission das Die Auswirkungen der Krise auf Beschäftigung und Sozi- gegenseitige Lernen und den Austausch bewährter Ver- ales sind immer noch nicht völlig absehbar, aber in jedem fahren zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten. Fall schlimmer als zum Zeitpunkt der ersten Gegenmaß- nahmen erwartet. Daher müssen die Anstrengungen zur Bekämpfung der Arbeitslosigkeit und zur Anpassung und Modernisierung der sozialen Sicherungssysteme und des Gesundheitswesens auf allen Ebenen intensiviert werden. Einkommenshilfen in Verbindung mit aktiven Maßnahmen werden die Nachfrage stärken, die Wieder- eingliederung in den Arbeitsmarkt erleichtern und die soziale Ausgrenzung vermeiden. 26 KOM (2008) 867 vom 16.12.2008. 27 KOM (2008) 813 vom 26.11.2008. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Die folgenden Elemente können den Mitgliedstaa- Überschuldung und zur Aufrechterhaltung des ten bei der Entwicklung angemessener und wirksa- Zugangs zu Finanzdienstleistungen. In Ländern mer Maßnahmen helfen: mit stärker umlagenbasierten Rentensystemen ist die Erholung der Pensionsfonds entschei- –– Erhalt bestehender Arbeitsplätze, insbesondere dend, um das jetzige und künftige Einkommen durch finanzielle Unterstützung auch über- der Rentner zu sichern. gehend flexibler Arbeitszeitregelungen. Die vorübergehende Anpassung der Arbeitszeiten –– Die Gewährleistung der Freizügigkeit der (Kurzarbeit) an den Produktionsbedarf kann Arbeitnehmer innerhalb des Binnenmarktes wesentlich zur Arbeitsflexibilität beitragen. schafft neue Chancen. Sie kann dazu beitragen, Durch die Verhinderung von Massenentlas- das anhaltende Missverhältnis zwischen den sungen könnten die sozialen Folgen der Krise Qualifikationen und dem Arbeitsmarktbedarf gedämpft, den Unternehmen erhebliche Ent- auszugleichen, selbst während des Abschwungs. lassungs- und (Neu)-Einstellungskosten erspart Die Entsende-Richtlinie erleichtert die Freizü- und der Verlust von firmeneigenen Human- gigkeit der Arbeitnehmer bei der grenzüber- kapital verhindert werden. Diese Maßnahmen greifenden Bereitstellung von Dienstleistungen müssen kombiniert werden mit Maßnahmen und schützt wirksam gegen Sozialdumping. Die zur Förderung der Vermittelbarkeit und zur Kommission bemüht sich mit den Mitgliedstaa- Vermittlung von Arbeitsstellen, wodurch die ten und Sozialpartnern um eine gemeinsame 460 Arbeitnehmer neue Chancen nutzen kön- Auslegung der Richtlinie, um zu gewährleisten, nen, sobald der Aufschwung kommt. Diese dass ihre praktische Umsetzung - insbesondere Maßnahmen müssen koordiniert werden, um die Verwaltungszusammenarbeit zwischen den negative Spill-over-Effekte in anderen Mitglied- Mitgliedstaaten - wie geplant verläuft. staaten zu verhindern. –– Erwägung von Hilfsmaßnahmen wie die Sen- –– Stärkere Nutzung und Bereitstellung ange- kung von Lohnnebenkosten für Geringqualifi- messener Einkommenshilfen für die von der zierte. Lohnentwicklungen und finanzpolitische Wirtschaftskrise am stärksten Betroffenen, und Maßnahmen sollten die Wettbewerbsposition zwar unter voller Nutzung der Sozialversiche- und das Produktivitätswachstum der einzelnen rungsleistungen entsprechend dem Flexicuri- Mitgliedsstaaten berücksichtigen. ty-Konzept. In Ländern mit zeitlich deutlich –– Bereitstellung ausreichender Unterstützung begrenzter Arbeitslosenunterstützung sollte zur Behandlung der Probleme der Jugend- über eine vorübergehende Ausweitung und/ arbeitslosigkeit und Schulabbrecher. Schul- oder eine Anhebung der Mindesteinkommen fehlzeiten und Arbeitslosigkeit im Jugendalter nachgedacht werden. Wiedereingliederungs- können lang anhaltende Folgen zeitigen. Die anreize sollten beibehalten, und Benachteiligte Mitgliedstaaten sollten sich auf eine zuneh- entsprechend der aktiven Integrationsstrategie mende Nachfrage nach Aus- und Fortbildung unterstützt werden. vorbereiten und diese fördern, da die heutigen –– Investitionen in Umschulungsmaßnahmen Studenten sich fortbilden und freigestellte und Fortbildung, insbesondere für Kurzar- Arbeiter sich um Neuqualifikationen bemühen. beiter und in vom Niedergang betroffenen In dieser Hinsicht können bereits jetzt Arbeits- Bereichen. Vorzug sollten auf den zukünftigen marktbereiche mit Wachstumschancen wie der Arbeitsmarktbedarf ausgerichtete Fortbildungs- Umweltschutz genannt werden. maßnahmen, z.B. im Bereich Umweltschutz, –– Integrationsmaßnahmen zur Änderung erhalten. Gefördert werden sollte die Antizi- des Kündigungsschutzes im Rahmen eines pierung des künftigen Qualifizierungsbedarfs. Flexicurity-Konzepts für alle Bestandteile Die Arbeit der Arbeitsvermittlungsstellen sollte zur Verringerung der Segmentierung und im Hinblick auf die erhöhte Arbeitslosigkeit zur Verbesserung der Funktionsweise der verbessert werden. Arbeitsmärkte. –– Abfederung der unmittelbaren Auswirkungen der Finanzkrise auf Einzelpersonen durch besondere Maßnahmen zur Verhinderung der Impulse für den Aufschwung in Europa

4.2. Ein Beschäftigungsgipfel für 5. FÖRDERUNG DES GLOBALEN Europa AUFSCHWUNGS: DER Ein europäisches Konzept kann die Bemühungen der EUROPÄISCHE BEITRAG ZUM Mitgliedstaaten, das Beschäftigungsproblem zu bewäl- G20-GIPFEL tigen und Verzerrungen zu vermeiden, ergänzen. Der europäische Beschäftigungsgipfel im Mai bietet Gelegen- Es handelt sich um eine globale Krise. Das Ausmaß und heit zu einer Bestandsaufnahme und zur Vereinbarung die Geschwindigkeit, mit der eine Erschütterung auf einem weiterer konkreter Maßnahmen. Er wird gemeinsam mit systemisch wichtigen Finanzmarkt alsbald auf das Finanz- den Sozialpartnern vorbereitet und stützt sich auf die im system und die realen Volkswirtschaften weltweit überge- letzten Jahr im Zusammenhang mit der erneuerten Sozi- griffen hat, haben gezeigt, wie stark verflochten die Welt alagenda gemachten Fortschritte. mittlerweile ist. Der Gipfel sollte drei Ziele verfolgen: Die EU hat bei der Herausbildung der Erkenntnis, dass globale Lösungen erforderlich sind, eine führende Rolle ge- • Er sollte dazu beitragen, den Aufschwung durch eine spielt. Der EU-Initiative folgend, wurde beim Washingto- Konzentration auf Strukturreformen zur Schaffung ner G20Gipfel der im November 2008 ein Aktionsplan zur flexiblerer, sichererer und integrativere Arbeitsmärkte Erneuerung der internationalen Finanz-Architektur verein- zu beschleunigen. bart, um sie den Realitäten der Globalisierung anzupassen. 461 • Er sollte zu einem konzertierten Vorgehen zur Verrin- gerung der sozialen Folgen der Krise führen. Die EU muss auch auf dem G20Gipfel am 2. April in Lon- don geschlossen auftreten. Wir können bei dieser Aufgabe • Schließlich sollte er zu einem neuen Konsens mit den aufgrund unserer langjährigen und erfolgreichen Erfahrun- Sozialpartnern und den Beteiligten führen, wie die gen mit regionaler Marktintegration und dem effizienten Sozialpolitik zum gegenseitigen Nutzen von Arbeitge- Aufbau von Institutionen ein starker und einflussreicher bern und Arbeitnehmern zu modernisieren ist. Partner sein. Einen besonderen Schwerpunkt bilden Maßnahmen zur Bewältigung der Arbeitslosigkeit, wobei der Integration Da die Durchführung des Europäischen Konjunkturpro- jüngerer und benachteiligter Arbeitnehmer in den Ar- gramms an Schwung gewinnt, ist die Europäische Union beitsmarkt das Hauptaugenmerk gewidmet wird. Der vor dem Hintergrund einer ehrgeizigen Reform der europäi- Gipfel sollte sich damit beschäftigen, wie die EU-Politik schen Finanzmärkte besonders geeignet, um beim Vorschla- entsprechend den Empfehlungen der Lissabon-Strategie gen konkreter Lösungen, die zu wirksamen Ergebnissen auf für Wachstum und Beschäftigung die Bemühungen der globaler Ebene führen können, eine Vorreiterrolle zu spielen. Mitgliedstaaten besser unterstützen kann, insbesondere bei der Bewältigung der strukturellen Schwächen des Diese Bemühungen gehen einher mit der Notwendig- Arbeitsmarktes. keit globaler Lösungen im Klimaschutz. Der Übergang

zu einer CO2-armen Wirtschaft sollte neue Wachstum- Der Gipfel wird gemeinsam mit den Sozialpartnern schancen nicht nur in Europa, sondern weltweit eröffnen. und in Absprache mit allen Beteiligten vorbereitet. Zur Der Londoner Gipfel sollte daher seine Verpflichtung zu Sammlung von Beiträgen für die Themen und mögliche einem ehrgeizigen und globalen Ergebnis der UN-Klima- Ergebnisse des Gipfels organisiert die Kommission eine schutzverhandlungen im Dezember 2009 in Kopenhagen Reihe von Arbeitsgruppen in mehreren Mitgliedstaaten, bekräftigen. um das Europäische Parlament, die Sozialpartner, NRO und die Bürgergesellschaft zusammenzubringen. Dies Wir sollten ebenfalls dafür sorgen, dass beim Londoner ergänzt den laufenden Austausch der Kommission mit Gipfel klare Aussagen über die Notwendigkeit zur Offen- den Mitgliedstaaten und den Sozialpartnern im Rahmen haltung der globalen Märkte getroffen werden. Auch wenn des europäischen sozialen Dialogs. Dieser breit angelegte historisch weltweit erwiesen ist, dass sich Protektionismus und offene Vorbereitungsprozess sollte als solide Grund- in Zeiten des Abschwungs katastrophal auswirkt, kann der lage dienen, damit im Mai ein ehrgeiziger Konsens mit innenpolitische Druck, restriktive Maßnahmen zu ergrei- einer Reihe konkreter Ergebnisse erzielt werden kann. fen, stark sein. Eine eindeutige Botschaft ist wichtig, um diese Gefahren abzuwehren.

Potentielle EU-Beitrittskandidaten und Nachbarlän- der spüren ebenfalls die Auswirkungen der Krise. Die DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Kommission will mit den europäischen und internationalen Finanzinstitutionen zusammenarbeiten, um ihre wirt- –– Vernünftige Regulierung: Regulierung schaftliche Stabilität und Entwicklung zu fördern. Sie hat und Überwachung, insbesondere die den von der Europäischen Bank für Wiederaufbau und Aufsichtsregeln des Baseler Ausschusses sollten Entwicklung (EBWE), der EIB und der Weltbank entwi- auf alle relevanten systemischen Akteure - ckelten Aktionsplan zur Unterstützung und Stärkung der Hedge-Fonds, Private-Equity und andere Banken und zur Förderung des Kreditwesens in einigen nicht-regulierte Kreditinstitute - ausgeweitet mittel- und osteuropäischen Volkswirtschaften begrüßt. werden. Rating-Agenturen müssen strengen Anforderungen unterliegen, um Qualität und Schließlich müssen wir angesichts der weit reichenden Transparenz der Ratings und den Ausschluss Auswirkungen der globalen Krise und der daraus resul- von Interessenkonflikten zu gewährleisten. tierenden Bremswirkung auf die Entwicklungsländer zu Die Vergütungspolitik ist zur Vermeidung unserer Verpflichtung stehen, ihnen durch die Krise, aus kurzfristiger übermäßiger Risiken neu der Armut und in nachhaltiges Wachstum zu helfen. Sie auszurichten und unter Aufsicht zu stellen. bei der Verfolgung der Millenniums-Entwicklungsziele –– Förderung der Integrität der Finanzmärkte: zu unterstützen, ist von zentraler Bedeutung für die glo- Eine Liste der nicht kooperierenden Länder bale Erholung in einer nachhaltigen offenen Wirtschaft. und gemeinsame Maßnahmen gegen sie in den Bereichen Aufsicht, Anti-Geldwäsche, Die EU muss ihre überseeischen Entwicklungshilfe Terrorismusfinanzierung und Steuern sollten 462 (ODA)-Verpflichtungen einhalten, damit sie zusammen konzipiert werden. Die Banken sollten durch mit anderen zur Verfügung stehenden Mitteln zur Förde- erhöhte aufsichtsrechtliche Anforderungen rung von Wachstum, Investitionen, Handel sowie für die und strengere Transparenzvorschriften davon Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen verwendet werden kann. abgehalten werden, in Off-shore-Zentren29 Mithilfe der verschiedenen Instrumente der Kommission, zu operieren. Die Vorschriften über die der Mitgliedstaaten und der EIB sollte sich die EU auf Aufbewahrung und Übertragung vermittelter Tätigkeitsbereiche wie Landwirtschaft, Klimawandel und Wertpapiere müssen auf globaler Ebene Infrastruktur konzentrieren, wo eine direkte antizyklische harmonisiert werden. Wirkung erreicht werden kann. Diese Anstrengungen sollten einhergehen mit einer großen Verantwortung seitens der –– Stärkung der internationalen Entwicklungsländer bei der Gewährleistung einer guten ma- Zusammenarbeit im Aufsichtswesen: Globale kroökonomischen und haushaltspolitischen Governance. Aufsichtsgremien sollten eingerichtet werden und die Vollmachten erhalten, die für ein wirksames Vorgehen notwendig sind. Die Auf dem Londoner Gipfel sollte die EU entspre- Aufsichtsgremien sollten bewährte Verfahren chend ihren laufenden internen Beschlüssen darauf austauschen und sich für eine globale hinarbeiten, einen umfassenden Katalog konkreter Annäherung der Verfahren einsetzen. Ergebnisse zu erzielen. Der Gipfel sollte feste Zusa- –– Das Forum für Finanzmarktstabilität gen im Hinblick auf eine Verbesserung des globalen (FSF) sollte vor dem Gipfel am 2. April Finanz- und Regelungssystems machen, so dass alle auf alle wichtigen Schwellenländer und die einschlägigen Akteure und Instrumente einer an- Europäische Kommission ausgedehnt werden. gemessenen Regulierung und Aufsicht unterliegen. Dies setzt voraus: –– Reform der Führung der internationalen Finanzinstitutionen: Der Londoner Gipfel –– Verbesserung der Transparenz und Rechen- sollte sich auf einen Zeitplan für weitere schaftspflicht: Bankenaufsichtsregeln sowie Reformen der Führung des Internationalen Rechnungslegungsstandards sollten durch den Währungsfonds (IWF) und der Weltbank Einbau antizyklischer Mechanismen und die einigen. Das System zur Besetzung von ordnungsgemäße Bilanzierung zum zeitnahen Spitzenpositionen in diesen beiden Marktwert verbessert werden. Im Hinblick auf die Institutionen sollte überprüft werden. Kapitalausstattung der Banken sollten strengere Vorschriften für die Liquiditätsrisiken und die Neuausrichtung der Sicherungsanreize gelten. Die Governance-Strukturen des International Accoun- ting Standards Board sollten verbessert werden. 28 Die Kommission wird in Kürze Vorschläge für den Informationsaustausch und Transparenz in Steuerangelegenheiten innerhalb der EU und mit Drittländern vorlegen. Impulse für den Aufschwung in Europa

–– Stärkung des IWF: Die Mitgliedstaaten –– Förderung des offenen Handels als sollten einen gemeinsamen Beitrag zur Ergänzung zu den fiskalpolitischen Impulsen. vorübergehenden Verdoppelung der Die G20Länder sollten sich um eine IWF-Mittel leisten. Der IWF sollte weitere globale Marktöffnung bemühen. seine Überwachung durch eine stärkere Entscheidend ist ein früher Abschluss Beschäftigung mit Fragen des Finanzsektors, der Doha-Runde auf der Grundlage der die Stärkung der multilateralen Aufsicht vorhandenen Verhandlungsunterlagen und durch multilaterale Konsultationen, über Agrar- und Industrieerzeugnisse. einschließlich der ordnungsgemäßen Umkehr Der Londoner Gipfel sollte entsprechend globaler Ungleichgewichte, ausbauen. dem in Washington vereinbarten Die Zusammenarbeit mit dem FSF sollte Stillhalteabkommen und dem im Rahmen intensiviert, und wirksame gemeinsame der WTO eingerichteten wirksamen Frühwarnsysteme eingerichtet werden. Die Überwachungsmechanismus eine FSF-Mitglieder und andere systemisch starke gemeinsame Position gegen den relevante Länder sollten regelmäßig vom IWF Protektionismus bekräftigen. Die G20Partner überprüft werden, wobei die festgestellten sollten ihre Entschlossenheit zur Umsetzung Schwächen in die Frühwarnsysteme dieser Verpflichtung auf höchster politischer einzuspeisen sind. Die Reformen sollten auch Ebene kundtun. interne Verfahren umfassen und dafür sorgen, –– Einrichtung einer multilateralen 463 dass die wichtigsten Schlussfolgerungen der Initiative zur Handelsfinanzierung, die IWF-Überwachung in den Internationalen die Bemühungen der Weltbank-Gruppe Währungs- und Finanzausschuss gelangen. und anderer einschlägiger multilateraler –– Ausbau der Weltbank und der Regionalen Entwicklungsagenturen um die Ausweitung Entwicklungsbanken: Die Banken sollten die ihrer Handelsfinanzierungsaktivitäten stärkt. ihnen zur Verfügung stehenden Instrumente –– Förderung der globalen Entwicklung als flexibel anwenden, um die Effekte der Krise Teil der Lösung der globalen Krise und als auszugleichen, insbesondere im Hinblick auf Grundlage für Frieden und Stabilität weltweit. benachteiligte Bevölkerungsgruppen. Für ihre Der Londoner Gipfel sollte die Verpflichtung Aktivitäten ist eine angemessene Finanzierung bekräftigen, die Entwicklungsländer bei ihren bereitzustellen. Bemühungen zu unterstützen, Wachstum Der Gipfel sollte ein ausgewogenes Wachstum auf zu schaffen und die Armut zu bekämpfen, den Weltmärkten mithilfe folgender Maßnahmen insbesondere durch die Verwirklichung der fördern: Millenniums-Entwicklungsziele. Um die aktive Beteiligung der Entwicklungsländer –– Voranbringen des globalen Aufschwungs am internationalen Handel zu erleichtern, durch eine fortlaufende internationale sollten die G20Länder ihre Handelshilfe- Koordinierung der finanzpolitischen Verpflichtungen erfüllen und den am Maßnahmen und ihrer tatsächlichen wenigsten entwickelten Ländern zoll- und Auswirkungen. Die EU hat Anteil an quotenfreien Zugang zu ihren Märkten den globalen Bemühungen um eine gewähren. Wiederherstellung des Wachstums. Die internationale Zusammenarbeit soll gewährleisten, dass die gegenwärtigen finanzpolitischen Maßnahmen einhergehen 6. FAZIT mit einer langfristigen finanzpolitischen Tragfähigkeit. Ferner sollten sie ausreichende Diese Mitteilung erläutert, wie die Europäische Union Investitionen in langfristige politische auf den bereits zur Bewältigung der Finanz- und Wirt- Maßnahmen wie Innovation, Bildung, schaftskrise getroffenen Maßnahmen aufbauen kann. Energieeffizienz und eine 2CO arme Wirtschaft Die EU tritt nun in eine neue Phase der Umsetzung bieten. Sobald die Erholung einsetzt, ist ihres Konjunkturprogramms ein, wobei eine effektive eine ordnungsgemäße und koordinierte Koordinierung der ergriffenen Maßnahmen notwen- Umkehr der makroökonomischen Stimuli dig ist, um zu gewährleisten, dass sie die bestmöglichen gewährleistet. Wirkungen zur Unterstützung der Unternehmen, der Haushalte und der Gemeinden in Europa hat. Diese DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Mitteilung spiegelt die Diskussion der Staats- und Re- gierungschefs vom 1. März 2009 wider und hebt hervor, dass die Erholung einfacher wird, wenn die Maßnahmen in einem Mitgliedstaat so gestaltet werden, dass sie zu einem Aufschwung in anderen Mitgliedstaaten führen. Eine wirksame Koordinierung macht den Binnenmarkt zum Sprungbrett für den Aufschwung.

Die Europäische Kommission ersucht den Europäischen Rat, auf seiner Frühjahrstagung:

• die Notwendigkeit für ein neues Maßnahmenpaket zur Reform des Finanzsektors einzuräumen, ein- schließlich eines neuen aufsichtsrechtlichen Rahmens für den EUFinanzsektor auf der Grundlage der Arbei- ten der de LarosièreGruppe, über die wichtigsten Ele- mente dieses neuen Rahmens auf der Tagung des Eu- ropäischen Rates im Juni auf der Grundlage weiterer Vorschläge der Kommission zu entscheiden und den 464 Rat und das Europäische Parlament aufzufordern, der Annahme der in den kommenden Monaten von der Kommission vorgelegten Vorschläge zur Regulierung von Finanzdienstleistern Vorrang zu geben; • die Mitgliedstaaten aufzufordern, im Einklang mit dem überarbeiteten Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt die erforderlichen Maßnahmen zu ergreifen, um langfristige finanzielle Stabilität sicherzustellen, sobald die wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen dies erlauben; • die Mitgliedstaaten aufzufordern, die Umsetzung ihrer nationalen Konjunkturprogramme und Struk- turreformen zu beschleunigen; • die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Gestaltung und Durch- führung der Maßnahmen zur Stärkung der Realwirt- schaft zur Anwendung der in Abschnitt 3.2 genannten gemeinsamen Grundsätze aufzufordern; • die Mitgliedstaaten anzuhalten, die Menschen wirksam durch die Krise hindurch zu unterstützen und dabei die in dieser Mitteilung genannten Elemente für geplante Maßnahmen heranzuziehen; • das Verfahren zur Vorbereitung des Europäischen Beschäftigungsgipfels im Mai zu genehmigen; • die gemeinsame Europäische Position für den G-20-Gipfel in London zu billigen. EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION BRÜSSEL, DEN 3.3.2010 COM(2010) 2020

Vorwort Um aber in Zukunft nachhaltig wirtschaften zu können, müssen wir über die kurzfristigen Aufgaben hinausdenken. 465 Europa muss wieder auf Kurs kommen und dann auf dem Das Jahr 2010 muss für einen Neuanfang stehen. Mein An- richtigen Kurs bleiben. Das ist das Anliegen von Europa liegen ist, dass Europa aus der Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise 2020. Es geht um mehr Arbeitsplätze und mehr Lebensqua- gestärkt hervorgeht. lität. Das Papier zeigt Wege auf, wie Europa ein intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum verwirklichen, Wie die weltweiten Folgen der Finanzkrise gezeigt haben, ver- neue Arbeitsplätze schaffen und unseren Gesellschaften Ori- ändert sich die wirtschaftliche Wirklichkeit schneller als die entierung vermitteln kann. politische. Wir können nicht umhin anzuerkennen, dass die zunehmende wirtschaftliche Verflechtung auch nach einer ent- Die politisch Verantwortlichen in Europa sind sich einig schlosseneren und kohärenteren Antwort der Politik verlangt. über die Lehren, die aus der Krise gezogen werden müssen. Einig sind wir uns auch über die Dringlichkeit der vor uns In den vergangenen zwei Jahren haben Millionen Men- liegenden Aufgaben. Jetzt müssen wir uns gemeinsam an schen ihren Arbeitsplatz verloren. Die angehäuften Schul- die Arbeit begeben. Europa hat viele Stärken. Wir können den werden noch viele Jahre auf uns lasten. Die Krise hat auf talentierte Arbeitskräfte und eine solide technologische auch neue Bedrohungen des sozialen Zusammenhalts mit und industrielle Basis bauen. Wir haben einen Binnen- sich gebracht und die fundamentalen Herausforderungen, markt und eine einheitliche Währung, dank derer wir das denen sich die europäische Wirtschaft gegenübersieht, scho- Schlimmste abwenden konnten. Wir verfügen über eine so- nungslos offengelegt. Die Weltwirtschaft wartet nicht auf ziale Marktwirtschaft, die sich vielfach bewährt hat. Wir uns. Sie schreitet voran. Unsere Zukunft hängt davon ab, müssen Vertrauen in unsere Fähigkeit haben, uns ambitio- wie Europa reagiert. nierte Ziele zu setzen, und uns dann aufmachen, diese Ziele zu verwirklichen. Die Krise ist ein Weckruf. Wir müssen erkennen: ein „Wei- ter so wie bisher“ würde uns in der neuen Weltordnung Die Kommission schlägt fünf messbare Leitziele für die schrittweise in die Zweitrangigkeit zurückfallen lassen. Jetzt EU-Ebene vor, die bis 2020 verwirklicht und in nationale schlägt die Stunde der Wahrheit für Europa. Jetzt ist die Zeit Ziele umgesetzt werden sollen. Es handelt sich um Ziele in für entschlossenes und ambitioniertes Handeln. den Bereichen Beschäftigung, Forschung und Innovation, Klimaschutz und Energie, Bildung und Armutsbekämp- Auf kurze Sicht ist es unsere wichtigste Aufgabe, die Krise fung. Sie geben die Richtung an, auf die wir Kurs nehmen erfolgreich zu überwinden. Wir werden zwar noch für ei- sollten. An ihnen werden wir unseren Erfolg messen. nige Zeit durch schweres Fahrwasser steuern, aber es wird uns gelingen. Auf einigen Gebieten haben wir schon deutli- Es sind ambitionierte, aber erreichbare Ziele. Sie werden che Fortschritte erzielt. Das gilt sowohl für die sogenannten durch konkrete Vorschläge unterlegt, mit denen gewährleis- „Bad banks“ als auch für die Korrektur der Finanzmärkte tet werden soll, dass sie auch erreicht werden. Die in diesem und die Einsicht in die Notwendigkeit einer vertieften poli- Papier aufgeführten Leitinitiativen machen deutlich, wie tischen Abstimmung im Euro-Raum. die EU hierzu einen entscheidenden Beitrag leisten kann. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Mit dem Binnenmarkt, unserem Haushalt, unserer Han- Die EU muss festlegen, was sie bis 2020 erreichen will. dels- und Außenwirtschaftspolitik sowie der Disziplin und Dazu schlägt die Kommission folgende EU-Kernziele der Unterstützung unserer Wirtschafts- und Währungsuni- vor: on verfügen wir über kraftvolle Instrumente für die Gestal- tung einer neuen Ordnungspolitik. –– 75 % der Bevölkerung im Alter von 20 bis 64 Jahren sollten in Arbeit stehen. Voraussetzung für den Erfolg ist, dass sich die europäischen Staats- und Regierungschefs und Organe diese neue Strategie –– 3 % des BIP der EU sollten für F&E aufgewendet zu Eigen machen. Sie verlangt ein – auch mit den Sozi- werden. alpartnern und der Zivilgesellschaft – abgestimmtes euro- –– Die 20-20-20-Klimaschutz-/Energieziele sollten päisches Vorgehen. Wenn wir gemeinsam handeln, können erreicht werden (einschließlich einer Erhöhung des wir die Krise überwinden und gestärkt aus ihr hervorgehen. Emissionsreduktionsziels auf 30 %, falls die entspre- Wir haben die neuen Instrumente und den neuen Anspruch. chenden Voraussetzungen erfüllt sind). Jetzt müssen wir zur Tat schreiten. –– Der Anteil der Schulabbrecher sollte auf unter 10 % José Manuel BARROSO abgesenkt werden, und mindestens 40 % der jün- geren Generation sollten einen Hochschulabschluss haben. STRATEGIE EUROPA 2020: –– Die Zahl der armutsgefährdeten Personen sollte um 466 ZUSAMMENFASSUNG 20 Millionen sinken. Diese Ziele sind miteinander verknüpft und für unseren Europa durchlebt einen Moment des Wandels. Die Krise Gesamterfolg entscheidend. Um zu gewährleisten, dass hat Jahre des wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Fortschritts jeder Mitgliedstaat die Strategie Europa 2020 auf seine zunichte gemacht und die strukturellen Schwächen der spezifische Situation zuschneiden kann, schlägt die Kom- europäischen Wirtschaft aufgedeckt. Unterdessen ent- mission vor, die Ziele der Union im Rahmen nationaler wickelt sich die Welt rasch weiter, und die langfristigen Ziele und Verlaufspläne umzusetzen. Probleme – Globalisierung, Ressourcenknappheit, Alte- rung – verschärfen sich. Es ist an der Zeit, dass die EU Die Ziele verkörpern die drei Prioritäten intelligentes, ihre Zukunft in die Hand nimmt. nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum, erheben jedoch keinen Anspruch auf Vollständigkeit: Es wird einer brei- Europa kann Erfolg haben, wenn es gemeinsam handelt, ten Palette von Maßnahmen auf nationaler und interna- als eine Union. Wir brauchen eine Strategie, welche es tionaler sowie auf EU-Ebene bedürfen, um sie zu unter- uns ermöglicht, gestärkt aus dieser Krise hervorzugehen mauern. Die Kommission schlägt sieben Leitinitiativen und die EU in eine intelligente, nachhaltige und inte- vor, um innerhalb der einzelnen Prioritäten Fortschritte grative Wirtschaft zu verwandeln, die durch ein hohes herbeizuführen: Beschäftigungs- und Produktivitätsniveau sowie einen ausgeprägten sozialen Zusammenhalt gekennzeichnet –– „Innovationsunion”, um die Rahmenbedingungen ist. Europa 2020 skizziert eine Vision der europäischen und den Zugang zu Finanzmitteln für Forschung sozialen Marktwirtschaft des 21. Jahrhunderts. und Innovation zu verbessern und auf diese Weise sicherzustellen, dass innovative Ideen in wachs- In Europa 2020 werden drei sich gegenseitig verstärken- tums- und beschäftigungswirksame Produkte und de Prioritäten vorgeschlagen: Dienstleistungen umgesetzt werden können –– „Jugend in Bewegung”, um unsere Bildungssysteme –– Intelligentes Wachstum: Entwicklung einer auf leistungsfähiger zu machen und den Jugendlichen Wissen und Innovation gestützten Wirtschaft den Eintritt in den Arbeitsmarkt zu erleichtern –– Nachhaltiges Wachstum: Förderung einer ressour- –– „Digitale Agenda für Europa”, um den Ausbau censchonenden, ökologischeren und wettbewerbsfä- schneller Internet-Zugangsdienste zu beschleunigen higeren Wirtschaft und die Vorteile eines digitalen Binnenmarktes für –– Integratives Wachstum: Förderung einer Wirtschaft Haushalte und Unternehmen zu nutzen mit hoher Beschäftigung und ausgeprägtem sozialen –– „Ressourcenschonendes Europa“, um das Wirt- und territorialen Zusammenhalt. schaftswachstum von der Ressourcennutzung abzukoppeln, den Übergang zu einer emissionsarmen EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

Wirtschaft zu unterstützen, die Nutzung erneu- Bewertungsverfahrens erfolgt gleichzeitig; allerdings erbarer Energieträger und die Energieeffizienz zu handelt es sich um zwei getrennte Instrumente, so dass fördern sowie unser Verkehrwesen zu modernisieren der Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt unberührt bleibt. –– „Industriepolitik im Zeitalter der Globalisierung”, um die Rahmenbedingungen für Unternehmen, Der Europäische Rat wird für die neue Strategie verant- insbesondere für KMU, zu verbessern und eine in- wortlich zeichnen. Die Kommission wird die Fortschrit- ternational wettbewerbsfähige, starke und tragfähige te bei der Verwirklichung der Ziele beobachten, den Industriestruktur zu fördern Austausch auf politischer Ebene fördern und die notwendigen Vorschläge unterbreiten, um die Maßnahmen –– „Agenda für neue Kompetenzen und neue Beschäf- zu steuern und die Leitinitiativen der EU voranzubrin- tigungsmöglichkeiten“, um die Arbeitsmärkte zu gen. Das Europäische Parlament wird einen wichtigen modernisieren, den Menschen durch den lebens- Beitrag zur Mobilisierung der Bürger leisten und bei belangen Erwerb von Qualifikationen neue Mög- deutsamen Vorhaben als Mitgesetzgeber fungieren. Die- lichkeiten zu eröffnen und so die Erwerbsquote zu se Partnerschaft sollte die EU-Ausschüsse, die nationalen erhöhen sowie Angebot und Nachfrage auf dem Parlamente, die nationalen, regionalen und kommuna- Arbeitsmarkt u.a. durch Arbeitsmobilität besser len Verwaltungen, die Sozialpartner, sonstige Beteiligte aufeinander abzustimmen sowie die Zivilgesellschaft einbeziehen, um eine umfassende Mitwirkung an der Verwirklichung dieser Strategie –– „Europäische Plattform zur Bekämpfung der Ar- zu gewährleisten. mut“, um den sozialen und territorialen Zusam- 467 menhalt zu gewährleisten, damit die Vorteile von Wachstum und Beschäftigung allen zugute kom- Die Kommission schlägt vor, dass der Europäische Rat men, und Menschen, die unter Armut und sozialer im März das Gesamtkonzept der Strategie und die Kern- Ausgrenzung leiden, in Würde leben und sich aktiv ziele der EU und im Juni die genauen Einzelheiten der am gesellschaftlichen Leben beteiligen können. Strategie, einschließlich der integrierten Leitlinien und nationalen Ziele, bestätigt. Außerdem hofft die Kom- Diese sieben Leitinitiativen sollen für die EU und für die mission auf die Stellungnahmen des Europäischen Parla- Mitgliedstaaten bindend sein. Die auf EU-Ebene verfüg- ments und dessen Unterstützung, um Europa 2020 zum baren Instrumente und insbesondere der Binnenmarkt, Erfolg zu verhelfen. finanzielle und außenpolitische Instrumente werden voll in den Dienst der Strategie gestellt, um Hindernisse zu überwinden und die Ziele von Europa 2020 zu ver- 1. Ein Moment des Wandels wirklichen. Als unmittelbare Priorität erfasst die Kom- mission, was getan werden muss, um eine glaubwürdige Die Krise hat die Fortschritte der letzten Zeit zunichte Ausstiegsstrategie festzulegen, die Reform des Finanzsys- gemacht tems fortzuführen, die für ein langfristiges Wachstum erforderliche Haushaltskonsolidierung sicherzustellen Für die Wirtschaftskrise gibt es in unserer Generation und die Koordinierung innerhalb der Wirtschafts- und keinen Präzedenzfall. Die im letzten Jahrzehnt festzustel- Währungsunion zu verstärken. lende stetige Zunahme des Wirtschaftswachstums und der Beschäftigtenzahlen wurde zunichte gemacht – un- Um Ergebnisse zu erzielen, wird eine stärkere wirt- ser BIP fiel im Jahr 2009 um 4 %, unsere Industriepro- schaftspolitische Steuerung erforderlich sein. Die Strate- duktion fiel auf das Niveau der 90er Jahre zurück und gie Europa 2020 wird auf zwei Säulen fußen: dem vorste- 23 Millionen Menschen bzw. 10 % unserer Erwerbsbe- hend skizzierten thematischen Ansatz, in dem Prioritäten völkerung sind nun ohne Beschäftigung. Die Krise war und Kernziele miteinander verknüpft werden, und dem ein gewaltiger Schock für Millionen von Bürgern und System der Länderberichte, das die Mitgliedstaaten da- hat einige grundlegende Schwächen unserer Wirtschaft bei unterstützen soll, eigene Strategien für die Rückkehr freigelegt. zu nachhaltigem Wachstum und soliden öffentlichen Haushalten auszuarbeiten. Auf EU-Ebene werden in- Durch die Krise ist auch die Sicherung des künftigen tegrierte Leitlinien zur Festlegung der Prioritäten und Wirtschaftswachstums erheblich schwieriger geworden. Ziele der EU verabschiedet. An die Mitgliedstaaten wer- Die nach wie vor anfällige Lage unseres Finanzsystems den länderspezifische Empfehlungen gerichtet. Werden verzögert die wirtschaftliche Erholung, da es für Un- diese nicht in angemessener Weise umgesetzt, können ternehmen und Haushalte schwierig ist, Kredite auf- politische Warnungen ausgesprochen werden. Die Be- zunehmen und Geld auszugeben oder zu investieren. richterstattung im Rahmen von Europa 2020 sowie des Unsere öffentlichen Finanzen wurden in starkem Maße auf den Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt gegründeten DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

beeinträchtigt: Die Defizite belaufen sich auf durch- Die globalen Probleme nehmen zu schnittlich 7 % des BIP, die Verschuldung beträgt über 80 % des BIP – zwei Krisenjahre haben zwanzig Jah- Während Europa seine eigenen strukturellen Schwächen re Haushaltskonsolidierung zunichte gemacht. Unser in den Griff bekommen muss, entwickelt sich die Welt Wachstumspotenzial wurde durch die Krise halbiert. rasch weiter; am Ende des kommenden Jahrzehnts wird Viele Investitionspläne, Talente und Ideen drohen durch sie sich sehr gewandelt haben: Unsicherheit, schleppende Nachfrage und mangelnde Fi- nanzausstattung hinfällig zu werden. –– Unsere Volkswirtschaften sind zunehmend miteinander verzahnt. Europa wird weiterhin davon Die strukturellen Schwächen Europas sind offensichtlich profitieren, dass es zu den weltweit offensten Wirt- geworden schaftssystemen gehört, doch wird der Wettbewerb der entwickelten und der Schwellenländer härter. Kurzfristig geht es darum, die Krise zu überwinden, Länder wie China und Indien investieren stark in doch besteht die größere Herausforderung darin, nicht Forschung und Technologie, um höherwertige Pro- reflexartig den Zustand wiederherstellen zu wollen, der dukte herzustellen und in die Weltspitze vorzudrin- vor der Krise herrschte. Auch schon vor der Krise gab es gen. Dies setzt einige Bereiche unserer Wirtschaft viele Bereiche, in denen Europa im Vergleich zum Rest unter Wettbewerbsdruck – aber jede Gefahr eröffnet der Welt nicht schnell genug vorankam. auch neue Möglichkeiten. In dem Maße, wie sich diese Länder entwickeln, werden sich neue Märkte 468 –– Das durchschnittliche Wachstum lag strukturell für viele europäische Unternehmen erschließen. unter demjenigen unserer wichtigsten Handelspart- –– Die globale Finanzwirtschaft muss neu geordnet ner, was in erster Linie auf ein Produktivitätsgefälle werden. Die zu große Verfügbarkeit von Krediten, zurückzuführen ist, das sich im letzten Jahrzehnt kurzfristiges Denken und übermäßige Risikobereit- noch verstärkt hat. Die Ursachen sind vor allem schaft auf den Finanzmärkten haben das Speku- bei unterschiedlichen Geschäftsstrukturen in lantentum angeheizt, eine Wirtschaftsblase und Verbindung mit geringeren Investitionen in FuE erhebliche Ungleichgewichte herbeigeführt. Europa und Innovation, beim unzulänglichen Einsatz der bemüht sich um globale Lösungen und den Aufbau Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologie, eines effizienten und nachhaltigen Finanzsystems. Widerständen in einigen Teilen unserer Gesellschaft gegen Innovation, Hindernissen für den Marktzu- –– Der Klimawandel und die Rohstofflage verlangen tritt und einem weniger dynamischen Unterneh- einschneidende Maßnahmen. Die starke Abhängig- mensumfeld zu suchen. keit von fossilen Brennstoffen wie Erdöl und eine ineffiziente Verwendung von Rohstoffen hat dazu –– Trotz positiver Entwicklungen liegen die Beschäfti- geführt, dass unsere Verbraucher und Unternehmen gungsquoten in Europa mit durchschnittlich 69 % schmerzhaften und kostenträchtigen Preisschocks bei den 20- bis 64-Jährigen deutlich unter denen in ausgesetzt sind, die unsere wirtschaftliche Sicherheit anderen Teilen der Welt. Nur 63 % der Frauen – im bedrohen und zum Klimawandel beitragen. Das Vergleich zu 76 % der Männer – sind erwerbstätig. Anwachsen der Weltbevölkerung von sechs auf Nur 46 % der älteren Arbeitnehmer (zwischen 55 neun Milliarden Menschen wird den weltweiten und 64 Jahren) sind erwerbstätig (Vereinigte Staaten Wettbewerb um die natürlichen Ressourcen anhei- und Japan: 62 %). Außerdem leisten die Europäer zen und die Umwelt großen Belastungen aussetzen. im Durchschnitt 10 % weniger Arbeitsstunden als Die EU muss fortfahren, eine weltweite Lösung der ihre amerikanischen oder japanischen Kollegen. Probleme des Klimawandels herbeizuführen und zu- –– Die demographische Alterung beschleunigt sich. gleich im ganzen Gebiet der Union die vereinbarte Wenn die geburtenstarken Jahrgänge das Rentenal- Klima- und Energiestrategie zu verwirklichen. ter erreichen, wird die Zahl der Erwerbstätigen in Europa muss handeln, um dem Niedergang der EU ab 2013/2014 sinken. Die Zahl der über entgegenzutreten 60jährigen nimmt heute doppelt so schnell wie vor 2007 zu, nämlich um rund zwei Millionen jährlich statt zuvor einer Million. Die Kombination einer Aus dieser Krise können wir mehrere Lehren ziehen: kleineren Erwerbsbevölkerung und eines höheren Anteils an Rentnern wird unsere Sozialsysteme –– Die Volkswirtschaften der 27 EU-Staaten sind stark zusätzlich belasten. miteinander verwoben: Die Krise hat vor allem im Euro-Raum den Nutzen der engen Verknüpfung unserer Volkswirtschaften herausgestellt. Reformen EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

oder auch fehlende Reformen in einem Land wirken sich auf die Leistung aller anderen aus, wie Drei Szenarien für Europa die jüngsten Ereignisse gezeigt haben. Die Krise im Jahr 2020 und die stark angespannte Haushaltslage haben zudem einigen Mitgliedstaaten die ausreichende Szenario 1: Nachhaltiger Aufschwung Finanzierung der grundlegenden Verkehrs- und Energieinfrastruktur erschwert, die sie nicht nur für Europa ist in der Lage, vollständig zur früheren die Weiterentwicklung ihrer eigenen Wirtschaft, Wachstumsent-wicklung zurückzukehren und sondern auch für die volle Beteiligung am Binnen- sein Potenzial für noch weitergehende Leistungen markt benötigen. auszubauen –– Die Koordinierung innerhalb der EU funktioniert: Szenario 2: Schleppender Aufschwung Die Krisenbewältigungsmaßnahmen haben gezeigt, dass wir gemeinsam wesentlich wirkungsvoller Europa hat dauerhafte Wohlstandseinbußen erlit- handeln können. Unser gemeinsames Vorgehen mit ten und beginnt auf dieser unsicheren Grundlage Blick auf die Stabilisierung des Bankensystems und wirtschaftlich erneut zu wachsen die Annahme des Europäischen Konjunkturpro- Szenario 3: Verlorenes Jahrzehnt gramms hat dies unter Beweis gestellt. In einer globalisierten Welt gibt es kein Land, das die Probleme Europa hat dauerhaft seinen Wohlstand und sein Potenzial für künftiges Wachstum eingebüßt im Alleingang lösen kann. 469 –– Die EU bewirkt weltweit einen Zusatznutzen. Globale Entscheidungen wird sie nur beeinflussen Europa hat Aussichten auf Erfolg können, wenn sie gemeinsam handelt. Die stärkere Vertretung nach außen muss mit einer stärken inne- Europa hat viele Stärken: die Begabung und Kreativi- ren Koordinierung Hand in Hand gehen. tät unserer Menschen, eine starke Industriestruktur, einen lebendigen Dienstleistungssektor, eine blühende Die Krise war kein einmaliges Geschehen, nach dem wir und qualitativ hochwertige Landwirtschaft, eine reiche getrost zum „Business as usual“ zurückkehren können. maritime Tradition, unseren Binnenmarkt und unsere Die Probleme, mit denen die Union konfrontiert ist, gemeinsame Währung, unsere Stellung als größte Han- sind wesentlich schwerwiegender als vor der Rezession; delsmacht und als erstes Ziel für ausländische Direkt- unser Handlungsspielraum ist dagegen begrenzt. Außer- investitionen. Aber wir können auch auf unsere starken dem steht der Rest der Welt nicht still. Die wichtigere Werte, demokratischen Institutionen, unsere Wertschät- Rolle der G20 hat die wachsende wirtschaftliche und zung des wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und territorialen Zu- politische Macht der Schwellenländer vor Augen geführt. sammenhalts, der Solidarität und der Umwelt, unsere kulturelle Vielfalt und unsere Achtung der Gleichstel- Europa steht vor klaren und schwerwiegenden Ent- lung der Geschlechter bauen - um nur einige zu nennen. scheidungen. Entweder stellen wir uns gemeinsam der Viele unserer Mitgliedstaaten zählen zu den innovativs- unmittelbaren Herausforderung des wirtschaftlichen ten und wirtschaftlich entwickeltsten Ländern der Welt. Aufschwungs und auch den längerfristigen Problemen Doch hat Europa die besten Chancen auf Erfolg, wenn (Globalisierung, Ressourcenknappheit, Alterung), damit es gemeinsam handelt – als Union. wir die jüngsten Verluste ausgleichen, unsere Wettbe- werbsfähigkeit zurückgewinnen, unsere Produktivität Wenn sie in der Vergangenheit mit wichtigen Ereignis- steigern und längerfristig dem Wohlstand in der Union sen konfrontiert waren, haben die Union und die Mit- den Weg bereiten („nachhaltiger Aufschwung“). gliedstaaten die Herausforderung angenommen. In den 1990er Jahren hat Europa den durch eine gemeinsame Oder wir machen mit langsamen und weitgehend Währung gestützten größten Binnenmarkt auf den Weg unkoordinierten Reformen weiter und riskieren dau- gebracht. Erst vor wenigen Jahren wurde die Teilung Eu- erhafte Wohlstandseinbußen, ein schleppendes Wirt- ropas durch den EU-Beitritt neuer Mitgliedstaaten auf- schaftswachstum („schleppender Aufschwung“) mit gehoben, und andere Staaten haben sich auf den Weg der möglichen Folge hoher Arbeitslosenzahlen, sozialer zur Mitgliedschaft oder zu engeren Beziehungen mit der Spannungen und relativer Bedeutungslosigkeit Europas Union begeben. In den letzten beiden Jahren hat das auf auf der Weltbühne („verlorenes Jahrzehnt“). dem Höhepunkt der Krise angenommene Europäische Konjunkturprogramm den wirtschaftlichen Niedergang verhindern können; unsere Sozialsysteme haben dazu beigetragen, Menschen vor größerer Not zu bewahren. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Europa ist in der Lage, in Krisenzeiten zu handeln und für 2020 verständigen sollte. Diese Ziele sollten die The- seine wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Strukturen matik des intelligenten, nachhaltigen und integrativen dem Wandel anzupassen. Um die Auswirkungen der Kri- Wachstums aufgreifen. Sie müssen nachprüfbar sein, der se, die Strukturschwächen Europas und die wachsenden unterschiedlichen Lage der Mitgliedstaaten Rechnung globalen Probleme bewältigen zu können, durchleben die tragen und auf hinreichend zuverlässigen Daten beru- Europäer heute erneut einen Moment der Veränderung. hen, die einen Vergleich ermöglichen. Die folgenden Ziele - deren Erreichen für unseren Erfolg im Jahr 2020 Dabei muss die Bewältigung der Krise für uns der Be- entscheidend sein wird - wurden auf diese Grundlage ginn einer neuen Wirtschaftsform sein. Damit wir für gestellt: unsere Generation und für künftige Generationen eine hohe, durch ein einzigartiges Sozialmodell gestützte Ge- –– Die Beschäftigungsquote unter den 20- bis 64-jähri- sundheit und Lebensqualität erhalten können, müssen gen sollte unter anderem durch die vermehrte wir jetzt Maßnahmen ergreifen. Was wir brauchen, ist Einbeziehung der Frauen und älteren Arbeitnehmer eine Strategie, mit der die EU in eine intelligente, nach- sowie die bessere Eingliederung von Migranten haltige und integrative Wirtschaft umgewandelt werden in die Erwerbsbevölkerung von derzeit 69 % auf kann, die durch ein hohes Beschäftigungs- und Produk- mindestens 75 % ansteigen. tivitätsniveau sowie einen starken sozialen Zusammen- –– Das Investitionsziel der EU im FuE-Bereich beträgt halt geprägt ist. Dies ist die Strategie Europa 2020 – eine derzeit 3 % des BIP. Dabei ist deutlich geworden, Agenda für alle Mitgliedstaaten, die den verschiedenen dass sowohl der öffentliche als auch der priva- 470 Bedürfnissen, unterschiedlichen Ausgangspunkten und te Bereich in FuE investieren müssen, doch lag nationalen Besonderheiten Rechnung trägt, um das das Augenmerk bislang mehr auf der Höhe der Wachstum für alle zu fördern. Investition als auf ihrer Wirkung. Die Bedingungen für private FuE-Investitionen in der EU müssen unbedingt verbessert werden, was durch viele der hier 2. Intelligentes, nachhaltiges vorgeschlagenen Maßnahmen geschehen wird. Wür- und integratives Wachstum den wir FuE und Innovation zusammen betrachten, so würden unsere Ausgaben einen größeren Bereich Wo soll Europa im Jahr 2020 stehen? abdecken, der für die Unternehmenstätigkeit und für die Ankurbelung der Produktivität von größerer Im Zentrum von Europa 2020 stehen drei Bedeutung wäre. Die Kommission schlägt vor, das Schwerpunkte29: 3 %-Ziel aufrechtzuerhalten und zugleich einen Indikator für die FuE- und Innovationsintensität zu entwickeln. –– Intelligentes Wachstum – Entwicklung einer auf Wissen und Innovation gestützten Wirtschaft –– Verringerung der Treibhausgasemissionen, ausgehend vom Niveau des Jahres 1990, um mindestens –– Nachhaltiges Wachstum – Förderung einer res- 20 % bzw. um 30 %, sofern die Bedingungen30 sourcenschonenden, umweltfreundlicheren und hierfür gegeben sind. Steigerung des Anteils wettbewerbsfähigeren Wirtschaft erneuerbarer Energien an unserem Gesamtenergie- –– Integratives Wachstum – Förderung einer Wirt- verbrauch auf 20 % und Steigerung der Energieeffi- schaft mit hoher Beschäftigung und wirtschaftli- zienz um 20 %. chem, sozialem und territorialem Zusammenhalt –– Im Bildungsbereich soll das Problem der Schulab- Diese drei Prioritäten wirken zusammen verstärkend und brecher angegangen und die Schulabbrecherquote münden in die Vision der europäischen sozialen Markt- von derzeit 15 % auf 10 % reduziert und gleichzei- wirtschaft des 21. Jahrhunderts. tig der Anteil der Bevölkerung im Alter zwischen 30 und 34, der ein Hochschulstudium abgeschlossen Es besteht weitgehendes Einvernehmen darüber, dass sich die Union, um unsere Anstrengungen auf den Erfolg 30 Der Europäische Rat vom 10./11. Dezember 2009 kam zu dem hin auszurichten, auf eine begrenzte Zahl von Kernzielen Ergebnis, dass die EU als Teil einer globalen und umfassenden Vereinbarung für die Zeit nach 2012 ihr bedingtes Angebot bestätigt, bis 2020 eine Reduktion um 30 % gegenüber 29 Diese Punkte fanden in der von der Kommission dem Niveau von 1990 zu erreichen, sofern sich die anderen durchgeführten Konsultation der Öffentlichkeit breite Industrieländer zu vergleichbaren Emissionsreduzierungen Zustimmung. Eine ausführliche Beschreibung der verpflichten und die Entwicklungsländer einen ihren Stellungnahmen findet sich unter http://ec.europa.eu/eu2020/ Verantwortlichkeiten und jeweiligen Fähigkeiten index_de.htm. entsprechenden Beitrag leisten. EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

hat, von derzeit 31 % bis 2020 auf mindestens den neuen Weg zu einem nachhaltigeren Wachstums 40 % gesteigert werden. gebracht wird. Dieses Zusammenspiel von Maßnahmen der EU und der Mitgliedstaaten dürfte gegenseitig ver- –– Die Zahl der Europäer, die unter den nationalen stärkend wirken. Armutsgrenzen leben, sollte um 25% gesenkt werden, was 20 Millionen Menschen aus der Armut Intelligentes Wachstum – eine auf Wissen und Innovati- befreien würde31. on gestützte Wirtschaft Diese Ziele sind miteinander verknüpft. Ein höheres Bil- dungsniveau erhöht beispielsweise die Beschäftigungs- Intelligentes Wachstum bedeutet, Wissen und Innovati- fähigkeit, und eine erhöhte Beschäftigungsquote hilft, on als Vektoren unseres künftigen Wachstums zu stärken. die Armut einzugrenzen. Verbesserte Möglichkeiten für Bedingungen hierfür sind eine erhöhte Qualität unseres Forschung und Entwicklung sowie Innovation in allen Bildungssystems, die Steigerung unserer Forschungs- Wirtschaftssektoren in Verbindung mit Ressourceneffi- leistungen, die Förderung von Innovation und Wissen- zienz steigern die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und fördern die stransfer innerhalb der Union, die Ausschöpfung des Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen. Investitionen in saubere, Potenzials der Informations- und Kommunikationstech- emissionsarme Technologien helfen unserer Umwelt, nologien und die Gewährleistung, dass innovative Ideen dienen der Bekämpfung des Klimawandels und schaf- in neue Produkte und Dienste umgesetzt werden kön- fen neue Geschäfts- und Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten. nen, durch die Wachstum und hochwertige Arbeitsplätze Diese Ziele müssen unsere gemeinsame Aufmerksamkeit entstehen und die dazu beitragen die europäischen und mobilisieren. Gefragt sind Führungsstärke, Engagement weltweiten gesellschaftlichen Probleme zu lösen. Mitbe- 471 und starke Durchführungsmechanismen, um die Ein- stimmend für den Erfolg ist hierbei Unternehmergeist, stellungen und Verhaltensweisen in der EU zu ändern, die Verfügbarkeit der finanziellen Mittel und die Kon- damit diese Ziele erreicht werden können. zentration auf unsere Bedürfnisse und Marktchancen.

Die Liste dieser Ziele ist nicht etwa erschöpfend, son- Europa muss handeln: dern enthält nur repräsentative Beispiele. Sie geben einen Überblick darüber, wo die EU nach Auffassung der –– Innovation: Die Ausgaben für FuE belaufen sich in Kommission im Jahr 2020 in wichtigen Bereichen sein Europa auf unter 2 %, verglichen mit 2,6 % in den sollte. Sie stellen kein Pauschalkonzept dar. Jeder Mit- USA und 3,4 % in Japan, was vor allem auf gerin- gliedstaat ist unterschiedlich, und die EU ist heute mit gere private Investitionen zurückzuführen ist. Dabei 27 Mitgliedstaaten vielfältiger als noch vor einem Jahr- zählen nicht nur die Beträge für FuE in absoluten zehnt. Trotz unterschiedlicher Entwicklungsniveaus und Zahlen - Europa muss auch die Auswirkungen und Lebensstandards sind die vorgeschlagenen Ziele nach die Zusammensetzung der Forschungsausgaben ins Meinung der Kommission für alte und neue Mitglied- Visier nehmen und die Bedingungen für FuE im staaten gleichermaßen von Bedeutung. Investitionen in Privatsektor in der EU verbessern. Unser geringe- Forschung und Entwicklung sowie Innovation, in Bil- rer Anteil an Hochtechnologie-Unternehmen ist dung und ressourceneffiziente Technologien kommen verantwortlich für die Hälfte unseres Rückstands traditionellen Sektoren und ländlichen Gebieten eben- gegenüber den USA. so zugute wie Dienstleistungsgesellschaften mit hohem Qualifikationsniveau. Der wirtschaftliche, soziale und –– Allgemeine und berufliche Bildung und lebenslan- territoriale Zusammenhalt wird gestärkt. Damit sicher- ges Lernen: Ein Viertel der Schüler verfügt über gestellt ist, dass jeder Mitgliedstaat die Strategie Europa zu geringe Lesekompetenz, und einer von sieben 2020 auf seine besondere Lage abstimmen kann, schlägt Jugendlichen bricht seine Ausbildung vorzeitig die Kommission vor, dass diese EU-Ziele in nationale ab. Rund 50 % der Schüler erreichen ein mittleres Ziele und Verlaufspläne übersetzt werden, die der jewei- Qualifikationsniveau, das jedoch häufig nicht dem ligen Situation und der Bereitschaft des Mitgliedstaats Bedarf des Arbeitsmarktes entspricht. Weniger als Rechnung tragen, diese Anstrengungen im Rahmen der ein Drittel der Menschen im Alter zwischen 25 weitreichenden Ziele der Union mitzutragen. Ergän- und 34 hat einen Hochschulabschluss (USA: 40 %, zend zu den Anstrengungen der Mitgliedstaaten wird Japan: 50 %). Dem Shanghai-Index zufolge gehören die Kommission eine Reihe ehrgeiziger Maßnahmen nur zwei europäische Hochschulen zu den weltweit auf Unionsebene vorschlagen, mit denen die EU auf 20 besten. –– Digitale Gesellschaft: Die weltweite Nachfrage nach Informations- und Kommunikationstech- 31 Die nationale Armutsgrenze ist definiert als 60 % des nologien ist ein Markt im Umfang von 2.000 nationalen verfügbaren medianen Äquivalenzeinkommens in jedem Mitgliedstaat. Milliarden EUR, der aber nur zu einem Viertel von DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

europäischen Unternehmen bedient wird. Europa hat einen Rückstand beim Hochgeschwindigkeitsin- –– die Einführung „Europäischer Innovations- ternet, bei der Online-Wissensverbreitung und beim partnerschaften“ zwischen der EU und den Online-Vertrieb von Waren und Dienstleistungen, einzelnen nationalen Ebenen, um die Entwick- was auch in ländlichen Regionen seine Innovations- lung und Einführung der der Bewältigung der fähigkeit beeinträchtigt. beschriebenen Herausforderungen dienenden Technologien zu beschleunigen. Zu den ersten Die Maßnahmen im Rahmen dieser Priorität werden das zählen der Aufbau der Bio-Wirtschaft bis 2020, europäische Innovationspotenzial freisetzen, den Erfolg die Kerntechnologien für die Ausgestaltung der unserer Bildungseinrichtungen sowohl in qualitativer als industriellen Zukunft Europas und Techno- auch in quantitativer Hinsicht verbessern und den wirt- logien, die es älteren Menschen ermöglichen, schaftlichen und gesellschaftlichen Nutzen der digitalen unabhängig und aktiv zu leben. Gesellschaft ausschöpfen. Sie müssen auf regionaler, nationaler und Unionsebene getroffen werden. –– die Überarbeitung und Weiterentwicklung der Innovationsförderinstrumente der EU (z.B. Strukturfonds, Fonds für die Entwicklung des Leitinitiative: „Innovationsunion“ ländlichen Raums, FuE-Rahmenprogramme, PGI, Set-Plan), auch durch engere Zusam- Ziel dieser Initiative ist die Neuausrichtung unserer menarbeit mit der EIB und die Straffung der FuE und Innovationspolitik auf die Herausforde- Verfahren für den Zugang zu Fördermitteln, 472 rungen, denen sich unsere Gesellschaft gegenüber insbesondere für KMU, und innovative Anreize gestellt sieht: Klimawandel, Energie- und Ressour- in Verbindung mit dem Kohlenstoffmarkt, ceneffizienz, Gesundheit und demographischer insbesondere für Vorreiter. Wandel. Jedes Glied der Innovationskette muss verstärkt werden, von der „Blue sky“-Forschung bis –– die Förderung von Wissenspartnerschaften und zur Vermarktung. die Stärkung der Verknüpfung von Bildungs- einrichtungen, Unternehmen, Forschung und Auf EU-Ebene übernimmt die Kommission folgen- Innovation, auch durch das ETI und Unter- de Aufgaben: stützung des Unternehmergeistes durch die –– die Vollendung des Europäischen Förderung junger innovativer Unternehmen. Forschungsraums, die Entwicklung eines Die Mitgliedstaaten wiederum sind aufgefordert, strategischen Forschungsplans mit den Schwerpunkten Energieversorgungssicherheit, –– die nationalen (und regionalen) FuE und Verkehr, Klimawandel und Innovationssysteme im Sinne der Förderung Ressourceneffizienz, Gesundheit von Exzellenz und intelligenter Spezialisierung und Alterung, umweltfreundliche zu reformieren, die Zusammenarbeit zwischen Herstellungsmethoden und Hochschulen, Forschung und Unternehmen Bodenbewirtschaftung sowie die Förderung zu stärken, die Programmplanung gemeinsam der gemeinsamen Planung mit den vorzunehmen, die grenzüberschreitende Zu- Mitgliedstaaten und Regionen sammenarbeit in Bereichen zu stützen, in denen ein EU-Mehrwert erzielt werden kann und die –– die Verbesserung der Rahmenbedingungen für nationalen Förderverfahren entsprechend anzu- Unternehmensinnovationen (d.h. Einführung passen sowie die Verbreitung der Technologie eines einheitlichen EU-Patents und eines auf dem Gebiet der Union zu gewährleisten; Patentgerichts, Modernisierung des urheber- und markenrechtlichen Rahmens, verbesserter –– dafür zu sorgen, dass es eine ausreichende Zahl Schutz der Rechte an geistigem Eigentum von Hochschulabsolventen in den Bereichen für KMU, beschleunigte Einführung Naturwissenschaften, Mathematik und Inge- interoperabler Normen, erleichterter Zugang nieurwesen gibt und die Schullehrpläne auf zu Kapital und uneingeschränkte Nutzung Kreativität, Innovation und Unternehmergeist nachfragebezogener politischer Maßnahmen, auszurichten; z.B. durch die öffentliche Auftragsvergabe und –– den Ausgaben für die Wissenserlangung und intelligente Regulierung) –verbreitung auch durch steuerliche Anreize und sonstige Finanzinstrumente Vorrang einzuräumen und höhere private FuE- Investitionen zu fördern. EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

Leitinitiative „Jugend in Bewegung“ –– die Offenheit und Bedeutung der Bildungssys- teme durch die Einführung nationaler Quali- Ziel ist Steigerung der Leistung und internationalen fikationsrahmen und besser auf den Bedarf der Attraktivität der höheren Bildungseinrichtungen Arbeitsmärkte zugeschnittene Bildungsergeb- Europas und die Verbesserung der Qualität der nisse zu fördern, und allgemeinen und beruflichen Bildung in der EU insgesamt durch Exzellenz und Verteilungsgerechtigkeit –– die Berufseinstiegschancen junger Menschen sowie die Förderung der Mobilität von Studenten durch integrierte Maßnahmen, zu denen u.a. und Auszubildenden und die Verbesserung der Orientierung, Beratung und Praktika zählen, zu Beschäftigungschancen von Jugendlichen. verbessern.. Auf EU-Ebene übernimmt die Kommission folgende Leitinitiative: „Eine digitale Agenda für Europa“ Aufgaben: Ziel ist es, einen nachhaltigen wirtschaftlichen –– Integration und Ausbau der Mobilitäts-, Hoch- und gesellschaftlichen Nutzen aus einem digitalen schul- und Forschungsprogramme der EU (wie Binnenmarkt auf der Grundlage des schnellen Erasmus, Erasmus Mundus, Tempus und Marie und ultraschnellen Internets und interoperabler Curie) und deren Verknüpfung mit nationalen Anwendungen zu ziehen, mit Breitbandanschlus- Programmen und Ressourcen; ses für jedermann im Jahr 2013, sehr viel höheren Internet-Geschwindigkeiten 30 Mbps (oder mehr) 473 –– Ausbau des Modernisierungsprogramms der bis 2020 und einen Internetanschluss von über Hochschulen (Lehrpläne, Governance und 100 Mbps für 50 % oder mehr aller europäischen Finanzierung), auch durch Benchmarking Haushalte. der Hochschulleistung und der Ergebnis- se der Bildungseinrichtungen im globalen Auf EU-Ebene übernimmt die Kommission folgende Zusammenhang; Aufgaben: –– Förderung des Unternehmergeistes, soweit dies –– Bereitstellung eines stabilen Rechtsrahmens, durch Mobilitätsprogramme für junge Fachkräf- der Anreize für Investitionen in eine offene und te möglich ist; wettbewerbsfähige Hochgeschwindigkeits-In- ternetstruktur und verbundene Dienste gibt; –– Förderung der Anerkennung des nichtformalen und informellen Lernens; –– Entwicklung einer effizienten Frequenzpolitik; –– Einführung eines Rahmens für die Beschäfti- –– erleichterte Verwendung der Strukturfonds der gung junger Menschen, mit dem deren Arbeits- EU für diese Agenda; losigkeit abgebaut werden soll: In Abstimmung –– Schaffung eines echten Binnenmarktes für mit den Mitgliedstaaten und Sozialpartnern soll Online-Inhalte und –Dienste (d.h. grenzenlose der Einstieg junger Menschen in die Arbeits- und sichere Märkte für EU-Webdienste und di- welt durch Lehrlingsausbildung, Praktika oder gitale Inhalte mit einem hohen Vertrauensgrad, sonstige Arbeitserfahrung gefördert werden. ausgewogener Rechtsrahmen mit eindeutigen Dazu gehört auch das Programm „Dein erster Rechten, Förderung multiterritorialer Lizenzen, EURES-Arbeitsplatz“, mit dem die Anstellungs- angemessener Schutz und angemessene Vergü- chancen junger Menschen durch die Förderung tung für Rechtsinhaber und aktive Unterstüt- der Mobilität in der EU verbessert werden. zung der Digitalisierung des reichen europäi- Die Mitgliedstaaten wiederum sind aufgefordert, schen kulturellen Erbes sowie Ausgestaltung der globalen Steuerung des Internet); –– sicherzustellen, dass auf allen Ebenen (Vor- schule bis Universität) wirkungsvoll in Bildung –– Reform der Forschungs- und Innovationsfonds investiert wird; und Aufstockung der IKT-Förderung, um Europas technologische Stärke in strategischen –– die Ergebnisse der Bildungseinrichtungen zu Schlüsselbereichen auszubauen und die Voraus- verbessern und zu diesem Zweck ein integriertes setzungen dafür zu schaffen, dass KMU mit ho- Konzept zu entwickeln, in dem jede einzelne hem Wachstumspotenzial auf neu entstehenden Stufe (Vor-, Grund-, Sekundar-, Berufs- und Märkten führend werden und IKT-Innovation Hochschule) berücksichtigt wird, Schlüsselkom- in allen Branchen angeregt wird; petenzen festgelegt werden und mit dem der Schulabbruch eingedämmt wird; DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

unseren wichtigsten Handelspartnern durch höhere –– Förderung des Internetzugangs und der Produktivität verbessern. Wir müssen das Problem Internetakzeptanz durch alle europäischen der relativen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit innerhalb der Bürger, vor allem durch Aktionen zur Eurozone und in der gesamten EU angehen. Die Förderung der digitalen Kompetenz. EU war Vorreiter in Bezug auf umweltfreundliche Die Mitgliedstaaten wiederum sind aufgefordert, Lösungen; allerdings versuchen ihre wichtigsten Konkurrenten, vor allem China und Nordamerika, –– operative Strategien für die Einführung des ihren Vorsprung aufzuholen. Die EU sollte ihre Hochgeschwindigkeitsinternet zu entwickeln Führungsrolle auf dem Markt für umweltfreundli- und eine öffentliche Finanzierung bzw. che Technologien beibehalten, um Ressourceneffi- strukturelle Fonds für Gebiete bereitzustellen, zienz in der gesamten Wirtschaft zu gewährleisten, die nicht ganz durch private Investitionen Engpässe in wichtigen Netzinfrastrukturen zu besei- abgedeckt sind; tigen und auf diese Weise die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit unserer Industrie zu stärken. –– einen Rechtsrahmen zur Koordinierung öffentlicher Arbeiten aufzustellen, mit dem –– Kampf gegen den Klimawandel: Wenn wir unsere die Kosten für den Netzausbau reduziert Klimaziele erreichen wollen, müssen wir unsere werden; Emissionen im nächsten Jahrzehnt deutlich schneller als im letzten Jahrzehnt reduzieren und in vollem –– die Einführung und Verwendung moderner Umfang das Potenzial neuer Technologien wie der 474 Online-Dienste zu fördern (z.B. elektronische Kohlenstoffabscheidung und –sequestrierung nut- Behördendienste, Online-Gesundheitsdienste, zen. Die Steigerung der Ressourceneffizienz würde Smart Home, digitale Kenntnisse, Sicherheit). sehr dazu beitragen, die Emissionen zu begrenzen, Geld zu sparen und das Wirtschaftswachstum an- Nachhaltiges Wachstum – Förderung einer ressourcenef- zutreiben. Dies betrifft alle Wirtschaftszweige, nicht fizienteren, umweltfreundlicheren und wettbewerbsfähi- nur die emissionsintensiven. Wir müssen außerdem geren Wirtschaft die Widerstandsfähigkeit unserer Volkswirtschaften gegenüber klimatischen Risiken stärken und unsere Nachhaltiges Wachstum bedeutet, eine ressourceneffizi- Fähigkeit zur Katastrophenvorbeugung und –inter- ente, nachhaltige und wettbewerbsfähige Wirtschaft auf- vention ausbauen. zubauen, die Führungsrolle Europas im Wettbewerb um –– Saubere und effiziente Energie: Wenn wir unsere die Entwicklung neuer Verfahren und Technologien, ein- Klimaziele erreichen, geben wir bis 2020 60 Mio. schließlich umweltfreundlicher Technologien, auszunut- EUR weniger für Öl- und Gasimporte aus. Dies zen, die Einführung intelligenter Netze mit Hilfe der IKT sind nicht nur finanzielle Einsparungen, sondern zu beschleunigen, sich die EU-weiten Netze zunutze zu für unsere Energieversorgungssicherheit unerlässli- machen, vor allem in der Fertigung und innerhalb unse- che Gewinne. Weitere Fortschritte bei der Integra- rer KMU die Wettbewerbsvorteile der Unternehmen aus- tion des europäischen Energiemarkts können uns zubauen, und die Verbraucher in die Lage zu versetzen, beim BIP um weitere 0,6 % bis 0,8 % voranbrin- Ressourceneffizienz wertzuschätzen. Ein solches Konzept gen. Allein dadurch, dass wir das EU-Ziel erreichen, wird es der Union ermöglichen, in einer durch Ressour- 20 % unseres Bedarfs durch erneuerbare Energien cenknappheit geprägten emissionsarmen Welt erfolgreich zu decken, können mehr als 600.000 Arbeitsplätze zu sein und die Schädigung der Umwelt, den Rückgang in der Union entstehen. Wenn das 20 %-Ziel bei der Artenvielfalt und eine nicht nachhaltige Ressourcen- der Energieeffizienz hinzukommt, bedeutet das weit nutzung zu vermeiden. Außerdem wird der wirtschaftli- mehr als eine Million neuer Arbeitsplätze. che, soziale und territoriale Zusammenhalt gestärkt. Die Maßnahmen im Rahmen dieser Priorität machen es Europa muss handeln: notwendig, dass wir unsere Verpflichtungen zur Emissi- onsreduzierung auch durch die Verbreitung innovativer –– Wettbewerbsfähigkeit: Die EU hat durch den technologischer Lösungen so umsetzen, dass der Nutzen Handel im Wohlstand gelebt, indem sie in die maximiert und die Kosten minimiert werden. Außerdem ganze Welt exportierte und Vorleistungen sowie müssen wir versuchen, Wachstum vom Energieverbrauch fertige Erzeugnisse importierte. In Anbetracht des abzukoppeln und unsere Wirtschaft ressourceneffizienter zunehmenden Drucks auf die Exportmärkte müssen zu machen, was Europa nicht nur einen Wettbewerbs- wir für eine immer breitere Palette von Vorleis- vorteil verschaffen, sondern auch unsere Abhängigkeit tungen unsere Wettbewerbsfähigkeit gegenüber von ausländischen Rohstoffen und Gütern verringern wird. EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

Leitinitiative: „Ressourcenschonendes Europa“ –– Vorlage einer Initiative für den Ausbau der europäischen Netzwerke einschließlich der tran- Ziel ist die Unterstützung des Übergangs zu einer seuropäischen Energienetze zu einem europäi- emissionsarmen Wirtschaft, die ihre Ressour- schen Supernetz sowie intelligenter Netze mit cen wirkungsvoll einsetzt. Es geht darum, unser Zusammenschaltungen vor allem der erneu- Wirtschaftswachstum von den Ressourcen und vom erbaren Energiequellen mit dem Netz (mit Energieverbrauch abzukoppeln, die CO2-Emissi- Unterstützung der Strukturfonds und der EIB). onen zu reduzieren, die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zu Dazu gehört die Förderung von Infrastruktur- fördern und eine größere Energieversorgungssicher- projekten mit großer strategischer Bedeutung heit zu unterstützen. für die EU in den baltischen Ländern, auf dem Auf EU-Ebene übernimmt die Kommission folgende Balkan, rund um das Mittelmeer und in den Aufgaben: eurasischen Regionen; –– Mobilisierung der Finanzierungsinstrumente der –– Annahme und Umsetzung eines überarbeiteten EU (z.B. Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums, Aktionsplans für Energieeffizienz und Unter- Strukturfonds, FuE-Rahmenprogramme, TEN, stützung eines umfassenden Programms für EIB) im Rahmen einer umfassenden Finan- Ressourceneffizienz (Förderung von KMU und zierungsstrategie, die die Mittel der EU sowie Privathaushalten), Nutzung der Strukturfonds öffentliche und private nationale Mittel bündelt; und anderer Fonds für die wirksame Bereit- stellung neuer Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten im 475 –– Entwicklung eines Rahmens für den Ein- Wege bestehender äußerst erfolgreicher Modelle satz marktwirtschaftlicher Instrumente (z.B. von innovativen Investmentsystemen; Auf diese Emissionshandel, Überarbeitung der Energie- Weise werden Änderungen bei den Verbrauchs- besteuerung, staatliche Beihilfen, Unterstüt- und Produktionsmustern gefördert; zung einer umweltfreundlichen öffentlicher Auftragsvergabe); –– Verbreitung der Vision eines strukturellen und technologischen Wandels, der für den Über- –– Unterbreitung von Vorschlägen für ein gang zu einer emissionsarmen, ressourceneffizi- modernisiertes und kohlenstoffärmeres Ver- enten und klimaresistenten Wirtschaft bis 2050 kehrswesen, das zur Steigerung der Wettbe- notwendig ist und es der EU ermöglicht, ihre werbsfähigkeit beiträgt. Dies geschieht durch Ziele hinsichtlich der Emissionsverringerung unterschiedliche Maßnahmen, z.B. Infrastruk- und der Erhaltung der Artenvielfalt zu errei- turmaßnahmen wie den Aufbau von Netzinfra- chen; dazu gehört die Katastrophenvorbeugung strukturen für elektrische Mobilität, intelligen- und –intervention, die Nutzung des klimabezo- tes Verkehrsmanagement, bessere Logistik, die genen Beitrags der Politiken in den Bereichen weitere Reduzierung der CO2-Emissionen bei Landwirtschaft, ländliche Entwicklung und Straßenfahrzeugen, im Luft- und Schiffsverkehr Seeverkehr durch Anpassungsmaßnahmen für und die Einleitung einer großen europäischen den effizienteren Ressourceneinsatz, was auch Initiative für umweltfreundliche Automobile, zur Verbesserung der globalen Ernährungssi- mit der auf der Grundlage der Forschung, cherheit beitragen wird. gemeinsamer Normen und der Entwicklung der notwendigen Infrastruktur neue Techno- Die Mitgliedstaaten wiederum sind aufgefordert, logien sowie elektrische und Hybridfahrzeuge –– umweltgefährdende Subventionen, mit gefördert werden; Ausnahme solcher für sozial benachteiligte –– Beschleunigung der Einführung strategischer Bevölkerungskreise, auslaufen zu lassen; Projekte mit hohem europäischen Mehrwert –– marktwirtschaftliche Instrumente wie zur Beseitigung von Engpässen, insbesondere Steueranreize und öffentliche Aufträge in Bezug auf grenzüberschreitende Abschnitte dazu zu nutzen, Produktions- und und intermodale Drehkreuze (Städte, Häfen, Verbrauchsgewohnheiten anzupassen; logistische Plattformen); –– intelligente, modernere und –– Vollendung des Energie-Binnenmarkts und vollständig vernetzte Verkehrs- und Umsetzung des Plans für strategische Ener- Energieinfrastrukturen zu entwickeln und gietechnologien (SET) sowie vorrangig die IKT uneingeschränkt zu nutzen; Förderung erneuerbarer Energiequellen im Binnenmarkt; DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

–– für die koordinierte Durchführung der Auf EU-Ebene übernimmt die Kommission folgen- entscheidend zur Leistungsfähigkeit des de Aufgaben: gesamten EU-Verkehrssystems beitragenden –– eine Industriepolitik zu etablieren, die für die Infrastrukturprojekte innerhalb des EU- Beibehaltung und Weiterentwicklung einer Hauptnetzes zu sorgen; starken, wettbewerbsfähigen und diversifi- –– sich schwerpunktmäßig mit dem städtischen zierten industriellen Grundlage in Europa Verkehr als wichtigem Verursacher von optimale Voraussetzungen schafft und das Überlastung und Emissionen zu befassen; verarbeitende Gewerbe beim Übergang zu einer energie- und ressourceneffizienteren –– Regulierung, Bauvorschriften und Wirtschaft unterstützt; marktwirtschaftliche Instrumente wie die Besteuerung, Subventionen und die –– einen horizontalen Ansatz für die Indust- öffentliche Auftragsvergabe dazu zu nutzen, riepolitik zu entwickeln, in dem verschiedene den Verbrauch von Energie und Ressourcen zu politische Instrumente (z.B. „intelligente“ reduzieren und Mittel aus den Strukturfonds Regulierung, ein modernisiertes öffentliches in die Energieeffizienz öffentlicher Gebäude Auftragswesen, Wettbewerbsregeln und Nor- und ein wirksameres Recycling zu investieren; mung) miteinander verknüpft werden; –– Anreize für die Energieeinsparung in –– das Umfeld für Unternehmen und insbeson- 476 energieintensiven Sektoren, beispielsweise dere KMU u.a. durch die Reduzierung der durch den Einsatz von IKT, einzuführen. Transaktionskosten für eine wirtschaftliche Tätigkeit in Europa, die Förderung von Leitinitiative: „Eine Industriepolitik für das Unternehmensclustern und einen verbesserten Zeitalter der Globalisierung“ Zugang zu Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten zu Die Wirtschaft und insbesondere KMU sind von annehmbaren Konditionen zu verbessern; der Wirtschaftskrise hart getroffen worden. Sämt- –– die Umstrukturierung gefährdeter Branchen liche Wirtschaftszweige sehen sich überdies der auf zukunftsträchtige Tätigkeiten u.a. durch Herausforderung gegenüber, in der Globalisierung eine rasche Verlagerung von Qualifizierungs- zu bestehen und ihre Produktionsabläufe und Pro- maßnahmen auf neue Wirtschaftszweige und dukte auf die emissionsarme Wirtschaft einzustel- Märkte mit großem Wachstumspotenzial und len. Die Folgen werden von Branche zu Branche die Unterstützung mittels des Beihilferechts unterschiedlich ausfallen. Einige werden sich völlig und/oder des Fonds zur Anpassung an die neu aufstellen müssen, anderen wiederum werden Globalisierung zu erleichtern; diese Herausforderungen neue unternehmerische Möglichkeiten eröffnen. Die Kommission wird –– Ressourcen schonende Technologien und in enger Zusammenarbeit mit allen Beteiligten Produktionsmethoden zu fördern und Inves- (Unternehmen, Gewerkschaften, Wissenschaft, titionen in das Naturvermögen der EU zu NRO, Verbraucherverbände) ein Rahmenkonzept erhöhen; für eine moderne, die unternehmerische Entfal- –– die Internationalisierung von KMU zu tung fördernde Industriepolitik erarbeiten, um die fördern; Wirtschaft bei der Einstellung auf diese Heraus- forderungen anzuleiten und zu unterstützen, die –– den tatsächlichen Zugang aller Unternehmen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Grundstoffindustrie, in Europa zum Binnenmarkt und zu den indes verarbeitenden Gewerbes und des Dienstleis- ternationalen Märkten unabhängig von ihrem tungssektors zu fördern und sie dabei zu unter- Standort durch entsprechende Verkehrs- und stützen, die Chancen der Globalisierung und der Logistiknetze zu gewährleisten; ökologischen Wirtschaft wahrzunehmen. Dieses Rahmenkonzept soll alle Bestandteile der zuneh- –– eine wirkungsvolle Weltraumpolitik zu entwi- mend internationalen Wertschöpfungskette vom ckeln und insbesondere die Projekte Galileo Rohstoffzugang bis zum Kundendienst erfassen. und GMES erfolgreich abzuschließen, um die Instrumente zur Bewältigung einiger der wichtigsten globalen Herausforderungen in die Hand zu bekommen; EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

Veränderungen zu antizipieren und zu bewältigen, und –– die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit des Fremdenver- gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalt zu schaffen. Die Vorteile kehrssektors in Europa zu stärken; des Wirtschaftswachstums müssen allen Teilen der Union –– bestehende Regulierung daraufhin zu über- einschließlich ihrer entlegensten Gebiete zugute kommen prüfen, wie der Übergang des Dienstleistungs- und so den territorialen Zusammenhalt fördern. Es geht sektors und des verarbeitenden Gewerbes auf darum, allen Menschen Zugangsmöglichkeiten und Chan- ressourceneffizienteres Wirtschaften ein- cen über ihr gesamtes Leben hinweg zu bieten. Europa schließlich wirksameren Recyclings gefördert muss sein Arbeitskräftepotenzial voll ausschöpfen, um die werden kann; die Verfahren zur Heranbildung mit einer alternden Bevölkerung und wachsendem welt- europäischer und internationaler Normen zu weitem Wettbewerb verbundenen Herausforderungen zu verbessern, um die Normierungstätigkeit in meistern. Eine Politik zur Förderung der Gleichheit zwi- den Dienst der langfristigen Wettbewerbsfä- schen den Geschlechtern ist notwendig, um die Erwerbs- higkeit der europäischen Wirtschaft zu stellen. bevölkerungs-Mitwirkung zu steigern und so zu Wachs- Dazu zählt auch die Förderung der Kom- tum und sozialem Zusammenhalt beizutragen. merzialisierung und Übernahme wichtiger Grundlagetechnologien; Europa ist zum Handeln gezwungen:

–– die EU-Strategie zur Förderung der sozia- –– Beschäftigung: Wegen der demographischen len Verantwortung von Unternehmen als Entwicklung wird die Erwerbsbevölkerung bald eines wichtigen Beitrags zur Gewährleistung schrumpfen. Lediglich zwei Drittel der Erwerbs- 477 langfristigen Vertrauens bei Beschäftigten und tätigen in Europa haben einen Arbeitsplatz; in Verbrauchern zu erneuern. den Vereinigten Staaten und in Japan sind es über Die Mitgliedstaaten wiederum sind aufgefordert, 70%. Die Beschäftigungsquote von Frauen und älteren Arbeitskräften ist besonders niedrig. Junge –– das Umfeld für Unternehmen und insbeson- Menschen wurden von der Krise besonders schwer dere innovative KMU u.a. durch öffentliche getroffen; von ihnen sind mehr als 21% arbeitslos. Aufträge, die mit Innovationsanreizen verbun- Die Gefahr, dass Menschen ohne oder mit nur we- den sind, zu verbessern; nig Verbindungen zur Arbeitswelt den Anschluss an –– die Voraussetzungen für die Durchsetzung der den Arbeitsmarkt ganz verlieren, ist besonders groß. Rechte am geistigen Eigentum zu verbessern; –– Qualifikation: Rund 80 Millionen Menschen verfü- –– die Verwaltungslasten für Unternehmen zu gen nur über geringe bzw. grundlegende Qualifika- verringern und die Qualität des Unterneh- tionen, aber von den Angeboten für lebenslanges mensrechts zu verbessern; Lernen profitieren bisher vor allem Menschen mit eher solider Bildung oder Ausbildung. Bis 2020 –– eng mit den sonstigen Akteuren in den unter- steigt die Zahl der Arbeitsplätze für Hochqualifizier- schiedlichen Bereichen (Unternehmen, Ge- te um 16 Mio., die für Geringqualifizierte hingegen werkschaften, Wissenschaft, NRO, Verbrau- sinkt um 12 Millionen. Die Verlängerung des cherorganisationen) zusammenzuarbeiten, Erwerbslebens wird mit der Möglichkeit einherge- um Engpässe zu identifizieren und zu einer hen müssen, während des gesamten Lebens neue gemeinsamen Bestandsaufnahme zu gelangen, Qualifikationen zu erwerben oder auszubauen. wie eine starke industrielle und Wissensbasis erhalten und die EU in die Lage versetzt wer- –– Armutsbekämpfung: Vor der Krise waren 80 Mil- den kann, in der nachhaltigen Entwicklung lionen Menschen von Armut gefährdet, davon 19 weltweit eine Vorreiterrolle einzunehmen. Millionen Kinder. 8% der Arbeitnehmer verdienen so wenig, dass sie unterhalb der Armutsgrenze leben. Besonders betroffen sind Arbeitslose. Integratives Wachstum – eine Wirtschaft mit hoher Be- schäftigung und wirtschaftlichem, sozialem und territo- Die Maßnahmen in diesem vorrangigen Bereich wer- rialem Zusammenhalt den die Modernisierung und Intensivierung unserer Beschäftigungs- und Bildungspolitik sowie der sozialen Sicherung durch vermehrte Beteiligung am Arbeitsle- Integratives Wachstum heißt, die Menschen durch ein ben und den Abbau der strukturellen Arbeitslosigkeit hohes Beschäftigungsniveau, Investitionen in Kompeten- sowie die Stärkung der sozialen Verantwortung der zen, die Bekämpfung der Armut, und die Modernisie- Unternehmen erforderlich machen. Von großer Bedeu- rung der Arbeitsmärkte, der allgemeinen und beruflichen tung wird in diesem Zusammenhang der Zugang zu Bildung und der sozialen Schutzsysteme zu befähigen, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Kinderbetreuungseinrichtungen und sonstigen Versor- gungseinrichtungen sein. Eine Schlüsselrolle kommt –– die Kapazitäten der Sozialpartner zu stärken dabei der Umsetzung der Flexicurity-Grundsätze und und das Problemlösungspotenzial des sozialen der Befähigung der Menschen zu, sich mittels der An- Dialogs auf allen Ebenen (EU, national/ eignung neuer Qualifikationen an neue Gegebenheiten regional, sektoral, unternehmensintern) anzupassen und sich beruflich neu zu orientieren. We- voll auszuschöpfen, sowie eine intensivere sentliche Anstrengungen werden erforderlich sein, um Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Arbeitsmarkt- Armut und gesellschaftliche Ausgrenzung zu bekämpfen Institutionen einschließlich der für und das Gefälle im Gesundheitswesen zu reduzieren, die staatliche Beschäftigungsförderung damit das Wachstum bei der gesamten Bevölkerung an- zuständigen Einrichtungen der kommt. Gleich wichtig wird aber auch unsere Fähigkeit Mitgliedstaaten zu fördern; sein, Gesundheit und Aktivität im Alter zu fördern, um –– den strategischen Rahmen für die den sozialen Zusammenhalt und eine höhere Produktivi- Zusammenarbeit in der allgemeinen und tät zu ermöglichen. beruflichen Bildung unter Einbeziehung aller Beteiligten zu mobilisieren. Das sollte u.a. zur Umsetzung der Prinzipien des Leitinitiative: „Eine Agenda für neue Kompe- lebenslangen Lernens (in Zusammenarbeit tenzen und neue Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten“ mit den Mitgliedstaaten, den Sozialpartnern Mit dieser Initiative sollen die Voraussetzungen für und Sachverständigen) auch durch flexible 478 eine Modernisierung der Arbeitsmärkte geschaffen Übergänge zwischen den verschiedenen werden, um das Beschäftigungsniveau anzuheben Zweigen und Ebenen der allgemeinen und und die Nachhaltigkeit unserer Sozialmodelle zu beruflichen Bildung und die Stärkung gewährleisten. Die Erwerbstätigen von heute und der Attraktivität der beruflichen Aus- und morgen sollen durch den Erwerb neuer Qualifikati- Weiterbildung führen. Auf der europäischen onen befähigt werden, sich an neue Gegebenheiten Ebene sollten die Sozialpartner konsultiert anzupassen und gegebenenfalls beruflich umzuorien- werden, um sie zu eigenen Initiativen tieren, damit die Arbeitslosigkeit zurückgeht und die anzuregen; Produktivität zunimmt. –– Erwerb und Anerkennung der für Auf EU-Ebene übernimmt die Kommission folgende Weiterbildungsmaßnahmen und den Aufgaben: Arbeitsmarkt erforderlichen Kompetenzen in der allgemeinen, beruflichen, höheren –– die zweite Phase der Flexicurity-Agenda und Erwachsenenbildung durchgehend gemeinsam mit den europäischen Sozialpart- zu gewährleisten und eine gemeinsame nern zu definieren und umzusetzen und zu sprachliche und operative Grundlage für die erkunden, wie wirtschaftliche Übergänge besser allgemeine und berufliche Bildung und die bewältigt, die Arbeitslosigkeit besser bekämpft Arbeitswelt zu schaffen: einen europäischen und die Erwerbsquote gesteigert werden Rahmen für Qualifikationen, Kompetenzen können; und Berufe. –– den gesetzgeberischen Rahmen im Einklang mit Die Mitgliedstaaten wiederum sind aufgefordert, den Grundsätzen der „intelligenten“ Regulie- rung an sich wandelnde Beschäftigungsmuster –– ihre nationalen Flexicurity-Konzepte – (z.B. Arbeitszeiten, Standort) und neue Risiken wie vom Europäischen Rat vereinbart für Gesundheit und Sicherheit am Arbeitsplatz – umzusetzen, um die Segmentierung des anzupassen; Arbeitsmarktes abzubauen und Übergänge sowie die Vereinbarkeit von Berufs- und –– die Mobilität von Arbeitskräften innerhalb Privatleben zu erleichtern; der EU zu erleichtern und zu unterstützen, Angebot und Nachfrage mit entsprechender fi- –– die Effizienz der Steuer- und Leistungssysteme nanzieller Flankierung durch die Strukturfonds, zu prüfen und regelmäßig zu beobachten, insbesondere den Europäischen Sozialfonds damit Arbeit sich lohnt. Dabei sollten (ESF), besser in Einklang zu bringen und besonderes Augenmerk auf die Lage gering eine zukunftsorientierte, umfassende Migra- Qualifizierter gerichtet und Maßnahmen, die tionspolitik zu fördern, die auf die Prioritäten den Weg in die Selbständigkeit erschweren, und Bedürfnisse der Arbeitsmärkte flexibel zu abgeschafft werden; reagieren vermag; EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

–– neue Formen des Ausgleichs von Berufs- –– Programme zu konzipieren und durchzufüh- und Privatleben sowie die Verlängerung des ren, mit denen soziale Innovationen für die Erwerbslebens aktiv zu fördern, und mehr Schwächsten der Gesellschaft gefördert werden Gleichheit zwischen den Geschlechtern zu sollen, u. a. durch eine innovative allgemeine gewährleisten; und berufliche Bildung und Beschäftigungs- möglichkeiten für benachteiligte Gruppen, –– die tatsächliche Umsetzung von Ergebnissen gegen Diskriminierung (z.B. Behinderter) des sozialen Dialogs zu fördern und zu vorzugehen und eine neue Agenda für die kontrollieren; Integration von Migranten zu erarbeiten, damit –– die Umsetzung des Europäischen diese ihr Potenzial voll nutzen können; Qualifikationsrahmens durch die Erstellung –– Angemessenheit und Nachhaltigkeit der Sys- nationaler Qualifikationsrahmen anzukurbeln; teme der sozialen Sicherung und der Alters- –– Erwerb und Anerkennung der für vorsorge zu prüfen und Möglichkeiten eines Weiterbildungsmaßnahmen und den besseren Zugangs zur Gesundheitsversorgung Arbeitsmarkt erforderlichen Kompetenzen zu erkunden. in der allgemeinen, beruflichen, höheren Die Mitgliedstaaten wiederum sind aufgefordert, und Erwachsenenbildung durchgehend zu gewährleisten und dabei auch die –– die kollektive und die individuelle Verantwor- 479 außerschulische Bildung und informelles tung Aller für den Kampf gegen Armut und Lernen einzubeziehen; soziale Ausgrenzung zu fördern; –– Partnerschaften zwischen der allgemeinen und –– Maßnahmen zu konzipieren und durchzufüh- beruflichen Bildung und der Arbeitswelt u.a. ren, die den besonderen Umständen bestimm- durch Einbeziehung der Sozialpartner in die ter, besonders gefährdeter gesellschaftlicher planerische Gestaltung des Bildungsangebots Gruppen (wie Alleinerziehende, ältere Frauen, zu entwickeln. Minderheiten, Roma, Behinderte, Obdachlose) gerecht werden; Leitinitiative: „Europäische Plattform zur Bekämpfung der Armut“ –– ihre Systeme der sozialen Sicherung und der Al- tersvorsorge so auszubauen, dass eine angemes- Ziel dieser Initiative ist die Gewährleistung des sene Einkommensstützung und der Zugang zur wirtschaftlichen, sozialen und territorialen Zu- Gesundheitsversorgung gewährleistet sind. sammenhalts. Aufbauend auf dem derzeitigen Eu- ropäischen Jahr zur Bekämpfung von Armut und sozialer Ausgrenzung sollen das Bewusstsein um die Grundrechte der Menschen, die unter Armut und 3. Fehlende Schnittstellen und Ausgrenzung leiden, geschärft und ihre Anerken- nung gefördert werden, damit sie in Würde leben Hindernisse und aktiv an der Gesellschaft teilhaben können. Alle politischen, gesetzgeberischen und finanziellen Ins- Auf EU-Ebene übernimmt die Kommission folgen- trumente der EU sollten für die Ziele der Strategie mode Aufgaben: bilisiert werden. Die Kommission möchte die wichtigsten politischen Kompetenzen und Instrumente wie den –– die offene Koordinierung im Bereich der Binnenmarkt, die Haushaltspolitik und die außenwirt- gesellschaftlichen Integration und des sozialen schaftliche Agenda der EU stärken und auf die Verwirkli- Schutzes zu einer Plattform für Kooperation, chung der Ziele von Europa 2020 ausrichten. Praktische gegenseitige Kontrolle und den Austausch Vorschläge zu ihrer vollständigen Einbeziehung in die bewährter Verfahren sowie zu einem Strategie sind integraler Bestandteil von Europa 2020. Instrument zur Förderung des Engagements öffentlicher wie privater Träger im Kampf gegen gesellschaftliche Ausgrenzung 3.1. Ein Binnenmarkt für das zu machen und konkrete Maßnahmen 21. Jahrhundert zu ergreifen, wozu auch eine gezielte Unterstützung durch die Strukturfonds, Ein stärkerer, vertiefter und erweiterter Binnenmarkt ist insbesondere den ESF, zählt; für Wachstum und Beschäftigung von fundamentaler Be- deutung. Derzeit deuten jedoch alle Anzeichen auf eine DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Integrationsmüdigkeit und nachlassende Binnenmark- Der Zugang der KMU zum Binnenmarkt muss verbes- teuphorie hin. Durch die Krise kommt die Versuchung sert werden. Die unternehmerische Tätigkeit muss durch hinzu, in wirtschaftlichen Nationalismus zurückzufallen. konkrete politische Initiativen wie eine Vereinfachung Die Wachsamkeit der Kommission und das Bewusstsein des Unternehmensrechts (Insolvenzverfahren, Gesell- der Mitgliedstaaten um die gemeinsame Verantwortung schaftsstatut usw.) und Initiativen, die Unternehmern haben jedoch ein Auseinanderdriften verhindert. Drin- nach einem Scheitern einen Neuanfang ermöglichen, ge- gend von Nöten ist allerdings ein neuer Schwung – eine fördert werden. Die Bürger müssen das Recht haben, in eindeutige politische Willensbekundung – zur Erneue- vollem Umfang am Binnenmarkt teilzunehmen. Es muss rung des Binnenmarktes, durch rasche Verwirklichung selbstverständlich werden, dass Waren und Dienstleis- der nachstehend aufgeführten Initiativen. Lücken im tungen grenzüberschreitend, insbesondere im Internet, Binnenmarkt sollten durch einen Maßnahmenmix ge- gekauft werden. schlossen werden. Mit ihrer Wettbewerbspolitik wird die Kommission ge- Täglich werden Unternehmen und Bürger damit kon- währleisten, dass der Binnenmarkt ein offener Markt frontiert, dass für eine Tätigkeit über Staatsgrenzen hin- bleibt, auf dem die Chancengleichheit der Unternehmen weg immer noch Hindernisse bestehen, obwohl sie sich gewahrt und gegen nationalen Protektionismus vorge- von Rechts wegen in einem Binnenmarkt bewegen. Sie gangen wird. Die Wettbewerbspolitik kann jedoch noch stellen fest, dass Netze nicht ausreichend miteinander mehr zur Verwirklichung der Ziele von Europa 2020 verbunden sind, Binnenmarktregeln nicht gleichmä- beitragen. Die Wettbewerbspolitik sorgt beispielsweise 480 ßig flächendeckend durchgesetzt werden, oder sie für durch die Verhinderung des Missbrauchs von Patenten ein- und denselben Vorgang oft immer noch mit 27 und Rechten am geistigen Eigentum dafür, dass die unterschiedlichen Rechtsordnungen umgehen müssen. Märkte das richtige Umfeld für Innovationen bieten. Während sie weiterhin tagtäglich mit der Realität frag- Die Verhinderung missbräuchlicher Verhaltensweisen mentierter Märkte und unterschiedlicher Regelungen und wettbewerbswidriger Vereinbarungen zwischen Un- konfrontiert werden, können ihre Wettbewerber aus ternehmen schafft ein Klima, in dem unternehmerische China, den USA oder Japan die Vorteile ihrer großen Innovation gedeihen kann. Auch die Beihilfenpolitik Heimatmärkte uneingeschränkt nutzen. kann aktiv und positiv zu den Zielen von Europa 2020 beitragen, indem sie Initiativen zugunsten innovativer- Der Binnenmarkt wurde erdacht, bevor es das Internet er, effizienterer und umweltfreundlicherer Technologien gab, bevor Informations- und Kommunikationstech- anregt und fördert und den Zugang zu staatlicher För- nologien zu einem der wichtigsten Wachstumsmotoren derung von Investitionen, Wagniskapital und Forschung wurden, und bevor Dienstleistungen zum dominieren- und Entwicklung erleichtert. den Faktor der europäischen Wirtschaft aufstiegen. Das Aufkommen neuer Dienstleistungen (Inhalts- und Me- Die Kommission wird folgende Maßnahmen vorschla- dienbranche, Gesundheitswesen, intelligente Energie- gen, um Binnenmarkthindernisse zu beseitigen: verbrauchsmessung) lässt ein großes Potenzial erkennen, das Europa aber nur dann wird nutzen können, wenn es –– Stärkung der Strukturen zur fristgerechten und die Fragmentierung überwindet, die den freien Fluss von korrekten Durchführung von Binnenmarktmaß- Online-Inhalten und den Zugang für Verbraucher und nahmen einschließlich der Regulierung von Netzen, Unternehmen derzeit blockiert. der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie und der Finanzmarkt- gesetzgebung und –aufsicht, ihrer wirkungsvollen Um den Binnenmarkt im Sinne der Ziele für Europa Durchsetzung und zur raschen Lösung etwaiger 2020 nutzen zu können, bedarf es gut funktionieren- Probleme; der und miteinander verbundener Märkte, auf denen –– Voranbringen der Agenda für intelligente Regulie- der Wettbewerb sowie der Marktzugang der Verbrau- rung, gegebenenfalls unter vermehrtem Rückgriff cher Wachstum und Innovation stimulieren. Auf der auf Verordnungen anstelle von Richtlinien, Beginn Grundlage der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie muss ein offe- einer Evaluierung bestehender Rechtsvorschriften, ner Dienstleistungs-Binnenmarkt geschaffen werden. Fortsetzung der Marktüberwachung, Verringerung Gleichzeitig ist die Qualität dieser Leistungen für den der Verwaltungslasten, Beseitigung steuerlicher Verbraucher sicherzustellen. Durch die vollständige Hindernisse, Verbesserung der Rahmenbedingun- Umsetzung der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie könnten der gen für Unternehmen und insbesondere für KMU Handel mit privaten Dienstleistungen um 45% und aus- sowie die Förderung des Unternehmertums; ländische Direktinvestitionen um 25% gesteigert werden, was eine Zunahme des BIP um zwischen 0,5% und –– Anpassung des EU- und des innerstaatlichen 1,5% zur Folge hätte. Rechts an das digitale Zeitalter, um den Austausch EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

von Inhalten zu fördern und für Verbraucher und Der mehrjährige Finanzrahmen der EU wird diesen Unternehmen vertrauenswürdig zu machen. Hierfür langfristigen Wachstumsprioritäten ebenfalls Rechnung ist es erforderlich, die Vorschriften über Haftung, tragen müssen. Die Kommission will diese Prioritäten, Gewährleistung, Auslieferung und Konfliktlösung sobald sie beschlossen sind, im kommenden Jahr bei ih- zu modernisieren; ren Vorschlägen für den nächsten mehrjährigen Finanz- rahmen berücksichtigen. Zu erörtern ist dabei nicht nur –– Maßnahmen, um Unternehmen und Verbrauchern die Höhe der Mittel, sondern auch, wie unterschiedliche Verträge mit Geschäftspartnern in anderen EU-Län- Finanzierungsinstrumente wie Strukturfonds, Landwirt- dern zu erleichtern und zu verbilligen, u.a. durch schaftsfonds, Fonds für die Entwicklung des ländlichen harmonisierte Regeln für Verbraucherverträge, Raums, Forschungsrahmenprogramm und Rahmenpro- EU-weite Modell-Vertragsklauseln und Vorarbei- gramm für Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Innovation auf die ten für ein fakultatives einheitliches europäisches Verwirklichung der Ziele von Europa 2020 ausgerichtet Vertragsrecht; werden können, um eine optimale Wirkung und Effizi- –– Maßnahmen, um die Durchsetzung von Verträ- enz sowie einen europäischen Mehrwert zu gewährleis- gen für Unternehmen und Verbraucher einfacher ten. Von großer Bedeutung wird es dabei sein, Wege zu und billiger zu machen und die Anerkennung von finden, wie die Wirksamkeit der EU-Mittel verbessert gerichtlichen Entscheidungen und Schriftstücken in werden kann – damit sie trotz ihrer geringen Höhe bei anderen EU-Ländern zu gewährleisten. sorgfältigem Einsatz eine große Schubkraft entfalten können. 3.2. In Wachstum investieren: 481 Kohäsionspolitik, Mobilisierung Die Kommission wird Maßnahmen vorschlagen, um indes EU-Haushalts und privaten novative Finanzierungsformen im Dienste der Ziele von Kapitals Europa 2020 zu entwickeln:

Der wirtschaftliche, soziale und territoriale Zusammen- –– Umfassende Ausschöpfung aller Möglichkeiten halt bleibt ein zentrales Anliegen der Strategie Europa zur Verbesserung von Wirksamkeit und Effizienz 2020, damit alle Kraft und sämtliche Kapazitäten für die des bestehenden EU-Budgets durch verstärkte Strategie mobilisiert und auf ihre Prioritäten ausgerichtet Prioritätensetzung und ein genaueres Ausrichten werden können. Die Kohäsionspolitik und die Struk- der EU-Ausgaben auf die Ziele von Europa 2020, turfonds sind nicht nur per se wichtige Instrumente der um die aktuelle Fragmentierung der Finanzie- Unionspolitik, sondern auch entscheidende Katalysato- rungsinstrumente zu überwinden (z.B. F&E und ren für die Verwirklichung eines intelligenten, nachhalti- Innovation, wichtige Infrastrukturinvestitionen in gen und integrativen Wachstums in den Mitgliedstaaten grenzüberschreitende Energie- und Verkehrsnetze, und Regionen. kohlenstoffarme Technologien). Die anstehende Neufassung der Haushaltsordnung sollte für die Die Finanzkrise hat die Fähigkeit der Unternehmen und Entwicklung innovativer Finanzinstrumente bei der öffentlichen Hand in Europa zur Finanzierung von gleichzeitiger solider Haushaltsführung genutzt Investitionen und Innovationen merklich beeinträchtigt. werden; Entscheidend für die Verwirklichung der Ziele von Eu- –– Konzeption neuer Finanzierungsinstrumente insbe- ropa 2020 sind rechtliche Rahmenbedingungen, die die sondere in Zusammenarbeit mit EIB/EIF und der Funktionsfähigkeit und die Sicherheit der Finanzmärkte Wirtschaft, die bisher nicht gedeckten Bedürfnissen gewährleisten. Europa muss sich nach besten Kräften der Unternehmen gerecht werden. Im Rahmen des bemühen, seine finanziellen Mittel wirksam einzusetzen, anstehenden Forschungs- und Innovationsplans mit der Kombination privater und öffentlicher Mit- wird die Kommission mit EIB/EIF eine Initiative tel neue Wege beschreiten und innovative Instrumente zur Mobilisierung zusätzlicher privater Mittel für schaffen, um die benötigten Investitionen zu finanzie- die Innovationsförderung und das Unternehmens- ren. Dazu zählen auch öffentlich-private Partnerschaften wachstum koordinieren; (ÖPP). Die Europäische Investitionsbank und der Eu- ropäische Investitionsfonds können dazu beitragen, eine –– Verwirklichung eines effizienten europäischen Aufwärtsspirale in Gang zu setzen, bei der Innovation Wagniskapitalmarkts, der den direkten Zugang von und unternehmerische Tätigkeit von der Gründungs- Unternehmen zu den Kapitalmärkten erheblich phase bis hin zum Börsengang in Partnerschaft mit den erleichtern würde, und Prüfung von Anreizen für vielen auf nationaler Ebene bereits bestehenden öffent- private Anlagefonds zur Finanzierung von Unter- lichen Initiativen und Programmen rentabel finanziert nehmensgründungen und innovativen KMU. werden können. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

3.3. Entfaltung unserer Darüber hinaus wird es in den kommenden Jahren da- außenpolitischen Instrumente rauf ankommen, mit Schwellenländern strategische Beziehungen einzugehen, um gemeinsame Angelegen- heiten zu erörtern, ein gemeinsames Herangehen an Das Wachstum der Weltwirtschaft wird den exportorien- Regulierungs- und andere Fragen zu fördern und bilate- tierten Unternehmen in Europa neue Chancen eröffnen rale Meinungsverschiedenheiten zu lösen. Für diese Be- und einen Zugang zu wichtigen Einfuhren zu wettbe- ziehungen wären flexible, eher politische als technische werbsfähigen Bedingungen gewährleisten. Alle außen- Strukturen ins Auge zu fassen. wirtschaftlichen Instrumente müssen genutzt werden, um durch unsere Mitwirkung an weltweit offenen und fairen Märkten das Wachstum in Europa zu beschleuni- 2010 wird die Kommission eine Handelsstrategie für Eu- gen. Das gilt für die außenpolitische Komponente unse- ropa 2020 u. a mit folgenden Komponenten ausarbeiten: rer diversen innenpolitischen Kompetenzen (wie Energie, Verkehr, Landwirtschaft, FuE.), aber ganz besonders für –– Nachdrücklicher Einsatz für den Abschluss der die Handelspolitik und die internationale Koordinierung laufenden multi- und bilateralen Handelsgespräche, in der Wirtschaftspolitik. Ein offenes Europa innerhalb insbesondere jener mit dem größten Wirtschaftspo- eines auf Regeln gegründeten internationalen Rahmens tenzial, sowie für die konsequentere Durchsetzung ist der beste Weg, die Globalisierung für mehr Wachs- bestehender Verträge, mit besonderem Augenmerk tum und Beschäftigung zu nutzen. Gleichzeitig muss die auf nicht-tarifäre Handelshemmnisse; EU in der Welt selbstbewusster auftreten und bei der 482 –– Initiativen zur Öffnung des Handels in zukunft- Gestaltung der künftigen Weltwirtschaftsordnung in den strächtigen Bereichen wie „grünen“ Produkten G20 eine führende Rolle einnehmen, dabei aber das eu- und Technologien sowie „Hightech“-Produkten ropäische Interesse durch aktive Entfaltung aller uns zur und –Dienstleistungen, und zur internationalen Verfügung stehenden Instrumente verfolgen. Normung insbesondere in Wachstumssektoren;

Ein Teil des Wachstums, das Europa im kommenden –– Vorschläge für strategische Dialoge auf hoher Jahrzehnt erzielen muss, wird von den Schwellenländern Ebene mit wichtigen Partnern zur Behandlung kommen müssen, deren aufstrebende Mittelschichten strategischer Fragen vom Marktzugang über den Waren und Dienstleistungen einführen, bei denen die Regulierungsrahmen, globale Ungleichgewichte, Europäische Union über komparative Vorteile verfügt. Energie und Klimawandel, Rohstoffzugang und Als größte Handelsmacht des Globus profitiert die EU globale Armut bis hin zu Bildung und Entwicklung. von ihrer Weltoffenheit und einer genauen Beobachtung Stärkung des Transatlantischen Wirtschaftsrats mit der Entwicklungen in anderen Industrie- oder Schwel- den USA und des Wirtschaftsdialogs mit China auf lenländern, um künftige Trends vorwegnehmen oder hoher Ebene sowie die Vertiefung der Beziehungen sich ihnen anpassen zu können. zu Japan und Russland; –– ab 2011 einen jährlichen Bericht für die Frühjahrs- Die Verwirklichung eines besseren Marktzugangs für tagung des Europäischen Rates über Handels- und EU-Unternehmen einschließlich KMU und gleicher Investitionshemmnisse, in dem Wege zur Ver- Wettbewerbsvoraussetzungen im Verhältnis zu unseren besserung des Marktzugangs und der rechtlichen externen Wettbewerbern innerhalb der WTO und auf Rahmenbedingungen für EU-Unternehmen erörtert bilateraler Ebene sollte ein wichtiges Ziel sein. Außer- werden. dem sollten wir den Dialog über Regulierungsfragen insbesondere in neuen Bereichen wie Klima und um- Die EU ist ein weltweiter Akteur und nimmt ihre inter- weltgerechtes Wachstum konzentrieren und bündeln nationale Verantwortung sehr ernst. Sie ist eine wirkliche und unseren weltweiten Einfluss durch das Eintreten Partnerschaft mit den Entwicklungsländern eingegangen, für Gleichwertigkeit, gegenseitige Anerkennung und um die Armut zu bekämpfen, das Wachstum zu fördern Konvergenz in wichtigen Regulierungsfragen neben der und die Millennium-Entwicklungsziele zu verwirkli- Übernahme unserer Regeln und Normen nach Möglich- chen. Wir pflegen besonders enge Beziehungen zu Afri- keit ausweiten. ka. Die Weiterentwicklung dieser engen Partnerschaft ist eine notwendige Investition in die Zukunft. Diese Poli- Die Strategie Europa 2020 ist nicht nur innerhalb der tik wird sich in die umfassenderen Bemühungen einglie- EU relevant. Sie kann auch Beitrittskandidaten und un- dern, die Wirksamkeit unserer Hilfsprogramme durch seren Nachbarn beträchtliches Potenzial eröffnen und eine effiziente Arbeitsteilung mit den Mitgliedstaaten ihnen bei ihren eigenen Reformbemühungen behilflich und eine bessere Verankerung der Entwicklungsziele in sein. Die Ausweitung des Geltungsraums von EU-Regeln anderen Bereichen der Unionspolitik zu verbessern. wird ihnen und der EU neue Chancen bieten. EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

4. Überwindung der Krise: Grundlagen steht. Die Zeitplanung muss jedoch von Land zu Land gegebenenfalls unterschiedlich erste Schritte auf die gehandhabt werden, weswegen eine sehr enge Ab- Ziele von 2020 stimmung auf europäischer Ebene unverzichtbar ist. –– Kurzfristige Beschäftigungshilfen sollten erst auslau- Politische Instrumente wurden entschlossen und massiv fen, wenn die konjunkturelle Wende als gesichert zum Kampf gegen die Krise eingesetzt. Die Fiskalpoli- betrachtet werden kann und damit zu rechnen ist, tik wurde nach Möglichkeit expansiv und antizyklisch dass die Beschäftigung – mit der üblichen Verzöge- betrieben. Die Zinsen wurden auf einen historischen rung – wieder anzieht. Tiefstand herabgesetzt, und dem Finanzsektor wurde in nie dagewesenem Ausmaß Liquidität zur Verfügung ge- –– Maßnahmen zur Unterstützung bestimmter Bran- stellt. Die Staaten haben einzelne Banken entweder mit chen sollten frühzeitig auslaufen, da sie mit hohen Bürgschaften oder Rekapitalisierungen oder durch die Kosten für die öffentlichen Haushalte verbunden „Bereinigung“ der Bilanzen von wertgeminderten Akti- sind, ihre Ziele im großen und ganzen erreicht ha- va massiv unterstützt. Andere Branchen wurden auf der ben und drohen, den Wettbewerb im Binnenmarkt Grundlage des befristeten Ausnahme-Beihilferahmens zu verzerren. gestützt. Alle diese Maßnahmen waren gerechtfertigt –– Maßnahmen, die den Zugang von Unternehmen und sind es noch. Sie können jedoch nicht von Dau- zu Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten erleichtern, sollten er sein. Hohe Schulden der öffentlichen Hand können fortgesetzt werden, bis deutliche Anzeichen für 483 nicht auf unbeschränkte Zeit durchgehalten werden. Die eine weitgehende Wiederherstellung der normalen Verwirklichung der Ziele von Europa 2020 muss auf ei- Bedingungen erkennbar sind. ner glaubwürdigen Ausstiegsstrategie gründen, sowohl auf der Ebene der Haushalts- und der Geldpolitik als –– Das Auslaufen der Unterstützung für den Finanz- auch auf der Ebene der direkten staatlichen Unterstüt- sektor, beginnend mit dem Ende der öffentlichen zung für einzelne Wirtschaftszweige und insbesondere Garantien, wird von der wirtschaftlichen Entwick- den Finanzsektor. Die zeitliche Staffelung der verschie- lung im Allgemeinen und von der Stabilität des denen Ausstiegsszenarien ist von großer Bedeutung. Eine Finanzsystems im Besonderen abhängen. vertiefte Abstimmung der Wirtschaftspolitik insbesondere innerhalb des Euroraums sollte eine erfolgreiche Über- 4.2. Die Reform des Finanzsystems windung der Krise gewährleisten. Kurzfristig wird es wesentlich darauf ankommen, einen 4.1. Definition einer glaubwürdigen soliden, stabilen und gesunden Finanzsektor wiederher- Ausstiegsstrategie zustellen, der in der Lage ist, die Realwirtschaft zu finanzieren. Dazu müssen die Beschlüsse der G20 vollständig Angesichts der anhaltenden Ungewissheit über die künfti- und fristgerecht umgesetzt werden. Insbesondere müssen ge wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und der immer noch fragi- folgende fünf Ziele verwirklicht werden: len Lage des Finanzsektors sollten Stützungsmaßnahmen erst auslaufen, wenn sich die wirtschaftliche Erholung –– Durchführung der vereinbarten Reformen im selbst trägt und die Stabilität des Finanzsektors wieder- Bereich der Finanzaufsicht; hergestellt ist32. Das Zurückfahren vorübergehender Maß- –– Schließung der Regulierungslücken, Förderung der nahmen gegen die Krise sollte in koordinierter Form von- Transparenz, Stabilität und Rechenschaftspflicht statten gehen und mögliche negative Wechselwirkungen insbesondere im Hinblick auf Derivate und die zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten und das Zusammenwirken Marktinfrastruktur; verschiedener politischer Instrumente berücksichtigen. Auf dem Gebiet der staatlichen Beihilfen sollte wieder –– Vollendung der Konsolidierung unserer Regeln über Disziplin einkehren. Ein erster Schritt ist das Auslaufen Aufsicht, Rechnungslegung und Verbraucherschutz des befristeten Beihilferahmens. Diese Koordinierung mit einem einheitlichen europäischen Regelwerk, müsste auf folgenden Grundsätzen fußen: das sämtliche Akteure und Märkte des Finanzsek- tors angemessen abdeckt; –– Die Rücknahme der Konjunkturmaßnahmen –– Stärkung der Führung von Finanzinstitutionen, um sollte einsetzen, sobald die Konjunktur auf festen die in der Finanzkrise aufgedeckten Schwächen bei der Identifizierung von Risiken und im Manage- ment zu beheben; 32 Schlussfolgerungen des Europäischen Rats vom 10./11. Dezember 2009. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

–– Einleitung einer ambitionierten Politik, um etwaige der Einnahmen/des Steuersystems. Gegebenenfalls erfor- Finanzkrisen künftig besser zu verhindern oder derliche Steuererhöhungen sollten nach Möglichkeit mit gegebenenfalls zu bewältigen, und die – in Anbe- einer „wachstumsfreundlicheren“ Gestaltung des Steuer- tracht der Verantwortung des Finanzsektors in der systems verbunden werden. Eine Anhebung der Lohnne- gegenwärtigen Krise – auch einen angemessenen benkosten, wie sie in der Vergangenheit auf Kosten zahlrei- Beitrag des Finanzsektors prüft. cher Arbeitsplätze vorgenommen wurde, sollte vermieden werden. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten vielmehr bestrebt 4.3. Intelligente Konsolidierung der sein, im Zuge einer umweltfreundlicheren Ausrichtung öffentlichen Haushalte mit dem ihres Steuersystems anstelle des Faktors Arbeit stärker den Ziel langfristigen Wachstums Energieverbrauch und Umweltfolgen zu belasten. Die haushaltspolitische Konsolidierung und langfristige Um die Bedingungen für nachhaltiges Wachstum und Stabilisierung der öffentlichen Finanzen muss mit weit- Beschäftigung wiederherzustellen, bedarf es gesunder reichenden Strukturreformen insbesondere auf den Ge- öffentlicher Finanzen und folglich einer umfassenden bieten der Altersversorgung, des Gesundheitswesens, des Ausstiegsstrategie. Dazu zählen ein schrittweises Auslau- sozialen Schutzes und der Bildungssysteme einhergehen. fen der kurzfristigen krisenbedingten Stützungsmaßnah- Die Staatsorgane sollten diese Situation als Chance be- men und die Durchführung mittel- bis längerfristiger trachten, ihre Effizienz und Leistungsqualität zu verbes- Reformen zur Förderung der Nachhaltigkeit öffentlicher sern. Die Politik zur Vergabe öffentlicher Aufträge muss Haushalte und zur Stärkung des Wachstumspotenzials. 484 gewährleisten, dass die öffentlichen Mittel effizient- ge nutzt werden und die Beschaffungsmärkte EU-weit offen Der Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt bietet den rich- bleiben. tigen Rahmen für die Durchführung fiskalpolitischer Ausstiegsstrategien. Die Mitgliedstaaten sind in Begriff, derartige Strategien in ihren Stabilitäts- und Konver- 4.4. Koordinierung innerhalb der genzprogrammen zu konzipieren. In den meisten Län- Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion dern dürfte der fiskalpolitische Konsolidierungskurs normalerweise 2011 einsetzen. In der Regel sollten die Die Währungsunion hat sich für die Mitgliedstaaten, de- Haushaltsdefizite bis 2013 wieder unter die Grenze von ren Währung der Euro ist, als wertvoller Schutzschild ge- 3 % des BIP gebracht sein. In einigen Ländern muss die gen Wechselkursturbulenzen erwiesen. Die Krise hat je- Konsolidierungsphase möglicherweise schon vor 2011 doch auch das Ausmaß der wirtschaftlichen Verflechtung beginnen. In diesen Fällen kann es notwendig sein, dass innerhalb des Euroraums insbesondere im finanziellen die Rückführung der befristeten, krisenbedingten Stüt- Bereich deutlich gemacht. Spillover-Effekte sind wahr- zungsmaßnahmen und die Haushaltskonsolidierung scheinlicher geworden. Divergierende Konjunkturent- gleichzeitig vonstatten gehen. wicklungen führen in einigen Fällen zu einer Anhäufung öffentlicher Schulden in einer untragbaren Höhe, was Die Konsolidierung der öffentlichen Finanzen im Rah- wiederum die gemeinsame Währung belastet. Die Krise men des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts zur Stützung hat somit einige der Herausforderungen, denen sich der des Wachstumspotenzials der EU und der Tragfähigkeit Euro-Raum gegenübersieht, wie die fehlende Nachhal- unserer Sozialmodelle bedingt, dass wir Prioritäten set- tigkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen und des potenziellen zen und harte Entscheidungen treffen: Eine Koordinie- Wachstums, aber auch die destabilisierende Wirkung rung auf EU-Ebene kann den Mitgliedstaaten dabei hel- von Ungleichgewichten und Unterschieden in der Wett- fen und den Umgang mit möglichen Wechselwirkungen bewerbsfähigkeit, verschärft. zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten erleichtern. Wichtig sind aber auch Zusammensetzung und Qualität der Staatsaus- Eine Bewältigung dieser Herausforderungen für den Eu- gaben: Programme zur Haushaltskonsolidierung sollten ro-Raum ist unabdingbar und dringend geboten, um die wachstumsfördernden Maßnahmen in den Bereichen Stabilität zu wahren und nachhaltiges, Beschäftigung er- Bildung, FuE und Innovation sowie Investitionen in zeugendes Wachstum zu schaffen. Hierzu ist eine stärke- Netzinfrastrukturen wie Hochgeschwindigkeitsverbin- re und engere politische Koordinierung notwendig, die dungen im Internet sowie der Verbindung von Energie- folgendes einschließt: und Verkehrsnetzen, d. h. den Kernbereichen der Strate- gie Europa 2020, den Vorzug geben. –– einen Rahmen für eine weiterreichende und umfassendere Überwachung der Euro-Länder: neben der Großes Augenmerk muss in der Haushaltspolitik auch der Stärkung der Haushaltsdisziplin sollten makroöko- Einnahmenseite zukommen, insbesondere der Qualität nomische Ungleichgewichte und die Entwicklung EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit integraler Bestandteil der –– Das System der Länderberichte leistet einen wirtschaftlichen Überwachung sein, u.a. um eine Beitrag zur Realisierung der Ziele von Europa 2020, Anpassungspolitik zu erleichtern; indem die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Festlegung und Umsetzung von Ausstiegsstrategien, der Wieder- –– einen Rahmen für den Umgang mit unmittelbaren herstellung der makroökonomischen Stabilität, der Gefahren für die finanzielle Stabilität des Eu- Ermittlung von Engpässen, der Rückführung ihrer ro-Raums als Ganzen; Volkswirtschaften zu nachhaltigem Wachstum und –– eine angemessene Vertretung des Euro-Raums nach der Konsolidierung ihrer Haushalte unterstützt außen, um weltweite wirtschaftliche und finanzielle werden. Das System zielt nicht nur auf die Fiskal- Herausforderungen kraftvoll anzugehen. politik ab, sondern auch auf makroökonomische Schlüsselthemen im Zusammenhang mit Wachstum Die Kommission wird Vorschläge unterbreiten, mit de- und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit (d. h. makroökonomi- nen diese Vorstellungen in die Praxis umgesetzt werden sche Ungleichgewichte). Hierbei ist sicherzustellen, sollen. dass ein integrierter Ansatz zur Gestaltung und Umsetzung der Politik verfolgt wird; dies ist zur Unterstützung der Mitgliedstaaten bei Entscheidun- 5. Konkrete Ergebnisse: gen, die sie in einer angespannten Finanzlage treffen Stärkung der politischen müssen, unabdingbar. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt der Funktionsfähigkeit des Euroraums und der Architektur engen Verzahnung der Mitgliedstaaten. 485 Zu diesem Zweck erfolgen die Berichterstattung und Damit die Strategie Europa 2020 transformative Verän- Bewertung im Rahmen von Europa 2020 und des Sta- derungen bewirken kann, muss sie stärker ausgerichtet bilitäts- und Wachstumspakts gleichzeitig, um die Mittel werden, klare Ziele vorantreiben und auf transparente und Ziele zusammenzubringen. Es handelt sich aller- Kriterien zur Bewertung der Fortschritte setzen. Hierzu dings um zwei getrennte Instrumente und Verfahren, bedarf es eines soliden Steuerungsrahmens, in dem die so dass der Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt unberührt zur zeitnahen und wirksamen Realisierung der Ziele zur bleibt. Dieses Vorgehen hat zur Folge, dass die jährlichen Verfügung stehenden Instrumente eingesetzt werden Stabilitäts-/Konvergenzprogramme und die gestrafften können. Reformprogramme, die alle Mitgliedstaaten erarbeiten müssen, um die Maßnahmen zur Berichterstattung über 5.1. Vorgeschlagene Architektur für Fortschritte im Hinblick auf ihre Ziele und die wich- Europa 2020 tigsten Strukturreformen zur Überwindung der Wachs- tumshürden festzulegen, gleichzeitig vorgeschlagen Das Fundament der Strategie sollen ein thematischer werden. Die beiden Programme enthalten die notwen- Ansatz und eine zielgerichtetere Überwachung der ein- digen Querverweise und sind der Kommission und den zelnen Länder bilden; hierbei wird auf bereits vorhande- anderen Mitgliedstaaten im letzten Quartal des Jahres ne wirksame Koordinierungsinstrumente zurückgegrif- vorzulegen. Der Europäische Ausschuss für Systemrisi- fen. Im Einzelnen stellen sich die beiden Elemente wie ken (ESRB) berichtet regelmäßig über makrofinanzielle folgt dar: Risiken; diese Berichte tragen maßgeblich zur Gesamtbe- wertung bei. Die Kommission bewertet die Programme –– Ein thematischer Ansatz stellt auf die in Ab- und berichtet über die bei der Umsetzung erzielten Fort- schnitt 2 ermittelten Themen ab, insbesondere schritte. Den Herausforderungen der Wirtschafts- und auf die fünf Kernziele. Hauptinstrument ist das Währungsunion kommt besondere Aufmerksamkeit zu. Programm Europa 2020 mit seinen Leitinitiativen, die sowohl auf EU- als auch auf mitgliedstaatlicher Dem Europäischen Rat liegen damit alle für seine Ent- Ebene Maßnahmen erfordern (s. Abschnitt 2 und scheidungsfindung notwendigen Informationen vor – Anhänge 1 und 2). Der thematische Ansatz spiegelt er erhält eine Analyse der Wirtschaftsentwicklung und die EU-Dimension wider, verdeutlicht die enge der Beschäftigungslage, eine Gesamtübersicht über den Verflechtung der Volkswirtschaften der Mitglied- Haushalt sowie eine Analyse der makrofinanziellen Be- staaten und ermöglicht eine größere Selektivität bei dingungen und der Fortschritte bei den thematischen konkreten Initiativen, mit denen die Strategie und Agenden sämtlicher Mitgliedstaaten und kann darüber die Verwirklichung der Kernziele auf EU- und auf hinaus den allgemeinen Zustand der EU-Wirtschaft mitgliedstaatlicher Ebene vorangebracht werden prüfen. sollen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Integrierte Leitlinien reagiert hat oder eine der Orientierungshilfe zuwider laufende Politik betreibt, kann die Kommission eine Verwar- Die Strategie Europa 2020 wird institutionell in einer Rei- nung aussprechen (Artikel 121 Absatz 4). he von neuen integrierten Leitlinien (zur Integration der Grundzüge der Wirtschaftspolitik und der beschäftigungs- 5.2. Aufgabenverteilung politischen Leitlinien) verankert, mit der die 24 geltenden Leitlinien ersetzt werden. In den neuen Leitlinien wird den Zusammenarbeit ist unabdingbar, um die Ziele zu errei- Beschlüssen des Europäischen Rates und den vereinbarten chen. Wachstum und Beschäftigung werden nur dann Zielsetzungen Rechnung getragen. Nach der Stellungnah- in unsere eng verflochtenen Volkswirtschaften zurück- me des Europäischen Parlaments zu den beschäftigungspo- kehren, wenn alle Mitgliedstaaten – unter Berücksich- litischen Leitlinien, wie im Vertrag vorgesehen, werden die tigung ihrer besonderen Gegebenheiten – am gleichen Leitlinien vor der Annahme durch den Europäischen Rat Strang ziehen. Wir brauchen mehr Eigenverantwortung. auf seiner Junitagung politisch durch den Rat bestätigt. Der Europäische Rat sollte anhand von Kommissions- Nach der Annahme bleiben die Leitlinien bis 2014 weit- vorschlägen und auf der Grundlage eines einzigen Kri- gehend unverändert bestehen, damit das Hauptaugenmerk teriums, nämlich inwieweit ein eindeutiger Mehrwert auf die Umsetzung gerichtet werden kann. durch das Handeln der EU gegeben ist, allgemeine Ori- entierungshilfen geben. Hier kommt dem Europäischen Politische Empfehlungen Parlament eine besonders wichtige Aufgabe zu. Auch die Akteure auf nationaler und regionaler Ebene sowie die 486 Die an die Mitgliedstaaten gerichteten politischen Sozialpartner müssen stärker einbezogen werden. In An- Empfehlungen basieren sowohl auf den Länderberich- hang 3 ist ein Überblick über den politischen Zyklus und ten als auch auf dem thematischen Ansatz für Europa den Zeitrahmen für Europa 2020 beigefügt. 2020. Die Empfehlungen im Zusammenhang mit den Länderberichten erfolgen in Form von Stellungnah- Uneingeschränkte Verantwortung des Europäischen Rates men zu den Stabilitäts-/Konvergenzprogrammen nach der Verordnung (EG) Nr. 1466/97 des Rates und wer- Im Gegensatz zur jetzigen Situation, in der der Europä- den durch Empfehlungen im Rahmen der Grundzüge ische Rat das letzte Glied in der Beschlussfassungskette der Wirtschaftspolitik (Artikel 121 Absatz 2) ergänzt. ist, sollte er künftig für die Steuerung der Strategie ver- Die Empfehlungen im Zusammenhang mit dem the- antwortlich zeichnen, da er für die Abstimmung der Po- matischen Element umfassen beschäftigungspolitische litik und die wechselseitigen Beziehungen zwischen den (Artikel 148) und länderspezifische Empfehlungen zu Mitgliedstaaten und der EU zuständig ist. ausgewählten anderen Themenbereichen (z. B. Rahmen- bedingungen für Unternehmen, Innovation, Funktionie- Der Europäische Rat beobachtet die Umsetzung des ren des Binnenmarkts, Energie/Klimawandel etc.); diese Programms Europa 2020 und kann sich bei künftigen Aspekte können auch in den Empfehlungen der Grund- Tagungen auf spezifische Themen (z. B. Forschung und züge der Wirtschaftspolitik (s. o.) behandelt werden, so- Innovation, Qualifikationen) konzentrieren und Orien- weit sie makroökonomische Auswirkungen haben. Auf tierungshilfe sowie notwendige Impulse geben. diese Weise kann außerdem die Kohärenz zwischen dem makroökonomischen/fiskalischen Rahmen und den the- Ministerrat matischen Agenden sichergestellt werden.

Die auf der Grundlage der Überwachung der einzelnen Län- Die einschlägigen Fachräte arbeiten an der Umsetzung der ausgesprochenen Empfehlungen betreffen Themen, die des Programms Europa 2020 und der Erreichung der wesentliche Auswirkungen auf die Volkswirtschaften und Ziele in den Bereichen, für die sie zuständig sind. Im die öffentlichen Finanzen haben. Die auf der Grundlage Rahmen der Leitinitiativen werden die Mitgliedstaaten des thematischen Ansatzes ausgesprochenen Empfehlungen aufgefordert, ihren Informationsaustausch über bewähr- enthalten hingegen genaue Orientierungshilfen im Hin- te Praktiken innerhalb der verschiedenen Fachräte zu blick auf mikroökonomische und beschäftigungspolitische intensivieren. Herausforderungen. Die Empfehlungen sind ausreichend präzise formuliert und geben in der Regel einen Zeitrah- Europäische Kommission men vor, innerhalb dessen ein Mitgliedstaat handeln sollte (z. B. zwei Jahre). Der Mitgliedstaat legt daraufhin fest, mit Die Europäische Kommission wird die Situation jährlich welcher Maßnahme die Empfehlung umzusetzen ist. Falls anhand einer Reihe von Indikatoren überprüfen, mit de- ein Mitgliedstaat nach Ablauf des vorgegebenen Zeitraums nen der Gesamtfortschritt bei der Erreichung des Ziels nicht angemessen auf eine politische Empfehlung des Rates einer intelligenten, umweltfreundlichen und integrativen EUROPA 2020: Eine Strategie für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum

Wirtschaft mit einer hohen Beschäftigungs- und Pro- notwendig und unabdingbar sind, um unseren Lebens- duktivitätsquote sowie weitreichendem sozialen Zusam- standard beizubehalten und unsere Sozialmodelle zu si- menhalt gemessen werden kann. chern, wo Europa und die Mitgliedstaaten im Jahr 2020 stehen wollen und welcher Beitrag von den Bürgern, Sie legt einen Jahresbericht über die Ergebnisse der Stra- Unternehmen und ihren Vertretern erwartet wird. Der tegie Europa 2020 vor, konzentriert sich dabei auf die Kommission ist bewusst, dass nationale Gegebenheiten bei den vereinbarten Kernzielen erreichten Fortschritte und Traditionen zu berücksichtigen sind und schlägt da- und bewertet die Länderberichte und die Stabilitäts- her einen gemeinsamen „Werkzeugkasten“ für Kommu- und Konvergenzprogramme. Vor diesem Hintergrund nikationszwecke vor. spricht die Kommission politische Empfehlungen oder Verwarnungen aus, präsentiert politische Vorschläge für die Verwirklichung der Ziele der Strategie und legt eine 6. Beschlussvorlage für den spezifische Bewertung der im Euroraum erreichten Fort- schritte vor. Europäischen Rat Die Kommission schlägt vor, dass der Europäische Rat Europäisches Parlament auf seiner Frühjahrstagung 2010 Das Europäische Parlament spielt bei der Strategie nicht –– die thematischen Prioritäten der Strategie Europa nur als Mitgesetzgeber, sondern auch als treibende Kraft 2020 vereinbart; 487 bei der Mobilisierung der Bürger und der nationalen Par- lamente eine wichtige Rolle. Das Parlament kann z. B. –– die fünf in Abschnitt 2 dieses Papiers vorgeschlage- im Rahmen der nächsten Sitzung mit den nationalen nen Kernziele festlegt (FuE-Investitionen, Bildung, Parlamenten seinen Beitrag zu Europa 2020 erörtern Energie/Klimawandel, Beschäftigungsquote und und die Standpunkte an den im Frühjahr tagenden Eu- Armutsbekämpfung, Definition der Ziele für Euro- ropäischen Rat berichten. pa 2020) und die Mitgliedstaaten zum Dialog mit der Europäischen Kommission auffordert, um diese Nationale, regionale und lokale Verwaltungen Ziele auf EU-Ebene in nationale Ziele umzusetzen. Über die Ziele sollte im Rahmen der Tagung des Alle nationalen, regionalen und lokalen Verwaltungen Europäischen Rats im Juni entschieden werden, wo- setzen die Partnerschaft in enger Zusammenarbeit mit bei die nationalen Gegebenheiten und unterschied- den Parlamenten, den Sozialpartnern und Vertretern der lichen Ausgangspunkte zu berücksichtigen sind. Zivilgesellschaft um und leisten einen Beitrag zur Erar- –– die Kommission auffordert, Vorschläge für Leitiniti- beitung der nationalen Reformprogramme und zu deren ativen vorzulegen und den Rat (und seine Zusam- Umsetzung. mensetzungen) ersucht, auf dieser Grundlage die notwendigen Beschlüsse zur Umsetzung zu erlassen; Durch die Einrichtung eines ständigen Dialogs auf verschiedenen Regierungsebenen werden die Prioritäten der –– eine weitere Stärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Union den Bürgern nähergebracht und die Eigenverant- Koordinierung vereinbart, um positive Spillover-Ef- wortung gestärkt, die zur Verwirklichung der Strategie fekte zu bewirken und die Herausforderungen, Europa 2020 notwendig ist. denen die Union gegenübersteht, besser bewältigen zu können. Zu diesem Zweck sollte der Rat die in Beteiligte und Zivilgesellschaft dieser Mitteilung vorgeschlagene Kombination aus thematischen und länderspezifischen Bewertungen unter strikter Einhaltung der Integrität des Pakts Darüber hinaus werden der Wirtschafts- und Sozialaus- genehmigen und der Stärkung der WWU besonde- schuss sowie der Ausschuss der Regionen enger einbe- re Aufmerksamkeit widmen. zogen. Der Austausch bewährter Praktiken sowie Leis- tungsvergleiche und Vernetzung werden von mehreren –– alle Parteien und Beteiligten (z. B. nationale/regi- Mitgliedstaaten gefördert und haben sich als nützliche onale Parlamente, regionale und/oder kommunale Instrumente bei der Stärkung der Eigenverantwortung Gebietskörperschaften, Sozialpartner, Zivilge- und der Reformdynamik erwiesen. sellschaft und nicht zuletzt die Unionsbürger) auffordert, zur Umsetzung der Strategie beizutragen Der Erfolg der neuen Strategie hängt daher maßgeblich und partnerschaftlich zusammenzuarbeiten, indem von der Fähigkeit der EU-Organe, der Mitgliedstaaten sie Maßnahmen in ihrem Verantwortungsbereich und der Regionen ab, zu erklären, warum Reformen ergreifen; DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

–– die Kommission ersucht, den Fortschritt zu überwachen und jährlich auf der Frühjahrstagung des Europäischen Rats Bericht zu erstatten, einen Überblick über die Fortschritte bei der Erreichung der Ziele zu geben, einschließlich internationaler Leistungsvergleiche und dem Stand der Umsetzung der Leitinitiativen. Zu einem späteren Zeitpunkt soll der Europäische Rat im Rahmen seiner Tagungen

–– die vorgeschlagenen integrierten Leitlinien bestäti- gen, die nach Berücksichtigung der Stellungnahme des Europäischen Parlaments die institutionelle Grundlage darstellen; –– die nationalen Ziele in einem Verfahren der gegenseitigen Abstimmung validieren, um die Kohärenz sicherzustellen;

488 –– spezifische Themen erörtern, um zu bewerten, wo Europa steht und wie der Fortschritt beschleunigt werden kann. Auf der Tagung im Oktober finden auf der Grundlage eines Beitrags der Kommission erste Gespräche zu Forschung und Innovation statt. VERORDNUNG DES RATES zur Einführung eines europäischen Finanzstabilisierungsmechanismus

BRÜSSEL, DEN 9.5.2010 COM(2010) 2010

DER RAT DER EUROPÄISCHEN UNION – (5) Angesichts dieser außergewöhnlichen Situation, die sich der Kontrolle der Mitgliedstaaten entzieht, er- 489 gestützt auf den Vertrag über die Arbeitsweise der Euro- scheint es notwendig, unverzüglich einen EU-Me- päischen Union, insbesondere auf Artikel 122 Absatz 2, chanismus zur Wahrung der Finanzstabilität in Eu- ropa einzuführen. Ein solcher Mechanismus sollte auf Vorschlag der Kommission, die Union in die Lage versetzen, auf akute Schwie- rigkeiten in einem Mitgliedstaat des Eurogebiets in Erwägung nachstehender Gründe: koordiniert, rasch und wirksam zu reagieren.

(1) Nach Artikel 122 Absatz 2 AEUV kann einem (6) Aufgrund der besonderen finanziellen Auswirkun- Mitgliedstaat, der aufgrund außergewöhnlicher gen stellen die Beschlüsse über die Gewährung eines Ereignisse, die sich seiner Kontrolle entziehen, von finanziellen Beistands der Union auf der Grundlage Schwierigkeiten betroffen oder von gravierenden dieser Verordnung Durchführungsbefugnisse dar, Schwierigkeiten ernstlich bedroht ist, ein finanziel- die dem Rat übertragen werden sollten. ler Beistand der Union gewährt werden. (7) Bei Aktivierung dieses Mechanismus sollten mit (2) Solche Schwierigkeiten können durch eine ernst- Blick auf die Wahrung der langfristigen Tragfä- higkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen des betreffenden hafte Verschlechterung der internationalen Wirt- schafts- und Finanzlage verursacht werden. Mitgliedstaats und der Wiederherstellung seiner Fä- higkeit, sich selbst auf den Finanzmärkten zu finanzieren, strenge wirtschaftspolitische Bedingungen (3) Die beispiellose Weltfinanzkrise und der globale festgelegt werden. Konjunkturrückgang, die die Welt in den beiden letzten Jahren erschütterten, haben das Wirtschafts- (8) Die Europäische Kommission sollte regelmäßig wachstum und die Finanzstabilität schwer beein- überprüfen, ob die außergewöhnlichen Umstände, trächtigt und die Defizit- und Schuldenposition der die die Finanzstabilität der Europäischen Union ins- Mitgliedstaaten stark verschlechtert. gesamt bedrohen, weiterhin bestehen. (4) Die Verschärfung der Finanzkrise hat für mehrere Mitgliedstaaten des Eurogebiets zu einer gravie- (9) Die bestehende mit der Verordnung (EG) Nr. 332/2002 des Rates geschaffene Fazilität für renden Verschlechterung der Kreditkonditionen die Gewährung eines mittelfristigen finanziellen geführt, die darüber hinausgeht, was sich durch Beistands für Mitgliedstaaten außerhalb des Euro- wirtschaftliche Fundamentaldaten erklären ließe. gebiets sollte beibehalten werden – Wird in dieser Situation nicht umgehend gehandelt, könnten Stabilität, Einheit und Integrität des Eurogebiets insgesamt ernsthaft bedroht sein. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

HAT FOLGENDE VERORDNUNG ERLASSEN: anderen Mitgliedstaaten gestellte Bürgschaft wird entsprechend neu berechnet. Artikel 1 Ziel und Geltungsbereich (5) Die Mitgliedstaaten ergreifen die notwendigen Maßnahmen, um zu gewährleisten, dass die Bürg- Um die Stabilität, Einheit und Integrität des Eurogebiets schaft innerhalb von zehn Tagen nach dem gemäß insgesamt zu wahren, werden in dieser Verordnung die Artikel 4 gefassten Ratsbeschluss gestellt wird. Bedingungen und Verfahren festgelegt, nach denen einem Mitgliedstaat des Eurogebiets, der aufgrund außer- Artikel 4 gewöhnlicher Ereignisse, die sich seiner Kontrolle entzie- Verfahren hen, von gravierenden wirtschaftlichen oder finanziellen Störungen betroffen oder von diesen ernstlich bedroht ist, (1) Der Mitgliedstaat, der einen finanziellen Beistand ein finanzieller Beistand der Union gewährt werden kann. der Union in Anspruch nehmen möchte, erörtert mit der Kommission in Verbindung mit der EZB Artikel 2 die Bewertung seines Finanzbedarfs und unterbrei- Form des finanziellen Beistands der Union tet der Kommission und dem Wirtschafts- und Finanzausschuss einen Entwurf seines wirtschaftli- (1) Für die Zwecke dieser Verordnung wird ein finan- chen und finanziellen Sanierungsprogramms. zieller Beistand der Union dem betreffenden Mit- gliedstaat in Form eines Darlehens oder einer Kre- 490 (2) Der finanzielle Beistand der Union wird durch ei- ditlinie gewährt. nen Beschluss gewährt, den der Rat auf Vorschlag der Kommission mit qualifizierter Mehrheit fasst. Hierzu wird die Kommission nach einem Ratsbe- schluss gemäß Artikel 4 ermächtigt, auf den Kapi- (3) Der Beschluss über die Gewährung eines Darlehens talmärkten oder bei Finanzinstituten im Namen der enthält: Europäischen Union Anleihen aufzunehmen. a) den Betrag des Darlehens, die durchschnittliche (2) Vorbehaltlich des Artikels 3 ist die Höhe der ausste- Laufzeit, die Konditionen, die maximale Anzahl der henden Darlehen oder Kreditlinien, die Mitglied- Raten, den Bereitstellungszeitraum des finanziellen staaten im Rahmen dieses Stabilisierungsmechanis- Beistands der Union und die sonstigen detaillierten mus gewährt werden, auf den bei den Mitteln für Vorschriften, die für die Durchführung des finanzi- Zahlungen bis zur Eigenmittel-Obergrenze vorhan- ellen Beistands einschließlich der Implementierung den Spielraum begrenzt. der Bürgschaft gemäß Artikel 3 notwendig sind;

Artikel 3 b) die allgemeinen wirtschaftspolitischen Bedingun- Bürgschaften gen, die mit der Finanzhilfe der Union verknüpft sind, um eine solide wirtschaftliche oder finanzielle (1) Für Darlehen und Kreditlinien, die die in Artikel 2 Situation in dem betreffenden Mitgliedstaat und Absatz 2 genannte Obergrenze übersteigen, leisten dessen eigene Finanzierungsfähigkeit auf den Fi- die Mitgliedstaaten des Eurogebiets eine gemeinsa- nanzmärkten wiederherzustellen; me und anteilige Bürgschaft. c) eine Billigung des Sanierungsprogramms, das der begünstige Mitgliedstaat aufgestellt hat, um die mit (2) Jeder Mitgliedstaat des Eurogebiets bürgt entspre- dem finanziellen Beistand der Union verknüpften chend seinem Anteil an dem eingezahlten Kapital wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen zu erfüllen. der Europäischen Zentralbank für die Beträge, die die in Absatz 1 genannte Obergrenze überschreiten. (4) Der Beschluss über die Gewährung einer Kreditlinie enthält: (3) In den Fällen nach diesem Artikel kann die Kom- mission auf die Dienste der für die Staatsschuld a) den Betrag des Darlehens, die Gebühr für die Be- zuständigen Stellen der Mitgliedstaaten des Euroge- reitstellung der Kreditlinie, die Konditionen für biets zurückgreifen, die der Kommission zu diesem die Freigabe der Mittel sowie den Bereitstellungs- Zweck zur Verfügung stehen. zeitraum des finanziellen Beistands der Union und die sonstigen detaillierten Vorschriften, die für die (4) Ein Mitgliedstaat, der auf der Grundlage dieser Ver- Durchführung des Beistands einschließlich der Im- ordnung einen vom Rat beschlossenen finanziellen plementierung der Bürgschaft gemäß Artikel 3 not- Beistand erhält, stellt keine Bürgschaft. Die von den wendig sind; VERORDNUNG DES RATES zur Einführung eines europäischen Finanzstabilisierungsmechanismus b) die allgemeinen wirtschaftspolitischen Bedingun- mit den vom Rat gemäß Artikel 4 Absatz 3 Buch- gen, die mit dem finanziellen Beistand der Union stabe b festgelegten Bedingungen übereinstimmt. verknüpft sind, um eine solide wirtschaftliche oder Zu diesem Zweck übermittelt der betreffende Mit- finanzielle Situation in dem betreffenden Mitglied- gliedstaat der Kommission alle notwendigen In- staat wiederherzustellen; formationen und arbeitet uneingeschränkt mit ihr zusammen. c) eine Billigung des Sanierungsprogramms, das der begünstige Mitgliedstaat aufgestellt hat, um die mit (3) Aufgrund der Ergebnisse dieser Überprüfung ent- dem finanziellen Beistand der Union verknüpften scheidet die Kommission nach Einholung der Stel- wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen zu erfüllen. lungnahme des Wirtschafts- und Finanzausschusses über die Freigabe weiterer Raten. (5) Die Kommission und der betreffende Mitgliedstaat schließen eine Vereinbarung über die vom Rat nach Artikel 6 Stellungnahme des Wirtschafts- und Finanzaus- Freigabe von Mitteln schusses festgelegten allgemeinen wirtschaftspolitischen Bedingungen. Die Kommission übermittelt (1) Der betroffene Mitgliedstaat teilt der Kommission diese Vereinbarung dem Europäischen Parlament seine Absicht, Mittel aus seiner Kreditlinie abzu- und dem Rat. rufen, im Voraus mit. Detaillierte Regeln hierfür werden in dem Beschluss nach Artikel 4 Absatz 4 (6) Die Kommission überprüft die in Absatz 3 Buchsta- festgelegt. 491 be b und Absatz 4 Buchstabe b genannten allgemeinen wirtschaftspolitischen Bedingungen mindestens (2) Die Kommission überprüft in regelmäßigen Ab- alle sechs Monate und erörtert mit dem betreffen- ständen, ob die Wirtschaftspolitik des begünstigen den Mitgliedstaat die gegebenenfalls notwendigen Mitgliedstaats mit dessen Sanierungsprogramm und Änderungen an dessen Sanierungsprogramm. mit den vom Rat gemäß Artikel 4 Absatz 4 Buch- stabe b festgelegten Bedingungen übereinstimmt. (7) Der Rat beschließt mit qualifizierter Mehrheit auf Zu diesem Zweck übermittelt der betreffende Mit- Vorschlag der Kommission über etwaige Ände- gliedstaat der Kommission alle notwendigen In- rungen an den ursprünglichen allgemeinen wirt- formationen und arbeitet uneingeschränkt mit ihr schaftspolitischen Bedingungen und billigt das vom zusammen. begünstigten Mitgliedstaat vorgelegte überarbeitete Sanierungsprogramm. (3) Aufgrund der Ergebnisse dieser Überprüfung entscheidet die Kommission nach Einholung der Stel- (8) Wird eine Finanzierung, die mit wirtschaftspoliti- lungnahme des Wirtschafts- und Finanzausschusses schen Bedingungen verknüpft ist, außerhalb der über die Freigabe der Mittel. Union – insbesondere seitens des IWF – angestrebt, muss der betreffende Mitgliedstaat zuerst die Kom- Artikel 7 mission konsultieren. Die Kommission prüft die im Anleihen und Darlehen Rahmen der Beistandsfazilität der Union vorhandenen Möglichkeiten und die Vereinbarkeit der vor- (1) Die in Artikel 2 genannten Anleihe- und Darlehen- gesehenen wirtschaftspolitischen Bedingungen mit stransaktionen werden in Euro durchgeführt. den Verpflichtungen, die der betreffende Mitglied- staat für die Durchführung der Empfehlungen und (2) Die Merkmale der aufeinander folgenden Raten, Beschlüsse des Rates gemäß den Artikeln 121, 126 die die Union im Rahmen der Beistandsfazilität und 136 des Vertrags eingegangen ist. Sie unterrich- freigibt, werden zwischen dem begünstigten Mit- tet den Wirtschafts- und Finanzausschuss. gliedstaat und der Kommission ausgehandelt.

Artikel 5 (3) Nach dem Beschluss des Rates über die Gewährung Auszahlung des Darlehens eines Darlehens kann die Kommission zum geeig- netsten Zeitpunkt zwischen den geplanten Auszah- (1) Das Darlehen wird in der Regel in Raten ausgezahlt. lungen Anleihen auf den Kapitalmärkten auflegen oder Darlehen bei Kreditinstituten aufnehmen, (2) Die Kommission überprüft in regelmäßigen Ab- um die Finanzierungskosten zu optimieren und ihr ständen, ob die Wirtschaftspolitik des begünstigen Ansehen als Emittent der Union auf den Märkten Mitgliedstaats mit dessen Sanierungsprogramm und zu wahren. Die aufgenommenen Mittel, die noch DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

nicht ausgezahlt wurden, werden auf besondere, oder ordnungsgemäß befugte Vertreter in den be- entsprechend den für Maßnahmen außerhalb des günstigten Mitgliedstaat zu entsenden, damit diese Haushaltsplans geltenden Regeln geführte Bar- oder dort alle technischen oder finanziellen Kontrollen Wertpapierkonten überwiesen und dürfen nicht für oder Prüfungen vornehmen, die sie im Hinblick auf andere Zwecke als die Bereitstellung einer finanziel- diesen Beistand für erforderlich hält. len Unterstützung der Mitgliedstaaten im Rahmen dieses Mechanismus verwendet werden. Artikel 10 Überprüfung und Anpassung (4) Erhält ein Mitgliedstaat ein Darlehen mit vorzeiti- (1) The Kommission übermittelt dem Wirtschafts- und ger Rückzahlungsmöglichkeit und beschließt, von Finanzausschuss und dem Rat binnen sechs Mona- dieser Möglichkeit Gebrauch zu machen, so trifft ten nach Inkrafttreten dieser Verordnung und ge- die Kommission die notwendigen Vorkehrungen. gebenenfalls in weiteren sechsmonatigen Abständen einen Bericht über die Umsetzung dieser Verord- (5) Auf Antrag des begünstigten Mitgliedstaats kann nung und über den Fortbestand der außergewöhn- die Kommission, wenn die Umstände eine Verbes- lichen Umstände, die den Erlass der Verordnung serung des Zinssatzes der Darlehen gestatten, eine rechtfertigen. Refinanzierung oder Neuregelung der Finanzie- rungsbedingungen ihrer gesamten ursprünglichen (2) Diesem Bericht wird gegebenenfalls ein Vorschlag Anleihen oder eines Teils derselben vornehmen. 492 zur Änderung dieser Verordnung beigefügt, mit der die Möglichkeit der Gewährung eines finanziellen (6) Der Wirtschafts- und Sozialausschuss wird über die Beistands angepasst werden soll, ohne die Gültig- Abwicklung der in Absatz 5 genannten Transaktio- keit bereits gefasster Beschlüsse zu beeinträchtigen. nen unterrichtet. Artikel 11 Artikel 8 Inkrafttreten Kosten Diese Verordnung tritt am Tag nach ihrer Veröffentli- Die Kosten, die der Union beim Abschluss und bei der chung im Amtsblatt der Europäischen Union in Kraft. Durchführung jeder Transaktion entstehen, werden von dem begünstigten Mitgliedstaat getragen. Diese Verordnung ist in allen ihren Teilen verbindlich und gilt unmittelbar in jedem Mitgliedstaat. Artikel 9 Verwaltung der Darlehen Geschehen zu Brüssel, am (1) Die Kommission trifft die für die Verwaltung der Darlehen notwendigen Maßnahmen mit der EZB. Im Namen des Rates,

(2) Der begünstigte Mitgliedstaat eröffnet für die Der Präsident Verwaltung des von der Europäischen Union erhaltenen mittelfristigen finanziellen Beistands ein Sonderkonto bei seiner nationalen Zentralbank. Die Tilgungssumme samt der im Rahmen des Dar- lehens fälligen Zinsen überweist er vierzehn TAR- GET2-Geschäftstage vor Fälligkeit auf ein Konto bei der Europäischen Zentralbank

(3) Unbeschadet des Artikels 27 der Satzung des Euro- päischen Systems der Zentralbanken und der Eu- ropäischen Zentralbank ist der Europäische Rech- nungshof befugt, im begünstigten Mitgliedstaat alle Finanzkontrollen und –prüfungen vorzunehmen, die er im Hinblick auf die Verwaltung dieses Bei- stands für notwendig hält. Die Kommission, ein- schließlich des Europäischen Amts für Betrugsbe- kämpfung, ist insbesondere befugt, ihre Beamten Verstärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung

Verstärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLAMENT, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN RAT, DEN RAT, DIE EUROPÄISCHE ZENTRALBANK, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN WIRTSCHAFTS- UND SOZIALAUSSCHUSS UND DEN AUSSCHUSS DER REGIONEN BRÜSSEL, DEN 12.5.2010 COM(2010) 250 „Die Governance des Euroraums und die Koordinierung der Wirtschaftspolitik müssen verbessert werden. Dies erfordert sowohl eine Vertiefung als auch eine Ausweitung der Mechanismen zur wirtschaftlichen Überwachung, damit über den gesamten Konjunktur- zyklus hinweg der Finanzpolitik Orientierungen vorgegeben und – langfristig gesehen und parallel dazu – die bestehenden Unter- schiede bei Wachstum, Inflation und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit abgebaut werden können.“ (Mitteilung der Kommission „WWU@10: Zehn Jahre Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion – Errungenschaften und Herausforderungen“ vom 7. Mai 2008 - IP/08/716).

I. Einleitung beruhen. Die EU steht in den kommenden Jahren vor großen Herausforderungen – die öffentlichen Finanzen 493 Die weltweite Wirtschaftskrise hat die bestehenden müssen konsolidiert werden, während gleichzeitig ein Mechanismen der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinie- höheres nachhaltiges Wachstum erreicht werden muss. rung in der Europäischen Union auf die Probe gestellt Der Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt bietet den richtigen Rahmen für einen geordneten Ausstieg aus der Krise. und Schwachstellen offenbart. Die Funktionsweise der Doch um das Wachstumspotenzial der EU und die Trag- Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion war besonderen Belas- fähigkeit unserer Sozialmodelle zu stützen, müssen bei tungen ausgesetzt, da grundlegende Regeln und Grund- der Konsolidierung der öffentlichen Finanzen Prioritäten sätze nicht eingehalten worden sind. Die bestehenden gesetzt und harte Entscheidungen getroffen werden: Die Überwachungsverfahren haben sich als nicht umfassend Koordinierung auf EU-Ebene wird hierbei von entschei- genug erwiesen. In der vorliegenden Mitteilung werden dender Bedeutung sein und helfen, Spillover-Effekten Maßnahmen vorgeschlagen, die auf der Grundlage des entgegenzuwirken. Vertrags über die Arbeitsweise der Europäischen Union (AEUV) kurzfristig getroffen werden sollten, um Abhilfe zu schaffen. Die jüngste Finanzkrise und der Druck auf die Finanz- stabilität in Europa haben die gegenseitige Abhängig- keit der EU-Volkswirtschaften, insbesondere innerhalb Die jüngste Wirtschaftskrise ist in unserer Generation des Euroraums, deutlicher gemacht denn je. Die Mit- beispiellos. Der im letzten Jahrzehnt verzeichnete steti- gliedstaaten wurden dadurch unterstützt, dass sie Teil der ge Anstieg des Wirtschafts- und Beschäftigungswachs- EU waren, die auf einen 500 Millionen Verbraucher star- tums wurde zunichte gemacht und die Krise hat einige ken Binnenmarkt und eine gemeinsame Währung von grundlegende Schwächen unserer Wirtschaft offenbart. sechzehn ihrer Mitgliedstaaten zählen kann. Dank der Durch die in den Jahren vor der Krise aufgelaufenen bestehenden Instrumente und Verfahren der Koordinie- haushaltspolitischen und sonstigen makroökonomischen rung konnte die EU ihre Anstrengungen zur konjunktu- Ungleichgewichte war die EU-Wirtschaft anfällig, als die rellen Wiederbelebung bündeln und einer Krise die Stirn globale Finanzkrise aus- und die weltweite Konjunktur bieten, wie es kein Mitgliedstaat allein vermocht hätte. einbrach. Unsere öffentlichen Finanzen wurden schwer Doch die jüngsten Erfahrungen haben auch gezeigt, dass in Mitleidenschaft gezogen: Die Defizite stiegen auf das aktuelle System Lücken und Schwachstellen hat und durchschnittlich 7 % des BIP und die Schuldenstände dass eine stärkere und frühere politische Koordinierung, auf über 80 % des BIP an, womit sie klar über den im zusätzliche Präventions- und Korrekturmechanismen Vertrag festgelegten Referenzwerten von 3 % bzw. 60 % und eine Krisenbewältigungsfazilität für die Mitglied- des BIP liegen. staaten des Euroraums erforderlich sind. Hohe öffentliche Schulden lassen sich nicht auf unbe- Um den unmittelbaren Erfordernissen der Krise zu grenzte Zeit halten. Die Durchführung der im März entsprechen, wurden Notmaßnahmen ergriffen, die am vom Europäischen Rat beschlossenen Strategie Euro- 9. Mai im Beschluss des außerordentlichen Ecofin-Ra- pa 2020 muss auf einer glaubhaften Ausstiegsstrategie tes gipfelten, auf Vorschlag der Kommission einen DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Europäischen Stabilisierungsmechanismus einzuführen Ungleichgewichte mit der Krise jäh korrigierten, brachen und die Haushaltskonsolidierung soweit angezeigt zu die Steuereinnahmen in den betreffenden Mitgliedstaa- beschleunigen. Nun sollten Konsequenzen gezogen und ten weg und offenbarten eine im Grunde weit schwä- Schritte unternommen werden, um das System der wirt- chere Haushaltsposition als erwartet. Die öffentlichen schaftspolitischen Steuerung der EU für die Zukunft zu Haushalte in der Europäischen Union, die 2007 noch stärken. In der vorliegenden Mitteilung stellt die Kom- nahezu ausgeglichen waren (-0,8 % des BIP in der EU mission ein Dreisäulenkonzept für die Verstärkung der und -0,6 % im Euroraum), werden 2010 voraussicht- wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung vor. Die meisten lich ein Defizit von annähernd 7 % des BIP aufweisen. Vorschläge betreffen die EU als Ganzes, doch wird auf- Die öffentlichen Schulden wachsen weiter an. Nach der grund von Artikel 136 des Vertrags über die Arbeitsweise jüngsten Prognose der Kommissionsdienststellen wird der Europäischen Union für den Euroraum ein Konzept der öffentliche Schuldenstand 2011 84 % des BIP (Euro- vorgeschlagen, das höhere Anforderungen stellt. raum: 88 %) erreichen, womit der Konsolidierungserfolg der letzten zwanzig Jahre zunichte gemacht ist. Anlass Die Mitteilung befürwortet nachdrücklich, dass die zur Sorge geben außerdem die umfangreichen Eventu- nach dem Vertrag zur Verfügung stehenden Überwa- alverbindlichkeiten aus finanziellen Rettungsmaßnah- chungsinstrumente ausgeschöpft werden. Wo nötig, men, die sich auf weitere 25 Prozentpunkte des EU-BIP sollten die bestehenden Instrumente verändert und belaufen und zu den seit langem bestehenden budgetä- ergänzt werden. In der Mitteilung wird gefordert, die ren Herausforderungen der Bevölkerungsalterung noch Einhaltung des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts zu ver- hinzukommen. 494 bessern und die Überwachung auf makroökonomische Ungleichgewichte auszudehnen. Zu diesem Zweck wird Andere makroökonomische und finanzielle Ungleichge- vorgeschlagen, ein „Europäisches Semester“ für die Ko- wichte haben insbesondere den Euroraum anfälliger ge- ordinierung der Wirtschaftspolitik einzuführen, so dass macht. Fortdauernde Unterschiede in der Wettbewerbs- die Mitgliedstaaten von einer frühzeitigen Koordinie- fähigkeit und makroökonomische Ungleichgewichte im rung auf europäischer Ebene profitieren könnten, wenn Euroraum stellen ein Risiko für die Funktionsfähigkeit sie ihre nationalen Stabilitäts- und Konvergenzprogram- der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion dar. In den Jah- me und auch ihre nationalen Haushalte und Reformpro- ren vor der Krise haben niedrige Finanzierungskosten die gramme aufstellen. Schließlich werden die Grundsätze Fehlallokation von Ressourcen für oftmals wenig pro- dargelegt, die einem robusten Krisenbewältigungsrah- duktive Zwecke gefördert, wodurch es in einigen Mit- men für Euroraum-Mitglieder zugrunde liegen sollten. gliedstaaten zu einem auf Dauer nicht tragbaren Kon- sumniveau, zur Bildung von Immobilienblasen und zur Es handelt sich hier um ambitionierte und notwendige Anhäufung von Auslands– und Inlandsschulden kam. Ideen, zu denen die Kommission die Meinung der Mit- Unmittelbar vor Ausbruch der Krise erreichte das Wett- gliedstaaten, des Europäischen Parlaments und der in- bewerbsgefälle ein Allzeithoch. Nachdem die Leistungs- teressierten Kreise einholen will. Die Kommission wird bilanzen 1999 noch ausgeglichen waren, schwollen die in den nächsten Monaten Legislativvorschläge vorlegen, Überschüsse im Euroraum bis 2007 immer weiter bis auf um diese Ideen umzusetzen. 7,7 % des BIP an, während sich die Leistungsbilanzdefi- zite zusammengenommen von 3,5 % des BIP 1999 auf 9,7 % 2007 erhöhten.33 Die Wirtschafts- und Finanzkri- II. Die weltweite Finanzkrise hat se hat dazu geführt, dass sich die Leistungsbilanzen teils wieder ausgeglichen haben. Dies ist jedoch nur teilweise die Herausforderungen für strukturell bedingt. Um die nötigen Anpassungen bei die EU-Wirtschaft offfenbart Kosten und Löhnen, Strukturreformen und eine Um- verteilung von Beschäftigung und Kapital herbeizufüh- und vergrössert ren, ist eine grundlegende Neuorientierung der Politik erforderlich. Die öffentlichen Schulden sind im vergangenen Jahr- zehnt nicht in ausreichendem Maße abgebaut worden. Die Haushaltskonsolidierung wurde insbesondere in Zeiten günstiger Konjunktur nicht energisch genug vorangetrieben. Einigen Mitgliedstaaten hat eine steuerer- 33 Die im Verhältnis zum BIP angegebenen giebige Wirtschaftsaktivität, angetrieben von nicht nach- Leistungsbilanzüberschüsse spiegeln die haltigen Booms bei Wohnimmobilien, Bauwirtschaft zusammengerechneten Überschüsse von Deutschland, Luxemburg, den Niederlanden, Österreich und Finnland wider. und Finanzdienstleistungen, zeitweise kräftig sprudelnde Die Leistungsbilanzdefizite im Verhältnis zum BIP entsprechen Einnahmen beschert. Als sich diese makrofinanziellen den zusammengerechneten Defiziten von Irland, Griechenland, Spanien, Zypern und Portugal. Verstärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung

In Griechenland hat die außergewöhnliche Kombination Semesters“ angesprochen. Letzteres könnte beispiels- aus laxer Haushaltspolitik, unzureichender Reaktion auf weise durch Schaffung der Möglichkeit geschehen, bei wachsende Ungleichgewichte, strukturellen Schwächen unangemessener Haushaltspolitik verzinsliche Einlagen und falschen Statistikmeldungen eine noch nie dagewe- zu verlangen, wenn Mitgliedstaaten ihren mittelfristigen sene staatliche Schuldenkrise ausgelöst. Dass die grund- Haushaltzielen in Zeiten günstiger Konjunktur nicht in legende Haushaltsposition teils auf falsche Datenmeldun- ausreichendem Maße näherkommen. Dies würde eine Än- gen in der Vergangenheit, hauptsächlich jedoch auf eine derung der Sekundärrechtsvorschriften erfordern. verfehlte Haushaltspolitik zurückzuführen war, zeigte sich auf brutale Weise. Auch wenn diese Situation teilwei- Die nationalen haushaltspolitischen Rahmen müssen se überhaupt erst durch die Schwächen des bestehenden die Prioritäten der EU-Haushaltsüberwachung besser Rahmens für die wirtschaftspolitische Überwachung ent- widerspiegeln. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten ermuntert wer- stehen konnte, macht sie doch in aller Deutlichkeit klar, den, das im Vertrag verankerte Ziel gesunder öffentlicher wie wichtig es ist, die tatsächliche Einhaltung der Regeln Finanzen in ihr nationales Recht zu integrieren. Der nati- sicherzustellen. Im Angesicht einer bespiellosen staatlichen onale haushaltspolitische Rahmen ist die Gesamtheit aller Schuldenkrise, für die dem Euroraum kein Abhilfeinstru- Faktoren, die die Grundlage für die nationale Haushalts- ment zur Verfügung stand, einigten sich die Mitgliedstaa- führung bilden, d.h. die länderspezifischen institutionellen ten auf ein Rettungspaket zur Erhaltung der Finanzstabi- Gegebenheiten, die die Gestaltung der Haushaltspolitik lität in Europa.34 Die vorliegende Mitteilung zielt auf eine auf nationaler Ebene bestimmen. Um die Komplemen- deutliche Stärkung unseres Überwachungsmechanismus tarität der haushaltspolitischen Rahmen der EU und der ab, damit kein Mitgliedstaat jemals wieder in eine solche Mitgliedstaaten inhaltlich zu konkretisieren, könnte die 495 Lage geraten kann. Doch die Krise unterstreicht auch, dass gemäß Protokoll Nr. 12 AEUV bestehende Pflicht der geeignete Instrumente vorhanden sein müssen, um Situa- Mitgliedstaaten, im Haushaltsbereich über innerstaatliche tionen, die die Finanzstabilität des Euroraums gefährden, Verfahren zu verfügen, die sie in die Lage versetzen, ihre bewältigen zu können. sich aus dem Vertrag ergebenden Verpflichtungen im Be- reich der Haushaltsdisziplin zu erfüllen, mittels rechtsverbindlicher Instrumente präzisiert werden. Beispielsweise III. Ausbau der wirtschaftspoliti- könnte mit solchen Instrumenten vorgeschrieben werden, dass die nationalen Rahmen mehrjährige Haushaltsverfah- schen Koordinierung ren widerspiegeln müssen, um die Erreichung der mittelfristigen haushaltspolitischen Ziele sicherzustellen. III.1. Bessere Einhaltung des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts und Das Verfahren bei einem übermäßigen Defizit (Defizit- tiefergehende haushaltspolitische verfahren) bildet den Eckpfeiler der korrektiven Kom- Koordinierung ponente des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts. Doch die korrektive Komponente des Defizitverfahrens kommt zu Die Regeln und Grundsätze des Stabilitäts- und Wachs- spät ins Spiel, als dass sie für die Mitgliedstaaten die rich- tumspakts sind maßgebend und gültig. Dennoch haben tigen Anreize schaffen würde, bereits gegen entstehende die Mitgliedstaaten trotz des Pakts in Zeiten günstiger Haushaltsungleichgewichte vorzugehen. Die Funktions- Konjunktur keine ausreichenden Puffer gebildet. Die weise des Defizitverfahrens könnte verbessert werden, Stärkung der präventiven Komponente der haushaltspo- indem die Verfahren insbesondere für Mitgliedstaaten, litischen Überwachung muss integraler Bestandteil einer die wiederholt gegen den Pakt verstoßen, beschleunigt engeren haushaltspolitischen Koordinierung sein. Auch werden. Dies wird Änderungen der Sekundärrechtsvor- muss die Einhaltung der Regeln verbessert und die lang- schriften erfordern. fristige Tragfähigkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen stärker in den Fokus gerückt werden. Der öffentliche Schuldenstand und seine langfristige Tragfähigkeit sollten stärker in den Vordergrund rücken. Kernpunkt der präventiven Arbeit im Rahmen des Pakts Die jüngsten Geschehnisse haben nicht nur die Anfällig- ist die Aufstellung und Bewertung der Stabilitäts- und keit von Mitgliedstaaten deutlich gemacht, die sehr hohe Konvergenzprogramme. Ihre Wirkung und Wirksam- öffentliche Schulden zu bedienen haben, sondern auch keit sollten entscheidend verstärkt werden, indem die die potenziell negativen grenzübergreifenden Auswir- Ex-ante-Dimension des Prozesses ausgebaut wird und kungen vor Augen geführt. Eine hohe Verschuldung be- mehr Schärfe erhält. Ersteres wird nachstehend (in Ab- lastet die mittel- bis langfristigen Wachstumsaussichten schnitt III.3) mit der Einführung eines „Europäischen und nimmt den Regierungen die Möglichkeit, glaubhaf- te antizyklische Maßnahmen zu ergreifen, wenn diese am 34 Schlussfolgerungen des Ecofin-Rates vom 9. Mai 2010. dringendsten gebraucht werden. Dies gilt insbesondere DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

angesichts der wachsenden Risiken für die langfristige enthalten, insbesondere um die institutionellen Kapazi- Tragfähigkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen, die unter ande- täten und die Effizienz der öffentlichen Verwaltungen zu rem aus den jüngsten Banken-Rettungspaketen und aus verbessern. der Bevölkerungsalterung erwachsen. Während des laufenden Finanzrahmens sollte bei wie- Das Schuldenstandskriterium des Defizitverfahrens derholten Verstößen gegen den Pakt eine rigorosere und sollte wirksam durchgesetzt werden. Das Defizitverfah- regelbasierte Anwendung der bestehenden Klausel über ren sollte der Wechselwirkung zwischen Schuldenstand die Aussetzung von Kohäsionsfondsmitteln erfolgen. und Defizit besser Rechnung tragen, damit der Anreiz für eine vorsichtige Politik steigt. Bei Mitgliedstaaten mit einer Schuldenquote von über 60 % des BIP sollte Verbesserung der Funktionsweise der beste- das Defizitverfahren eingeleitet werden, wenn der Schul- henden Mechanismen des Stabilitäts- und denstand innerhalb einer festgelegten Vorlaufperiode Wachstumspakts nicht um einen angemessenen Richtwert zurückgeführt • Erhöhung der Wirksamkeit der Stabilitäts- und worden ist. Kommission und Rat müssten insbesondere Konvergenzprogrammbewertungen durch bewerten, ob das Haushaltsdefizit mit einem stetigen und bessere Ex-ante-Koordinierung erheblichen Rückgang des öffentlichen Schuldenstands in Einklang steht. Haushaltsrisiken aus expliziten und • Stärkere Berücksichtigung der Prioritäten der impliziten Verbindlichkeiten sollten als einschlägiger EU-Haushaltsüberwachung in den nationalen 496 Faktor berücksichtigt werden. Ebenso sollte die Einstel- haushaltspolitischen Rahmen lung des Defizitverfahrens bei Mitgliedstaaten mit einem Schuldenstand von über 60 % des BIP davon abhängig Abbau hoher öffentlicher Schulden und gemacht werden, wie die projizierte Schuldenstandsent- Sicherung der langfristigen Tragfähigkeit der wicklung und die bestehenden Risiken bewertet werden. öffentlichen Finanzen Dieser Ansatz ist in vollem Umfang mit Artikel 126 • Aufwertung des im Vertrag verankerten AEUV vereinbar und würde einige Änderungen der Se- Schuldenstandskriteriums kundärrechtsvorschriften erfordern. • Bessere Berücksichtigung der Wechselwirkung Um eine bessere Einhaltung der Regeln des Stabili- zwischen Schuldenstand und Defizit täts- und Wachstumspakts sicherzustellen, sollte stärker Bessere Anreize und Sanktionen zur Ein- auf die Verwendung von EU-Mitteln geachtet werden. haltung der Regeln des Stabilitäts- und Zurzeit kommt die Einfrierung von Zahlungen aus dem Wachstumspakts Kohäsionsfonds, auf die nur eine begrenzte Zahl von Mit- gliedstaaten Anspruch hat, erst in einer späten Phase des • Verzinsliche Einlagen bei verfehlter Defizitverfahrens (Artikel 126 Absatz 8 AEUV) in Frage. Haushaltspolitik • Rigoroserer und an Auflagen gebundener Einsatz Bei der Vorbereitung der Beschlüsse über den nächsten von EU-Ausgaben, um eine bessere Einhaltung Finanzrahmen sollte in Erwägung gezogen werden, die der Regeln des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts Ausgaben aus dem EU-Haushalt in umfassenderer Wei- sicherzustellen se und schon frühzeitiger als Anreiz für die Einhaltung des Pakts zu nutzen. Ziel sollte es sein, faire, zeitnahe • Beschleunigte Verfahren und rigorosere und wirksame Anreize für die Einhaltung der Regeln des Anwendung der Kohäsionsfondsverordnung bei Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts zu setzen. Eine stärkere wiederholten Verstößen gegen den Pakt. Konditionalität könnte eingeführt und die Mitgliedstaa- ten könnten aufgefordert werden, Mittel zugunsten ei- III.2. Hin zu einer umfassenderen ner qualitativen Verbesserung der öffentlichen Finanzen umzuschichten, wenn das Bestehen eines übermäßigen Überwachung von Defizits (nach Artikel 126 Absatz 6 AEUV) festgestellt makroökonomischen Entwicklungen wurde. und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit im Euroraum Der Kohäsionspolitik sollte eine eindeutigere Rolle dabei zukommen, Maßnahmen der Mitgliedstaaten zur Makrofinanzielle und strukturelle Ungleichgewichte Behebung von Strukturschwächen und Wettbewerbsfä- stehen im Mittelpunkt der umfassenden EU-Strategie higkeitsproblemen zu unterstützen. Der bevorstehende für Wachstum und Beschäftigung „Europa 2020“. Eu- fünfte Kohäsionsbericht wird entsprechende Vorschläge ropa 2020 beschreibt eine ambitionierte und umfassende Verstärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung

Strategie für ein intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integra- und unter anderem Entwicklungen im Hinblick auf tives Wachstum der EU-Wirtschaft. Die Beseitigung der Leistungsbilanz, Nettoauslandsposition, Produktivität, Schwächen Europas bei der Überwachung makrofinan- Lohnstückkosten, Beschäftigung und reale effektive zieller und struktureller Herausforderungen wird vor Wechselkurse, öffentlichen Schuldenstand sowie Kredit- dem Hintergrund der Krise neu in den Fokus gerückt. kosten und Aktien- und Immobilienpreise im Privatsek- Angesichts der tiefen wirtschaftlichen und finanziellen tor reflektieren. Besonders wichtig wäre es, einen Boom Verflechtungen im Euroraum und der Folgen, die die- bei Aktien- und Immobilienpreisen und ein übermäßiges se Verflechtungen auf die einheitliche Währung haben, Kreditwachstum bereits im Frühstadium zu erkennen, fordert Europa 2020 die Entwicklung eines spezifischen so dass kostspielige Berichtigungen haushaltspolitischer politischen Rahmens für den Euroraum, um größere ma- und externer Ungleichgewichte in einer späteren Phase 35 kroökonomische Ungleichgewichte anzugehen . Folg- vermieden werden können. Auf der Grundlage dieser lich hat der Europäische Rat die Kommission im März Analyse würden dem/den betreffenden Mitgliedstaat(en) 2010 ersucht, bis Juni 2010 Vorschläge zur Verstärkung vorbeugende oder korrektive Maßnahmen empfohlen. der Koordinierung im Euroraum vorzulegen und dabei das neue Instrumentarium für die Koordinierung der Für den Euroraum wird die Kommission auch die Wirtschaftspolitik, das Artikel 136 des Vertrags (AEUV) Entwicklung makroökonomischer Ungleichgewichte bietet, zu nutzen. und die Gesamtaussichten bewerten. Die Kommission würde sowohl für den gesamten Euroraum als auch auf Die Akkumulation hoher, über längere Zeit bestehen- Länderbasis das Risiko jeglicher makroökonomischer der makroökonomischer Ungleichgewichte unter den Ungleichgewichte bewerten, die ein reibungsloses Funk- 497 Mitgliedstaaten des Euroraums birgt die Gefahr, die tionieren des Euroraums in Gefahr bringen könnten. In Kohäsionskraft des Euroraums auszuhöhlen und ein einem solchen Fall würde die Kommission das zugrun- spannungsfreie Funktionieren der WWU zu behindern. de liegende Risiko entstehender Ungleichgewichte einer Um die Entstehung schwerer Ungleichgewichte im Eu- ausführlicheren Analyse unterziehen. Auf der Grundlage roraum zu verhindern, müssen daher die Analyse vertieft dieser Analyse würden wirtschaftspolitische Eckpunkte und die wirtschaftspolitische Überwachung über den vorgegeben. Der Rat würde den/die betreffenden Mit- Haushaltsaspekt hinaus auch auf andere makroökonomi- gliedstaat(en) auffordern, die notwendigen Maßnahmen sche Ungleichgewichte ausgedehnt werden, einschließ- zu treffen, um der Situation abzuhelfen, wobei jedoch lich der Entwicklung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und nur die Mitglieder des Euroraums abstimmen würden. grundlegender struktureller Herausforderungen. Vorge- Sollte(n) der/die Mitgliedstaat(en) es versäumen, inner- schlagen wird, die derzeitige „Peer Review“ makroöko- halb der gesetzten Frist angemessene Maßnahmen zu nomischer Ungleichgewichte im Rahmen der Eurogrup- ergreifen, um das übertriebene Ungleichgewicht zu kor- pe auf der Grundlage von Artikel 136 AEUV zu einem rigieren, könnte der Rat die Überwachung im Hinblick strukturierten Überwachungsrahmen für Mitgliedstaa- auf den betroffenen Mitgliedstaat intensivieren, um ein ten des Euroraums auszubauen. Dieser Rahmen wird reibungsloses Funktionieren der WWU zu gewährleis- eine tiefergehende Überwachung, eine anspruchsvollere ten, und auf Vorschlag der Kommission beschließen, politische Koordinierung und ein strikteres Follow-up präzise wirtschaftspolitische Empfehlungen zu veröf- beinhalten, als es bei Europa 2020 für alle EU-Mitglied- fentlichen. Bei Bedarf würde die Kommission ihre Mög- staaten vorgesehen ist. Wie beim EU-Haushaltsrahmen, lichkeit wahrnehmen, direkt an einen Mitgliedstaat des der ebenfalls für alle EU-Mitgliedstaaten gilt, würden Euroraums gerichtete Frühwarnungen abzugeben. Falls für die Mitgliedstaaten des Euroraums strengere Regeln erforderlich, könnten zu gegebener Zeit auch Empfeh- gelten. lungen an den gesamten Euroraum gerichtet werden.

Die Überwachung wird unter anderem einen „Anzei- Vorbeugende und korrektive Maßnahmen können sich in ger“ umfassen, dem entnommen werden kann, wann einer Vielzahl politischer Bereiche als nötig erweisen, um Handlungsbedarf besteht. Ein Anzeiger, der sowohl makroökonomische Ungleichgewichte und die zugrunde externe als auch interne Entwicklungen widerspiegelt, liegenden strukturellen Ursachen zu beheben. Anders würde definiert und regelmäßig überwacht. Er würde als bei der Berichtigung eines übermäßigen Defizits hat einen aussagekräftigen Satz von Indikatoren umfassen die Wirtschaftspolitik bei der Entwicklung externer Un- gleichgewichte in der Regel nur indirekte und verzögerte Auswirkungen. Je nach den Herausforderungen, mit der 35 Die Kommission hat sich in der Vergangenheit schon mehrfach für eine tiefergehende und umfassendere Koordinierung im die betreffende Wirtschaft konfrontiert ist, könnten des- Euroraum ausgesprochen, unter anderem in der jährlichen halb politische Empfehlungen (im Rahmen des Stabili- Stellungnahme zum Euroraum von 2009 und der Mitteilung täts- und Wachstumspaktes) sowohl einnahmen- als auch „WWU@10: Zehn Jahre Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion – ausgabenseitige Aspekte der Haushaltspolitik betreffen, Errungenschaften und Herausforderungen“ von 2008. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

da die Krise gezeigt hat, dass Entwicklungen bei der Zu- Maße Gruppendruck ausgeübt würde, damit entsprechen- sammensetzung der Staatseinnahmen ebenfalls ein wich- de Abhilfemaßnahmen ergriffen werden. Ein integrierter tiger Indikator für potenzielle Ungleichgewichte sind. Überwachungszyklus im Rahmen eines Europäischen Solche Empfehlungen könnten das Funktionieren der Semesters dürfte mehr Synergien zwischen den verschie- Arbeits-, Produkt- und Dienstleistungsmärkte unter Be- denen Aspekten der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung rücksichtigung der Grundzüge der Wirtschafts- und der möglich machen und deren Kohärenz verbessern. Beschäftigungspolitik betreffen. Sie sollten auch Aspekte der makroprudenziellen Aufsicht erfassen, um in Einklang Vorbeugung ist wirksamer als Korrektur. Heute wird im mit künftigen Analysen des Europäischen Ausschusses für Zyklus der wirtschaftspolitischen Überwachung in erster Systemrisiken ein übermäßiges Kreditwachstum oder aus- Linie ex post geprüft, inwiefern die Wirtschaftspolitik mit ufernde Entwicklungen bei den Aktien- und Immobilien- den Regeln des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspaktes (SWP) preisen zu verhindern oder einzudämmen. und den Grundzügen der Wirtschaftspolitik vereinbar ist. Die derzeit noch fehlende Ex ante-Dimension der haushalts- und wirtschaftspolitischen Überwachung würde es Stärkung und Ausweitung der Überwachung ermöglichen, echte Leitlinien zu formulieren, die der euro- makroökonomischer Entwicklungen im päischen Dimension Rechnung tragen und in die nationa- Euroraum le Entscheidungsfindung einfließen könnten. Die rechtzei- • Basierend auf Europa 2020 Schaffung eines tige Formulierung länderspezifischer Empfehlungen käme Rahmens für eine verstärkte und erweiterte allen Aspekten der haushaltspolitischen, makrofinanziellen 498 makroökonomische Überwachung von Mitglied- und strukturellen Überwachung zugute. staaten des Euroraums auf der Grundlage einer Verordnung nach Artikel 136 AEUV Ein System frühzeitiger „Peer Reviews“ der Staats- haushalte würde Unstimmigkeiten und entstehende • Entwicklung eines Anzeigers von Indikatoren Ungleichgewichte aufdecken. Um sicherzustellen, dass zur Festlegung von Alarmschwellen für starke wahrheitsgemäße und exakte Daten geliefert werden, Ungleichgewichte müsste das Mandat Eurostats zur Prüfung nationaler • Formulierung länderspezifischer Empfehlungen Statistiken in Übereinstimmung mit den jüngsten Vor- schlägen der Kommission verstärkt werden. Der betref- • Rückgriff auf formale Rechtsakte des Rates mit fende Vorschlag sollte rasch in Kraft gesetzt werden, da Abstimmung in der Euroraum-Konfiguration dadurch die Qualität der Berichterstattung über die öf- fentlichen Finanzen verbessert würde. Wenn budgetäre Ungleichgewichte früher angegangen würden, wäre es III.3. Eine integrierte Koordinierung der einfacher, diese umzukehren, und könnten ernsthafte Wirtschaftspolitik in der EU: das Risiken für die makroökonomische Stabilität und die „Europäische Semester“ Tragfähigkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen vermieden werden. Die Stabilitäts- und Konvergenzprogramme sollten Um eine stärker integrierte Überwachung der Wirt- in der ersten Jahreshälfte und nicht, wie derzeit üblich, schaftspolitik zu erreichen, wurde im Rahmen der In- erst gegen Ende des Jahres vorgelegt werden. Frühzeitige itiative Europa 2020 vorgeschlagen, die Bewertung der “Peer Reviews“ würden es unter vollständiger Wahrung Haushalts- und Strukturpolitik der EU-Mitgliedstaaten der Vorrechte der nationalen Parlamente ermöglichen, zu synchronisieren. Die Ergebnisse einer solchen umfas- Leitlinien für die Aufstellung der öffentlichen Haushalte senderen makroökonomischen Überwachung sollten sich für das folgende Jahr vorzugeben. auch in der Formulierung haushaltspolitischer Empfeh- lungen im Rahmen des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts Für den Euroraum sollte eine horizontale Bewertung niederschlagen. So kann insbesondere das Auftreten sig- der Haushaltslage vorgenommen werden, wobei als nifikanter makroökonomischer Ungleichgewichte ehrgei- Grundlage die nationalen Stabilitätsprogramme und die zigere Haushaltsziele erforderlich machen. Genauso würde Prognosen der Kommission dienen. Wenn im Euroraum die Kommission bei der Bewertung des Risikos signifikan- ernsthafte wirtschaftliche Belastungen auftreten und ter Ungleichgewichte und der Entscheidung über eine an- umfangreichere haushaltspolitische Maßnahmen einzel- gemessene politische Reaktion Beiträge des Europäischen ner Mitgliedstaaten Auswirkungen auf andere Mitglied- Ausschusses für Systemrisiken berücksichtigen. Warnun- staaten haben könnten, sollte der Gesamtlage besondere gen und Empfehlungen, die der Europäische Ausschuss Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet werden. Bei offensichtlichen für Systemrisiken an einen oder mehrere Mitgliedstaaten Unzulänglichkeiten der Haushaltspläne für das kom- richtet, würden als Angelegenheit von gemeinsamem In- mende Jahr könnte eine Überarbeitung der Pläne emp- teresse betrachtet, während gleichzeitig in angebrachtem fohlen werden. Die Eurogruppe sollte in diesem neuen Verstärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung

System der stärkeren Koordinierung eine zentrale Rolle Finanzielle Schwierigkeiten eines Mitgliedstaats kön- spielen und gegebenenfalls wie im Vertrag von Lissabon nen die makrofinanzielle Stabilität des gesamten Eu- vorgesehen formelle Entscheidungen treffen. roraums gefährden. Die Krise hat deutlich vor Augen geführt, dass die oben besprochenen Instrumente der Der Überwachungszyklus für die Haushalts- und Struk- Überwachung, Vorbeugung und Anpassung durch einen turpolitik sollte in ein Europäisches Semester eingebunden robusten Rahmen für das Krisenmanagement ergänzt werden. Dieses würde Anfang des Jahres mit einer horizontal werden müssen. Die Zahlungsbilanzhilfen der EU haben ausgelegten Überprüfung beginnen, bei der der Europäische in finanzielle Schwierigkeiten geratenen Mitgliedstaa- Rat auf der Grundlage von Analysen der Kommission die ten, die nicht Mitglied des Euroraums sind, wertvolle wichtigsten wirtschaftlichen Herausforderungen der EU Unterstützung geboten. Die Ungewissheit hinsichtlich und des Euroraums beschreibt und strategische Hinweise Verfügbarkeit und Modalitäten der Finanzhilfen für für die Politik formuliert. Die Mitgliedstaaten würden die Griechenland führte zu einem stärkeren Übergreifen auf Schlussfolgerungen dieser horizontalen Gespräche bei der andere Mitgliedstaaten und gefährdete so die finanzielle Erstellung ihrer Stabilitäts- und Konvergenzprogramme Stabilität des gesamten Euroraums. (SKP) und Nationalen Reformprogramme (NRP) berück- sichtigen. SKP und NRP würden gleichzeitig vorgelegt, so Die Bereitstellung finanzieller Hilfe an Mitgliedstaaten dass die Haushaltsstrategien und -ziele auch etwaige Auswir- des Euroraums, die in ernsthafte finanzielle Schwierig- kungen von Reformen auf Wachstum und Haushalt wider- keiten geraten sind, erfordert eindeutige und glaubwür- spiegeln können. Ferner würden die Mitgliedstaaten – unter dige Verfahren, um die finanzielle Stabilität des Euro- Berücksichtigung aller nationalen Vorschriften und Verfah- raums mittel- und langfristig zu erhalten. 499 ren – dazu ermutigt, vor Übermittlung der SKP und NRP zum Zweck der multilateralen Überwachung auf EU-Ebene Eine zielgerichtete und an bestimmte Bedingungen ihre nationalen Parlamente in diesem Prozess einzubeziehen. geknüpfte Finanzhilfe erfordert einen Rahmen, der die Der Rat würde auf der Grundlage der Bewertung der Kom- finanzielle Stabilität des Euroraums stärkt und das Risi- mission seine eigene Bewertung und Leitlinien zu einem ko fahrlässigen Verhaltens mindert. Im Mittelpunkt des Zeitpunkt vorlegen, zu dem sich wichtige Haushaltsent- Krisenbewältigungsmechanismus für den Euroraum ste- scheidungen auf nationaler Ebene noch in der Vorberei- hen strenge Auflagen und Zinssätze, die Anreize für eine tungsphase befinden. Auch das Europäische Parlament sollte Rückkehr zu einer Marktfinanzierung schaffen und die hier angemessen einbezogen werden. Wirksamkeit der finanziellen Unterstützung gewährleis- ten. Wenn die Krisenvorbeugung scheitert und dies sich in einem objektiven Finanzierungsbedarf äußert, würde Ein „Europäisches Semester“ für eine bes- als letzter Ausweg die Hilfeleistung aktiviert, um die fi- ser integrierte Ex ante-Koordinierung der nanzielle Stabilität des gesamten Euroraums zu schützen. Haushaltspolitik Diese würde durch ein detailliertes und anspruchsvolles • Abstimmung der Vorlage der SKP und NRP und Programm politischer Auflagen begleitet, das garantieren der Gespräche darüber mit dem Ziel, sich einen würde, dass während des Zeitraums der Hilfeleistung die Eindruck von der wirtschaftlichen Gesamtlage zu erforderlichen (haushaltspolitischen und strukturellen) verschaffen und die zeitliche Abstimmung mit den Anpassungen vorgenommen werden, um die langfris- nationalen Haushaltszyklen zu verbessern tige Zahlungsfähigkeit zu gewährleisten und eine mög- lichst rasche Rückkehr zu einer Marktfinanzierung zu • Gewährleistung wirksamer und rechtzeitiger poli- erleichtern. tischer Empfehlungen vom Europäischen Rat auf der Grundlage der Bewertung der Kommission Finanzhilfe sollte die Form von Krediten annehmen. • àWirksamere integrierte Überwachung unter Die Kreditvergabe an ein Mitglied des Euroraums steht Nutzung aller Vorteile der „Peer-Review“ – im Gegensatz zur Übernahme der Staatsschuld – nicht im Widerspruch zu Artikel 125 AEUV. Das politische Programm und die Auflagen sollten auf der Grundlage III.4. Ein robuster Rahmen für von Artikel 136 AEUV formuliert werden. Die Erfah- das Krisenmanagement der rungen mit der EU-Zahlungsbilanzhilfe für Nichtmit- Euroraum-Mitglieder glieder des Euroraums haben gezeigt, dass ein einheitlicher Rahmen, innerhalb dessen die EU Schuldtitel zur Finanzierung von Notkrediten ausgibt, eine gute Kombi- Die Krise in Griechenland hat gezeigt, dass ein ro- nation eines relativ effizienten Managements mit politi- buster Rahmen für das Krisenmanagement der Euro- scher Aufsicht durch den Rat ermöglicht. raum-Mitglieder nötigt ist. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Politische Auflagen müssen in erster Linie darauf abzie- Kommission der Ansicht, dass die höchste Priorität nun- len, die zugrunde liegenden Ungleichgewichte im be- mehr darin bestehen muss, die vollständige Einsatzfähig- troffenen Mitgliedstaat anzugehen und dadurch ein rei- keit dieses Mechanismus zu erreichen. Die Kommission bungsloses Funktionieren der WWU zu gewährleisten. beabsichtigt, auf mittlere bis lange Sicht einen Vorschlag Mit den Auflagen würde typischerweise ein angemesse- für einen permanenten Krisenbewältigungsmechanismus ner Mix aus mehreren Elementen angestrebt: Haushalts- zu unterbreiten, der sich auf die Erfahrungen mit diesem konsolidierung und Verstärkung der Haushaltskontrolle Mechanismus stützen wird. unter Berücksichtigung der Steuerpolitik, Stabilisierung des Finanzsektors, insofern Schwierigkeiten des Finanz- sektors die Probleme der öffentlichen Finanzen mitverur- IV. Nächste Schritte sachen, sowie umfassendere politische Maßnahmen zur Wiederherstellung der makroökonomischen Stabilität Die Kommission wird die in dieser Mitteilung prä- und des außenwirtschaftlichen Gleichgewichts. Über sentierten Reformvorschläge in Einklang mit ihren im den Haushaltsaspekt hinaus sollte der Schwerpunkt auf Vertrag festgelegten Zuständigkeiten ausarbeiten. Sie der Auflösung makroökonomischer Ungleichgewichte legt großen Wert darauf, die in dieser Mitteilung be- unter Berücksichtigung der Entwicklung der Wettbe- schriebenen Reformen rasch voranzubringen. Die aktu- werbsfähigkeit und grundlegender struktureller Her- elle wirtschaftliche Lage erfordert dringend eine rasche ausforderungen liegen. Dies wird eine konsequentere Umsetzung der Maßnahmen, die vorgeschlagen wurden, Überwachung, eine anspruchsvollere politische Koordi- um die wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung in der EU und im 500 nierung und ein konsequenteres Follow-up erfordern, Euroraum zu verbessern. Das erste Europäische Semester um sicherzustellen, dass die nötigen strukturellen Refor- sollte Anfang 2011 beginnen. men rasch umgesetzt werden. Die Kommission steht bereit, schnell legislative Vor- Am 9. Mai hat der ECOFIN-Rat auf Vorschlag der schläge, einschließlich einer Änderung der Verordnungen Kommission die Einführung eines befristeten europä- des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts, zu unterbreiten, ischen Stabilisierungsmechanismus beschlossen, um um makroökonomischen Ungleichgewichten innerhalb dem unmittelbaren Handlungsbedarf in der Krise ge- des Euroraums vorzubeugen und diese gegebenenfalls zu recht zu werden. Dies war Teil eines größeren Pakets, korrigieren, und um einen permanenten Rahmen für die einschließlich deutlicher Verpflichtungen zur gegebe- Krisenbewältigung zu schaffen. nenfalls erforderlichen Haushaltskonsolidierung und der Einbeziehung des IWF im Rahmen seiner normalen Fazilitäten in Einklang mit den unlängst verabschiedeten europäischen Programmen.

Dieser Mechanismus wurde geschaffen, um die aktuellen außergewöhnlichen Umstände in den Griff zu bekommen, und umfasst eine finanzielle Unterstützung in Höhe von bis zu 500 Mrd. EUR. Der finanzielle Beistand würde im Rahmen einer gemeinsamen EU-/IWF-Unterstützung strengen Auflagen unterliegen; die Bestimmungen und Bedingungen sind denen einer Unterstützung durch den IWF vergleichbar. Der Mechanismus wird aus zwei kom- plementären Quellen finanziert. Die erste basiert auf einer Verordnung des Rates auf der Grundlage von Artikel 122 Absatz 2 und kann bis zu 60 Mrd. EUR zur Verfügung stellen. Darüber hinaus sind die Mitgliedstaaten des Euro- raums bereit, diese Mittel im Wege bilateraler Abkommen über eine Zweckgesellschaft zu ergänzen. Diese Zweckge- sellschaft würde eine Kreditaufnahme mit Finanzgarantien der teilnehmenden Mitgliedstaaten in Höhe von bis zu 440 Mrd. EUR ermöglichen.

Dieser Mechanismus ist weitgehend mit den Grund- prinzipien eines permanenten robusten Krisenbe- wältigungsmechanismus vereinbar. Deshalb ist die Stärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung für Stabilität, Wachstum und Beschäftigung – Instrumente für bessere wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung der EU

Europa hat aus der jüngsten Finanz- und Wirtschaftskri- der Europäische Rat vor kurzem genehmigt hat. Alle ein- se viele Lehren gezogen. Die Krise hat deutlich gemacht, schlägigen Instrumente müssen zusammengeführt wer- 501 wie eng unsere Volkswirtschaften und Errungenschaften den und sicherstellen, dass künftige politische Entschei- in einer stark integrierten Union und erst recht in einer dungen kohärent sind, den einschlägigen Zielen dienen Währungsunion miteinander verbunden sind. Die EU und nach der Annahme auch umgesetzt und durchge- verfügt zwar über verschiedene Instrumente zur wirt- setzt werden. Die EU kann durch die Stärkung ihrer schaftpolitischen Koordinierung, aber die Krise hat doch wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung einen neuen und gezeigt, dass diese nicht in vollem Umfang eingesetzt nachhaltigen Wachstumspfad für die Bürger einschlagen. worden sind und das derzeitige System der wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung Lücken aufweist. Es besteht ein Vor diesem Hintergrund zielt diese Mitteilung auf Fol- breiter politischer Konsens, dass sich dies ändern muss gendes ab: und dass die EU über ein umfassenderes und wirksameres Instrumentarium verfügen sollte, damit sie Wohl- –– Entwicklung konkreter Vorschläge für eine stärkere stand und Lebensstandard auch künftig sichern kann. wirtschaftspolitische Koordinierung und Überwa- chung, wie in der Mitteilung der Kommission über Die EU hat mutige, weit reichende und kohärente Maß- die verstärkte wirtschaftspolitische Koordinierung nahmen ergriffen, um die Krise zu überwinden und der- vom 12. Mai beschrieben, die auf folgende Aspekte artige Situationen künftig verhindern zu können. So hat abstellt: i) Bekämpfung von Ungleichgewichten das 2008 eingeleitete Europäische Konjunkturprogramm mit Hilfe einer stärkeren makroökonomischen dazu beigetragen, die Wirkung des Wirtschaftsabschwungs Überwachung, u. a. durch einen Warn- und einen zu dämpfen. EU-Mitgliedstaaten, die Hilfe benötigten, er- Sanktionsmechanismus; ii) Stärkung des fiskalpo- hielten koordinierte Unterstützung, um die Stabilität der litischen Rahmens in den Mitgliedstaaten durch Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion zu sichern. Derzeit wird Spezifizierung entsprechender Mindestanforderungen in der EU und darüber hinaus über verschiedene Maßnah- und Ersetzung der jährlichen durch eine mehrjährige men zur Stärkung der Überwachung und Regulierung des Haushaltsplanung; iii) Stärkung des Stabilitäts- und Finanzsystems verhandelt. Auf der Grundlage der inzwi- Wachstumspakts, insbesondere unter den Aspekten schen angenommenen Strategie Europa 2020 können nun Schuldendynamik und Defizite. verschiedene Initiativen auf den Weg gebracht werden, um das Potenzial der EU zu stärken, das Wirtschaftswachstum –– Festlegung von wirksamen Durchsetzungsmechanis- anzukurbeln und Arbeitsplätze zu schaffen. men, um zu gewährleisten, dass die Mitgliedstaaten gemäß dem vereinbarten EU-Rahmen handeln. Für Die EU benötigt einen klar definierten Strategieansatz, den Fall, dass die volkswirtschaftlichen Entwick- um die wirtschaftliche Erholung zu stützen, die öffentli- lungen in einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten ein Risiko für chen Finanzen wieder auf eine solide Grundlage zu stel- die Entwicklung in der Union insgesamt darstellen, len und um nachhaltiges Wachstum sowie die Schaffung werden verschiedene präventive und korrektive Maß- von Arbeitsplätzen aktiv zu fördern. Diese politische Vi- nahmen vorgeschlagen, darunter auch Sanktionen, sion wurde in der Strategie Europa 2020 festgelegt, die die bei Verstößen Anwendung finden könnten. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

–– Einführung eines „Europäischen Semesters“ für die Wachstumsstrategie darstellen, und eine intelligentere, wirtschaftspolitische Koordinierung auf europäi- nachhaltigere und integrativere EU schaffen. scher Ebene und Erläuterung des Verfahrens und des Zeitplans für den europäischen Beitrag zu nationalen Entscheidungen im Hinblick auf eine 1. Breiter angelegte wirksamere Ex-ante-Koordinierung. Dies betrifft auch die Strukturreformen und wachstumsfördern- makroökonomische den Maßnahmen der Strategie Europa 2020. Überwachung Sämtliche in dieser Mitteilung präsentierten Vorschläge können entsprechend dem Vertrag von Lissabon verein- Die EU benötigt eine stärkere makroökonomische bart werden. Sie sind an alle 27 Mitgliedstaaten gerich- Länderüberwachung, in der alle einschlägigen wirt- tet, auch wenn einige Vorschläge – zumindest teilweise schaftspolitischen Bereiche berücksichtigt werden. Ma- – lediglich auf die Mitglieder des Euroraums abzielen. kroökonomische Ungleichgewichte sollten zusammen Mit den Vorschlägen soll außerdem die Länderüberwa- mit fiskalpolitischen Aspekten und wachstumsfördern- chung im Rahmen des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts den Strukturreformen betrachtet werden. Ziel ist es, die mit der Überwachung im Rahmen der Strategie Europa makroökonomische Stabilität zu sichern, das Auftreten 2020 zusammengeführt werden, um sicherzustellen, dass schädlicher Ungleichgewichte zu verhindern und um- die thematischen Europa-2020-Ziele mit einer soliden fassende makroökonomische Rahmenbedingungen zu Wirtschafts- und Steuerpolitik verfolgt werden. In den schaffen, die ein nachhaltiges und dynamisches Wachs- 502 Vorschlägen werden die in der Mitteilung der Kommis- tum ermöglichen. sion vom 12. Mai 201036 beschriebenen politischen Ide- en weiterentwickelt. Sie stützen sich auf die Leitlinien, 1.1. Überwachung makroökonomischer die am 17. Juni 2010 vom Europäischen Rat vereinbart Ungleichgewichte wurden, und spiegeln die bisher erzielten Fortschritte der Arbeitsgruppe „Wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung“ wider. Das Entstehen großer makroökonomischer Ungleichge- Mit den Vorschlägen kommen diese Arbeitsgruppe und wichte, die sich u. a. in erheblichen und fortdauernden die Kommission dem Ersuchen des Europäischen Rates Diskrepanzen bei der Entwicklung der Wettbewerbsfä- nach, seine Leitlinien weiter zu entwickeln und sie für higkeit widerspiegeln, hat sich im Verlauf der Krise für die Praxis anwendbar zu machen. die EU und insbesondere für den Euro als höchst schäd- lich erwiesen. Es ist daher wichtig, einen neuen struktu- Diese Vorschläge in ihrer Gesamtheit zielen darauf ab, rierten Mechanismus zur Überwachung von schädlichen das Vertrauen der EU und der Mitgliedstaaten in die makroökonomischen Ungleichgewichten und deren Qualität der Politik- und Entscheidungsfindungsprozes- Korrektur in allen Mitgliedstaaten zu entwickeln. Die se zu stärken und dafür zu sorgen, dass eine frühzeitige Kommission schlägt eine zweistufige Vorgehensweise mit Warnung erfolgt, wenn sich die Situation in einzelnen folgenden Komponenten vor: Mitgliedstaaten nachteilig entwickelt. Dies ermöglicht allen Mitgliedstaaten, die positiven Synergien zu maxi- –– eine präventive Komponente mit regelmäßigen mieren, die sich aus ihrer Einbindung in die Union erge- (jährlichen) Bewertungen des Risikos makroöko- ben. Darüber hinaus werden Transparenz und gegensei- nomischer Ungleichgewichte, in Verbindung mit tiges Vertrauen durch einen stärker von Gemeinsamkeit einem Warnsystem, und geprägten Prozess gesteigert. Außerdem können auf diese Weise negative Spillover-Effekte minimiert werden, –– eine korrektive Komponente, mit der Abhilfe- wenn sich Mitgliedstaaten nicht an vereinbarte Grenzen maßnahmen durchgesetzt werden sollen, wenn halten, und als letztes Mittel können dann Sanktionen nachteilige makroökonomische Ungleichgewichte gegen diejenigen Länder verhängt werden, die durch entstanden sind. nicht nachhaltige Maßnahmen auf nationaler Ebene das Präventive Komponente: ein Warnsystem Gemeinwohl in der EU gefährden. Nach der Zusam- menführung der Verfahren des Stabilitäts- und Wachs- Bei der makrostrukturellen Länderüberwachung im tumspakts und der Strategie Europa 2020 kann die EU Rahmen von Europa 2020 bewertet die Kommission auf auf den dafür notwendigen Konsolidierungsmaßnahmen Länderbasis makrostrukturelle Schwächen, eine etwaige aufbauen, die wichtige Elemente für die längerfristige Verschlechterung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und neu entstehende makroökonomische Ungleichgewichte unter Berücksichtigung der wirtschaftlichen und finanziellen 36 KOM(2010) 250, Mitteilung der Kommission über die Verflechtungen, insbesondere innerhalb des Euroraums. verstärkte wirtschaftspolitische Koordinierung. STÄRKUNG DER WIRTSCHAFTSPOLITISCHEN KOORDINIERUNG FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG – INSTRUMENTE FÜR BESSERE WIRTSCHAFTSPOLITISCHE STEUERUNG DER EU

Der Warnmechanismus basiert auf einer Indikato- ren-Übersicht, die Aufschluss über externe und interne Hauptmerkmale des Warnmechanismus für Ungleichgewichte gibt, sowie auf qualitativen Analysen makroökonomische Ungleichgewichte von Sachverständigen. Die Verwendung von Indikatoren Mit Hilfe des Warnmechanismus werden Mit- bietet zwar eine wichtige Orientierung, bedeutet aber gliedstaaten ermittelt, deren makroökonomische nicht, dass bei bestimmten Indikatorenwerten automa- Ungleichgewichte möglicherweise ein problemati- tisch Folgemaßnahmen ergriffen werden müssen. sches Niveau erreicht haben und deren Situation weitere umfassende länderspezifische Analysen Bei Ländern, die wesentliche Risiken aufweisen, wird erfordert. eine umfassende Länderanalyse durchgeführt. Wenn die Analyse aufkommende Risiken bestätigt, schlägt die Der Warnmechanismus basiert auf einer Indika- Kommission länderspezifische Empfehlungen des Rates toren-Übersicht, die durch qualitative Analysen vor, um schädliche makroökonomische Ungleichgewich- ergänzt wird. Die Indikatoren beziehen sich auf te zu bekämpfen. Gegebenenfalls könnte die Kommis- die außenwirtschaftliche Position des Landes, seine sion gegenüber dem betreffenden Mitgliedstaat auch Preis- bzw. Kostenwettbewerbsfähigkeit sowie direkt eine Warnung aussprechen. interne Ungleichgewichte. Die Verwendung von Indikatoren für interne Ungleichgewichte ist ge- Je nach Art der in einem Mitgliedstaat festgestellten Un- boten, da diese zwangsläufig externen Ungleichge- gleichgewichte können die Empfehlungen ein breites wichten gegenüberstehen. In der Übersicht könn- Spektrum politischer Aspekte betreffen, z. B. makroöko- ten außerdem z. B. folgende Aspekte berücksichtigt 503 nomische Strategien, Lohn- und Arbeitsmarktpolitik, die werden: Leistungsbilanz, Nettoauslandsposition, Funktionsweise der Waren- und Dienstleistungsmärkte realer effektiver Wechselkurs auf der Grundlage sowie makroprudenzielle Strategien. Die entsprechen- von Lohnstückkosten und BIP-Deflator, Anstieg den Empfehlungen werden in die länderspezifischen der realen Hauspreise, Schuldenquote und Anteil Empfehlungen integriert, die die Kommission jährlich der Kredite der Privatwirtschaft am BIP. zusammen mit den im Folgenden beschriebenen Emp- Für jeden Indikator werden „Warnschwellen“ fehlungen im Rahmen der thematischen Überwachung festgelegt und bekannt gegeben. Diese Schwellen- der Strukturreformen vorschlägt. werte könnten auf der Grundlage eines einfachen und transparenten statistischen Konzepts berechnet Dieser Mechanismus wird die zentrale Komponente der werden. Ein möglicher Ansatz hierfür wäre, das 75- in der Strategie Europa 2020 vorgesehenen verbesserten und das 25-Prozent-Perzentil der statistischen Ver- (nichtfiskalischen) Länderüberwachung auf Makro-Ebe- teilung jeder Variablen (pro Land und Zeitraum) ne sein. Gemeinsam mit der fiskalischen Überwachung zu verwenden, deren Über- oder Unterschreiten im Rahmen des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts soll die weitere Analysen nach sich ziehen würde. Es sei Länderüberwachung dazu beitragen, ein stabiles, wachs- jedoch daran erinnert, dass absolute Schwellenwer- tums- und beschäftigungsfreundlicheres makroökono- te für einzelne Variablen nur geringe wirtschaftli- misches Umfeld zu schaffen, wobei der Interdependenz che Aussagekraft haben und durch wirtschaftliche zwischen den Volkswirtschaften der Mitgliedstaaten, Begründungen ergänzt werden müssen, da die für insbesondere im Euroraum, Rechnung getragen wird. ein jeweiliges Land angemessenen Werte von seiner Auf diese Weise soll die Kohärenz innerhalb von Europa wirtschaftlichen Lage abhängig ist. 2020 sichergestellt werden, insbesondere indem mak- roökonomische bzw. fiskalische Beschränkungen ermit- Es scheint daher geboten, für Mitglieder des telt werden, vor deren Hintergrund die Mitgliedstaaten Euroraums eine andere Indikatoren-Übersicht Strukturreformen umsetzen müssen und in die wachs- als für Nichtmitglieder zu verwenden. Angesichts tumsfördernden Strategien von Europa 2020 investieren der Unterschiede bei den Wechselkurssystemen können. und den wichtigsten wirtschaftlichen Merkmalen weicht das Verhalten einiger Wirtschaftsvariab- Im Falle von Mitgliedstaaten, die sich in einer beson- len im Euroraum stark von dem der Variablen ders schwierigen Lage befinden, kann die Kommission außerhalb des Euroraums ab. Dies spricht für die empfehlen, das Vorliegen „übermäßiger Ungleichge- Verwendung unterschiedlicher Schwellenwerte für Mitglieder und Nichtmitglieder des Euroraums. wichte“ festzustellen. Dadurch würde die korrektive Da es innerhalb der Währungsunion keine nomi- Komponente des im Folgenden beschriebenen Mecha- nalen Wechselkurse gibt, ist darüber hinaus im Eu- nismus aktiviert. In einem solchen Fall könnte die Kom- roraum eine spezifische Analyse der Entwicklung mission gegenüber dem betreffenden Mitgliedstaat auch des realen effektiven Wechselkurses notwendig. direkt eine Warnung aussprechen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Korrektive Maßnahmen 1.2. Thematische Überwachung der Zur Überwachung der Ungleichgewichte soll auch ein Strukturreformen Durchsetzungsmechanismus gehören. Um diesen Me- chanismus zu aktivieren, müsste der Rat zunächst auf Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen ihre makroökonomische der Grundlage einer Empfehlung der Kommission fest- Stabilität und solide öffentliche Finanzen wiederherstellen, dass in einem Land, in dem wesentliche Risiken stellen, wenn ihre Volkswirtschaften zu nachhaltigem bestehen, „übermäßige Ungleichgewichte“ entstanden Wachstum und höherer Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zurück- sind. Hierbei werden Risikowarnungen und/oder Emp- finden sollen. Gleichzeitig müssen sie sich darauf kon- fehlungen des Europäischen Ausschusses für Systemrisi- zentrieren, die Europa-2020-Ziele und die vom Euro- ken zur makrofinanziellen Stabilität berücksichtigt. päischen Rat vereinbarten fünf Kernziele zu erreichen. Angesichts der Haushaltszwänge ist es wichtig, dass zur Ein Mitgliedstaat mit „übermäßigen Ungleichgewich- Gestaltung und Umsetzung der Politik ein integrierter ten“ würde daraufhin Gegenstand einer verstärkten Ansatz verfolgt wird. Die Feststellung von Schwierigkei- Überwachung. Der Rat kann in diesem Fall Politikemp- ten, die ein Erreichen der Europa-2020-Ziele verhindern fehlungen (auf der Grundlage von Artikel 121 Absatz 4 oder verzögern, ist ein Kernelement der thematischen bzw. Artikel 136 AEUV für Mitglieder des Euroraums) Überwachung. aussprechen; der Mitgliedstaat muss daraufhin regelmä- ßig (d. h. innerhalb von sechs Monaten nach der Emp- Die thematische Überwachung der Strukturreformen zielt daher auf zweierlei ab: 504 fehlung des Rates und danach auf vierteljährlicher Basis) an den Rat „Wirtschaft und Finanzen“ und die Euro- gruppe über seine Fortschritte bei der Umsetzung der i) Die Ziele von Europa 2020 sollen leichter zu empfohlenen Reformen berichten. erreichen sein, insbesondere die fünf Kernziele37. Hierzu bedarf es entsprechender Maßnahmen in den Bereichen Der Mechanismus soll auf alle Mitgliedstaaten Anwen- Beschäftigung, soziale Integration, Forschung und In- dung finden. Wie bei dem finanzpolitischen Regelungs- novation, Bildung, Energie und Klimawandel sowie der rahmen, der ebenfalls für alle EU-Mitgliedstaaten gilt, Bewältigung jeglicher Probleme, die der wirtschaftlichen müssten für die Mitglieder des Euroraums strengere Re- Entwicklung eines Mitgliedstaats oder seinem Wachs- geln gelten. Angesichts der engen wirtschaftlichen und tum entgegen stehen. finanziellen Verflechtungen innerhalb des Euroraums und ihrer Auswirkungen auf den Euro könnten im Falle ii) Die ambitionierte Umsetzung der Struktur- einer wiederholten Nichteinhaltung der Empfehlungen reformen muss in einer Weise sichergestellt werden, die spezifische Durchsetzungsmechanismen für Mitglieder im Einklang mit den makrofiskalischen Beschränkungen des Euroraums in Erwägung gezogen werden, um mak- steht. roökonomische Ungleichgewichte im Euroraum zu be- kämpfen, die ein Risiko für die Funktionsfähigkeit der Die Überwachung wird gemäß Artikel 121 und 148 Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion darstellen. AEUV sowie auf der Grundlage der integrierten Leit- linien zu der Strategie Europa 2020 durchgeführt. Die Eine unzureichende Umsetzung der Empfehlungen, die Kommission wird die Nationalen Reformprogramme vor dem Hintergrund der Überwachung von Ungleich- der Mitgliedstaaten heranziehen, um zu bewerten, wie gewichten ausgesprochen worden sind, würde sich dann jedes Land die jeweils von ihm festgestellten Schwierig- bei der fiskalischen Bewertung im Rahmen des Stabili- keiten angeht, und um seine Fortschritte im Hinblick täts- und Wachstumspakts nachteilig auswirken. auf seine nationalen Ziele im Rahmen von Europa 2020 einzuschätzen. Ende September wird die Kommission förmliche Vor- schläge für sekundärrechtliche Vorschriften für die Be- Falls die Fortschritte unzureichend sind oder die Kohä- handlung von übermäßigen Ungleichgewichten auf der renz der Strategien mit den integrierten Leitlinien (z. B. Grundlage von Artikel 121 und 136 AEUV vorlegen. In Integrierte Leitlinien für Wirtschafts- und Beschäfti- diesen Vorschlägen werden die Funktion des Warnme- gungspolitik) nicht ausreicht, werden länderspezifische chanismus, die Rollen und Verpflichtungen der Kom- Empfehlungen oder Empfehlungen für den Euroraum mission, der Mitgliedstaaten und des Rates, das Ver- abgegeben. fahren für die Annahme von Empfehlungen sowie die Regeln, Verfahren und Durchsetzungsmechanismen für die Mitglieder des Euroraums spezifiziert. 37 Kernziele abrufbar unter: http://ec.europa.eu/eu2020/pdf/ council_conclusion_17_june_en.pdf. STÄRKUNG DER WIRTSCHAFTSPOLITISCHEN KOORDINIERUNG FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG – INSTRUMENTE FÜR BESSERE WIRTSCHAFTSPOLITISCHE STEUERUNG DER EU

Wenn die wirtschaftpolitischen Strategien eines Mit- generieren können. Idealerweise sollten die Prognosen gliedstaats nicht im Einklang mit den Grundzügen der der Kommission als Benchmark verwendet werden. Wirtschaftspolitik stehen oder das Funktionieren der Die Kommission schlägt vor, klar zu kennzeichnen, ob Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion gefährden könnten, die Kassendaten der Mitgliedstaaten den ESVG-95-Da- wird der betreffende Mitgliedstaat direkt von der Kom- ten entsprechen, wobei die Daten monatlich auf Kas- mission verwarnt. senbasis übermittelt und vierteljährlich in Sinne des ESVG 1995 umgerechnet werden). Die Prognosemetho- Die Kommission nimmt auf der Grundlage der län- den und makroökonomischen Annahmen, die für Haus- derspezifischen Überwachung eine Bewertung des haltszwecke verwendet werden, sind einer entsprechen- Fortschritts in der EU insgesamt hinsichtlich der fünf den Prüfung zu unterziehen. Kernziele vor, bewertet ihre Leistung gegenüber den wichtigsten (internationalen) Handelspartnern und un- Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten über nationale fiskalpoliti- tersucht ggf. die Ursachen für unzureichende Fortschrit- sche Vorschriften verfügen, die gewährleisten, dass ihr te. Dabei bewertet die Kommission auch, inwieweit Regelungsrahmen die vertraglichen Verpflichtungen wi- die Umsetzung der Leitinitiativen im Rahmen von Eu- derspiegelt. Die nationalen fiskalpolitischen Vorschriften ropa 2020 fortgeschritten ist, sowohl auf EU- als auch sollten gewährleisten, dass die im Vertrag vorgesehenen auf nationaler Ebene, da diese zum Erreichen der Ziele Referenzwerte für Defizit und Schuldenstand eingehal- beitragen. ten werden und mit dem mittelfristigen Haushaltsziel in Einklang stehen. Die Vorschriften und ein glaubwürdi- Die Kommission wird dem Europäischen Rat jedes Jahr ger Durchsetzungsmechanismus sollten auf nationaler 505 auf seiner Frühjahrstagung Bericht erstatten und spezi- Ebene gesetzlich geregelt sein. fische Orientierungen vorschlagen, um die Umsetzung der entsprechenden Reformmaßnahmen zu verbessern. Die Reform der fiskalpolitischen Vorschriften auf Ebe- Die Orientierungen werden außerdem im Rahmen der ne der Mitgliedstaaten sollte auch auf eine mehrjährige länderspezifischen Empfehlungen berücksichtigt, die die Haushaltsplanung abzielen. Die jährlichen Haushalts- Kommission Anfang Juli vorschlagen wird. ziele sollten in mehrjährigen Regelungsrahmen verankert sein, die u. a. eine Aufschlüsselung der voraussichtlichen Einnahmen und Ausgaben und Hinweise darauf enthal- 2. Fiskalpolitische ten, in welchem Bereich eine Anpassung im Hinblick auf Regelungsrahmen in den die Ziele geplant ist. Mitgliedstaaten Die einzelstaatlichen Regelungsrahmen müssen umfassend sein und das gesamte System der öffentlichen Bei der Stärkung der fiskalischen Konsolidierung und Finanzen abdecken. Dies ist für dezentralisierte Volks- der Nachhaltigkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen kommt wirtschaften besonders wichtig. Die Aufteilung der einem belastbaren und wirksamen nationalen fiskalpo- haushaltspolitischen Verantwortlichkeiten auf die ver- litischen Rahmen eine wesentliche Rolle zu. Auch wenn schiedenen staatlichen Ebenen sollte eindeutig sein und die besonderen Bedürfnisse der Mitgliedstaaten und es müssten entsprechende Kontroll- und Durchsetzungs- ihre Präferenzen berücksichtigt werden müssen, sind bestimmungen eingeführt werden. doch verschiedene Aspekte besonders wichtig, um ein Mindestmaß an Qualität und die Komplementarität zu Die Kommission wird im September förmliche Vor- EU-Vorschriften sicherzustellen38: schläge unterbreiten, in denen die Mindestanforderun- gen an die Gestaltung der einzelstaatlichen fiskalischen Um sicherzustellen, dass die Qualitätsstandards in allen Regelungsrahmen und die Verfahrensregeln (Bericht- Mitgliedstaaten eingehalten werden, ist ein einheitlicher erstattung) enthalten sind, die ermöglichen, die Ein- Ansatz für die Berichterstattung wichtig (für die fiskali- haltung der EU-Vorgaben zu überprüfen. Dies wird in sche Überwachung auf EU-Ebene ist das ESVG 95 zu Form einer neuen Verordnung auf der Grundlage von verwenden). Die Kapazitäten der nationalen Statistikins- Artikel 126 Absatz 14 AEUV geschehen, um die Anwen- titute müssen die Einhaltung der EU-Anforderungen an dung des Protokolls Nr. 12 über das Verfahren bei einem Daten und der Berichtspflichten gewährleisten. Die Sys- übermäßigen Defizit zu stärken. Bei Nichteinhaltung teme zur Erstellung von Prognosen müssen zuverlässige können dann Vertragsverletzungsverfahren eingeleitet und objektive Wachstums- und Haushaltsprojektionen werden.

38 Siehe auch Schlussfolgerungen des Rates „Wirtschaft und Finanzen“ vom 18. Mai 2010 über Haushaltsrahmen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

3. Stärkere Konzentration Schulden handelt; zu berücksichtigen wären aber auch einschlägige Parameter für das Risiko eines künftigen auf die Schulden- und Schuldenanstiegs und finanzieller Engpässe: Nachhaltigkeitsproblematik im Rahmen des Stabilitäts- –– Laufzeitstruktur und Währung von Schuldtiteln; –– Bürgschaften für Unternehmen, Finanzinstitute und und Wachstumspakts Haushalte; Der Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt sollte der Wech- –– kumulierte Rücklagen und andere Vermögenswerte selwirkung zwischen Schuldenstand und Defizit besser des Staates; Rechnung tragen, damit der Anreiz für eine vorsichtige –– implizite Verbindlichkeiten, v. a. vor dem Hinter- Politik steigt. grund der Bevölkerungsalterung; Was die präventive Komponente des Stabilitäts- und –– Höhe und Veränderungen der Verschuldung priva- Wachstumspakts anbelangt, so schlägt die Kommission ter Haushalte, da dies eine implizite Verbindlichkeit vor, dass Mitgliedstaaten mit hoher Verschuldung oder für den Staat darstellen kann; ausgeprägten Risiken bei der künftigen Schuldenent- –– Faktoren für Veränderungen des Schuldenstands wicklung schneller einen gesamtstaatlichen Finanzie- (Primärsaldo, Inflation, Wachstum, Zinssätze, rungssaldo erreichen müssen, der im Hinblick auf den 506 Einmalzahlungen); Defizit-Referenzwert von 3 % des BIP eine angemessene Sicherheitsmarge aufweist und rasche Fortschritte in –– Bestandsanpassungen. Richtung auf langfristig tragfähige öffentliche Finanzen gewährleistet, d. h. dass diese Länder das mittelfristige Bei der Nichteinhaltung von Empfehlungen sollten ent- Haushaltsziel rascher erreichen. sprechende Sanktionen angewandt werden.

Hinsichtlich der korrektiven Komponente schlägt die Zur Umsetzung dieser Grundsätze wird die Kommission Kommission vor, das Schuldenstandskriterium des Defi- im September Änderungen an der präventiven (Verord- und der korrektiven Kompo- zitverfahrens wirksam umzusetzen, indem anhand einer nung (EG) Nr. 1466/97) nente des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts klaren und einfachen Benchmark gemessen wird, ob der (Verord- Schuldenabbau in einem zufrieden stellenden Tempo nung (EG) Nr. 1467/97) vorschlagen. vorangeht. Bei Mitgliedstaaten mit einer Schuldenquote von über 60 % des BIP könnte das Defizitverfahren eingeleitet werden, wenn der Schuldenstand innerhalb einer 4. Wirksame Durchsetzung festgelegten Vorlaufperiode nicht um einen angemes- der wirtschaftspolitischen senen Richtwert zurückgeführt wird (bestimmter An- teil an der Differenz zwischen Schuldenstand und dem Überwachung durch Referenzwert von 60 % des BIP). Außerdem reicht es angemessene Sanktionen und möglicherweise nicht aus, für die Einstellung eines Defi- zitverfahrens das Defizit unter die 3 %-Marke des BIP zu Anreize führen, wenn die Verschuldung keine nachhaltig fallende Tendenz aufweist. Die genauen Parameter werden im Die im Vertrag sowie im Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt Verhaltenskodex zum Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt festgelegten gemeinsamen Regeln und Koordinierungs- festgelegt. verfahren konnten nicht verhindern, dass einige Mit- gliedstaaten fiskalpolitisch in einer Weise verfahren sind, Mehr noch als das Defizit ist die Entwicklung des öffent- die den bestehenden Regelungen zuwider läuft. Es be- lichen Schuldenstands von Faktoren abhängig, die au- steht eindeutig Bedarf, die Glaubwürdigkeit der EU-Re- ßerhalb des direkten Einflusses der Staaten liegen (insbe- gelungen für die fiskalpolitische Überwachung durch sondere Inflation, Zinssätze, Entwicklung des zyklischen eine stärker regelbasierte Anwendung von Sanktionen zu Wachstums), weshalb eine entsprechende Bewertung verbessern. Ein breiteres Spektrum an Sanktionen und vorgenommen werden muss, bevor ein Defizitverfahren Anreizen sollte verstärkt präventiv und zu einem frühe- gegen einen Mitgliedstaat angestrengt wird. Es sollte eine ren Zeitpunkt eingesetzt werden, um die Wirksamkeit Gesamtbewertung erfolgen, bei der verschiedenen Para- künftig zu erhöhen. Die abschreckende Wirkung finan- metern Rechnung getragen wird, z. B. der Entfernung zieller Sanktionen sollte echte Anreize zur Einhaltung der der Schuldenquote vom Referenzwert von 60 % des Regeln schaffen. BIP und ob es sich um temporäre und/oder einmalige STÄRKUNG DER WIRTSCHAFTSPOLITISCHEN KOORDINIERUNG FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG – INSTRUMENTE FÜR BESSERE WIRTSCHAFTSPOLITISCHE STEUERUNG DER EU

Für den Fall, dass ein Mitgliedstaat die EU-Leitlini- wesentliche Abweichung von der vereinbarten Ausgabe- en missachtet, sind in Artikel 126 Absatz 11 AEUV nentwicklung würde als unvorsichtige Haushaltspolitik verschiedene Arten von Sanktionen vorgesehen. Diese angesehen und eine Warnung der Kommission nach Ar- umfassen die Aufforderung, vor Emissionen zusätzliche tikel 121 Absatz 4 AEUV nach sich ziehen. Bei fortdau- Angaben zu veröffentlichen, die Europäische Investiti- ernden Verstößen behält der Rat die verzinsliche Einlage onsbank zu ersuchen, ihre Darlehenspolitik gegenüber so lange ein, bis der Verstoß abgestellt ist. Sie wird erst dem Mitgliedstaat zu überprüfen, von dem Mitgliedstaat dann freigegeben, wenn die Situation, die zur Verhän- zu verlangen, eine unverzinsliche Einlage in angemesse- gung der Sanktion geführt hat, nicht mehr besteht. ner Höhe bei der Union zu hinterlegen, bis das übermä- ßige Defizit korrigiert ist, und die Möglichkeit, Geldbu- Zweitens: Die Kommission schlägt im Rahmen der ßen in angemessener Höhe zu verhängen. präventiven Komponente die Einrichtung einer Ex-ante-Konditionalität vor, die die Bereitstellung von Förder- Bei der genauen Festlegung der Funktionsweise und des mitteln im Rahmen der Kohäsionspolitik an strukturelle Umfangs möglicher finanzieller Anreize ist es wichtig und institutionelle Reformen koppelt, die in direktem und notwendig, deren Wirksamkeit und der Gleichbe- Zusammenhang mit der Umsetzung der Kohäsionspoli- handlung der Mitgliedstaaten Rechnung zu tragen. Um tik stehen. Hierdurch soll die Wirksamkeit und Effizienz sicherzustellen, dass der Grundsatz der Verhältnismäßig- verbessert werden. keit eingehalten wird, könnten finanzielle Sanktionen, die im Zusammenhang mit EU-Mitteln stehen, als Pro- Was die korrektive Komponente angeht (d. h. für den zentsatz des BNE oder BIP des betreffenden Mitglied- Fall, dass ein Mitgliedstaat Gegenstand eines Defizitver- 507 staats festgelegt werden, wobei für alle Mitgliedstaaten fahrens ist), schlägt die Kommission ein neues System eine einheitliche Obergrenze gelten sollte. Anhand der finanzieller Sanktionen und Anreize vor, das das Sys- Obergrenze wird sichergestellt, dass gegen alle Mitglied- tem der Einlagen und die Verhängung von Geldbußen staaten de facto Sanktionen verhängt werden können. ergänzt. Der EU-Haushalt entfaltet hierbei eine ergän- Darüber hinaus müsste die Höhe der von einer Ausset- zende Hebelwirkung, indem er die Einhaltung wichtiger zung und/oder Streichung betroffenen Mittel für Ver- makroökonomischer Vorgaben, die im Stabilität- und pflichtungen und Zahlungen auf einer Pro-rata-Basis für Wachstumspakt verankert sind, stützt. Das System kann die entsprechenden Mittel festgelegt werden, wobei die sich negativ auf Zahlungen an Mitgliedstaaten sowie auf Obergrenze nicht überschritten werden darf. Zahlungen auswirken, bei denen die Mitgliedstaaten als Mittler fungieren, hat aber keine Auswirkungen auf die Das neue Sanktionsinstrumentarium enthält daher ver- Endbegünstigten von EU-Mitteln. Bei der Entschei- schiedene Arten von Sanktionen und Anreizen in Ab- dung, welche EU-Ausgabenkategorien und -Programme hängigkeit von den Umständen und der Schwere der für Sanktionen bzw. Anreize in Frage kommen, könnten Situation. Die vorgeschlagenen Verbesserungen an den folgende Kriterien herangezogen werden: bestehenden Durchsetzungsmechanismen erfordern Änderungen an der präventiven und korrektiven Kom- –– Wirksamkeit der betreffenden Mittel in Abhängig- ponente des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts (Verord- keit von einer soliden Haushaltspolitik; nungen (EG) Nr. 1466/97 und 1467/97) auch durch einen geeigneten Mechanismus, der auf verschiedenen –– eindeutige Zuordnung der Mittel zu dem Mitglied- Rechtsakten beruht, die die Grundlage für ausgaben- staat, der gegen den Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt wirksame Programme der EU bilden. oder andere Bedingungen verstößt; –– Programmierung und Durchführung der Mittel Was die präventive Komponente betrifft (d. h. für den im Rahmen der geteilten Verwaltung, d. h. die Fall, dass die Anstrengungen eines Mitgliedstaats nicht Hauptverantwortung liegt bei den Mitgliedstaa- ausreichen, um das mittelfristige Haushaltsziel in Zeiten ten, oder es handelt sich um EU-Erstattungen an günstiger Konjunktur zu erreichen), werden zwei Arten Mitgliedstaaten; von Anreizen bzw. Sanktionen vorgeschlagen. –– im Hinblick auf die Glaubwürdigkeit von Sanktio- nen bzw. Anreizen ausreichendes Mittelvolumen; Erstens: Von Mitgliedern des Euroraums, die ihren Haushaltskonsolidierungszielen nicht in ausreichendem –– (potenzielle) Wirkung auf die Qualität der öffentli- Maße näherkommen, können in diesem Zusammen- chen Ausgaben und Strukturanpassungen. hang vorübergehend verzinsliche Einlagen verlangt werden. Eine Option wäre, eine einfache Ausgabenvorschrift Diese Kriterien treffen auf die meisten Ausgaben im festzulegen, die im Einklang mit der Anpassung an das Zusammenhang mit der Kohäsionspolitik, der Ge- länderspezifische mittelfristige Haushaltsziel steht. Eine meinsamen Agrarpolitik (EGFL und ELER) und dem DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Europäischen Fischereifonds (EFF) zu. Im Zusammen- sich der Beitrag zum Haushalt, der von den teilnehmen- hang mit der GAP und dem EFF darf keine Situation ent- den Mitgliedstaaten, in denen kein übermäßiges Defizit stehen, in der Kürzungen von EU-Mitteln zu einer Ein- besteht, zu leisten ist (in Abhängigkeit von ihrem Anteil nahmenverringerung der Landwirte oder Fischer führen. am gesamten BNE der betreffenden Mitgliedstaaten), Die Verknüpfung von Bedingungen an Zahlungen sollte automatisch um denjenigen Betrag verringert, der von daher ausschließlich die EU-Erstattungen an die einzel- einem Mitgliedstaat im Zuge eines Defizitverfahrens als staatlichen Haushalte betreffen. Auf diese Weise müssten Geldbuße entrichtet worden ist. Dieses System gewähr- die Mitgliedstaaten weiterhin Agrarsubventionen auszah- leistet, dass der Beitrag der Mitgliedstaaten, gegen die len, die Erstattung dieser Ausgaben aus dem EU-Haus- eine Geldbuße verhängt worden ist, effektiv ansteigt und halt könnte jedoch (teilweise) ausgesetzt werden. der Beitrag aller anderen Mitgliedstaaten zum Haushalt sinkt. Die Kommission wird ebenfalls bewerten, ob die Falls die Vorschriften nicht eingehalten werden, können Einnahmenseite des EU-Haushalts angemessen als An- Anreize geschaffen werden, indem laufende oder künfti- reiz für die Einhaltung der Regeln genutzt werden kann. ge Zahlungen aus dem EU-Haushalt teilweise ausgesetzt oder gestrichen werden. Mittel, die gestrichen worden Die notwendigen Änderungen werden in die Vorschläge sind, sollten im EU-Haushalt verbleiben. aufgenommen, die die Kommission 2011 für den nächsten mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen vorlegen wird. In der Zwi- Ergänzend zu den Bestimmungen von Artikel 126 Ab- schenzeit wird für die Mitglieder des Euroraums eine Ver- satz 11 AEUV könnten in einer Frühphase des Defizit- ordnung auf der Grundlage von Artikel 136 AEUV vorge- 508 verfahrens zwei Arten von finanziellen Sanktionen in schlagen, die ab Ende September für die Schaffung eines Erwägung gezogen werden. neuen Sanktionsinstrumentariums mit ähnlicher Wirkung sorgen wird. Die Kommission wird erkunden, wie sich das • Schritt 1: Die Feststellung eines übermäßigen Defizits Instrumentarium von Sanktionen und Anreizen so schnell (Artikel 126 Absatz 6 AEUV) könnte zur Aussetzung wie möglich auf alle Mitgliedstaaten ausweiten lässt. von Mittelbindungen für mehrjährige Programme führen. Diese Aussetzung würde sich nicht unmittelbar auf die Zahlungen auswirken und ließe daher 5. Der Koordinierungszyklus im genügend Zeit, Abhilfemaßnahmen zu ergreifen. Die „Europäischen Semester“ Mitgliedstaaten können aufgefordert werden, Mittel für andere Zwecke zu verwenden, um die Qualität Im Rahmen eines „Europäischen Semesters“ sollen die der öffentlichen Finanzen zu verbessern. Hinsichtlich verschiedenen Bereiche der wirtschaftspolitischen Koor- der GAP-Erstattungen (EGFL) könnte ein Beschluss dinierung zusammengeführt und die Ex-ante-Koordinie- mitgeteilt werden, dass die Zahlungen bis zu einem rung der Wirtschaftspolitik verbessert werden. festgesetzten Stichtag gestrichen werden. Sobald der Mitgliedstaat den Empfehlungen des Rates nach- kommt, wäre eine Wiedereinstellung der Mittel Ex-ante-Koordinierung der Wirtschaftspolitik: Kernziel vorzusehen. des Vorschlags ist es, der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordi- nierung in der EU und im Euroraum eine klare Ex-an- • Schritt 2: Die Nichteinhaltung der ersten Empfeh- te-Dimension zu verleihen. Bevor in den Mitgliedstaaten lungen zur Korrektur eines übermäßigen Defizits endgültige Haushaltsentscheidungen für das Folgejahr (Artikel 126 Absatz 8 AEUV) könnte zur Streichung getroffen werden, soll im Rahmen des „Europäischen Se- von Mittelbindungen im Jahr n führen. Auch die mesters“ mit Hilfe politischer Leitlinien die Komplemen- GAP-Erstattungen (EGFL) für das Jahr n würden tarität der einzelstaatlichen wirtschaftspolitischen Pläne gestrichen. Für den betreffenden Mitgliedstaat würde auf europäischer Ebene sichergestellt werden. Für den dies den endgültigen Verlust der Mittel bedeuten. Euroraum sollte eine horizontale Bewertung der Haus- haltslage vorgenommen werden, wobei die nationalen Durch die Änderung der Kofinanzierungssätze oder die Stabilitätsprogramme und die Prognosen der Kommissi- Einführung einer EU-Reserve zur Belohnung einer soli- on als Grundlage dienen. Wenn im Euroraum ernsthafte den Haushaltspolitik könnten weitere Anreize geschaffen wirtschaftliche Belastungen auftreten und umfangreiche- werden. Eine solche Reserve könnte mit Mitteln finan- re fiskalpolitische Maßnahmen einzelner Mitgliedstaaten ziert werden, die im Rahmen des vorstehend beschrie- Auswirkungen auf andere Mitgliedstaaten haben dürf- benen Verfahrens nach Schritt 2 gestrichen worden sind. ten, sollte der Gesamtlage besondere Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet werden. Weisen die Haushaltspläne für das Auch die Finanzierungsseite des EU-Haushalts kann Folgejahr offensichtliche Unzulänglichkeiten auf, könnte dazu beitragen, die Einhaltung der Regelungen zu stär- eine Überarbeitung der Pläne empfohlen werden. ken. Im geltenden Eigenmittelsystem ist vorgesehen, dass STÄRKUNG DER WIRTSCHAFTSPOLITISCHEN KOORDINIERUNG FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG – INSTRUMENTE FÜR BESSERE WIRTSCHAFTSPOLITISCHE STEUERUNG DER EU

Stärker integrierte Überwachung: Das „Europäische werden sich klare Hinweise darauf ergeben, ob die ange- Semester“ soll alle Elemente der wirtschaftspolitischen strebten Ziele und flankierenden Strategien angemessen Überwachung abdecken, einschließlich der Strategien zur sind. Was die Strategien zur Wachstumsförderung und Sicherstellung der Haushaltsdisziplin und makroökono- zur Bewältigung makrofinanzieller Risiken angeht, wer- mischer Stabilität sowie zur Wachstumsförderung im Ein- den sich die Empfehlungen auf eine begrenzte Anzahl klang mit der Strategie Europa 2020. Weitere Verfahren, von Schlüsselreformen konzentrieren, für deren Umset- z. B. im Rahmen des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts zung Fristen gesetzt werden. und der Grundzüge der Wirtschaftspolitik, würden hinsichtlich der zeitlichen Abläufe angepasst, bleiben aber Stärkere Einbindung des Europäischen Parlaments: Die rechtlich getrennt. Die Stabilitäts- und Konvergenzpro- Kommission wird dem Europäischen Parlament jedes gramme (SKP) und die Nationalen Reformprogramme Jahr im Januar ihren Jahreswachstumsbericht vorlegen. (NRP) sollen von den Mitgliedstaaten gleichzeitig vorgelegt und von der Kommission gleichzeitig geprüft werden. Nationale Parlamente: Die verstärkte wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung der EU würde von einer frühen und um- Inhaltliche Anpassungen der Stabilitäts- und Konver- fassenden Einbindung der nationalen Parlamente in den genzprogramme aufgrund der Einführung des „Eu- Ablauf des „Europäischen Semesters“ sowie von einem ropäischen Semesters“: Selbstverständlich wird nicht intensiveren Dialog mit dem Europäischen Parlament darauf abgestellt, dass die Mitgliedstaaten umfassende profitieren. Haushaltspläne vorlegen müssen, die zunächst von der 509 EU „validiert“ werden müssen, bevor sie dem jeweiligen Frühe Umsetzung: Die Kommission schlägt vor, das nationalen Parlament präsentiert werden. Die Program- „Europäische Semester“ ab 2011 umzusetzen. Änderun- me sollten jedoch Informationen enthalten, die eine gen am geltenden Verhaltenskodex für Stabilitäts- und angemessene Ex-ante-Erörterung der Haushaltspolitik Konvergenzprogramme39, u. a. der neue Zeitpunkt für ermöglichen. Zu den Mindestanforderungen gehören: die Vorlage der SKP, werden dem Rat „Wirtschaft und Finanzen“ zur Bestätigung vorgelegt. Es dürften keine –– ein ausgereiftes und aktualisiertes makroökonomi- unmittelbaren legislativen Änderungen notwendig sein. sches Szenario; –– konkrete Hinweise zu den Plänen für das Jahr t+1; Übergangsphase vor dem „Europäischen Semester“: Die Kommission wird im Juli Leitlinien zum Inhalt der –– Beschreibung der geplanten Politik; künftigen NRP erstellen. Sie wird außerdem einen bila- –– mittelfristige Projektionen für die wichtigsten Varia- teralen Dialog mit den Mitgliedstaaten im Herbst 2010 blen der öffentlichen Finanzen; vorschlagen, um folgende Aspekte zu erörtern: –– Bewertung der finanziellen Entwicklungen für das –– Mittelfristiges makroökonomisches Szenario für die Jahr t-1; Mitgliedstaaten, das als Rahmen für Programme in –– aktualisierte Finanzplanungen für das laufende Jahr. bestimmten Politikbereichen bis 2015 dient, ein- schließlich Wachstumserwartungen und allgemei- Das „Europäische Semester“: Der Zyklus beginnt im Ja- nen Haushaltsorientierungen. nuar mit einem „Jahreswachstumsbericht“ der Kommis- –– Bestätigung, dass die einzelstaatlichen Ziele im sion, in dem die wirtschaftlichen Herausforderungen der Einklang mit den fünf Kernzielen der Strategie EU und des gesamten Euroraums untersucht werden. Bis Europa 2020 stehen. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten für Ende Februar legt der Europäische Rat Leitlinien für die jedes Ziel angeben, welche Strategien sie zu dessen Politik vor, die die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Erstellung ihrer Erreichung auf nationaler Ebene verfolgen und den im April vorzulegenden SKP und NRP berücksichtigen. hierfür notwendigen Bedarf an Haushaltsmitteln Wie im ersten Abschnitt beschrieben, veröffentlicht der beziffern. Rat Anfang Juli länderspezifische Leitlinien. Im zweiten Semester schließen die Mitgliedstaaten ihre Haushaltsplä- –– Überlegungen, wie Schwierigkeiten bewältigt wer- ne ab. Die Kommission bewertet im Jahreswachstumsbe- den können, die die Mitgliedstaaten daran hindern, richt des Folgejahres, inwieweit die Mitgliedstaaten die ihre Ziele und die allgemeinen „Europa-2020“-Zie- Leitlinien der EU berücksichtigt haben. le zu erreichen.

Leitlinien im Rahmen des „Europäischen Semesters“:

Die Empfehlungen werden konkret und offen formuliert 39 Vollständige Bezeichnung: „Spezifikationen für die Umsetzung sein. Im Bereich Fiskalpolitik wird besonderes Augen- des Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakts sowie Leitlinien zu Inhalt merk auf das Jahr t+1 gelegt, und aus der Überwachung und Form der Stabilitäts- und Konvergenzprogramme“. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

6. Schlussfolgerungen und nächste Schritte

Die Kommission wird die in dieser Mitteilung angekün- digten und notwendigen förmlichen Vorschläge Ende September unterbreiten (nähere Angaben im Anhang).

In der Zwischenzeit ersucht die Kommission den Rat „Wirtschaft und Finanzen“, auf seiner Tagung am 13. Juli die Einleitung des Überwachungszyklus im Rah- men eines „Europäischen Semesters“ ab Januar 2011 zu bestätigen und den überarbeiteten Verhaltenskodex für die Stabilitäts- und Konvergenzprogramme, der der Mit- teilung beigefügt ist, zu genehmigen.

510 Ein Haushalt für „Europe 2020“

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLAMENT, DEN RAT, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN WIRTSCHAFTS- UND SOZIALAUSSCHUSS UND DEN AUSSCHUSS DER REGIONEN BRÜSSEL, DEN 29.6.2011 COM(2011) 500

Vorwort die Zukunft investieren. Unser Haushalt ist – gemessen an seinem Anteil am Bruttonationaleinkommen der Europäer 511 von 1 % – gering. Das ist nur ein Fünfzigstel von dem, was Die Europäische Union wirkt Tag für Tag im Dienste un- die Mitgliedstaaten ausgeben. Aber wir müssen mit diesem serer 500 Millionen Mitbürger. Ich bin der festen Überzeu- Haushalt eine große Wirkung erzielen und jeden einzelnen gung, dass sie ein Motor für die wirtschaftliche Erneuerung Euro optimal einsetzen. in Europa und der Welt sein kann. Aber dafür brauchen wir einen innovativen Haushalt. Einen Haushalt für die neuen Realitäten der Globalisierung. Einen Haushalt, der auf die Heute treffen wir unsere Entscheidungen für den Zeitraum Herausforderungen von heute antwortet und Chancen für von 2014 bis 2020. morgen eröffnet. Der Haushalt, den wir vorschlagen, wird die Steuerzahler Dies ist ein innovativer Haushalt. Ich fordere Sie auf, nicht nicht mehr kosten als bisher. Sie werden aber mehr dafür nur bei den einzelnen Titeln zu verharren, sondern darauf zurückbekommen. Wir modernisieren den EU-Haushalt, zu achten, wie der gesamte Haushalt darauf angelegt ist, die indem wir an einigen Stellen sparen, damit wir an anderer gemeinsam definierten Ziele von „Europa 2020“ zu erreichen. Stelle, nämlich da, wo es wirklich darauf ankommt, mehr Wir gehen weg vom Anspruchsdenken. Behörden können nicht ausgeben können. Der von mir vorgeschlagene Haushalt länger erwarten, dass sie die ihnen zugesprochenen Mittel ist dort ehrgeizig, wo Europa den Unterschied ausmachen nach eigenem Gutdünken ausgeben können. Jeder Förderan- kann. Es ist ein Haushalt, der auf gesamteuropäischem trag muss jetzt eine eindeutige Verbindung zu den gemeinsam Denken fußt und dort Schwerpunkte setzt, wo wir durch die vereinbarten Zielen und Prioritäten aufweisen. Damit wird Bündelung von Mitteln Synergien schaffen und Maßnah- jeder einzelne ausgegebene Euro zu einem Mehrzweck-Instru- men finanzieren können, die uns teurer zu stehen kämen, ment. Ein Euro kann gleichzeitig den Zusammenhalt stärken, wenn jeder Mitgliedstaat sie separat schultern müsste. die Energieeffizienz fördern, die Bewältigung des Klimawan- dels erleichtern und soziale Ziele verfolgen. Er kann eine He- Der neue Haushalt wird einfacher, transparenter und fai- belwirkung in vielen Bereichen entfalten. rer. Wir schlagen einen Haushalt vor, der privates Kapital mobilisieren kann. Und wir schlagen vor, seine Finanzie- Überall in Europa achten Regierungen, Unternehmen rung auf neue Grundlagen zu stellen und die alten, nach und Familien sehr sorgfältig darauf, wofür sie ihr Geld dem Bruttonationaleinkommen berechneten Beiträge der ausgeben. In Zeiten wie diesen muss sehr sorgsam darü- Mitgliedstaaten zumindest teilweise durch neue Einnahme- ber nachgedacht werden, wo Mittel gekürzt werden und quellen zu ersetzen. Wir sind überzeugt, dass dies für alle wo Investitionen in die Zukunft getätigt werden sollten. günstiger ist - Familien wie Staaten. Der Haushalt wird Wir müssen sparsam sein, brauchen aber auch Investitio- damit zu einem wahrhaft europäischen Haushalt. Zu einem nen für mehr Wachstum in Europa. Haushalt für Integration. Zu einem Haushalt, der unnötige Doppelausgaben durch die Mitgliedstaaten vermeiden hilft und einen Mehrwert schafft, indem wir Maßnahmen bün- Die Europäische Union muss mit den ihr zur Verfügung deln, die wir gemeinsam auf europäischer Ebene beschließen stehenden Mitteln auskommen, gleichzeitig aber auch in DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

und die ohne diese europäische Perspektive gar nicht durch- Aber ich glaube, dass auch die europäischen Organe in einer geführt werden könnten. Zeit rigoroser Sparprogramme und höchster Effizienzanfor- derungen auf allen Ebenen Solidarität mit den europäischen Ein Großteil dieses Haushalts ist auf die Strategie „Europa Bürgern zeigen sollten. Deswegen werden die Verwaltungs- 2020“ für ein intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives ausgaben nicht steigen, und die Mittel für Personal über die Wachstum ausgerichtet und soll Arbeitsplätze und Wirt- nächsten sieben Jahre um 5 % gekürzt. schaftswachstum schaffen. Die Fazilität „Connecting Europe“ beispielsweise soll die fehlenden Schnittstellen von Energie-, Unsere Vorschläge sind ambitioniert, aber verantwortungs- Verkehrs- und Kommunikationsnetzen finanzieren und da- voll. Wir kürzen in einigen Bereichen und erhöhen die Mit- mit den Binnenmarkt stärken, Ost, West, Nord und Süd mittel in den prioritären Bereichen. Wir haben der Versuchung einander verbinden und so den territorialen Zusammenhalt widerstanden, lediglich geringfügige Anpassungen vorzu- zum Nutzen aller fördern. Die EU wird auch in Wissen und nehmen, die den Haushalt weitgehend unverändert gelassen Knowhow investieren und die Mittel für die allgemeine und hätten. Vor allem aber bieten wir den Bürgern Europas für berufliche Bildung wie für Forschung und Investition aufsto- sein Geld einen Gegenwert. cken. Das ist für die weltweite Wettbewerbsfähigkeit Europas entscheidend, damit wir zukunftsträchtige Arbeitsplätze und Das Europäische Parlament, die Mitgliedstaaten und die Konzepte entwickeln können. Wenn Europa im Wettbewerb Kommission müssen nun über diese Vorschläge zu einer mit anderen Blöcken bestehen will, muss es die ihm zur Ver- Einigung gelangen. Ich rechne mit vielen schwierigen Ge- fügung stehenden Ressourcen bündeln. Nur so können wir sprächen in den kommenden Monaten, die aber auf allen 512 eine hochgradig wettbewerbsfähige soziale Marktwirtschaft Seiten von echtem europäischem Geist geprägt sein werden. verwirklichen, mit der wir die Ziele unserer Strategie „Europa Ich bin überzeugt, dass wir uns auf einen ambitionierten 2020“ erreichen. Unsere Wirtschaften sind mehr denn je mit- und innovativen Haushalt einigen können, der sich auf den einander verflochten. Deswegen liegt es in unser aller Interesse, Alltag aller Bürger positiv auswirken wird. die wirtschaftliche Erholung in jedem einzelnen unserer Mit- gliedstaaten zu konsolidieren. Jose Manuel Durão Barroso

Auch die Mittel für die Landwirtschaft sind Ausdruck einer Präsident der Europäischen Kommission genuin gemeinsamen europäischen Politik von strategischer Bedeutung. 70 % der Agrarmittel werden nicht länger von den Mitgliedstaaten aufgebracht, und die Finanzierung durch 1. Kontext die EU ist billiger als 27 nationale Agrarpolitiken. Die Ge- meinsame Agrarpolitik wird modernisiert: sie soll sichere und gesunde Nahrungsmittel bereitstellen, zum Umweltschutz Bei der Ausarbeitung ihrer Vorschläge für den künftigen beitragen und kleinen Landwirten mehr Vorteile bringen. An Haushalt der Europäischen Union sah sich die Kommis- einem Beispiel wie diesem wird deutlich, wie ein Euro gleich- sion vor die Herausforderung gestellt, die Finanzierung zeitig mehreren Zielen dienen kann und muss. einer wachsenden Anzahl von Politikbereichen, in denen die EU durch gemeinsames Handeln auf EU-Ebene mehr erreichen kann, vor dem Hintergrund nationaler Die Welt rückt enger zusammen. Angesichts wechselnder Sparprogramme und Konsolidierungspolitik zu gewähr- Konstellationen und neuer aufstrebender Mächte muss Euro- leisten. Deswegen folgt ihr Vorschlag einer starken genuin pa mehr tun, um seiner Stimme Gehör zu verschaffen. Die europäischen Logik und ist dazu konzipiert, die Wachs- Mittel, die Europa dabei helfen sollen, sich in der Welt einzu- tumsstrategie Europa 2020 voranzubringen. Dieser Vor- bringen, werden aufgestockt. Wir werden mehr Geld in unsere schlag ist innovativ – sowohl was die Ausgabenqualität Nachbarschaftspolitik und für die Erfüllung unserer Verspre- als auch was die künftige Finanzierung des EU-Haushalts chungen einsetzen, den Ärmsten in der Welt zu helfen. Für sie anbelangt. Er würde die direkten Folgen für die einzel- sind die heutigen Zeiten noch viel härter als für uns. staatlichen Haushalte lindern und den EU-Haushalt zu einem wahrhaft europäischen Haushalt machen. Der Leitgedanke der Solidarität zieht sich durch den gesamten Vorschlag – Solidarität mit den ärmsten Mitgliedstaaten Im Zuge der Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise hat die Euro- und Regionen, Solidarität beim gemeinsamen Umgang mit päische Union erhebliche Anstrengungen unternommen, der Migrationsproblematik, Solidarität in der Energiever- um durch eine bessere wirtschaftspolitische Koordinie- sorgung und Solidarität mit den Menschen in Drittländern. rung die konjunkturelle Erholung zu konsolidieren. Das Europäische Parlament und die Mitgliedstaaten haben Das allgemeine Vorurteil, dass Europa sein Geld zum Groß- die Vorteile eines geordneten Vorgehens angesichts der teil für Beamte und Gebäude ausgibt, ist unzutreffend. Da- gegenseitigen wirtschaftlichen Verflechtung im Rahmen für wenden wir lediglich 6 Prozent unseres Haushalts auf. Ein Haushalt für „Europe 2020“ des Europäischen Semesters für die Koordinierung der des Vertrags entspricht, wonach der Haushalt zur Gänze Wirtschaftspolitik anerkannt. Der kommende Finanz- aus Eigenmitteln finanziert werden soll. rahmen ist zur Unterstützung dieses Prozesses konzipiert. Er bietet eine langfristige Vision der europäischen Bei der Ausarbeitung dieses Vorschlags für den nächs- Wirtschaft über die aktuellen Haushaltsschwierigkeiten ten mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen hat die Kommission einiger Mitgliedstaaten hinaus. Der EU-Haushalt ist die Wirkung der aktuellen Ausgabeninstrumente und kein Haushalt für „Brüssel“ – es ist en Haushalt für die –programme geprüft, alle Betroffenen umfassend kon- Bürger der EU. Er ist von moderatem Umfang, und seine sultiert41 und die verschiedenen Optionen für die künf- Mittel sollen in den Mitgliedstaaten investiert werden - tige Form der Instrumente und Programme im nächsten zum Wohle der Europäischen Union und ihrer Bürger. Mehrjahres-Finanzrahmen analysiert42. Er dient der Verwirklichung der EU-Strategie für ein nachhaltiges Wachstum und wird eine starke Katalysa- torwirkung entfalten, insbesondere wenn er auf die Ziele 2. Der vorgeschlagene der Strategie Europa 2020 ausgerichtet wird. mehrjährige Finanzrahmen Der Leitgedanke dieses Vorschlags ist ein intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum. So schlägt die Bei der Festsetzung des vorgeschlagenen Gesamtvolu- Kommission vor, die Mittel für Forschung und Inno- mens für den kommenden Finanzrahmen hat die Kom- vation, für Bildung und zur KMU-Förderung aufzu- mission der Auffassung des Europäischen Parlaments stocken. Sie möchte zu einer stärkeren Entfaltung des Rechnung getragen, „dass ein Einfrieren des nächsten 513 Binnenmarktpotenzials beitragen. Deswegen soll der MFR auf dem Stand des Jahres 2013 ... keine gangbare Binnenmarkt die Infrastruktur erhalten, die er für das Option ist … [und dass] … für den nächsten MFR ein 21. Jahrhundert benötigt. Außerdem soll die Gemeinsa- Anstieg der Mittel um wenigstens 5 % erforderlich ist“43. me Agrarpolitik ressourceneffizienter werden, damit sie Sie hat auch die Schlussfolgerungen des Europäischen nicht nur hochwertige Nahrungsmittel liefert, sondern Rates44 berücksichtigt, wonach es „von entscheidender auch zum Umweltschutz und zum Kampf gegen den Bedeutung ist, dass der Haushaltsplan der Europäischen Klimawandel beiträgt. Ein weiterer Leitgedanke dieses Union und der nächste mehrjährige Finanzrahmen die Vorschlags ist jener der Solidarität – Solidarität mit den Konsolidierungsbemühungen widerspiegeln, die die ärmsten Mitgliedstaaten und Regionen durch eine weit- Mitgliedstaaten unternehmen, um Defizite und Schul- gehende Konzentration der Kohäsionsausgaben auf ihre den auf einen nachhaltigeren Pfad zu führen. Unter Bedürfnisse, Solidarität durch eine gemeinsame Bewälti- Achtung der Rolle der verschiedenen Organe und der gung der Migrationsherausforderungen und von Katast- Notwendigkeit, Europas Ziele zu erfüllen, [muss sicher- rophen, Solidarität bei der Sicherung der Energieversor- gestellt werden], dass mit der Ausgabenpolitik auf eu- gung und Solidarität mit den Menschen in Drittländern, ropäischer Ebene angemessen zu diesen Anstrengungen die zur Deckung ihres unmittelbaren humanitären Be- beigetragen wird“. darfs und für ihre langfristige Entwicklung auf unsere Unterstützung angewiesen sind. Die Kommission ist vom Mehrwert der auf EU-Ebene getätigten Ausgaben überzeugt. Das Finanzvolumen des Die Kommission teilt die Sorge des Europäischen Par- aktuellen Finanzrahmens macht lediglich etwas mehr als laments40, „dass die Art und Weise der Entwicklung des 1 % des BNE der EU aus und ist im Verhältnis zu den Systems der Eigenmittel [...] einen unverhältnismäßigen regelmäßig im Europäischen Parlament und im Rat identi- Schwerpunkt auf die Nettosalden zwischen den Mit- fizierten europäischen Bedürfnissen gering. Die Kommis- gliedstaaten legt und damit dem Grundsatz der Solida- sion schlägt einen Finanzrahmen in Höhe von 1,05 % des rität der EU widerspricht, das gemeinsame europäische BNE als Mittel für Verpflichtungen vor, was 1 % des BNE Interesse verwässert und den europäischen Zusatznutzen weitgehend ignoriert“. Mit ihren Vorschlägen möchte 41 Zu den Einzelheiten des Konsultationsverfahrens vor Annahme die Kommission die Finanzen der EU neugestalten – weg der Haushaltsüberprüfung siehe http://ec.europa.eu/budget/ reform/issues/read_de.htm. von der Dominanz der nettoeinkommensbezogenen Bei- 42 Einzelheiten zur Bewertung der Ausgaben unter dem träge hin zu einem Haushalt mit einem guten Anteil an Finanzrahmen 2007-2013 und zur Folgenanalyse der jetzigen genuin „eigenen Mitteln“, was eher den Bestimmungen Vorschläge können dem beigefügten Arbeitspapier SEK(2011) 868 entnommen werden. 43 Entschließung des Europäischen Parlaments vom 8. Juni 2011 zu der Investition in die Zukunft: ein neuer mehrjähriger 40 Entschließung des Europäischen Parlaments vom 8. Juni Finanzrahmen (MFR) für ein wettbewerbsfähiges, nachhaltiges 2011 zu der Investition in die Zukunft: ein neuer mehrjähriger und inklusives Europa. Finanzrahmen (MFR) für ein wettbewerbsfähiges, nachhaltiges 44 Schlussfolgerungen des Europäischen Rates vom 29. Oktober und inklusives Europa. 2010. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

als Mittel für Zahlungen aus dem EU-Haushalt entspricht. und –bilanzen zu stark in den Mittelpunkt geraten und Weiteren 0,02 BNE-% in Form von möglichen Ausgaben haben verhindert, dass der EU-Haushalt bei der Heran- außerhalb des Finanzrahmens und 0,04 % außerhalb des bildung eines Mehrwerts für die EU als Ganzes die ihm Haushalts würde das Gesamtvolumen auf 1,1 % des BNE zugedachte Rolle voll wahrnehmen kann. bringen. Darin enthalten sind Mittel für Krisen und Not- fälle (wie humanitäre Interventionen, die nicht vorher- Die Zeit ist jetzt reif für eine Anpassung der Finanzie- sehbar sind) und Ausgaben, zu denen die Mitgliedstaaten rung der EU an die Grundsätze der Autonomie, Trans- Ad-hoc-Beiträge leisten (wie der EEF, dessen Beitrags- parenz und Ausgewogenheit. Und sie muss finanziell so schlüssel sich von dem des EU-Haushalts unterscheidet.). ausgestattet werden, dass die vereinbarten Politikziele er- Mit diesem Vorschlag hat die Kommission versucht, Ehr- reicht werden. Zweck dieses Vorschlags neuer Eigenmit- geiz und Realismus angesichts der Zeitumstände, unter tel ist nicht etwa eine Aufstockung des Gesamthaushalts denen die Haushaltsverhandlungen stattfinden, in ein aus- der EU, sondern eine Abkehr von der Nettozahlerdebat- gewogenes Verhältnis zueinander zu bringen. te und eine verbesserte Systemtransparenz. Auch geht es nicht etwa darum, der EU Steuerkompetenzen zu über- Im Einklang mit der üblichen Praxis für mehrjährige Fi- tragen, sondern zu Finanzierungsmechanismen zurück- nanzrahmen legt die Kommission ihre Vorschläge in Form zukehren, die sich stärker an die ursprünglichen Intenti- künftiger Mittel für Verpflichtungen vor. Darüber hinaus onen der Verträge anlehnen. Daher würde der Vorschlag legt sie im Interesse einer in Zeiten der Haushaltskonsoli- der Kommission dazu führen, dass die Direktbeiträge aus dierung und der damit einhergehenden strengen Kontrol- den Haushalten der Mitgliedstaaten zurückgehen. 514 le des Ausgabenniveaus zu Beginn des nächsten Zeitraums besonders gebotenen größeren Berechenbarkeit detailliert In ihrer Haushaltsüberprüfung46 hat die Kommission dar, wie die Zahlungen voraussichtlich gestaffelt werden. eine nicht erschöpfende Liste möglicher Finanzierungs- methoden aufgeführt, die die Beiträge der Mitglied- Die Kommission schlägt für den Zeitraum 2014-2020 staaten schrittweise ersetzen und so die Belastung der den folgenden mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen vor: nationalen Haushalte verringern könnten. Sie hat auch dargelegt, nach welchen Kriterien diese Methoden beur- MEHRJÄHRIGER FINANZRAHMEN (EU-27 – in teilt werden sollten. Sie hat die verschiedenen Optionen Mio. EUR – zu konstanten Preisen 2011)45 ausführlich analysiert47 und daraufhin für ein Eigenmit- telsystem auf der Grundlage einer Finanztransaktions- steuer und einer neuen Mehrwertsteuer plädiert. Diese 3. Finanzierung des neuen Eigenmittel könnten den EU-Haushalt teilweise finanzieren und sowohl die bestehenden komplexen EU-Haushalts MwSt.-Eigenmittel, deren Abschaffung die Kommission vorschlägt, vollständig ersetzen als auch zu einer Redu- Die Notwendigkeit einer Modernisierung des Finanz- zierung des BNE-basierten Beitrags führen. Der aus- rahmens gilt nicht nur für die Ausgabenprioritäten und führliche Kommissionsvorschlag für einen Ratsbeschluss ihre Gestaltung, sondern auch für die Finanzierung des über neue Eigenmittel ist als Gesetzgebungsentwurf Teil EU-Haushalts, das in den letzten Jahren zunehmend in dieses Pakets48. Die Kommission unterstützt in diesem Frage gestellt wurde. Im Vertrag über die Arbeitsweise Zusammenhang den Aufruf des Europäischen Parla- der Europäischen Union wird die ursprüngliche Inten- ments zu einer interparlamentarischen Konferenz mit tion bekräftigt, dass der EU-Haushalt zur Gänze aus den nationalen Parlamenten zu diesem Thema. Eigenmitteln finanziert werden soll. Tatsächlich werden derzeit jedoch mehr als 85 % der EU-Finanzierung auf- Ferner schlägt sie aus den oben dargelegten Gründen vor, grund statistischer Aggregate auf der Grundlage des Brut- das System der Beitragskürzungen und Korrekturbeträge tonationaleinkommens (BNE) und der Mehrwertsteuer beträchtlich zu vereinfachen. Versuche zur Einebnung (MwSt) berechnet. Diese werden weithin als nationale der Unterschiede zwischen den Beiträgen der Mitglied- Beiträge betrachtet, die die Mitgliedstaaten möglichst staaten zum EU-Haushalt und den Einnahmen aus den gering halten sollten. Dies hat zu einem wachsenden Un- jeweiligen Ausgabenprogrammen der EU gefährden das mut der Nettozahler geführt und bringt den EU-Haus- Haushaltsgleichgewicht und beeinträchtigen die Fähig- halt und den Solidaritätsgedanken der Union unter keit des Haushalts, den bezweckten Mehrwert zu erzie- Rechtfertigungsdruck. Außerdem sind Nettozahlungen len. Deswegen schlägt die Kommission vor, im Einklang

45 Tabelle abrufbar unter http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/ 46 KOM(2010) 700. EN/TXT/?uri=CELEX:52011DC0500. Mehr Informationen unter 47 Einzelheiten siehe Arbeitspapier SEK(2011) 876. http://ec.europa.eu/budget/mff/index_en.cfm. 48 KOM(2011) 510. Ein Haushalt für „Europe 2020“ mit den Schlussfolgerungen, die der Europäische Rat e) Er dient der Bewältigung bestehender und neuer 1984 in Fontainebleau gezogen hatte, die Beiträge jener Herausforderungen, die ein gemeinsames, euro- Mitgliedstaaten zu deckeln, die ansonsten eine im Ver- paweites Handeln erfordern (wie Umweltschutz, hältnis zu ihrem relativen Wohlstand übermäßige Haus- Klimawandel, humanitäre Hilfe, demographischer haltslast zu schultern hätten. Wandel und Kultur).

Vor diesem Hintergrund hat die Kommission bei der 4. Grundsätze für den EU-Haushalt Ausarbeitung des kommenden Finanzrahmens die in ihrer Haushaltsüberprüfung von 2010 genannten Grund- Der EU-Haushalt ist einem nationalen Haushalt nicht sätze angewandt: vergleichbar. Die EU muss weder für Gesundheit noch –– Konzentration auf wichtige politische Prioritäten für Bildung aufkommen. Anders als die nationalen Haus- halte finanziert sie auch weder Polizei- noch Streitkräfte. –– Konzentration auf EU-Mehrwert Der EU-Haushalt folgt einer gesamteuropäischen und nicht einer nationalen Logik. Sein vergleichsweise ge- –– Konzentration auf Auswirkungen und Ergebnisse ringes Volumen erlaubt eine Konzentration auf Bereiche –– Gegenseitiger Nutzen mit einem hohen EU-Mehrwert49. Der EU-Haushalt ist nicht dazu gedacht, Maßnahmen zu finanzieren, die die Im EU-Haushalt schlägt sich die Politik in Zahlen nie- Mitgliedstaaten aus eigenen Kräften schultern können. Es der. Deswegen muss sich die Finanzierung an den recht- 515 gibt ihn, weil bestimmte Maßnahmen für das Funktionie- lichen Rahmenbedingungen und den politischen Priori- ren der EU erforderlich sind oder weil sie wirtschaftlicher täten im jeweiligen Politikbereich ausrichten. Sie muss oder wirksamer mittels einer gemeinsamen Finanzierung zu den erwarteten Ergebnissen führen – die Behörden aus dem EU-Haushalt durchgeführt werden können. Es haben keinen Anspruch auf zweckungebundene Mit- gibt ihn aus den nachstehenden Gründen: tel, die sie nach eigenem Gutdünken ausgeben können, sondern erhalten EU-Mittel, die ihnen bei der Verwirk- a) Er soll Politikbereiche finanzieren, die die Mit- lichung gemeinsam vereinbarter EU-Ziele helfen sollen. gliedstaaten im gemeinsamen Einvernehmen der Deshalb wurden die Programme und Instrumente in EU-Ebene übertragen haben (wie die Gemeinsame diesem Finanzrahmen-Vorschlag so umkonzipiert, dass Agrarpolitik). sie Ergebnisse liefern, die die EU bei ihren politischen b) Er ist Ausdruck der Solidarität zwischen allen Mit- Prioritäten voranbringen. Wichtige Merkmale der Fi- gliedstaaten und Regionen, unterstützt die Entwick- nanzierungsprogramme und –instrumente der nächsten lung der schwächsten Gebiete und trägt (z.B. durch Generation werden ihre Ergebnisorientierung, der ver- die Kohäsionspolitik) dazu bei, dass die EU ein ech- mehrte Rückgriff auf den Grundsatz der Konditionalität ter einheitlicher Wirtschaftsraum ist. und eine vereinfachte Abwicklung sein. c) Aus ihm werden Interventionen zur Vervollständi- –– Ergebnisse sollen vor allem der Durchführung der gung des Binnenmarktes finanziert, sie selbst die Strategie „Europa 2020“ und der Verwirklichung wohlhabendsten Mitgliedstaaten nicht alleine schul- ihrer Ziele dienen. Deswegen werden die Program- tern könnten. Er ermöglicht Maßnahmen, die mehr me auf eine begrenzte Zahl besonders symbolträch- aus gesamteuropäischer als aus rein nationaler Sicht tiger Prioritäten und Maßnahmen konzentriert, mit sinnvoll erscheinen (z.B. durch die Finanzierung von denen eine kritische Masse erreicht werden kann. europaweiten Infrastrukturinvestitionen). Darüber Fragmentierung und unkoordinierte Maßnahmen hinaus hilft er teure Überschneidungen zwischen sind unbedingt zu vermeiden. Wo immer dies mög- unterschiedlichen nationalen Programmen mit zum lich ist, werden bestehende Programme zusammen- Teil gleichen Zielen zu vermeiden, gelegt (z.B. in Bereichen wie Inneres, Bildung und d) und er gewährleistet Synergien und Skaleneinspa- Kultur) und/oder neukonzipiert (wie Forschung, rungen durch Förderung der Zusammenarbeit und oder Kohäsion), um eine integrierte Programmie- gemeinsamer Lösungen für Probleme, wo Mitglied- rung und einheitliche Umsetzungs-, Berichts- und staaten alleine an Grenzen stoßen (z.B. Spitzenfor- Kontrollmechanismen zu gewährleisten. schung und Innovation, Zusammenarbeit in inne- –– Vereinfachung: Die aktuellen Finanzierungs- ren Angelegenheiten, Migrationsfragen oder Justiz). vorschriften sind nicht nur eine Antwort auf die notwendige Rechenschaftspflicht bei der Verwen- dung öffentlicher Mittel, sondern auch auf festge- 49 Beispiele für den Mehrwert von EU-Ausgaben können dem beigefügten Arbeitspapier SEK(2011) 867 entnommen werden. stellte Probleme. Dadurch sind sie so divers und DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

komplex geworden, dass sie als schwer umsetz- und ausgerichtet. Im nächsten Haushalt sollten Ressourcen kontrollierbar gelten. Die Komplexität zwingt den auf prioritäre Bereiche wie europaweite Infrastruktur, Empfängern, aber auch der Kommission und den Forschung und Innovation, Bildung und Kultur, Siche- Mitgliedstaaten eine beträchtliche Verwaltungslast rung der Außengrenzen und außenpolitische Prioritäten auf, die zur unerwünschten Folge haben kann, dass wie die Nachbarschaftspolitik umgelenkt werden. Be- potenzielle Empfänger abgeschreckt werden und bei reichsübergreifende Prioritäten wie Umweltschutz und der Durchführung Verzögerungen auftreten. Deswe- Bekämpfung des Klimawandels werden integraler Be- gen wird gerade an einer Vereinfachung sowohl der standteil aller wichtigsten Instrumente und Maßnahmen allgemeinen Regeln (Haushaltsordnung) als auch der sein. Was das für die einzelnen Politikbereiche heißt, sektorspezifischen Bestimmungen gearbeitet. wird im beigefügten Teil II dieser Mitteilung ausführlich dargelegt. Nachstehend werden die wichtigsten Verände- –– Konditionalität: Um den Blick mehr auf die rungen in den großen Ausgabenbereichen beschrieben. gewünschten Ergebnisse als auf die aufgewand- ten Beträge zu lenken, wird der Grundsatz der Konditionalität in die Programme und Instrumen- 5.1. Horizont 2020: Ein gemeinsamer te Eingang finden. Das gilt insbesondere für die strategischer Rahmen für ausgabenträchtigen Bereiche der Kohäsionspolitik Forschung, Innovation und und der Landwirtschaft, wo die Mitgliedstaaten und technologische Entwicklung die Empfänger künftig nachweisen müssen, dass die erhaltenen Mittel der Verwirklichung der politi- 516 Die EU weist einen beträchtlichen Innovationsrückstand schen Prioritäten der EU dienen. Generell wird die auf50, den es aufzuholen gilt, wenn die EU mit anderen Kommission gewährleisten, dass die Wirtschafts- Industrieländern oder Schwellenländern konkurrieren will. politik der EU und der EU-Haushalt miteinander Die EU als ganzes hinkt bei einer Reihe wichtiger Indikato- in Einklang stehen, um zu vermeiden, dass die ren wie der Zahl der eingetragenen Patente, den Ausfuhren Wirkung der EU-Förderung durch eine unsolide von Erzeugnissen mit mittlerem bis hohem und hohem Makro-Fiskalpolitik unterminiert wird. Technologieniveau und dem BIP-Anteil der Ausgaben für –– Anreiz für private Investitionen: Durch eine Zu- Forschung und Entwicklung Japan und den USA hinterher. sammenarbeit mit dem Privatsektor bei innovativen Finanzierungsinstrumenten kann die Wirkung des Forschung und Innovation tragen zu Beschäftigung, Wohl- EU-Haushalts optimiert werden, um eine größere stand und Lebensqualität bei. Obwohl die EU bei vielen Zahl strategischer Investitionen zu verwirklichen und Technologien weltweit führend ist, wird es durch die tradi- damit das Wachstumspotenzial der EU zu stärken. tionellen Wettbewerber und durch Schwellenländer zuneh- Die Erfahrungen mit der Zusammenarbeit vor allem mend herausgefordert. Gemeinsame Programme bündeln mit der Europäischen Investitionsbank (EIB-Grup- die Forschungsanstrengungen und führen damit Ergebnisse pe) sowie anderen nationalen und internationalen herbei, die einzelne Mitgliedstaaten auf sich gestellt nicht öffentlichen Finanzinstituten waren positiv und erzielen könnten. werden mit dem nächsten Finanzrahmen weiterge- führt. Dank Bürgschaften und Risikoteilung kann Deswegen müssen in der gesamten EU verstärkte Investitio- der Finanzsektor innovativen Unternehmen oder nen in Forschung und Entwicklung gefördert werden, damit Infrastrukturvorhaben mehr Eigenkapital und Kre- das Kernziel der Strategie Europa 2020, 3 % des BIP in FuE dite zur Verfügung stellen. Auf diese Weise können zu investieren, erreicht wird. Darüber hinaus muss die EU solche Finanzinstrumente auch zur Entwicklung der erfolgreicher dabei werden, Wissen in Patente und Produkte Finanzmärkte nach der Krise beitragen. nicht nur für Hochtechnologiebranchen, sondern mehr noch für traditionelle Sektoren umzuwandeln. Dazu bedarf es gemeinsamer Bemühungen der Behörden, der Privatwirtschaft 5. Die wichtigsten neuen und des Forschungssektors. Die Kommission hat mit einer Elemente gründlichen Überarbeitung des Aufbaus ihrer Forschungs- politik begonnen und den Europäischen Forschungsrat Die Kommission möchte, dass das Geld im nächsten eingerichtet, der inzwischen erste positive Ergebnisse auf- EU-Haushalt anders ausgegeben wird, mit einer größe- weisen kann. Die Kommission geht noch einen Schritt wei- ren Betonung auf Ergebnissen und Wirkung und einer ter und schlägt eine Reorganisation und Zusammenlegung stärkeren Konzentration auf die Verwirklichung der Stra- der gegenwärtigen FuI-Finanzierungsinstrumente (d.h. der tegie Europa 2020. Deswegen werden der Grundsatz der Konditionalität in die Kohäsionspolitik eingeführt und die Direktzahlungen an Landwirte am Umweltzielen 50 Siehe den Innovation Union Competitiveness Report 2011, SEK(2011) 739. Ein Haushalt für „Europe 2020“

Forschungs-Rahmenprogramme und des Programms für Unterstützung der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung ärme- Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Innovation) vor, um eine stärkere rer Mitgliedstaaten und Regionen beigetragen, sondern Anknüpfung an definierte Politikziele zu erwirken und die auch seine Rolle bei der Zusammenführung des Binnen- Durchführungsverfahren zu vereinfachen. Dadurch reduzie- markts, der allen Gebieten der EU, ob reich oder arm, ren sich auch die Verwaltungslasten für die Empfänger. groß oder klein Märkte und Größenvorteile eröffnet. Die Auswertung der bisherigen Kohäsionsausgaben durch die Die Kommission schlägt vor, die Finanzierung von For- Kommission hat viele Beispiele für wachstums- und ar- schung und Innovation auf drei in der Strategie Europa beitsplatzschaffende Investitionen ergeben, die ohne die 2020 fest verankerten Säulen aufzubauen: Unterstützung des EU-Haushalts nicht zustande gekommen wären. Die Zahlen lassen jedoch auch eine gewisse –– Exzellenz in der Wissenschaftsbasis, Streuung und mangelnde Prioritätensetzung erkennen. In Zeiten knapper öffentlicher Gelder und steigenden –– Bewältigung gesellschaftlicher Herausforderungen; Bedarfs an wachstumsfördernden Investitionen schlägt –– Marktführerschaft und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit. die Kommission vor, die Kohäsionspolitik tiefgreifend zu verändern. Ein gemeinsamer strategischer Rahmen („Horizont 2020“) wird eine Fragmentierung verhindern und mehr Auch bei der Verwirklichung der Ziele der Strategie Euro- Kohärenz, auch mit den nationalen Forschungspro- pa 2020 kommt der Kohäsionspolitik eine Schlüsselrol- grammen, gewährleisten. Er wird eng mit wichtigen le zu. Die Kommission möchte die Kohäsionsausgaben sektoralen politischen Prioritäten wie Gesundheit, durch eine systematischere Verknüpfung mit den Zielen 517 Ernährungssicherheit und Biowirtschaft sowie Energie von Europa 2020 stärker an Ergebnissen und Wirkung und Klimawandel verzahnt. Das Europäische Techno- ausrichten. Zudem schlägt die Kommission die Einfüh- logieinstitut wird als Teil des Programms „Horizont rung einer neuen Kategorie – der „Übergangsgebiete“ – 2020“ eine wichtige Rolle bei der Verknüpfung der vor, um das aktuelle System des An- und Auslaufens drei Seiten des Wissensdreiecks – Bildung, Innovation von Kohäsionshilfen zu ersetzen. Unter diese Kategorie und Forschung – durch seine Wissens- und Innovati- würden sämtliche Gebiete fallen, deren Pro-Kopf-BIP onsgemeinschaften spielen. Ein Merkmal dieses neuen zwischen 75 % und 90 % des EU27-Durchschnitts liegt. Konzepts der Forschungsförderung wird die verstärkte Inanspruchnahme innovativer Finanzierungsinstrumen- Die Arbeitslosigkeit und anhaltend hohe Armutsquo- te entsprechend dem erfolgreichen Beispiel der Fazilität ten verlangen nach Maßnahmen auf der EU- und der für Finanzierungen auf Risikoteilungsbasis sein. nationalen Ebene. Angesichts des wachsenden Mangels an qualifizierten Arbeitskräften, der Unzulänglichkeit der aktiven Arbeitsmarktpolitik und der Bildungssyste- Die Kommission schlägt vor, für den gemein- me, der gesellschaftlichen Ausgrenzung und der gerin- samen strategischen Rahmen für Forschung gen Arbeitskräftemobilität sind sowohl politische Ini- und Innovation im Zeitraum 2014-2020 80 tiativen als auch konkrete Unterstützungsmaßnahmen Mrd. EUR bereitzustellen. gefragt. Viele dieser Herausforderungen wurden durch Diese Finanzierung wird durch erhebliche Struk- die Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise, die demographischen turfondsmittel für Forschung und Innovation Trends, die Migrationsproblematik und den raschen ergänzt. So wurden beispielsweise im Zeitraum technologischen Wandel noch verschärft. Solange keine 2007-2013 rund 60 Mrd. EUR für Forschung wirksamen Gegenmaßnahmen ergriffen werden, sind und Innovation in den Regionen Europas aufge- der soziale Zusammenhalt und die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit bracht, und für die Zukunft ist mit einem ähnlich stark gefährdet. Wachstumsfördernde Investitionen in hohen Mitteleinsatz zu rechnen. Infrastruktur, regionale Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Un- ternehmensentwicklung müssen deshalb unbedingt von Maßnahmen in den Bereichen Arbeitsmarktpolitik, Bil- 5.2. Solidarität und Investitionen dung, Ausbildung, Integration, Anpassungsfähigkeit von für nachhaltiges Wachstum und Arbeitnehmern, Unternehmen und Unternehmern und Beschäftigung Verwaltungskapazität flankiert werden.

Die Kohäsionspolitik ist ein wichtiger Ausdruck der So- In diesem Zusammenhang kommt dem Europäischen So- lidarität mit den ärmeren und schwächsten Regionen der zialfonds (ESF) eine Schlüsselrolle zu. Die Mitgliedstaaten EU – aber sie ist noch weit mehr. Einer der größten Er- sollten verpflichtet werden darzulegen, wie die verschiede- folge der EU war, dass sie es vermocht hat, den Lebens- nen Finanzierungsinstrumente zu den Kernzielen der Stra- standard aller Bürger anzuheben. Dazu hat nicht nur die tegie Europa 2020 beitragen würden. Dabei sollten auch DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

ESF-Mindestanteile der Strukturfonds-Unterstützung für Kohäsionspolitik enthalten. Die Förderung wird auf eine jede Gebietskategorie festgelegt werden (25 % für Konver- begrenzte Anzahl von Prioritäten ausgerichtet: Wett- genzgebiete, 40 % für Übergangsgebiete, 52 % für Wett- bewerbs- und Übergangsgebiete würden ihre gesamte bewerbsgebiete, wobei der Kohäsionsfonds weiterhin ein Mittelzuweisung – außer den ESF-Mitteln – primär für Drittel der Zuweisungen an beihilfefähige Mitgliedstaaten Energieeffizienz, erneuerbare Energien, Wettbewerbs- im Rahmen der Kohäsionspolitik (unter Ausschluss der fähigkeit von KMU und Innovation einsetzen, wohin- territorialen Kooperation) ausmacht). Die Anwendung gegen Konvergenzgebiete mehrere Prioritäten verfolgen dieser Anteile würde dazu führen, dass die ESF-Mittel könnten (erforderlichenfalls auch den Aufbau instituti- mindestens 25 % der Kohäsionsmittel ausmachen, d.h. oneller Kapazitäten). 84 Mrd. EUR. Die beschäftigungspolitische Komponente des ESF soll durch eine Reihe direkt von der Kommission Um eine bessere Wirkung des Mitteleinsatzes und eine verwalteter Instrumente wie PROGRESS und das EU- Fokussierung auf Ergebnisse zu gewährleisten und An- RES-Netz ergänzt werden. reize für die Mitgliedstaaten zu schaffen, die Kohäsions- politik für eine Verwirklichung der Ziele von Europa Der Europäische Fonds für die Anpassung an die Globali- 2020 einzusetzen, werden neue Konditionalitäten einge- sierung (EGF) ist ein flexibler Fonds außerhalb des Finanz- führt. Gedacht ist sowohl an „Ex ante“-Bedingungen, die rahmens, aus dem Erwerbstätige, die ihren Arbeitsplatz schon vor der Mittelauszahlung erfüllt sein müssen, und infolge der Globalisierung verloren haben, bei der raschen „Ex post“-Bedingungen, von denen erfolgsabhängig die beruflichen Wiedereingliederung unterstützt werden Auszahlung weiterer Mittel abhängig gemacht wird. Blei- 518 können. Da der Mittelbedarf von Jahr zu Jahr erheblich ben die Fortschritte bei der Erfüllung der Konditionali- schwankt, schlägt die Kommission vor, den EGF außer- täten aus, werden Zahlungen ausgesetzt oder gestrichen. halb des Finanzrahmens zu verwalten. Der EGF kann auch im Landwirtschaftssektor eingesetzt werden, um jenen zu Zu den Konditionalitäten zählen Ergebnisse und gegebe- helfen, deren Einkommen durch die Globalisierung beein- nenfalls die Durchführung der für die Gewährleistung ei- trächtigt werden könnte. ner wirksamen Mittelverwendung erforderlichen Refor- men. Um die Kohäsionsausgaben stärker an Ergebnissen Um die Wirksamkeit der EU-Ausgaben im Einklang mit und an den Zielen von Europa 2020 auszurichten, sollen dem territorialen Ansatz des Lissabon-Vertrags zu erhöhen, 5 % der Kohäsionsmittel zurückbehalten und nach einer schlägt die Kommission einen gemeinsamen strategischen Halbzeitüberprüfung jenen Mitgliedstaaten und Regio- Rahmen für sämtliche Strukturfonds vor, in dem die Ziele nen zugewiesen werden, deren Programme ihre an die von Europa 2020 als Investitionsprioritäten vorgegeben Ziele von Europa 2020 angelehnten Vorgaben erreicht werden. Damit soll das Kohäsionsziel des Vertrages von haben. Diese Vorgaben werden entsprechend den ein- Lissabon mit Leben erfüllt werden. Konkret schlägt die schlägigen Verordnungen auf dem Feld der Kohäsions- Kommission vor, mit jedem Mitgliedstaat ein Partner- politik festgelegt. schaftsabkommen zu schließen. Darin verpflichten sich die Partner auf nationaler und regionaler Ebene, die zugewie- Die Erfahrungen mit dem aktuellen Finanzrahmen zei- senen Mittel in nachprüfbarer Form für die Durchführung gen, dass viele Mitgliedstaaten Schwierigkeiten haben, der Strategie Europa 2020 zu verwenden. ein hohes Volumen an EU-Mitteln innerhalb eines begrenzten Zeitraums zu verarbeiten. Verzögerungen bei Diese Partnerschaften sollten eng an die nationalen Re- der Ausarbeitung von Projekten, der Mittelbindung und formprogramme und die Stabilitäts- und Konvergenzpro- der Auszahlung haben dazu geführt, dass zum Ende des gramme der Mitgliedstaaten sowie die länderspezifischen Finanzierungszeitraums viele zugewiesene Mittel noch Empfehlungen des Rates anknüpfen. Um zu vermeiden, nicht abgerufen wurden. Darüber hinaus hat es die dass die Wirkung der Kohäsionsausgaben durch eine un- Haushaltslage einigen Mitgliedstaaten erschwert, den er- solide Makro-Fiskalpolitik unterminiert wird, werden forderlichen Eigenbeitrag für Kofinanzierungsmaßnah- die sektorspezifischen „Ex ante“-Konditionalitäten dieser men aufzubringen. Um den Mittelabfluss zu verbessern, Partnerschaften um eine Konditionalität in Bezug auf eine schlägt die Kommission eine Reihe von Schritten vor: nachhaltige Wirtschafts- und Finanzpolitik ergänzt. –– Festsetzung der Obergrenze für die Zuweisung von Die Partnerschaftsabkommen werden klare Ziele und Kohäsionsfondsmitteln auf 2,5 % des BNE, Indikatoren vorgeben und eine begrenzte Anzahl von –– Möglichkeit einer befristeten Heraufsetzung des Konditionalitäten (sowohl im Vorfeld als auch in Bezug Kofinanzierungsanteils um fünf bis zehn Prozent- auf die Ergebnisse, damit diese überprüfbar sind) so- punkte, wenn ein Mitgliedstaat Finanzhilfen gemäß wie eine Verpflichtung zur jährlichen Berichterstattung Artikel 136 oder Artikel 143 AEUV erhält, um im über die Fortschritte in den jährlichen Berichten zur Ein Haushalt für „Europe 2020“

Konsolidierungsprozess befindliche nationale Haus- 5.3. Die Fazilität „Connecting Europe“ halte zu entlasten und gleichzeitig die Gesamthöhe der EU-Förderung beizubehalten, Ein einheitlicher Binnenmarkt braucht, um voll funk- –– in den Partnerschaftsabkommen bestimmte Be- tionieren zu können, moderne und leistungsstarke Inf- dingungen im Hinblick auf die Verbesserung der rastrukturen, die Europa insbesondere in den Bereichen Verwaltungskapazität zu verankern. Verkehr, Energie und Informations- und Kommunikati- onstechnologien (IKT) miteinander verbinden. Die Kommission schlägt vor, den Großteil der Kohäsions- mittel im kommenden MFF auf die ärmsten Regionen Für die Fertigstellung der transeuropäischen Energienet- und Mitgliedstaaten zu konzentrieren, aber auch jene Re- ze werden schätzungsweise 200 Mrd. EUR benötigt, und gionen zu unterstützen, die den Status eines „Konvergenz- im Zeitraum 2014-2020 müssen rund 540 Mrd. EUR gebiets“ hinter sich lassen, indem die bei einem normalen in das transeuropäische Verkehrsnetz und über 250 Mrd. sofortigen Übergang zum Status eines „Wettbewerbsge- EUR in IKT investiert werden. Zwar kann und sollte biets“ anfallende Reduzierung der Beihilfeintensität be- der Markt den überwiegenden Teil der notwendigen grenzt wird. Diese Gebiete sollten weiter Anspruch auf Investitionen bewerkstelligen, aber es besteht die Not- zwei Drittel der Zuweisungen haben, die sie im vorheri- wendigkeit, dem Marktversagen entgegenzuwirken, d.h. gen Finanzrahmen erhalten hatten; sie würden gemeinsam es müssen bestehende Mängel und Engpässe beseitigt mit anderen Gebieten mit einen vergleichbaren BIP-Ni- und ausreichende grenzüberschreitende Verbindungen veau (zwischen 75 % und 90 % des EU-BIP) die neue sichergestellt werden. Die Erfahrung zeigt jedoch, dass 519 Kategorie der „Übergangsgebiete“ bilden. die Mitgliedstaaten in ihren Haushaltsplänen niemals hinreichendes Gewicht auf grenzübergreifende, mehrere Länder betreffende Investitionen legen werden, durch Die Kommission schlägt vor, für die Inst- die der Einheitliche Binnenmarkt mit der nötigen Infra- rumente der Kohäsionspolitik im Zeitraum struktur ausgestattet werden könnte. Dies ist ein weiteres 2014-2020 376 Mrd. EUR bereitzustellen Beispiel für den zusätzlichen Nutzen, den der EU-Haus- Dieser Betrag umfasst: halt bewirken kann. Auf diese Weise können EU-weite Projekte finanziert werden, die die Zentren mit den –– 162,6 Mrd. EUR für Konvergenzgebiete, Randgebieten zum Wohle aller verbinden. –– 38,9 Mrd. EUR für Übergangsgebiete, Die Kommission schlägt daher die Schaffung einer Fa- –– 53,1 Mrd. EUR für Wettbewerbsgebiete, zilität „Connecting Europe“ vor, durch die der von der –– 11,7 Mrd. EUR für territoriale EU benötigte Infrastrukturausbau beschleunigt werden Zusammenarbeit, könnte. Die wachstumsfördernden Verbindungen wür- den einen besseren Zugang zum Binnenmarkt ermögli- –– 68,7 Mrd. EUR für den Kohäsionsfonds chen und der Isolation bestimmter „Wirtschaftsinseln“ ein Ende bereiten. EU-Gebiete, die noch nicht an die –– und 40 Mrd. EUR für die Fazilität Hauptstrom- und Energienetze angeschlossen sind, hän- „Connecting Europe” (siehe Punkt 5.3). gen, was ihre Energieversorgung anbelangt, beispielsweise Der Europäische Sozialfonds (basierend auf der von Investitionen in anderen Mitgliedstaaten ab. Mit der Formel 25/40/52 nach Gebietekategorie) wird Fazilität „Connecting Europe“ könnte ein EU-weiter Zu- ohne die Fazilität „Connecting Europe“ mindes- gang zu unterschiedlichen Quellen und Anbietern in und tens 25 % der Kohäsionsmittel ausmachen, d.h. außerhalb der EU geschaffen und so ein wichtiger Beitrag 84 Mrd. EUR. zur Energieversorgung geleistet werden. Auch könnte sie zur Umsetzung des neuen, mit dem Vertrag von Lissa- Außerhalb des Finanzrahmens: bon eingeführten Konzepts des territorialen Zusammen- –– 3 Mrd. EUR für den Europäischen Fonds für halts genutzt werden. Die europaweite Verfügbarkeit von die Anpassung an die Globalisierung Hochgeschwindigkeitsnetzen und Dienstleistungen auf dem Gebiet der IKT würde zudem der bestehenden Frag- –– 7 Mrd. EUR für den Europäischen mentierung des Einheitlichen Binnenmarkts entgegen- Solidaritätsfond wirken und den KMU die Suche nach Wachstumsmög- lichkeiten außerhalb ihres Heimatmarktes erleichtern.

Aus der Fazilität „Connecting Europe“ könnten vorab ermittelte Verkehrs-, Energie- und IKT-Infrastrukturen von EU-Interesse sowie physische und IT-Infrastrukturen DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

nach Maßgabe der Kriterien für eine nachhaltige Ent- wicklung finanziert werden. Diesem Vorschlag liegt eine Die Kommission schlägt vor, für den Zeitraum Liste in Frage kommender Infrastrukturen (d.h. fehlen- 2014-2020 40 Mrd. EUR für die Fazilität der Verbindungen) bei. „Connecting Europe” zuzuweisen, die durch weitere 10 Mrd. EUR an speziellen Kohäsions- Die Fazilität „Connecting Europe“ würde zentral ver- fondsmitteln für damit verbundene Investitionen waltet; ausgestattet würde sie mit Haushaltsmitteln aus im Verkehrsbereich zu ergänzen wären. einem speziell dafür geschaffenen Budget sowie mit Dieser Betrag setzt sich zusammen aus 9,1 Mrd. speziellen Mitteln für Verkehrsprojekte im Rahmen des EUR für den Energiesektor, 31,6 Mrd. EUR für Kohäsionsfonds. Bei Investitionen in „Konvergenz-Re- den Verkehrssektor (darunter 10 Mrd. EUR aus gionen“ könnte der Kofinanzierungsanteil höher als bei dem Kohäsionsfonds) und 9,1 Mrd. EUR für den „Wettbewerbsgebieten“ sein. Örtliche und regionale IKT-Sektor. Infrastrukturen würden mit den vorrangigen EU-Infra- strukturen verknüpft, durch die sämtliche EU-Bürger miteinander verbunden werden sollen, und könnten 5.4. Eine ressourceneffiziente mit strukturpolitischen Mitteln (ko)finanziert werden, Gemeinsame Agrarpolitik je nach Lage des betreffenden Mitgliedstaats oder der betreffenden Region aus dem Kohäsionsfonds und/oder Die Gemeinsame Agrarpolitik (GAP) ist eines der weni- aus dem EFRE. Angesichts des Infrastrukturdefizits der gen wirklich gemeinsamen Politikfelder der EU. Sie dient 520 neuen Mitgliedstaaten schlägt die Kommission vor, die zur Schaffung eines nachhaltigen Agrarsektors in Europa Mittelzuweisung für den Kohäsionsfonds relativ unver- durch Verbesserung seiner Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, durch ändert zu lassen. Auf diese Weise sollen die Investitionen Sicherstellung einer ausreichenden und sicheren Nah- in den Verkehrssektor in den förderungswürdigen Regi- rungsmittelversorgung und durch Erhaltung der Umwelt onen gesteigert und die Verbindungen zwischen diesen bei gleichzeitiger Gewährleistung eines angemessenen Regionen und dem Rest der EU unterstützt werden. Lebensstandards für die landwirtschaftliche Bevölkerung. Sie ersetzt die von Land zu Land unterschiedliche Agrar- Die Fazilität „Connecting Europe“ ermöglicht den Rück- politik der 27 Mitgliedstaaten der EU und ermöglicht griff auf innovative Finanzinstrumente für raschere und den nationalen Haushalten insofern Einsparungen, als die umfangreichere Investitionen als es mit öffentlichen Fi- Landwirte direkt und ohne nationalen Kofinanzierungs- nanzierungen allein möglich wäre. Die Kommission wird anteil aus dem EU-Haushalt unterstützt werden. eng mit der EIB und anderen öffentlichen Anlagebanken zusammenarbeiten, um die betreffenden Projektfinanzie- Die Kommission möchte die GAP durch die von ihr rungen miteinander zu kombinieren. Insbesondere wird vorgeschlagenen Änderungen an der Finanzierung der die Kommission für die Verwendung von EU-Projektan- GAP unter Wahrung eines stabilen Einkommensniveaus 51 leihen als Mittel zur Umsetzung dieser wichtigen Pro- der Landwirte in der EU stärker in die Strategie „Europa jekte werben. 2020“ integrieren. Das Landwirtschaftsbudget soll künf- tig nicht nur dafür verwendet werden, die Produktivität Einige Infrastrukturprojekte von EU-Interesse wer- der Landwirtschaft zu steigern, der in der Landwirtschaft den durch Nachbarschafts- bzw. Heranführungsländer tätigen Bevölkerung eine angemessene Lebenshaltung zu verlaufen müssen. Die Kommission wird vereinfachte garantieren, die Märkte zu stabilisieren, die Versorgung Mittel für die Anbindung dieser Projekte und ihre Fi- und angemessene Verbraucherpreise sicherzustellen, nanzierung durch die neue Fazilität vorschlagen, um sondern es soll auch für die Förderung einer nachhal- die Kohärenz zwischen den internen und den externen tigen Bewirtschaftung der natürlichen Ressourcen, für Instrumenten zu wahren. Voraussetzung dafür wären Klimamaßnahmen und zur Erhaltung der räumlichen allerdings integrierte Vorschriften, auf deren Grundlage Ausgewogenheit in ganz Europa eingesetzt werden. Ziel die Finanzierung der betreffenden Projekte aus unter- ist die Integration des Hauptanliegens der Strategie „Eu- schiedlichen Rubriken des EU-Haushalts vorgenommen ropa 2020“ (intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integratives werden könnte. Wachstum) in die nächste Entwicklungsphase der GAP.

Die von der Kommission vorgeschlagenen Änderungen sollen eine gerechter verteilte und ausgewogenere Unter- stützung in der EU ermöglichen, Agrar- und Umwelt- politik zum Wohle einer nachhaltigen Landschaftspfle- ge miteinander verbinden und sicherstellen, dass die 51 Nähere Einzelheiten sind dem beiliegenden Arbeitsdokument der Kommissionsdienstsellen SEK (2011) 868 zu entnehmen. Landwirtschaft auch weiterhin zu einer dynamischen Ein Haushalt für „Europe 2020“

Wirtschaft im ländlichen Raum beiträgt. Im Laufe der der europäischen Landwirtschaft des 21. Jahrhunderts Jahre wurden im Rahmen der GAP zahlreiche Verpflich- verbundenen Herausforderungen reagiert und ein effi- tungen eingeführt, die eigentlich in andere Politikberei- zienter Beitrag zur Verwirklichung der in der Strategie che gehören. Die Kommission möchte die Einführung „Europa 2020„ festgelegten Ziele geleistet werden kann, des neuen MFR für eine Neuausrichtung der GAP auf wird die Kommission Vorschläge vorlegen, durch die die ihre Kerntätigkeiten und eine Reihe neuer Tätigkeiten Flexibilität im Zusammenspiel der beiden GAP-Säulen nutzen. So sollen beispielsweise die Mittel für die Nah- vergrößert werden soll. rungsmittelsicherheit in Rubrik 3 des Haushaltsplans verschoben werden, und die Nahrungsmittelhilfe für be- Deckelung der Zahlungen: Die grundlegende Schicht sonders benachteiligte Bevölkerungsgruppen soll künftig der Direkteinkommensunterstützung, die großen Land- im Rahmen der Rubrik 1 finanziert werden, da sie bes- wirtschaftsbetrieben gewährt werden kann, soll unter ser zu dem in der Strategie „Europa 2020“ verankerten Berücksichtigung der Größenvorteile derartiger Groß- Ziel der Armutsbeseitigung passt. Die Kommission wird strukturen und der von diesen geschaffenen direkten vorschlagen, den Geltungsbereich des Europäischen Glo- Beschäftigung nach oben begrenzt werden. Die Kom- balisierungsfonds auf Landwirte auszudehnen, deren Le- mission schlägt vor, die betreffenden Einsparungen den bensgrundlage durch die Globalisierung beeinträchtigt Mitteln für die Förderung der ländlichen Entwicklung werden könnte. bzw. den nationalen Mittelzuweisungen für die Mitglied- staaten, in denen die Einsparungen vorgenommenen Die bisherige Zweisäulenstruktur der GAP wird beibe- werden, zuzuschlagen. halten werden. Im Wesentlichen schlägt die Kommission 521 folgende Änderungen vor: Die Kommission ist der Auffassung, dass diese neuen Ele- mente in die bestehende Zweisäulenstruktur der GAP in- „Ökologisierung“ der Direktzahlungen: Um sicherzu- tegriert werden können. Die künftige GAP wird mithin stellen, dass die GAP zur Verwirklichung der umwelt- eine ökologischere erste Säule mit einer ausgewogeneren und klimapolitischen Ziele der EU beiträgt, sollen über Verteilung und eine zweite Säule mit einer stärkeren Aus- die Cross-Compliance-Anforderungen der geltenden richtung auf die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, Innovationen, Rechtsvorschriften hinaus 30 % der direkten Unterstüt- den Klimawandel und die Umwelt umfassen. Durch eine zung von einer „Ökologisierung“ abhängig gemacht wer- verbesserte politische Ausrichtung müsste eine effiziente- den. Dies heißt, dass alle Landwirte der Umwelt zugute re Verwendung der verfügbaren finanziellen Ressourcen kommende Praktiken aufnehmen sollen, die im Einzel- erreicht werden. Im Rahmen der zweiten Säule der GAP, nen in den Rechtsvorschriften festgelegt und überprüfbar die ja die ländliche Entwicklung abdeckt, wird weiterhin sein werden. Auf diese Weise soll die Nachhaltigkeit der unter Berücksichtigung der vorrangigen Ziele der EU Landwirtschaft beträchtlich verbessert werden, indem zur Erfüllung besonderer nationaler und/oder regiona- Landwirte Zahlungen für die Herstellung öffentlicher ler Bedürfnisse beigetragen werden, wobei die gleichen Güter für ihre Mitbürger erhalten. leistungsbasierten Konditionalitätsbestimmungen aus der Strategie „Europa 2020“ gelten werden wie bei den Konvergenz der Zahlungen: Um sowohl für eine aus- anderen Strukturfonds. In der Zeit nach 2013 wird der gewogenere Verteilung der direkten Unterstützung zu Europäische Landwirtschaftsfonds für die Entwicklung sorgen als auch den noch bestehenden Unterschieden bei des ländlichen Raums (ELER) in den gemeinsamen stra- den Löhnen und den Vorleistungskosten Rechnung zu tegischen Rahmen für sämtliche Strukturfonds sowie in tragen, wird die Direktunterstützung pro Hektar schritt- die geplanten Abkommen mit sämtlichen Mitgliedstaa- weise angepasst. Dabei soll wie folgt vorgegangen werden: ten einbezogen werden. Die Hervorhebung der territori- Alle Mitgliedstaaten, die Direktzahlungen von weniger alen Aspekte der sozioökonomischen Entwicklung und als 90 % des Durchschnittsbetrags erhalten, decken ein die Zuweisung sämtlicher verfügbaren EU-Mittel durch Drittel der Differenz zwischen dem aktuellen Betrag und nur noch einen Vertrag werden dazu beitragen, dass die diesem Betrag ab. Die Konvergenz wird anteilsmäßig von wirtschaftliche Entwicklung der ländlichen Gebiete in den Mitgliedstaaten finanziert, die über dem EU-Durch- der gesamten EU künftig besser unterstützt wird. schnitt liegende Direktzahlungen erhalten. Außerdem wird die Zuteilung der Mittel für die ländliche Entwick- Ferner schlägt die Kommission eine Umstrukturierung lung nach Maßgabe objektiverer Kriterien angepasst und der Marktmaßnahmen vor, die gegenwärtig im Rahmen besser auf die politischen Ziele ausgerichtet. Dadurch der ersten GAP-Säule angesiedelt sind. Die Landwirt- soll eine gerechtere Behandlung von Landwirten, die ein- schaft in Europa steht vor zahlreichen Herausforderun- und dieselbe Tätigkeit ausüben, erreicht werden. Damit gen und muss insbesondere auf unvorhersehbare Ereig- im Rahmen der GAP auf die mit den wirtschaftlichen, nisse reagieren können und die Anpassungen, die infolge sozialen, ökologischen und geografischen Eigenheiten internationaler Handelsabkommen notwendig werden, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

leichter machen. Aus diesem Grund schlägt die Kom- dass die grenzüberschreitende Lernmobilität zugenom- mission vor, außerhalb des mehrjährigen Finanzrahmens men hat. Um die Fertigkeiten zu verbessern und gegen die zwei neue Instrumente zu schaffen, für die das gleiche hohe Jugendarbeitslosigkeit in zahlreichen Mitgliedstaaten Schnellverfahren gelten soll wie für die Soforthilfereser- vorzugehen, werden im nächsten MFR die Maßnahmen ve: einen Notfallmechanismus für die schnelle Reaktion verstärkt, die gegenwärtig im Rahmen des Programms auf Krisensituationen (beispielsweise bei der Nahrungs- „Leonardo“ unterstützt werden, um Menschen Gelegen- mittelsicherheit) und einen zusätzlichen Anwendungsbe- heit zur Teilnahme an Aus- und Fortbildungsmaßnahmen reich für den Europäischen Globalisierungsfonds. in anderen Mitgliedstaaten (beispielsweise auf dem Gebiet der Berufsausbildung) zu geben und um die Entwicklung innovativer Konzepte und deren Weitergabe an andere Die Kommission schlägt vor, für den Zeitraum Mitgliedstaaten zu fördern. Gegenwärtig steht nur gerin- 2014-2020 281,8 Mrd. EUR für die erste Säule ge Fördermittel für Personen zur Verfügung, die in einem der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik und 89,9 Mrd. anderen Mitgliedstaaten einen Master-Studiengang absol- EUR für die ländliche Entwicklung zuzuweisen. vieren möchten. Die Kommission wird daher vorschlagen, Diese Mittel würden durch 15,2 Mrd. EUR unter Einbindung der EIB ein innovatives Programm ergänzt, die sich wie folgt zusammensetzen: auszuarbeiten, das mobilen Studenten von Master-Stu- diengängen bestimmte Sicherheiten bietet. Die Gemein- –– 4,5 Mrd. EUR für Forschungsmaßnahmen schaftsprogramme für allgemeine und berufliche Bildung und Innovationen auf dem Gebiet sollten dementsprechend ausgeweitet und die Mittel für der Nahrungsmittelsicherheit, für 522 diese Tätigkeiten entsprechend aufgestockt werden. die Bio-Wirtschaft und für eine nachhaltige Landwirtschaft (gemeinsame Rahmenstrategie für Forschung und Die EU-Mittel für Kultur- und Medientätigkeiten die- Innovation) nen zur Erhaltung des gemeinsamen kulturellen Erbes der EU-Bürger und sollen zudem einen stärkeren Umlauf –– 2,2 Mrd. EUR für die europäischer Schaffenswerke in und außerhalb der EU Nahrungsmittelsicherheit (Rubrik 3) bewirken. Die laufenden Programme tragen auf einzigartige Weise zur Ausweitung der grenzübergreifenden Zu- –– 2,5 Mrd. EUR für die sammenarbeit, zur Förderung von Peer-learning-Maß- Nahrungsmittelunterstützung für besonders nahmen und zur Professionalisierung der betreffenden benachteiligte Bevölkerungsgruppen (Rubrik Sektoren bei. Die wachsende wirtschaftliche Bedeutung 1) der Kultur und der Kreativwirtschaft steht weitgehend –– 3,5 Mrd. EUR für eine neue Reserve für im Einklang mit den Zielen der Strategie „Europa 2020“. Krisen im Agrarsektor Die bestehende Architektur dieser Programme und In- –– Bis zu 2,5 Mrd. EUR für den Europäischen strumente ist gleichwohl fragmentiert. Es gibt übermä- Globalisierungsfonds ßig viele Kleinprojekte, und einige dieser Projekte haben nicht genügend kritische Masse, um Langzeitwirkung 5.5. Investitionen in Humankapital entfalten zu können. Auch überschneiden sich manche Maßnahmen, was zu erhöhten Verwaltungskosten ge- Ohne größere Investitionen in Humankapital werden sich führt und bei potenziellen Antragstellern Verwirrung die Kernziele, die in der Strategie „Europa 2020“ im Hin- ausgelöst hat. blick auf den Ausbau des tertiären Bildungsbereichs und die Senkung der Schulabbrecherquote vorgesehen sind, nicht Daher schlägt die Kommission vor, die bestehende verwirklichen lassen. Der größte finanzielle Beitrag aus Struktur rationeller und einfacher zu gestalten, indem dem EU-Haushalt zur Investition in Humankapital wird ein Gesamtprogramm für die Bereiche Aus- und Fortbil- im Rahmen des Europäischen Sozialfonds geleistet. Zu- dung sowie Jugend aufgelegt wird, dessen Schwerpunkte sätzlich zu den Tätigkeiten in diesem Beeich besteht noch die Entwicklung von Fähigkeiten und die Verbesserung Spielraum für weitere Unterstützungsmaßnahmen der EU der Mobilität von Humankapital sein werden. Aus dem auf sämtlichen Ebenen der formalen allgemeinen und be- gleichen Grund sollen in die kulturbezogenen Program- ruflichen Bildung (Schul-, Hochschul-, Berufsschul- und me Synergieeffekte eingebracht werden. Erwachsenenbildung) sowie bei der nicht formaler und der informellen allgemeinen und beruflichen Bildung. Die Anwendungsverfahren sowie die Projektüberwa- Einer der Haupterfolge des laufenden Programms zum chung und –auswertung werden vereinfacht, u.a. indem lebenslangen Lernen, des Programms „Erasmus Mundus“ die Projektverwaltung an nationale Stellen übertragen und der bestehenden Jugendprogramme ist die Tatsache, wird. Ein Haushalt für „Europe 2020“

Fonds für die innere Sicherheit geschaffen wird. Beide Die Kommission schlägt vor, für den Zeitraum Fonds hätten auch eine externe Dimension, durch die 2014-2020 15,2 Mrd. EUR für den Bereich all- die Finanzierungskontinuität (Anfang in der EU und gemeine und berufliche Bildung sowie 1,6 Mrd. Fortsetzung in den Drittländern) gewährleistet wäre, EUR für den Kulturbereich zuzuweisen. beispielsweise bei Programmen zur Neuansiedlung oder Diese Mittel werden durch eine umfangreiche zur Rückübernahme von Flüchtlingen oder bei regiona- Unterstützung für Aus- und Fortbildungsmaß- len Schutzprogrammen. Die Kommission plant zudem nahmen im Rahmen der Strukturfonds ergänzt einen Umstieg von der jährlichen Programmierung auf werden. Beispielsweise wurden für den Zeitraum eine mehrjährige Programmierung, was zu einem gerin- 2007-2013 ca. 72,5 Mrd. EUR für Aus- und gen Verwaltungsaufwand für die Kommission, die Mit- Fortbildungsmaßnahmen in den EU-Regionen gliedstaaten und die Endempfänger führen würde. vorgesehen, und für die Zukunft ist mit Ausgaben in ähnlicher Höhe zu rechnen. Nach dem Vertrag von Lissabon sind die Mitgliedstaaten zu einer EU-weiten Zusammenarbeit bei der Bekämp- fung krimineller Netze, des Menschenhandels und des 5.6. Maßnahmen zur Bewältigung der Drogen- und Waffenschmuggels verpflichtet und müs- Migrationsproblematik sen auf dem Gebiet des Zivilschutzes kooperieren, um die EU-Bürger und die Umwelt bei großen Naturkatas- Die Bedeutung der innenpolitischen Strategien für die trophen und vom Menschen verursachten Katastrophen 523 Bereiche Sicherheit, Migration und Verwaltung der Au- besser zu schützen. Die Zunahme an die EU-Bürger ßengrenzen nimmt seit Jahren zu. Mit dem Vertrag von betreffenden Katastrophen macht ein systematischeres Lissabon wurden zudem wichtige innenpolitische Neu- Vorgehen auf EU-Ebene erforderlich. Daher möchte die erungen eingeführt, deren Bedeutung im Stockholmer Kommission die Effizienz, die Kohärenz und Sichtbar- Programm52 und im Aktionsplan zur Umsetzung des keit der Reaktionsfähigkeit der EU im Katastrophenfall Stockholmer Programms53 hervorgehoben wurde. verbessern.

Der angestrebte Raum ohne Binnengrenzen, in dem Die Kommission schlägt vor, im Zeitraum 2014- EU-Bürger und Drittstaatangehörige mit einem gülti- 2020 8,2 Mrd. EUR für den Bereich Inneres gen Einreise- und Aufenthaltstitel von ihrer Reisefrei- sowie 455 Mio. EUR für den Zivilschutz und die heit Gebrauch machen, wohnen und arbeiten dürfen Verstärkung der europäischen Katastrophenab- und sich dabei gewiss sein können, dass ihre Rechte und wehrkapazität zuzuweisen. ihre Sicherheit vollauf gewahrt werden, ist ein absolut vorrangiges Ziel. Gleichwohl nimmt die Besorgnis der Öffentlichkeit über die illegale Einwanderung und die 5.7. Die EU als weltweit führender Integrationspolitik immer mehr zu. Eine zukunftsorien- Akteur tierte Politik für legale Einwanderung und Integration ist eine wesentliche Voraussetzung für die Steigerung der Alle außerhalb der EU-Grenzen stattfindenden Ereig- Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der EU und den sozialen Zusam- nisse können und werden unmittelbare Folgen für den menhalt in Europa. Für die Gesellschaft Europas ist dies Wohlstand und die Sicherheit der EU-Bürger haben. eine Bereicherung, die Chancen für jedermann eröffnet. Daher liegt es im Interesse der EU, sich aktiv an der Ge- Ein größere Sicherheit und Effizienz bietendes gemein- staltung der über die EU-Grenzen hinausgehenden Welt sames europäisches Asylsystem, das all unseren Werten zu beteiligen, beispielsweise mittels Finanzinstrumenten. Rechnung trägt, bleibt ein vorrangiges Ziel. Hierbei handelt es sich um einen Bereich, in dem die Mobilisierung von Haushaltsmitteln der EU ganz offensichtlich einen Der Vertrag von Lissabon markiert einen neuen Ansatz zusätzlichen Nutzen bewirkt. für die Beziehungen der EU zum Rest der Welt. Die Berufung eines Hohen Vertreters, der zugleich Vizeprä- sident der Kommission ist und eine mächtige Koordi- Für den nächsten mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen schlägt nierungsrolle hat, entspringt dem Wunsch nach einem die Kommission vor, die Struktur der Ausgabeninstru- gemeinsamen und wirksamen Handeln mit unseren mente zu vereinfachen, indem die Zahl der Program- internationalen Partnern nach Maßgabe der Grundprin- me vermindert und eine Zweisäulenstruktur eingeführt zipien der Demokratie, der Rechtsstaatlichkeit, der Men- wird, für die ein Migrations- und Asylfonds sowie ein schenrechte, der Grundfreiheiten, der Menschenwürde, der Gleichheit, der Solidarität sowie der Charta der Ver- 52 Ratsdokument 17024/09. einten Nationen und des Völkerrechts. Die EU wird sich 53 KOM (2010) 171. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

auch künftig für die Förderung und die Verteidigung der internationalen Verpflichtungen in den Bereichen Kli- Menschenrechte, der Demokratie und der Rechtsstaat- mawandel und Biodiversität beizutragen. Im Jahr 2003 lichkeit außerhalb der EU einsetzen. Dies ist ein zentraler wurde eine umfassende Verschlankung der vorhandenen Aspekt der von der EU ergriffenen externen Maßnahmen Instrumente durchgeführt, die bereits wirksamere Ergeb- zur Verteidigung ihrer eigenen Werte. nisse ermöglicht hat. Die Kommission ist der Auffassung, dass im nächsten MFR keine weiteren umfangreichen Ein vorrangiges Ziel dabei ist die Einhaltung der von Änderungen der legislativen Architektur erforderlich der EU eingegangenen förmlichen Verpflichtung, bis sind, schlägt gleichwohl einige Verbesserungen und eine spätestens 2015 zu erreichen, dass 0,7 % ihres Bruttoin- Aufstockung der Investitionen insgesamt vor. landsprodukts (BIP) unter Beibehaltung des derzeitigen Anteils aus dem EU-Haushalt im Rahmen der gemeinsa- Um der aktuellen internationalen Entwicklung Rechnung men Anstrengungen der EU als Ganzen für die Entwick- zu tragen, schlägt die Kommission vor, die Finanzierung lungshilfe aufgewendet werden, was ein entscheidender von Programmen in Industrieländern und in Schwel- Schritt zur Erreichung der Milleniums-Entwicklungszie- lenländern neu auszurichten und stattdessen ein neues le ist. Zur Umsetzung der gemeinsamen afrikanisch-eu- Partnerschaftsinstrument einzuführen, durch das die wirt- ropäischen Strategie wird im Rahmen des Instruments schaftlichen Interessen der EU im Rest der Welt gefördert für Entwicklungszusammenarbeit ein panafrikanisches werden. Durch entsprechende Maßnahmen zur Förderung Instrument geschaffen werden, durch das der Nutzen des Handels und einheitlicher Regeln in Fällen, in denen regionenübergreifender und kontinentweiter Tätigkeiten die weltweiten Wirtschaftsbeziehungen der EU durch die 524 verstärkt werden soll. Das Instrument soll so flexibel sein, Finanzierung gestärkt werden können, könnten zusätzli- dass darin sowohl Mittel der EU-Mitgliedstaaten als auch che Chancen für EU-Unternehmen geschaffen werden. Beiträge der afrikanischen Länder, der Finanzeinrichtun- Letztere könnten auf diese Weise von dem wirtschaftlichen gen und des Privatsektors einfließen können. Zusätzlich Wandel, der sich zurzeit in vielen Teilen der Welt vollzieht wird das Instrument für Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und noch nie dagewesene Möglichkeiten, aber auch einen schwerpunktmäßig auf die Beseitigung der Armut und sehr intensiven Wettbewerb mit sich bringt, profitieren. die Verwirklichung der Milleniumsziele in den betreffenden Weltregionen ausgerichtet werden. Die humanitäre Hilfe der EU wird im Vertrag von Lissa- bon als eigenständige Politik auf dem Gebiet der externen Das künftige Vorgehen der EU muss auf die jeweiligen Maßnahmen der EU anerkannt und dadurch erheblich Umstände zugeschnitten sein. Die Partner der EU rei- aufgewertet. Durch einen kohärenten, komplementären chen von den Entwicklungsländern bis hin zu den am und koordinierten EU-Ansatz für die humanitäre Hilfe wenigsten entwickelten Ländern, die besondere Unter- wird sichergestellt, dass die vorhandenen knappen Res- stützung benötigen. Wie in der unlängst veröffentlichten sourcen auf effiziente Weise dazu verwendet werden, die Mitteilung über die Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik54 ermittelten Bedürfnisse abzudecken und die Anstrengun- ausgeführt wurde, möchte die EU auf lange Sicht in ih- gen für eine wirksamere internationale humanitäre Reak- rer Nachbarschaft einen von Stabilität, Wachstum und tion unterstützt werden können. Die Zunahme der Na- Demokratie geprägten Raum schaffen. Zudem machen turkatastrophen wie auch der vom Menschen verursachten es die historischen Entwicklungen in der arabischen Katastrophen und deren wirtschaftlichen Folgen machen Welt erforderlich, nachhaltig in die Unterstützung dieses ein systematisches Vorgehen auf EU-Ebene erforderlich, Wandels zu investieren, der ja eindeutig sowohl im Inte- um die Abwehrbereitschaft zu verbessern und die Katas- resse der dortigen Bevölkerung als auch im Interesse der trophenabwehrkapazität in und außerhalb der EU zu stei- EU liegt. Auch wird die EU ihre Krisenvorsorgemaßnah- gern. Die Kommission schlägt daher vor, das Instrument men im Hinblick auf die Wahrung des Friedens und die für humanitäre Hilfe für Maßnahmen zur Krisenvorsorge, Verbesserung der internationalen Sicherheit verstärken. -bewältigung und –reaktion zu nutzen und zur Bewälti- gung von Naturkatastrophen und vom Menschen verur- Die Instrumente der EU können auch das Engagement sachten Katastrophen, deren Zahl aufgrund der künftigen der EU in Drittländern in Fragen von globaler Bedeu- klimatischen Veränderungen ja nicht zurückgehen wird, tung (Klimawandel, Umweltschutz, illegale Einwande- zudem auf den Zivilschutzmechanismus zurückzugreifen. rung, regionale Instabilitäten usw.) vereinfachen und die EU in die Lage versetzen, auf Naturkatastrophen und Nach dem Dafürhalten der Kommission sollten die Fi- vom Menschen verursachte Katastrophen in der ganzen nanzierungsinstrumente bestimmter interner Politikbe- Welt rasch und effizient zu reagieren. Die EU ist ent- reiche (wie Bildung und Migration) angesichts der Vor- schlossen, mit finanziellen Mitteln zur Erfüllung ihrer teile, die sich aus der Verschlankung und Vereinfachung des Ansatzes ergeben, auch zur Unterstützung von Maß- nahmen in Drittländern verwendet werden. 54 KOM (2011) 303. Ein Haushalt für „Europe 2020“

5.8.2. Großprojekte Die Kommission schlägt vor, für den Zeitraum 2014-2020 70 Mrd. EUR für traditionelle externe Die Erfahrung hat gezeigt, dass Großprojekte, die von Instrumente zuzuweisen. Interesse für die EU sind, unverhältnismäßig teuer für den kleinen EU-Haushalt sind. Da ihre Kosten aufgrund Außerhalb des MFR kämen folgende Beträge ihres Wesens oftmals über die ursprünglichen Kos- hinzu: tenschätzungen hinausgehen, entsteht in der Folge die –– Europäischer Entwicklungsfonds (AKP- Notwendigkeit, zusätzliche Mittel zu finden, was dann Länder):30 Mrd. EUR darauf hinausläuft, dass Mittel mobilisiert werden müs- sen, die eigentlich für andere Zwecke vorgesehen sind. –– Europäischer Entwicklungsfonds Dies ist keine zukunftsfähige Lösung. Die Kommission (Überseeländer und -gebiete): 321 Mio. möchte daher Alternativmöglichkeiten für die künftige EUR Finanzierung von wissenschaftlichen Großprojekten vor- –– Weltklima- und Biodiversitätsfonds schlagen, wobei allerdings zwischen „Galileo“-Projekten und anderen Projekten unterschieden werden soll. –– Soforthilfereserve: 2,5 Mrd. EUR Für „Galileo“-Projekte ist die Kommission allein verantwortlich. Für deren künftigen Bedarf werden im 5.8. Besondere Ausgabenposten Rahmen dieses Pakets ausreichend Mittel vorgesehen. Um die Kosten einzudämmen, werden kontinuierliche 525 Tätigkeiten, die im Namen der EU oder im Rahmen der Anstrengungen erforderlich sein. Durch die Verordnung EU-Politik ausgeführt werden, können auf unterschiedli- zur Festlegung des MFR wird dafür Sorge getragen. Mit che Art und Weise finanziert werden. Aus verschiedenen Beginn des nächsten Finanzrahmens dürfte die Phase der Gründen werden manche Tätigkeiten im Rahmen ande- vollständigen Umsetzung sowie der operativen Phase des rer Haushaltsposten oder nur von bestimmten Mitglied- Projekts erreicht werden; zu diesem Zeitpunkt sollten staaten finanziert. Die Kommission verweist diesbezüg- dann neue, langfristige Regelungen für die Leitung des lich auf folgende besondere Ausgabenposten. Projekts in Erwägung gezogen werden.

5.8.1. Europäischer Entwicklungsfonds Für Projekte wie ITER und GMES, bei denen die Kos- Aus dem Europäischen Entwicklungsfonds (EEF) wird ten und/oder die Kostenüberschreitungen zu umfang- die Entwicklungshilfe für die mit der EU durch eine reich sind, um mit Mitteln aus dem EU-Haushalt allein Partnerschaft verbundenen Entwicklungsländer finan- aufgefangen zu werden, schlägt die Kommission vor, ziert. Diese Finanzierung erfolgt traditionell außerhalb für die Zeit nach 2013 eine Finanzierung außerhalb des des EU-Haushalts, um den besonderen historischen MFR vorzusehen. Dadurch wäre die Kommission in der Beziehungen Rechnung zu tragen, die bestimmte Mit- Lage, ihren internationalen Verpflichtungen auch künf- gliedstaaten mit einigen Teilen der Welt pflegen. Die tig in vollem Umfang nachzukommen. Kommission ist angesichts der derzeitigen Situation und der Tatsache, dass das Cotonou-Abkommen (auf dessen Grundlage den AKP-Ländern Unterstützung aus dem 6. Instrumente und Durchführung EEF gewährt wird) voraussichtlich im Jahr 2020 auslaufen wird, der Auffassung, dass die Bedingungen für eine 6.1. Vereinfachung im Hinblick auf eine vollständige Integration des EEF in den EU-Haushalt bessere Leistung noch nicht erfüllt sind. Um jedoch eine Perspektive für eine künftige Integration zu schaffen, wird die Kommis- Die Verfahren für die Durchführung der EU-Program- sion vorschlagen, den Schlüssel für die EEF-Beiträge me und die Anforderungen an deren Kontrolle müssen näher an den Schlüssel für die Haushaltsbeiträge her- einerseits die Rechenschaftspflicht gewährleisten und anzuführen. Auf diese Weise sollen auch dafür gesorgt andererseits kosteneffizient sein. Im Laufe der Jahre werden, dass die im Zusammenhang mit der Entwick- haben Veränderungen zu einem System geführt, das in- lungshilfe genannten absoluten Beträge leichter durch- zwischen weithin als zu kompliziert gilt und häufig von schaubar werden. Außerdem wird vorgeschlagen, die de- einer Teilnahme an den Programmen abschreckt bzw. mokratische Überprüfung des EEF zu verbessern, indem deren Durchführung verzögert. Vor diesem Hintergrund dieser an das Instrument für Entwicklungszusammen- hat die Kommission beschlossen, eine radikale Verein- arbeit angepasst wird, wobei dessen Besonderheiten zu fachung in allen Bereichen des künftigen MFR vorzu- berücksichtigen wären. schlagen. Daher ist es wichtig, dass die künftigen Rechts- grundlagen aller sektoralen Programme den politischen DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Zielen, den Mitteln für deren Verwirklichung und den (EIT)) in einem einzigen gemeinsamen strate- Verwaltungs- und Kontrollkosten in ausgewogenem gischen Rahmen für Forschung und Innovation Maße Rechnung tragen. Insbesondere sollen die Be- zusammenzufassen. dingungen für die Verwirklichung der politischen Ziele –– Für nach dem Prinzip der geteilten Mittelverwal- kosteneffizient festgelegt werden; gleichzeitig sollen ein- tung bewirtschaftete Mittel - EFRE, ESF, Kohäs- deutige Förderkriterien, die Rechenschaftspflicht und ein ionsfonds, Europäischer Landwirtschaftsfonds angemessenes Maß an Kontrolle festgeschrieben werden, für die Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums und damit sich das Fehlerrisiko und die Betrugsanfälligkeit in künftiger Europäischer Fonds für maritime Ange- Grenzen halten und keine unangemessen hohen Kosten legenheiten und Fischerei - wird ein gemeinsamer verursachen. strategischer Rahmen das derzeitige Konzept ablö- sen, wonach gesonderte strategische Leitlinien für Jede bedeutende Vereinfachung der Verwendung von die verschiedenen Instrumente festgelegt werden. EU-Mitteln wird vereinte Anstrengungen aller Organe bei der Überprüfung der allgemeinen Bestimmungen 6.1.3. Externalisierung der Haushaltsordnung und der derzeit ausgearbeiteten sektorspezifischen Bestimmungen erfordern. Die Ver- Die Kommission schlägt außerdem vor, stärker auf die einfachungsanstrengungen auf EU-Ebene werden jedoch bestehenden Exekutivagenturen zurückzugreifen. Wie nicht ihre volle Wirkung entfalten, wenn keine ent- vom Rechnungshof bestätigt, erbringen diese Agenturen sprechenden Begleitmaßnahmen auf nationaler Ebene, bessere Dienste und erhöhen die Sichtbarkeit der EU. 526 beispielsweise im Bereich der gemeinsamen Mittelver- Diese Möglichkeit bietet sich vor allem für die Fort- waltung, getroffen werden. Die Kommission wird Ende führung der bestehenden kleineren Programme an, die 2011, wenn sie alle sektorspezifischen Vorschläge unter- noch nicht externalisiert worden sind und die einen breitet hat, eine Mitteilung vorlegen, die sich speziell mit maßgeblichen Anteil homogener oder standardisierter dem Thema Vereinfachung befassen wird. Maßnahmen umfassen, so dass Größenvorteile erzielt werden können. Dies bedeutet nicht, dass neue Exeku- tivagenturen errichtet, sondern dass die Mandate der 6.1.1. Verringerung der Anzahl der vorhandenen Agenturen erforderlichenfalls überprüft Programme werden sollen. Dieser Ansatz wird beispielsweise bei den Eine erste Möglichkeit, dieses Ziel zu erreichen, besteht Vorschlägen für die Programme im Bereich Bildung und darin, die Anzahl der separaten Programme und Instru- Kultur verfolgt. mente zu reduzieren; mehrere politische Ziele lassen sich erreichen, ohne dass die Anzahl der zu ihrer Verwirkli- 6.1.4. Einbeziehung der Prioritäten in alle chung vorgesehenen Instrumente erhöht wird und ohne Politikbereiche dass die Verwaltungsregeln für die einzelnen Programme erheblich voneinander abweichen. Komplexe Program- In einigen Politikbereichen – darunter Klimaschutzmaß- me, die nicht erfolgreich waren, werden entweder in ver- nahmen, Umwelt, Verbraucherpolitik Gesundheit und einfachter und effizienterer Form neu aufgelegt oder ein- Grundrechte – hängt die optimale Erreichung der Ziele gestellt. Dieser Ansatz wird für einige Bereiche – maritime davon ab, ob die Prioritäten in eine Reihe von Instru- Angelegenheiten und Fischerei, Justiz und Grundrechte, menten anderer Politikbereiche einbezogen werden. Bei- Inneres sowie Bildung und Kultur – vorgeschlagen. spielsweise müssen sich die Ziele von Klimaschutz- und Umweltmaßnahmen in verschiedenen Instrumenten widerspiegeln, um sicherzustellen, dass diese Maßnahmen 6.1.2. Schaffung eines einzigen Rahmens für zum Aufbau einer kohlenstoffarmen, ressourceneffizien- verschiedene Instrumente ten und klimaresistenten Wirtschaft beitragen, die Eu- Eine weitere Möglichkeit, die Verwaltung der Program- ropas Wettbewerbsfähigkeit fördert, zur Schaffung neuer me zu vereinfachen, besteht darin, diese unter einem und „grünerer“ Arbeitsplätze führt, die Energiesicherheit einzigen Rahmen mit gemeinsamen Regeln zusammen- stärkt und gesundheitlichen Nutzen bringt. Im Bereich zufassen und Ausnahmen oder Besonderheiten auf ein Entwicklungszusammenarbeit werden Klima- und Um- Mindestmaß zu beschränken. Zum Beispiel: weltschutz, insbesondere die Biodiversität, in alle maß- geblichen Programme einbezogen. –– Die Kommission schlägt vor, die drei wichtigsten Finanzierungsquellen im Bereich Forschung und In- Infolge einer wirksamen Einbeziehung der entsprechen- novation (das derzeitige Siebte Rahmenprogramm, den Prioritäten in alle wichtigen Politikbereiche der EU den derzeitigen Teil Innovation des Programms für (wie Kohäsion, Forschung und Innovation, Landwirt- Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Innovation sowie das schaft und externe Zusammenarbeit) wird sich daher der Europäische Innovations- und Technologieinstitut betreffende Anteil am EU-Haushalt erhöhen. Da mit ein Ein Haushalt für „Europe 2020“ und derselben Maßnahme verschiedene Ziele gleichzei- Einklang mit ähnlichen Bestrebungen in den Verwal- tig verfolgt werden können und sollten, wird ein solches tungen der Mitgliedstaaten. Die Kommission arbeitet Mainstreaming Synergien bei der Verwendung von Mit- derzeit den Entwurf einer Verordnung aus, der zunächst teln für mehrere Prioritäten fördern und zu mehr Kohä- im Rahmen des üblichen sozialen Dialogs mit den Per- renz und Kosteneffizienz bei den Ausgaben führen. sonalvertretern erörtert und dann so bald wie möglich dem Europäischen Parlament und dem Rat förmlich zur 6.1.5. Effizientere Verwaltung Annahme vorgelegt wird. Die Verwaltungsausgaben belaufen sich gegenwärtig auf 5,7 % der derzeitigen Ausgaben. Aus dem EU-Haushalt 7. Dauer, Struktur und werden alle Organe der Europäischen Union – das Eu- ropäische Parlament (20 %), der Europäische Rat und Flexibilität des mehrjährigen der Rat (7 %), die Kommission (40 %) und die klei- Finanzrahmens neren Institutionen und Einrichtungen (15 %) – finanziert. Die Kommission ihrerseits hat in den letzten zehn Unter Berücksichtigung des Standpunkts des Europäi- Jahren erhebliche Anstrengungen unternommen, um die schen Parlaments hat die Kommission beschlossen, für Verwaltung ihrer Human- und Finanzressourcen zu reden nächsten MFR einen Zeitrahmen von sieben Jahren formieren und sicherzustellen, dass diese effizienter ein- vorzuschlagen. Damit wird der MFR zeitlich stärker an gesetzt werden. Allein aufgrund der Reform von 2004 die Verwirklichung der Ziele der Strategie Europa 2020 konnten seit 2004 3 Mrd. EUR eingespart werden, und 527 gekoppelt. Die Kommission wird 2016 eine Bewertung im weiteren Verlauf des Reformprozesses werden sich bis der Umsetzung des Finanzrahmens – erforderlichenfalls 2020 zusätzliche Einsparungen von 5 Mrd. EUR erzie- zusammen mit entsprechenden Vorschlägen – vorlegen. len lassen. Seit 2007 verfolgt die Kommission im Zuge Sie schlägt vor, die in dem Rahmen für 2007-2013 ver- ihres fortwährenden Engagements, die Kosten für die wendeten Rubriken angesichts der Ziele der Strategie Verwaltung der EU-Politiken zu begrenzen, eine Politik Europa 2020 umzuformulieren. des „Nullwachstums“ bei den Humanressourcen. Die Kommission teilt die Ansicht des Europäischen Par- Die Kommission schlägt vor, die Verwaltung der Orga- laments, dass es mehr Flexibilität innerhalb der Haus- ne, Agenturen und Einrichtungen der EU weiter zu ver- haltsrubriken und zwischen diesen bedarf, damit die Eu- einfachen und zu rationalisieren, um die EU im Einklang ropäische Union für neue Herausforderungen gewappnet mit den Zielen von Europa 2020 in eine moderne, effi- ist und um die Entscheidungsfindung innerhalb der ziente und dynamische Organisation umzuwandeln. In Organe zu erleichtern. Daher schlägt die Kommissi- Anbetracht des Drucks auf die Haushalte der Mitglied- on fünf Instrumente außerhalb des Finanzrahmens vor staaten und der Kürzungen bei den nationalen Ausgaben (die Soforthilfereserve, das Flexibilitätsinstrument, den für die öffentliche Verwaltung hat die Kommission die Solidaritätsfonds, den Fonds für die Anpassung an die Verwaltungsausgaben in allen Organen überprüft, um Globalisierung und ein neues Instrument für die Reak- zu ermitteln, wo noch Potenzial für ein effizienteres Vor- tion auf Krisensituationen in der Landwirtschaft) sowie gehen und für eine Kostenreduzierung vorhanden ist. weitere Änderungen, die in den beigefügten Vorschlägen Sie hat beschlossen, im Zuge des nächsten MFR einen für die MFR-Verordnung und die neue interinstitutio- 5%igen Abbau des Personalbestands jedes Organs und nelle Vereinbarung über die Zusammenarbeit im Haus- jeder Dienststelle, Agentur und sonstigen Einrichtung haltsbereich und die wirtschaftliche Haushaltsführung vorzuschlagen. Zusammen mit anderen Maßnahmen dargelegt werden. Außerdem wird in den künftigen zur Effizienzsteigerung wird dies den Anteil der Ver- Rechtsgrundlagen für die verschiedenen Instrumente die waltungskosten am nächsten MFR auf ein Mindestmaß umfassende Verwendung delegierter Rechtsakte vorge- beschränken. schlagen, um im Finanzierungszeitraum mehr Flexibili- tät bei der Abwicklung der Maßnahmen zu ermöglichen Im Vorgriff auf das Jahr 2014, also den Beginn des und gleichzeitig die Befugnisse der beiden Mitgesetzge- nächsten MFR, hat die Kommission beschlossen, eine ber zu berücksichtigen. Reihe von Änderungen an dem für die Bediensteten der EU-Organe geltenden Statut vorzuschlagen, darunter Darüber hinaus muss bei der Verwaltung der Program- eine neue Methode zur Berechnung der Anpassung der me dem Bedarf an einer rigoroseren Planung künftiger Gehälter, eine Erhöhung der wöchentlichen Arbeits- Ausgaben besser Rechnung getragen und vermieden wer- stunden (von 37,5 auf 40 Stunden) ohne Gehaltsaus- den, dass sich der Rückstand bei künftigen Zahlungen zu gleich, eine Anhebung des Ruhestandseintrittsalters und sehr erhöht. Die Kommission wird daher Maßnahmen die Modernisierung einiger veralteter Bedingungen im vorschlagen, die strengere Regeln für die Finanzplanung DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

und verwaltung der von der EU – insbesondere im Rah- men der Strukturfonds – finanzierten Programme sicherstellen sollen, und dabei auch die Zuständigkeiten der Mitgliedstaaten bei der Verwaltung dieser Fonds berücksichtigen.

8. Fazit

Die Kommission schlägt in den beigefügten Rechtstex- ten eine Verordnung zur Festlegung eines neuen mehr- jährigen Finanzrahmens, eine interinstitutionelle Verein- barung über die Zusammenarbeit im Haushaltsbereich und die wirtschaftliche Haushaltsführung und einen Beschluss über Eigenmittel (mit entsprechenden Durch- führungsvorschriften) vor.

In den Monaten vor Ablauf des Jahres 2011 wird der in dieser Mitteilung skizzierte Ansatz in den Legislativvor- 528 schlägen für die Ausgabenprogramme und –instrumente in den einzelnen Politikbereichen detailliert dargelegt.

Das Europäische Parlament und der Rat werden ersucht, die in dieser Mitteilung erläuterten Leitlinien zu billigen und im Zuge der Verhandlungen die erforderlichen Schritte einzuleiten, um sicherzustellen, dass die entsprechenden Rechtsakte, einschließlich der sektoralen Ausgabenprogramme und –instrumente, so rechtzeitig angenommen werden, dass der neue mehrjährige Finanzrahmen ab dem 1. Januar 2014 ordnungsgemäß umgesetzt werden kann. Die Kommission wird die erforderlichen Anpassungen dieses Rahmens vorschlagen, wenn die Republik Kroatien, wie erwartet wird, vor In- krafttreten des nächsten mehrjährigen Finanzrahmens der Europäischen Union beitritt. Für eine EU-Entwicklungspolitik mit größerer Wirkung: Agenda für den Wandel

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLAMENT, DEN RAT, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN WIRTSCHAFTS- UND SOZIALAUSSCHUSS UND DEN AUSSCHUSS DER REGIONEN BRÜSSEL, DEN 13.10.2011 COM(2011) 637

1. Minderung der Armut in einer begegnen und globale öffentliche Güter wie Ernährungs- sicherheit, Zugang zur Wasser- und Sanitärversorgung, 529 Welt im raschen Wandel Energiesicherheit und Migration bereitzustellen.

In einer kritischen Zeit – die Europäische Union (EU) ist Unterdessen haben die Protestbewegungen und Volks- mit neuen, globalen Herausforderungen konfrontiert, die aufstände in Nordafrika und im Nahen Osten gezeigt, Frist für die Erreichung der Millenniumsentwicklungszie- dass Fortschritte bei den MDG zwar wichtig, aber nicht le (Millennium Development Goals – MDG) verstreicht ausreichend sind. Dies lässt zwei Schlussfolgerungen zu: 2015 und gleichzeitig muss der nächste mehrjährige Fi- Erstens, dass die Ziele Entwicklung, Demokratie, Men- nanzrahmen ausgearbeitet werden – steht die EU vor der schenrechte, verantwortungsvolle Staatsführung und Aufgabe, die richtige Mischung aus Strategien, Instru- Sicherheit untrennbar miteinander verbunden sind, menten und Ressourcen zu finden, um im Interesse einer und zweitens, dass jede Gesellschaft den jungen Men- nachhaltigen Entwicklung einen wirksamen und effizien- schen eine Zukunft bieten muss. ten Beitrag zur Armutsbekämpfung zu leisten. Angesichts dieser Situation schlägt die Kommission eine „Agenda für Die EU-Entwicklungspolitik muss den wachsenden Un- den Wandel“ vor, damit Europa die Entwicklungsländer terschieden zwischen den Entwicklungsländern Rech- in diesem Kampf noch solidarischer unterstützen kann. nung tragen. In der jüngeren Vergangenheit sind einige Partnerländer selbst zu Gebern geworden, während Gemäß dem Vertrag von Lissabon bildet die Unterstüt- andere sich mit zunehmender Fragilität konfrontiert zung der Entwicklungsländer bei der Armutsbeseiti- sehen. Die EU muss neue Wege in der Zusammenarbeit gung das Hauptziel der Entwicklungspolitik und zählt beschreiten und sich um eine breitenwirksame internati- zu den Prioritäten des auswärtigen Handelns der EU onale Entwicklungsagenda bemühen. bei der Förderung ihrer Interessen hinsichtlich einer von Stabilität und Wohlstand gekennzeichneten Welt. Außerdem sollte die EU mit der Privatwirtschaft, Stif- Die Entwicklungspolitik begegnet zudem auch anderen tungen, der Zivilgesellschaft sowie lokalen und regiona- globalen Herausforderungen und trägt zur Strategie Eu- len Behörden enger zusammenarbeiten, da diese in der ropa -2020 bei. Entwicklungspolitik an Bedeutung gewinnen.

Die EU hat bereits einen großen Beitrag zur Armuts- Auf Ebene der EU ist die Entwicklungspolitik mit dem minderung und insbesondere zur Verwirklichung der Vertrag von Lissabon fest im außenpolitischen Han- MDG geleistet. Dennoch herrscht in vielen Teilen der deln der EU verankert worden. Nach der Schaffung Welt nach wie vor große Armut. Zudem hat eine Rei- des Postens des Hohen Vertreters/Vizepräsidenten, der he weltweiter Schocks viele Entwicklungsländer anfällig durch den Europäischen Auswärtigen Dienst unterstützt gemacht. Angesichts des anhaltenden Wachstums der wird, gibt es neue Möglichkeiten für eine wirksamere Weltbevölkerung bedarf es weiterer Anstrengungen, um Entwicklungszusammenarbeit und eine kohärentere globalen Herausforderungen in Bezug auf Konfliktprä- Politikgestaltung. vention, Sicherheit, Umweltschutz und Klimawandel zu DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Die EU ist nicht einfach nur der 28. europäische Geber. Die Kommission führt nicht nur 20 % der gemeinsa- Die Kommission schlägt eine Agenda für den men EU-Hilfen durch, sondern fungiert auch als Koor- Wandel vor, die folgende Ziele aufweist: dinator, Schaltstelle und politischer Entscheidungsträger. Steigerung des Anteils der Länder- und Regional- Die EU ist Wirtschafts- und Handelspartner, und der kooperationsprogramme der EU, die sich auf die in von ihr geführte politische Dialog, ihre Sicherheitspo- den Abschnitten 2 und 3 dargelegten strategischen litik und ihre Politiken etwa in den Bereichen Handel, Prioritäten beziehen; Landwirtschaft und Fischerei, Umwelt, Klima, Energie und Migration haben erhebliche Auswirkungen auf die Fokussierung der Maßnahmen der EU in jedem Entwicklungsländer. Sie muss diese vielschichtige Rol- Land auf höchstens drei Bereiche; le in einen Policymix umsetzen, der auf das jeweilige Erhöhung des Umfangs und des Anteils der Partnerland abgestimmt wird. Der größtmöglichen EU-Hilfen für die bedürftigsten Länder und sol- Wirkung halber müssen die EU und die Mitgliedstaaten che, in denen die EU die größte Wirkung erzielen mit einer Stimme sprechen und an einem Strang ziehen, kann, auch fragile Staaten; um bessere Ergebnisse zu erzielen und die Sichtbarkeit der EU zu erhöhen. stärkere Berücksichtigung der Entwicklung in Be- zug auf Menschenrechte, Demokratie und verant- In Zeiten von Wirtschaftsturbulenzen und Haus- wortungsvolle Staatsführung bei der Festlegung der haltsengpässen muss ganz besonders darauf geachtet Instrumente und Modalitäten der Unterstützung 530 werden, Entwicklungshilfegelder effizient einzusetzen, für die einzelnen Länder; bestmögliche Ergebnisse zu erzielen und weitere Mittel weitere Förderung der sozialen Inklusion und der für die Entwicklungsförderung zu mobilisieren. menschlichen Entwicklung mit mindestens 20 % der EU-Fördergelder; Vor diesem Hintergrund startete die Kommission 2010 eine Konsultation zur EU-Entwicklungspolitik55. Die stärkere Fokussierung auf Maßnahmen und As- Konsultation bestätigte den bestehenden strategischen pekte, die ein breitenwirksames und nachhaltiges Rahmen und die Notwendigkeit, die Wirkung zu Wirtschaftswachstum fördern, als Hauptachse der erhöhen. Bemühungen zur Armutsminderung; Erhöhung des Anteils der EU-Hilfen, die über In einer Reihe von Bereichen müssen Änderungen vor- innovative Finanzinstrumente bereitgestellt wer- genommen werden. Insbesondere sollte die EU ihre Un- den, wie etwa über Fazilitäten, die Zuschüsse und terstützung zugunsten der Partnerländer auf diejenigen Darlehen verbinden; Bereiche konzentrieren, in denen sie die größte Wirkung erzielen kann. Im Rahmen der Entwicklungszusammen- Verringerung der Anfälligkeit der Entwicklungs- arbeit sollten insbesondere gefördert werden: länder für weltweite Schocks wie Klimawandel, Beeinträchtigungen von Ökosystemen oder –– Menschenrechte, Demokratie und andere Schlüs- Ressourcen oder volatile bzw. steigende Energie- selelemente verantwortungsvoller Staatsführung; und Nahrungsmittelpreise durch Fokussierung der Investitionen auf nachhaltige Landwirtschaft und –– breitenwirksames und nachhaltiges Wachstum für Energie; die menschliche Entwicklung. Bewältigung der Herausforderungen in Bezug auf Um ein bestmögliches Kosten-Nutzen-Verhältnis zu er- Sicherheit, Fragilität und Übergang; zielen, sollte diese Förderung begleitet werden durch Ausarbeitung gemeinsamer Strategien der EU und –– differenzierte Entwicklungspartnerschaften, der Mitgliedstaaten auf der Grundlage der eigenen Entwicklungsstrategien der Partner mit sektoraler –– Koordination der EU-Maßnahmen und Arbeitsteilung; –– Erhöhung der Kohärenz zwischen den einheitlicher EU-Rahmen für EU-Politiken. Ergebnisberichterstattung; Erhöhung der Kohärenz der Entwicklungspolitik auch über neue thematische Programme, die Syn- ergien schaffen zwischen globalen Interessen und Armutsbeseitigung. 55 KOM(2010) 629, http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/how/ public-consultations/5241_en.htm. ��

Mit der vorgeschlagenen Agenda für den Wandel sollen Die Förderung verantwortungsvoller Staatsführung kann die allgemeinen entwicklungspolitischen Grundsätze in Form von Programmen oder projektbasierten Maß- nicht neu gefasst werden. Das übergeordnete EU-Ziel nahmen zur Unterstützung von Akteuren oder Prozessen der Armutsbeseitigung in Verbindung mit nachhaltiger auf lokaler, nationaler oder sektoraler Ebene erfolgen. Entwicklung wird, wie im Europäischen Konsens über Allgemeine Budgethilfe durch die EU sollte in Abstim- die Entwicklungspolitik56 festgehalten, nicht aufge- mung mit den Mitgliedstaaten an die Lage in Bezug auf weicht. Die EU steht zu ihren Verpflichtungen zur För- die Staatsführung und an einen politischen Dialog mit derung der Entwicklung, der Verwirklichung der MDG dem Partnerland geknüpft werden57. und der Wirksamkeit der Hilfe sowie zu ihrer Stellung als politische Antriebskraft und wichtiger Geber. Vernachlässigt ein Land seine Verpflichtungen in Bezug auf Menschenrechte und Demokratie, so sollte die EU Die EU-Entwicklungszusammenarbeit wird weiterhin enger mit nichtstaatlichen Akteuren und lokalen Be- geleitet von Entwicklungsstrategien, die die Partnerlän- hörden zusammenarbeiten und auf Instrumente zurück- der selbst konzipiert haben, sowie von den Grundsätzen greifen, die gewährleisten, dass die Armen im Land die Eigenverantwortung und Partnerschaft. Die EU strebt nötige Hilfe erhalten. Gleichzeitig sollte die EU den Di- im Verhältnis zu ihren Partnerländern eine größere ge- alog mit den Regierungen und nichtstaatlichen Akteuren genseitige Verantwortung sowie gegenseitige Rechen- fortsetzen. In bestimmten Fällen wird eine striktere Kon- schaftspflicht in Bezug auf die Ergebnisse an. Im Rah- ditionalität angezeigt sein. men des zwischen den Gebern koordinierten Dialogs auf Länderebene sollte konkret festgelegt werden, wo Die Ausrichtung auf Ergebnisse und gegenseitige Verant- 531 und wie die EU tätig wird. Außerdem sollte die Zusam- wortung bedeutet aber nicht, dass die EU fragile Situati- menarbeit innerhalb des multilateralen Systems effekti- onen vernachlässigen wird, bei denen die Wirkung länger ver werden. auf sich warten lässt und schwieriger zu messen ist. Die EU sollte Ländern, die sich in einer fragilen Situation befinden, helfen, funktionierende und verlässliche Organe zu errich- 2. Menschenrechte, ten, die grundlegende Dienstleistungen erbringen und zur Armutsminderung beitragen. Über Budgethilfe für solche Demokratie und andere Länder sollte unter Abwägung von Nutzen, Kosten und Schlüsselelemente Risiken auf Einzelfallbasis entschieden werden. verantwortungsvoller Die EU-Maßnahmen sollten insbesondere ausgerichtet Staatsführung werden auf:

Verantwortungsvolle Staatsführung in politischer, wirt- –– Demokratie, Menschenrechte und Rechtsstaatlich- schaftlicher, sozialer und umweltpolitischer Hinsicht ist keit. Die EU sollte weiterhin unterstützen: die De- von entscheidender Bedeutung für eine breitenwirksa- mokratisierung, freie und faire Wahlen, den Aufbau me und nachhaltige Entwicklung. Die EU-Unterstüt- funktionierender öffentlicher Einrichtungen, die zung für verantwortungsvolle Staatsführung sollte in Pressefreiheit (und den Zugang zum Internet), den allen Partnerschaften eine zentralere Rolle einnehmen, Minderheitenschutz, die Rechtsstaatlichkeit sowie insbesondere durch Anreize zu ergebnisorientierten Re- die Rechtsordnungen in den Partnerländern. formen und eine Ausrichtung auf Verpflichtungen der Partner in Bezug auf Menschenrechte, Demokratie und –– Die Gleichstellung der Geschlechter und die Stär- Rechtsstaatlichkeit sowie zur Erfüllung der Anforderun- kung der Rolle von Frauen als Entwicklungs- und 58 gen und Bedürfnisse der Bevölkerung. Friedensakteure . Diese Aspekte werden, gestützt auf den EU-Aktionsplan 2010 für die Gleichstel- lung, in allen EU-Entwicklungsstrategien und Da langfristige Fortschritte nur durch interne Kräfte her- -programmen berücksichtigt. vorgebracht werden können, sollte ein Ansatz verfolgt werden, der auf einem politischen und strategischen –– Öffentliche Verwaltung für bessere Dienstleis- Dialog mit allen Beteiligten beruht. Der Umfang und tungen. Die EU sollte nationale Programme die Zusammenstellung der Hilfsmaßnahmen hängt von zur Verbesserung der Politikformulierung, der der jeweiligen Situation des Landes und unter anderem Verwaltung der öffentlichen Finanzen einschließlich auch von ihrer Fähigkeit zur Durchführung von Refor- der Schaffung bzw. Stärkung von Einrichtungen men ab.

57 KOM(2011) 638. 56 2006/C 46/01. 58 SEK (2010) 265 endgültig. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

für Rechnungsprüfung, Kontrolle und Betrugs- 3. Breitenwirksames und bekämpfung sowie entsprechender Maßnahmen, des Institutionenaufbaus und der Verwaltung der nachhaltiges Wachstum für Humanressourcen unterstützen. Nationale Reform- die menschliche Entwicklung politik und armenfreundliche Steuerpolitik sind von entscheidender Bedeutung. Ein breitenwirksames und nachhaltiges Wirtschafts- –– Steuerpolitik und Verwaltung. Im Einklang mit wachstum ist von entscheidender Bedeutung für eine dem EU-Grundsatz der Förderung verantwortungs- langfristige Minderung der Armut. Das bedeutet, dass voller Staatsführung im Steuerbereich und parallel die Verteilung des Wachstums ebenso wichtig ist wie die zu internationalen Initiativen und zur landes- Wachstumsrate. Deshalb sollte die EU ein breitenwirk- spezifischen Berichterstattung zur Erhöhung der sames Wachstum fördern, bei dem die Menschen am Finanztransparenz wird sich die EU über ihre Län- Wohlstand und an der Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen derprogramme weiterhin für faire und transparente teilhaben und davon profitieren. Die Förderung men- Steuersysteme einsetzen. schenwürdiger Beschäftigung – von der Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen über den Schutz der Rechte am Arbeits- –– Korruption. Die EU sollte ihre Partnerländer durch platz und soziale Sicherheit bis hin zum sozialen Dialog Governance-Programme, mit denen Informations- – ist von zentraler Bedeutung. und Sensibilisierungskampagnen sowie Berichter- stattung gefördert und die Kapazitäten von Kontroll- Die Entwicklung ist nicht als nachhaltig anzusehen, 532 und Aufsichtsgremien sowie der Justiz erhöht werden, wenn dabei die Umwelt, die Artenvielfalt oder die na- bei der Korruptionsbekämpfung unterstützen. türlichen Ressourcen beeinträchtigt werden oder die –– Zivilgesellschaft und lokale Behörden. Gestützt auf Bedrohung durch bzw. die Anfälligkeit für Naturkata- den „strukturierten Dialog“59, sollte die EU durch strophen steigt. Die EU-Entwicklungspolitik sollte eine regelmäßigen Dialog und die Nutzung bewährter umweltverträgliche Wirtschaft fördern, die durch Wert- Praktiken ihre Verbindungen zu Organisationen der schätzung für und Investitionen in Naturkapital Wachs- Zivilgesellschaft, Sozialpartnern und lokalen Behör- tum und Arbeitsplätze schafft und zur Armutsminde- den stärken. Sie sollte die Entstehung und Entwick- rung beiträgt61, indem unter anderem die Marktchancen lung lokaler Organisationen der Zivilgesellschaft für umweltverträglichere Technologien, Energie- und unterstützen, die im Dialog mit den nationalen Re- Ressourceneffizienz, emissionsarme Entwicklung, Inno- gierungen als Wächter und Partner fungieren können. vation, die Nutzung der IKT und die Verringerung der Die EU sollte Möglichkeiten zur Inanspruchnahme nichtnachhaltigen Nutzung natürlicher Ressourcen ge- der Sachkenntnis lokaler Behörden, etwa über Exzel- fördert werden. Sie sollte außerdem dazu beitragen, dass lenznetze oder Twinning-Maßnahmen, ausloten. die Entwicklungsländer besser für die Folgen des Klima- wandels gewappnet werden. –– Natürliche Ressourcen. Die EU sollte Aufsichtspro- zesse und -einrichtungen stärker unterstützen und Öffentliche Akteure sollten Partnerschaften mit Privat- sich weiterhin für Governance-Reformen einsetzen, unternehmen, lokalen Gemeinschaften und der Zivilge- die eine nachhaltige und transparente Verwal- sellschaft schmieden. Soziale Verantwortung von Unter- tung der natürlichen Ressourcen, einschließlich nehmen auf internationaler und nationaler Ebene kann Rohstoffen und Meeresressourcen, und Ökosystem- einen „Unterbietungswettbewerb“ bei Menschenrechten dienstleistungen fördern, wobei insbesondere die und internationalen Sozial- und Umweltstandards ver- Abhängigkeit armer Menschen, vor allem Kleinbau- hindern und im Einklang mit international anerkannten ern, von diesen zu berücksichtigen ist. Instrumenten zu verantwortungsbewussten Geschäfts- –– Zusammenhang zwischen Entwicklung und praktiken beitragen. Sicherheit. Die EU sollte dafür sorgen, dass ihre Ziele in der Entwicklungspolitik sowie in Bezug auf Die EU sollte sich bei der Förderung von breitenwirk- Friedenskonsolidierung, Konfliktprävention und samem und nachhaltigem Wachstum konzentrieren auf: internationale Sicherheit (einschließlich Cybersi- cherheit) kohärent sind. Sie sollte den geforderten –– diejenigen Bereiche, die die Grundlage für das Aktionsplan über Sicherheit, Fragilität und Ent- Wirtschaftswachstum bilden und für dessen Brei- wicklung60 fertig stellen und umsetzen. tenwirksamkeit sorgen, insbesondere Sozialschutz, Gesundheit und Bildung; 59 http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/who/partners/civil-society/ structured-dialogue_en.htm. 60 Schlussfolgerungen des Rates 14919/07 und 15118/07. 61 KOM(2011) 363 endg. ��

–– die Voraussetzungen für ein breitenwirksames und 3.2. Geschäftsumfeld, regionale nachhaltiges Wachstum, vor allem ein günsti- Integration und Weltmärkte geres Geschäftsumfeld und größere regionale Integration; Ein gutes Geschäftsumfeld ist eine Voraussetzung für –– diejenigen Bereiche, die für die Wirtschaft der Wirtschaftswachstum. Die EU sollte die Entwicklung Entwicklungsländer von zentraler Bedeutung sind einer wettbewerbsfähigen lokalen Privatwirtschaft un- und zum Umweltschutz, zum Klimaschutz und zur terstützen, und zwar unter anderem durch den Aufbau Anpassung an den Klimawandel beitragen, insbe- der Kapazitäten örtlicher Einrichtungen und Unterneh- sondere nachhaltige Landwirtschaft und Energie. men, die Förderung von KMU und Genossenschaften, die Unterstützung von Reformen des Gesetzes- und Re- 3.1. Sozialschutz, Gesundheit, Bildung gelungsrahmens und deren Umsetzung (unter anderem und Arbeitsplätze für die Nutzung elektronischer Kommunikationsmittel als Instrument zur Wachstumsförderung in allen Sekto- Die EU sollte eine umfassendere Strategie für die ren), die Erleichterung des Zugangs zu Wirtschafts- und menschliche Entwicklung verfolgen. Dazu gehören Finanzdiensten und die Förderung von Agrar-, Industrie- neben der Förderung der Gesundheit und der Bildung und Innovationspolitik. Dies wird die Entwicklungslän- der Bevölkerung, damit die Arbeitskräfte mit den Fähig- der, und vor allem die ärmsten unter ihnen, in die Lage keiten ausgestattet werden, die am Arbeitsmarkt gefragt versetzen, die Chancen global integrierter Märkte zu sind, auch die Entwicklung des sozialen Schutzes und die nutzen. Diese Bemühungen müssen durch eine bessere 533 Verringerung von Chancenungleichheit. und gezieltere Handelshilfe und Handelsliberalisierung flankiert werden. Die EU sollte sektorale Reformen unterstützen, die den Zugang zu guter Gesundheitsversorgung und Bildung Ebenfalls von entscheidender Bedeutung für den Erfolg verbessern und die Fähigkeiten zur Bewältigung globa- der Entwicklungsländer ist neben der Anziehung und ler Herausforderungen auf lokaler Ebene stärken. Die Aufrechterhaltung erheblicher privater Investitionen aus EU sollte die ihr zur Verfügung stehenden Instrumente dem In- und Ausland auch die Verbesserung der Infra- nutzen, insbesondere die „Sektorreformverträge“, die an struktur. Die EU sollte neue Wege für die Zusammen- einen verstärkten Politikdialog geknüpft sind. arbeit mit der Privatwirtschaft beschreiten, um dafür zu sorgen, dass die Ressourcen der Privatwirtschaft für die Die EU sollte Maßnahmen ergreifen, um den Auf- und Bereitstellung öffentlicher Güter mobilisiert werden. Sie Ausbau von Gesundheitssystemen zu fördern, Ungleich- sollte Vorab-Zuschuss- und Risikoteilungsmechanismen heiten beim Zugang zur Gesundheitsversorgung zu be- erproben, um öffentlich-private Partnerschaften und pri- kämpfen, die Politikkohärenz zu fördern und den Schutz vate Investitionen zu fördern. Die EU sollte nur dann in vor weltweiten Gesundheitsgefahren zu erhöhen, um so die Infrastruktur investieren, wenn die Privatwirtschaft die Gesundheitssituation für alle zu verbessern. zu kommerziellen Bedingungen nicht dazu in der Lage ist. Die EU sollte eine qualitativ hochstehende Bildung noch stärker unterstützen, damit junge Menschen mit Gestützt auf den Erfolg etwa der europäischen Investiti- dem Wissen und den Fähigkeiten ausgestattet werden, onsfazilitäten oder des EU-Infrastruktur-Treuhandfonds die sie als aktive Mitglieder einer sich entwickelnden Ge- für Afrika, wird sie Mischfinanzierungsmechanismen sellschaft benötigen. Außerdem sollte die EU im Wege weiterentwickeln, damit mehr Mittel zur Förderung von Kapazitätenaufbau und Wissensaustausch sowohl der Entwicklung zur Verfügung stehen. In ausgewählte die berufliche Bildung als Mittel zur Förderung derBe - Bereiche und Länder sollte über bestehende oder neue schäftigungsfähigkeit als auch die Fähigkeit zur Durch- Finanzinstrumente, die Zuschüsse und Darlehen ver- führung von Forschung und zur Nutzung von deren Er- binden, oder andere Risikoteilungsmechanismen ein gebnissen fördern. höherer Anteil der EU-Entwicklungsgelder fließen, um durch Hebelwirkung zusätzliche Mittel zu mobilisieren und so eine größere Wirkung zu erzielen. Die EU sollte die Schaffung menschenwürdiger Arbeit, Dies sollte mit den Aufbau von Sozialschutzsystemen und –sockeln so- der Unterstützung einer EU-Plattform für Zusammenar- wie die Umsetzung von Strategien zur Förderung regio- beit und Entwicklung erfolgen, an der die Kommission, naler Arbeitskräftemobilität unterstützen. Die EU wird die Mitgliedstaaten und die europäischen Finanzinstitu- gezielte Bemühungen um die vollständige Nutzung der tionen mitwirken. Wechselwirkungen zwischen Migration, Mobilität und Beschäftigung unterstützen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Regionale Entwicklung und Integration können Han- In beiden Sektoren sollte die EU Kapazitätenaufbau und del und Investitionen beleben und zu Frieden und Stabi- Technologietransfer unterstützen, unter anderem auch lität beitragen. Die EU sollte regionale und kontinentale im Rahmen von Strategien zum Klimaschutz und zur Integrationsbemühungen (einschließlich Süd-Süd-Ini- Anpassung an den Klimawandel. tiativen) über Strategien der Partner etwa in Bezug auf Märkte, Infrastruktur sowie grenzübergreifende Zusam- Die EU strebt langfristige Partnerschaften mit den menarbeit bei Wasser, Energie und Sicherheit unter- Entwicklungsländern an, die auf gegenseitiger Rechen- stützen. Unterstützung wird auch bei der Überwindung schaftspflicht beruhen. mangelnder Wettbewerbsfähigkeit angeboten werden, und zwar im Rahmen der erheblichen und wachsenden EU-Handelshilfe, der Wirtschaftspartnerschaftsab- 4. Differenzierte kommen und der sonstigen Freihandelsabkommen mit Entwicklungsregionen. Entwicklungspartnerschaften

3.3. Nachhaltige Landwirtschaft und Die EU sollte ihre Mittel auf Bereiche Energie konzentrieren, in denen sie am dringendsten zur Armutsminderung benötigt werden und die größte Wirkung erzielen Die EU-Unterstützung in den Bereichen Landwirtschaft und Energie sollte dazu beitragen, dass die Entwick- Bei der geografisch ausgerichteten Zusammenarbeit mit 534 lungsländer besser für Schocks (wie Rohstoff- oder Ange- weiter fortgeschrittenen Entwicklungsländern, die sich botsknappheit oder Preisvolatilität) gewappnet sind, und bereits auf einem soliden Wachstumspfad befinden und/ so die Voraussetzungen für ein nachhaltiges Wachstum oder in der Lage sind, genügend Eigenmittel zu erwirt- schaffen. Die EU sollte Ungleichheiten begegnen, indem schaften, sollte nicht auf Hilfe in Form von Zuschüssen beispielsweise arme Menschen besseren Zugang zu Land, zurückgegriffen werden. Viele andere Länder hingegen Nahrungsmitteln, Trinkwasser und Energie erhalten, sind nach wie vor stark von Hilfe von außen angewie- ohne dass dadurch die Umwelt beeinträchtigt wird. sen, um ihren Bürgern grundlegende Dienste bereitstellen zu können. Dazwischen gibt es ein breites Spektrum Im Landwirtschaftssektor sollte die EU nachhaltige an Situationen, die einen unterschiedlichen Policymix Praktiken, einschließlich des Schutzes von Ökosystem- und unterschiedliche Kooperationsregelungen erfordern. leistungen, fördern und dabei insbesondere vor Ort Deshalb ist eine differenzierte Herangehensweise der entwickelte Praktiken berücksichtigen. Dabei sollte den EU in Bezug auf Hilfezuweisung und Partnerschaften Kleinbetrieben und ländlichen Existenzgrundlagen, der von zentraler Bedeutung, wenn es darum geht, bei einem Bildung von Erzeugergemeinschaften, der Liefer- und möglichst günstigen Kosten-Nutzen-Verhältnis größt- Vermarktungskette sowie den Bemühungen der Regie- mögliche Wirkung zu erzielen. rung zur Förderung verantwortungsbewusster privater Investitionen ein besonderes Augenmerk gelten. Die EU Die EU sollte die Entwicklung der Länder in ihrer un- wird sich weiterhin um eine Stärkung der Ernährungs- mittelbaren Nachbarschaft63 und in Sub-Sahara-Afri- standards, eine Verbesserung der politischen Maßnah- ka64 auch weiterhin besonders fördern. Sie sollte in allen men zur Ernährungssicherung und eine Verringerung Regionen den bedürftigsten Ländern, auch fragilen Staa- der Volatilität der Nahrungsmittelpreise auf internatio- ten, mehr Mittel bereitstellen als bisher. naler Ebene bemühen. Konkret sollte die EU-Entwicklungshilfe auf der Grund- Im Energiesektor sollte die EU Technologie, Know- lage folgender Kriterien gewährt werden: how und Entwicklungsgelder bereitstellen und sich auf folgende drei Hauptherausforderungen konzentrieren: –– Bedarf des Empfängerlandes: zu ermitteln anhand Preisvolatilität und Energiesicherheit; Klimawandel ein- mehrerer Indikatoren unter Berücksichtigung unter schließlich des Zugangs zu emissionsarmen Technologi- anderem der wirtschaftlichen und sozialen/menschen; Zugang zu sicherer, bezahlbarer, umweltverträglicher lichen Entwicklung, der Stabilität des Wirtschafts- und nachhaltiger Energie62. wachstums sowie der Anfälligkeit und Fragilität. –– Kapazitäten: zu ermitteln anhand der Fähigkeit des Landes, ausreichende Finanzmittel, insbesondere

62 Unter Berücksichtigung laufender Initiativen wie der Hochrangigen Gruppe „Nachhaltige Energie für alle“ der 63 KOM(2011) 303. Vereinten Nationen 64 Unter anderem über die gemeinsame Strategie Afrika-EU. ��

inländische Mittel, zu mobilisieren, sowie der Durch eine derartige landesspezifische Entscheidungsfin- Verfügbarkeit anderer Finanzquellen wie der dung könnte die EU flexibel auf unerwartete Ereignisse internationalen Märkte, privater Investitionen und wie Natur- oder vom Menschen verursachte Katastro- natürlicher Ressourcen. Auch die Absorptionsfähig- phen reagieren. keit sollte berücksichtigt werden. –– Verpflichtungen und Leistungen des Empfänger- landes: als positiv zu verbuchen sind Investitionen 5. Koordiniertes Handeln der EU des Landes in Bildung, Gesundheit und Sozial- schutz, Fortschritte in den Bereichen Umwelt, Trotz der in der jüngeren Vergangenheit unternomme- Demokratie und verantwortungsvolle Staatsführung nen erheblichen Anstrengungen zur Koordinierung und sowie die Solidität der Wirtschafts- und Fiskalpoli- Harmonisierung der Gebermaßnahmen ist weiterhin tik einschließlich der Finanzverwaltung. eine Fragmentierung der Hilfe festzustellen, die mitunter sogar zunimmt. Die EU muss, wie im Vertrag von –– Zu erwartende Wirkung der EU-Hilfe: zu ermit- Lissabon vorgesehen, eine aktivere Führungsrolle ein- teln anhand zweier Querschnittsziele: nehmen und Vorschläge zur Steigerung der Wirksamkeit 1) Steigerung des Beitrags der EU-Hilfe zur För- der europäischen Entwicklungshilfe vorlegen. derung und Unterstützung politischer, wirtschaftlicher, sozialer und umweltpolitischer Durch eine gemeinsame Programmierung der von der EU und den Mitgliedstaaten bereitgestellten Hilfe Reformen in den Partnerländern; 535 könnte der Fragmentierung begegnet und dafür gesorgt 2) Steigerung der Hebelwirkung, die die EU-Hil- werden, dass die Wirkung im Verhältnis zu den einge- fe auf andere Finanzquellen für Entwick- setzten Mitteln steigt. Dadurch würde zugleich die Pro- lungshilfe haben könnte, insbesondere private grammierung, die größtenteils vor Ort erfolgen sollte, Investitionen. vereinfacht und beschleunigt.

Die EU sollte auf der Grundlage eines umfassenden po- Wenn das Partnerland eine eigene Strategie formuliert litischen und strategischen Dialogs mit allen Partnerlän- hat, sollte diese unterstützt werden, indem die EU und gemeinsame dern die am besten geeignete Form der Zusammenarbeit die Mitgliedstaaten wo immer möglich Mehrjahresprogrammierungsdokumente festlegen. Auf diese Weise können, aufbauend auf den erarbeiten. eigenen Erfahrungen der EU bei der Gestaltung von Hat das Partnerland keine eigene Strategie entwickelt, so Übergangsprozessen, fundierte und objektive Entschei- werden die EU und die Mitgliedstaaten die Erarbeitung dungen über den wirksamsten Policymix, den Umfang einer gemeinsamen Strategie anstreben. der Hilfe, die Hilfemodalitäten und die Nutzung neuer oder bestehender Finanzinstrumente getroffen werden. Dadurch würde stets nur ein einziges gemeinsames Pro- grammierungsdokument vorliegen, in dem die sektorale Arbeitsteilung Bei einigen Ländern kann dies dazu führen, dass sie und die Mittelzuweisungen nach Sektor künftig weniger oder überhaupt keine EU-Entwick- und Geber festgehalten sind. Auf dieses Dokument soll- lungshilfe-Zuschüsse mehr erhalten und im Rahmen ei- ten sich die EU und die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Ausar- ner anders gearteten Entwicklungsbeziehung Darlehen, beitung ihrer bilateralen Durchführungspläne stützen. technische Hilfe oder Unterstützung für trilaterale Zu- Die Teilnahme an dieser Zusammenarbeit sollte auch sammenarbeit erhalten. Drittstaaten-Gebern offenstehen, die sich an der Hilfe in einem bestimmten Land beteiligen wollen. In fragilen Situationen sollte auf besondere Unterstüt- zungsformen zurückgegriffen werden, um Stabilisierung Um die Eigenverantwortung der Partnerländer zu erhö- sollte die gemeinsame Programmierung zeitlich und Wiederaufbau zu ermöglichen, insbesondere durch hen, auf deren Strategiezyklus abgestimmt werden enge Abstimmung mit der internationalen Gemeinschaft , sofern und angemessene Flankierung durch humanitäre Maß- das möglich ist. nahmen. Ziel sollte eine möglichst große Eigenverant- wortung des Landes sowohl auf staatlicher als auch auf Auf der operativen Ebene sollten die EU und die Mit- lokaler Ebene sein, um Stabilität zu gewährleisten und gliedstaaten auf Modalitäten zurückgreifen, die ge- rasch die Grundbedürfnisse zu decken und zugleich ver- meinsame Maßnahmen ermöglichen, wie Budgethilfe antwortungsvolle Staatsführung, Kapazitätenaufbau und (im Rahmen eines einzigen „Vertrags“ mit der EU), Wirtschaftswachstum zu fördern, wobei der Staatsaufbau EU-Treuhandfonds und delegierte Zusammenarbeit. stets im Mittelpunkt stehen sollte. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Was die länderübergreifende Arbeitsteilung betrifft, Die EU muss ihre kohärente Herangehensweise in Be- so ruft die Kommission alle Mitgliedstaaten auf, die zug auf Sicherheit und Armut stärken und dabei wenn Aufnahme bzw. Beendigung ihrer Beteiligung an der nötig die Rechtsgrundlagen und Verfahren anpassen. Arbeitsteilung klarer zu kommunizieren, wie dies im Die EU-Initiativen für die Entwicklungs- sowie die EU-Verhaltenskodex für Arbeitsteilung65 vorgesehen ist. Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik sollten miteinander ver- Es bedarf einer koordinierten Herangehensweise ein- knüpft werden, um einen kohärenteren Ansatz in Bezug schließlich eines Koordinationsmechanismus für lände- auf Frieden, Staatsaufbau, Armutsbekämpfung und die rübergreifende Arbeitsteilung. Beseitigung von Konfliktursachen zu erreichen. Die EU bemüht sich darum, den Übergang von humanitärer und Die EU sollte einen gemeinsamen Rahmen für die Krisenhilfe zu langfristiger Entwicklungszusammenar- Messung und Mitteilung der Ergebnisse der Entwick- beit reibungslos zu gestalten. lungspolitik erstellen, auch im Bereich breitenwirksames und nachhaltiges Wachstum. Die EU wird im Einklang Was den Zusammenhang zwischen Entwicklung mit dem Operativen Rahmen für die Wirksamkeit der und Migration betrifft, so sollte die EU den Entwick- Entwicklungshilfe66 mit den Partnerländern an umfas- lungsländern helfen, ihre Strategien, Kapazitäten und senden Ansätzen für inländische und gegenseitige Re- Maßnahmen hinsichtlich Migration und Mobilität zu chenschaftslegung sowie Transparenz arbeiten, unter verbessern, damit aus der wachsenden regionalen und anderem durch Aufbau der dafür benötigten Kapazitäten weltweiten Mobilität der Menschen der größtmögliche im Bereich Statistik. Nutzen für die Entwicklung gezogen werden kann. 536 Für die Wirksamkeit und die Rechenschaftslegung in Be- zug auf Entwicklungshilfe ist Transparenz von zentraler 7. Umsetzung der Agenda für Bedeutung. Die Kommission hat die internationale In- itiative zur Förderung der Transparenz der Hilfe bereits den Wandel umgesetzt und gehört schon heute zu den Gebern mit der höchsten Transparenz. Ihre diesbezüglichen Bemü- Die Kommission ersucht den Rat, die vorgeschlagene hungen sollte sie gemeinsam mit den Mitgliedstaaten Agenda für den Wandel anzunehmen, die darauf abzielt, fortsetzen. –– die EU für die kommenden zehn Jahre mit einer wirkungsvollen Entwicklungspolitik und effizien- 6. Erhöhung der Kohärenz ten Verfahren auszustatten und ihr eine Führungs- rolle bei der Formulierung einer umfassenden zwischen den EU-Politiken internationalen Entwicklungsagenda bis zum Jahr 2015 und darüber hinaus zu verschaffen; Die EU hat bei der Agenda zur Politikkohärenz im –– die Veränderungen in den Partnerländern zu unter- Interesse der Entwicklung (Policy Coherence for De- stützen, die notwendig sind, um rascher Fortschrit- velopment – PCD) eine Vorreiterrolle inne und wird die te bei der Armutsminderung und der Verwirkli- Wirkung ihrer Strategien bei der Erreichung von Ent- chung der MDG zu erzielen. wicklungszielen weiterhin bewerten. Sie wird ihren auf Länderebene geführten PCD-Dialog vertiefen und sich Die Kommissionsdienststellen und der Europäische in weltweiten Foren weiterhin für PCD einsetzen, damit Auswärtige Dienst werden dafür sorgen, dass die in die- die ärmsten Länder in ihren Anstrengungen noch stärker ser Mitteilung dargelegten Grundsätze im Rahmen des unterstützt werden. laufenden Programmierungszeitraums schrittweise be- rücksichtigt werden und in die künftigen Programmie- Im Rahmen des nächsten mehrjährigen Finanzrahmens rungsdokumente sowie in die Vorschläge zu Struktur, sollte PCD gefördert werden. Globale Herausforderun- Rechtsgrundlage und Programmierung der künftigen gen sollten anhand thematischer Programme angegangen Finanzierungsinstrumente im Außenbereich einfließen. werden, die sowohl die Verzahnung der EU-Politiken mit der Entwicklungszusammenarbeit fördern als auch Auch die Mitgliedstaaten werden aufgefordert, diese zur Minderung der Armut beitragen sollen. Agenda umzusetzen.

65 9558/07. 66 18239/10. MASSNAHMEN FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLAMENT, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN RAT, DEN RAT, DIE EUROPÄISCHE ZENTRALBANK, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN WIRTSCHAFTS- UND SOZIALAUSSCHUSS? DIE EUROPÄISCHE INVESTITIONSBANK UND DEN AUSSCHUSS DER REGIONEN BRÜSSEL, DEN 30.5.2012 COM(2012) 299

1. Einleitung Fahrplans für Stabilität und Wachstum67 wurde Folgen- des beschlossen: 537 Die Krise, von der heute so viele Länder Europas betroffen sind, hat das Vertrauen darauf erschüttert, dass Eu- • Massive Förderung von Stabilitäts- und Wachs- ropa politisch und wirtschaftlich in der Lage ist, die im tumsmaßnahmen, damit die EU zu nachhaltigem EU-Vertrag als ehrgeiziges Ziel verankerte „nachhaltige Wachstum und einer hohen Beschäftigungsquote Entwicklung… auf der Grundlage eines ausgewogenen zurückfindet. Wirtschaftswachstums“ zu erreichen. Viele EU-Bürger • Einführung einer solideren und integrierten wirt- sind verärgert und fassungslos darüber, wie schnell eine schaftspolitischen Steuerung, so dass Ungleichgewich- lange Wachstumsperiode, die zu einer Anhebung des te früher erkannt und korrigiert werden. Dabei soll- Lebensstandards geführt hat, in eine massive Finanz- ten die politischen Maßnahmen der Mitgliedstaaten krise mit erheblichen Arbeitsplatzverlusten und einem stärker unter EU-Aufsicht stehen, um dem Umstand voraussichtlich noch viele Jahre währenden hohen Ver- Rechnung zu tragen, dass Stärke und Wohlstand schuldungsniveau umgeschlagen ist. Die Schulden, Defi- jedes Mitgliedstaats an die Situation in allen anderen zite und Ungleichgewichte, denen sich die EU heute ge- Mitgliedstaaten geknüpft ist. genübersieht, sind nicht von einem Tag auf den anderen entstanden. Sie sind das Ergebnis einer jahrelangen Ent- • Stärkung des Bankensystems, indem die Banken wicklung und haben weitreichende soziale Folgen. Sie angehalten werden, ihre Verschuldung vollkommen stellen die nationalen Regierungen und die EU auf eine offenzulegen, zweifelhafte Forderungen abzuschreiben harte Bewährungsprobe. Teils wurden die gegenwärtigen und ihre Geschäftsmodelle so neu auszurichten, dass Schwierigkeiten über die weltweite Finanzkrise von au- sie in der Lage sind, Unternehmen und Privat- ßen in die EU eingeschleppt, teils sind sie hausgemacht. haushalten künftig Kredite zu gewähren, ohne dass Entscheidend ist, dass wir ihnen nun konsequent und Rettungsmaßnahmen auf Kosten der Steuerzahler wirksam entgegentreten. erforderlich werden. • Zwei umfangreiche Finanzhilfepakete sowie intensive Die Finanz- und Wirtschaftskrise hat deutlich gemacht, Unterstützung für ein wachstumsorientiertes Pro- wie sehr zum einen alle EU-Volkswirtschaften und zum gramm zur Wiederbelebung der Wirtschaft als ent- anderen die EU- und die Weltwirtschaft voneinander ab- schlossene Reaktion auf die Probleme Griechenlands. hängen. Sie hat zudem erhebliche Lücken, Mängel und Ungleichgewichte in der Politik auf globaler, EU- und • Erweiterung der Rettungsschirme für das Euro-Wäh- nationaler Ebene offenbart. Seit Ausbruch der Krise sind rungsgebiet, indem neue Möglichkeiten geschaf- die EU und ihre Mitgliedstaaten mit der Überarbeitung fen werden, hochverschuldete Mitgliedstaaten zu des EU-Wirtschaftsmodells und der Wiederherstellung unterstützen, während diese ihre Haushalte sanieren, ihrer Wettbewerbsfähigkeit befasst. Im Sinne des von der indem sie ihre Einnahmen und ihre Ausgaben in Kommission im Oktober 2011 auf den Weg gebrachten Einklang bringen, damit sie künftig Sozialleistungen,

67 KOM(2011) 669. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

das Gesundheitswesen, die Renten, das Bildungswe- Anstrengungen der Mitgliedstaaten auf nationaler sen sowie die öffentliche Infrastruktur finanzieren Ebene und der Maßnahmen auf EU-Ebene – diese ge- können. meinsamen Anstrengungen gilt es in der Strategie „Eu- ropa 2020“ und in unseren neuen Steuerungsstrukturen Wir sind diesem Fahrplan gefolgt und haben dabei so- zu verankern. Einige wichtige Bestandteile dieser Wachs- lide, aber ungleichmäßige Fortschritte gemacht. Nach tumsinitiative sind bereits vorhanden – sie müssen nur der Abschwächung der Konjunktur, der Verringerung vollständig umgesetzt werden. Andere Elemente erfor- des seit 2007/2008 aufgelaufenen enormen Leistungs- dern Visionen, Mut und Führungsstärke zur Entfesse- bilanzdefizits, der Anpassung der Gehälter – steigende lung ihres Potenzials – doch angesichts der Herausfor- Löhne in „Überschussländern“, sinkende Löhne in „De- derungen, denen sich die EU heute gegenübersieht, ist fizitländern“ – sowie dem Einpendeln der Hauspreise mutiges und wirksames Vorgehen gefragt. in verschiedenen Mitgliedstaaten auf einem Niveau, das den gegebenen wirtschaftlichen Rahmenbedingun- In dieser Mitteilung schlägt die Kommission zahlreiche gen entspricht, gibt es eindeutige Anzeichen für die mögliche Bestandteile einer Wachstumsinitiative vor, die Wiederherstellung des Gleichgewichts in unserer Wirt- auf zwei sich gegenseitig verstärkenden Säulen beruht: schaft. Gestützt durch das neue wirtschaftspolitische Steuerungssystem der EU wird eine neue und gestärkte EU-Wirtschaft aus dem schmerzhaften Stabilisierungs- • einer EU-Säule, die auf der Stärke und auf Synergien und Reformprozess hervorgehen. der Zusammenarbeit auf EU-Ebene gründet, und 538 • einer Mitgliedstaatensäule, die auf der Freisetzung Dauerhaftes nachhaltiges Wachstum und höhere Le- des Wachstumspotenzials von Strukturreformen im bensstandards können nur auf der Grundlage gesunder Rahmen des Europäischen Semesters gründet. öffentlicher Finanzen, tiefgreifender Strukturreformen und gezielter Investitionen entstehen. Die damit ein- Nach der informellen Sitzung des Europäischen Rates hergehenden Herausforderungen lassen sich jedoch nur vom 23. Mai und im Vorfeld des im Juni tagenden Eu- dann bewältigen, wenn genügend Wachstum zur Unter- ropäischen Rates arbeitet die Kommission an allen mög- stützung dieses Prozesses vorhanden ist. Stabilität und lichen Elementen weiter, die zu mehr Wachstum und Wachstum widersprechen sich nicht, sie stellen vielmehr Wettbewerbsfähigkeit beitragen können. zwei Seiten derselben Medaille dar. Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen dem derzeitigen mangelnden Vertrauen in die Wirtschaft durch mutige Reformen entgegentreten, die 2. Die Aufgabe der EU bei der unsere zuletzt gesunkene Wettbewerbsfähigkeit wieder neuen Wachstumsinitiative steigern. Es ist höchste Zeit zu handeln, um die besorgniserregenden Unterschiede bei der Wettbewerbsfähig- Auf EU-Ebene wurde die Strategie „Europa 2020”68 keit innerhalb der EU und des Euro-Währungsgebiets verabschiedet, die auf ein intelligentes, nachhaltiges zu verringern. Obwohl die EU insgesamt ihren Anteil und integratives Wachstum in Europa abzielt. Dies ist am Welthandel behaupten konnte, müssen wir die ab- die Grundlage für eine neue Wachstumsinitiative. Den nehmende internationale Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und den Europa-2020-Zielen in den Bereichen Beschäftigung, Verlust von Marktanteilen, die der Leistungsbilanz etli- Energie, Bildung und Ausbildung, Forschung und Ar- cher Mitgliedstaaten abzulesen sind, angehen. mutsbekämpfung haben sämtliche Mitgliedstaaten zu- gestimmt. Sie weisen darauf hin, wie die Reformen in Die Menschen brauchen kurzfristig Hoffnung und Aus- Europa erfolgen sollten. Ihre Umsetzung wird zu ver- sichten auf eine bessere Zukunft. Ohne diese Aussichten besserter Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Konvergenz führen werden wir zunehmenden politischen und wirtschaftli- und das Wachstum in der EU beschleunigen. Durch ein chen Problemen bei der Durchführung der notwendigen stärkeres Bekenntnis zu unserem FuE-Ziel, 3 % des BIP Reformen gegenüberstehen, was den wirtschaftlichen in Forschung und Entwicklung zu investieren, könnten Aufschwung verzögern wird. Wir müssen Einigkeit er- 3,7 Mio. neue Arbeitsplätze geschaffen und das BIP der zielen und Vertrauen schaffen hinsichtlich der bevorste- EU bis 2020 um 800 Mrd. EUR gesteigert werden. Das henden notwendigen Änderungen und Entscheidungen. Erreichen unserer Klima- und Energieziele bis 2020 In diesem Dialog kommt den Sozialpartnern eine ent- würde bis zu 5 Mio. zusätzliche Arbeitsplätze schaffen, scheidende Rolle zu. die Energieversorgungssicherheit in Europa steigern und zur Einhaltung unserer Verpflichtungen bei der Bekämp- Deswegen muss die EU in ihrer Gesamtstrategie dem fung des Klimawandels beitragen. Könnten mindestens Wachstumsaspekt mehr Gewicht einräumen. Die Grundlage dafür bildet die Zusammenführung der 68 KOM(2010) 2020. MASSNAHMEN FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG

20 Mio. Menschen der Armut entrissen werden, würde • Wir haben bedeutende Fortschritte bei der Erwei- dies nicht nur ihre Lebensverhältnisse verbessern, son- terung unserer Rettungsschirme erzielt. Am 1. Juli dern auch mit wirtschaftlichen Vorteilen für die Gesell- 2012 – und damit ein Jahr schneller als vorgesehen schaft insgesamt einhergehen. Aus diesen Zahlen geht – soll der Europäische Stabilitätsmechanismus als hervor, dass es möglich ist, europaweit neue Arbeitsplätze ständiger Mechanismus für das Finanzkrisenma- und Marktchancen zu schaffen, die Arbeitslosenquote er- nagement im Euro-Währungsgebiet in Kraft treten. heblich zu senken und unseren Bürgern eine bessere und Europäischer Stabilitätsmechanismus (ESM), grünere Zukunft zu bieten. Europäischer Finanzstabilisierungsmechanismus (EFSM) und sonstige Mittel zur Krisenfinanzierung 2.1. Erschließung des bieten uns nun zusammen eine Darlehenskapazität Wachstumspotenzials der von insgesamt 800 Mrd. EUR. Gemeinsam mit den unlängst bewilligten IWF-Mitteln leisten die europä- Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion ischen Rettungsschirme einen wesentlichen Beitrag zu globalen Sicherheitsnetzen für die Finanzwirt- In den vergangenen Jahren wurde vieles für die Ein- schaft. Entscheidend ist jedoch auch, wie wir unsere führung starker wirtschaftlicher Aufsichtsmechanismen Rettungsschirme einsetzen. Für diejenigen, die den getan, die zur Stützung unserer Wirtschafts- und Wäh- Fiskalpakt ratifizieren, enthält der Europäische Sta- rungsunion benötigt werden. Politische Wirksamkeit bilitätsmechanismus eine Reihe neuer Instrumente, und das Vertrauen auf den Märkten werden davon ab- die die EU in die Lage versetzen werden, wirksam auf hängen, wie die EU und ihre Mitgliedstaaten dieses neue Krisensituationen zu reagieren. Dabei sind Flexibilität 539 System umsetzen. Auf lange Sicht bedarf es zur Vollen- und rasches Intervenieren besonders wichtig. dung unserer Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion einer vertieften Integration. Eine starke EU braucht eine sta- • Ein gestärkter EU-Bankensektor: Ein Zusammen- bile Währung. Von dieser profitieren sämtliche Mitglied- bruch der Finanzmärkte konnte abgewendet werden staaten, auch diejenigen, die nicht zum Euro-Währungs- und die Aufsicht über den Finanzsektor wurde grund- gebiet gehören. Das Vertrauen in den Euro entscheidet legend überholt. Grenzübergreifend operierende Ban- darüber, ob Europa zu günstigen Zinssätzen Anleihen ken werden nun von Aufsichtskollegien kontrolliert, am Kapitalmarkt aufnehmen und diese aus einer starken und es wurden drei neue EU-Aufsichtsbehörden ein- Wirtschaft heraus zurückzahlen kann. gerichtet. Zudem wurde der Europäische Ausschuss für Systemrisiken (ESRB) als EU-Aufsichtsinstanz • Der verschärfte Stabilitäts- und Wachstumspakt auf Makroebene geschaffen. Die Rekapitalisierung bringt der EU die auf Regeln beruhenden starken Po- bestimmter Banken muss noch im Rahmen der jetzt litikinstrumente, die sie zur Gewährleistung gesunder von der Europäischen Bankenaufsichtsbehörde koor- öffentlicher Finanzen braucht. Die meisten Mitglied- dinierten Strategie vollendet werden. Obwohl einige staaten müssen nun vorrangig ihre enormen Defizite Banken die während der Krise erhaltenen öffentlichen abbauen. Abgesehen von dem jüngst vorgeschlagenen Darlehen bereits zurückzahlen, hatte der Steuerzahler „Doppelpaket“ besteht keine unmittelbare Notwen- erhebliche Kosten zu tragen. Um sicherzustellen, digkeit, die kürzlich vereinbarten Regeln zu ändern. dass der Privatsektor bei zukünftigen Rettungsmaß- Die bestehenden Regeln gewähren einen Spielraum nahmen seinen gebührenden Beitrag leistet, wird die zur Beurteilung und zur Differenzierung zwischen Kommission im Juni einen gemeinsamen gesetzgebe- Mitgliedstaaten nach deren haushaltspolitischen rischen Rahmen für die Sanierung und Rettung von Möglichkeiten und makroökonomischen Bedingun- Banken und Investmentgesellschaften vorschlagen. gen und stellen die Nachhaltigkeit der öffentlichen Damit werden bei Bedarf Instrumente für die geord- Finanzen langfristig sicher. Entscheidend für die nete Rettung von angeschlagenen systemrelevanten Umsetzung der Regeln ist die Bewertung insbeson- Finanzinstituten bereitgestellt. dere der strukturellen haushaltspolitischen Maß- • Vertiefung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsuni- nahmen der Mitgliedstaaten. Die Kommission wird on: Wir müssen über den unmittelbaren Horizont überwachen, wie sich starke Haushaltszwänge auf hinaus blicken und der Frage nachgehen, wie die wachstumsfördernde öffentliche Ausgaben und auf Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion der EU auf lange öffentliche Investitionen auswirken. Gegebenenfalls Sicht aussehen soll. Die Kommission wird sich wird sie Hilfestellung dazu geben, wie der Spielraum für eine ambitionierte und strukturierte Lösung für mögliche Maßnahmen im Rahmen der Haus- einsetzen. Das derzeitige mangelnde Vertrauen in haltsregeln der EU und der Mitgliedstaaten genutzt das Euro-Währungsgebiet beeinträchtigt massiv die werden kann. In den kommenden Monaten wird sie Wachstumsperspektiven der EU. Solange es nicht einen Bericht über die Qualität öffentlicher Ausgaben gelingt, gravierende Unsicherheitsfaktoren – wie herausgeben, der sich mit diesen Fragen befasst. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

beispielsweise die Situation in Griechenland – in Kommission zufolge ließe sich das BIP in Ergänzung des den Griff zu bekommen, wird das für Investitionen aus der teilweisen Umsetzung der Richtlinie bereits er- und für die Schaffung neuer Arbeitsplätze benötigte reichten Zuwachses von 0,8 % um bis zu 1,8 % steigern, Vertrauen weiterhin ausbleiben. Ausgehend von dem wenn sämtliche Beschränkungen entfielen. Die Analyse bisher Erreichten müssen wir darlegen, welches die zeigt auch, dass sich der Abbau bzw. die Beseitigung der wichtigsten Schritte zu einer umfassenden Wirt- Hemmnisse positiv auf Handelsströme und ausländische schafts- und Währungsunion sind. Um dazu beizu- Direktinvestitionen sowie auf das Produktivitätsniveau tragen, dass das Vertrauen in das Euro-Währungsge- in jedem Mitgliedstaat auswirken würde. Zudem ließe biet und in unsere Fähigkeit zur Überwindung der sich so mehr Ausgewogenheit zwischen „Überschuss“- aktuellen Schwierigkeiten wiederhergestellt wird, und „Defizit“-Ländern herstellen. müssen wir unsere Entschlossenheit zur Fortsetzung des eingeschlagenen Kurses zeigen und müssen sich Noch im Lauf dieses Jahres wird die Kommission eine die Mitgliedstaaten politisch zum Euro bekennen. Binnenmarktakte II vorschlagen, mit der der Binnen- Hierzu bedarf es eines weitreichenden Prozesses, in markt in Schlüsselbereichen wie den digitalen und dem auch rechtliche Fragen berücksichtigt werden. netzgebundenen Wirtschaftszweigen, in denen die EU Dies muss auch einen politischen Prozess umfassen, derzeit noch nicht ausreichend leistungsfähig ist, voll- um weitere Integrationsschritte demokratisch zu endet werden soll. Wenn die EU erst einmal mit der legitimieren und zu rechtfertigen. Zu den wesentli- materiellen und virtuellen Infrastruktur ausgerüstet chen Bausteinen eines solchen Prozesses sollten unter ist, die sie zur Bewältigung der Herausforderungen des 540 anderem Schritte in Richtung einer Bankenunion mit 21. Jahrhunderts benötigt, können Wachstum freigesetzt einer Gesamtfinanzaufsicht und einem einheitlichen und Arbeitsplätze geschaffen werden. Neue Technologi- System zur Sicherung von Bankeinlagen gehören. Die en und Netze können die Überlastung des europäischen Kommission hat in ihrem Grünbuch vom Novem- Luft- und Straßenverkehrs verringern, zur Einrichtung ber 201169 bereits ihre Vorstellungen dazu bekannt intelligenter Stromversorgungsnetze beitragen, die sich gemacht, wie das Euro-Währungsgebiet gemeinsame aus erneuerbaren Energien speisen und Elektrofahrzeuge Schuldtitel herausgeben könnte. Tempo und Abfolge antreiben, und produktionsfördende Technologien per dieser Schritte, d. h. einen Fahrplan und ein Zeitplan, „Cloud Computing“ kostengünstig allen Unternehmen müssen noch genauer bestimmt werden, aber eine zur Verfügung stellen. Die EU muss in Grundlagen- frühzeitige Bestätigung der zu ergreifenden Schritte technologien wie Bio-, Nano- und Mikrotechnologie unterstreicht die Unumkehrbarkeit und die Stabilität investieren, um ihre künftige industrielle Wettbewerbs- des Euro. fähigkeit zu erhalten. Dies geht nur über die Entwick- lung neuer Waren und Dienstleistungen und über die 2.2. Erschließung des Potenzials des Umstrukturierung industrieller Verfahren zur Moderni- Binnenmarkts sierung der EU-Industrie.

Während der Binnenmarkt für Waren weitestgehend Die Kommission hat beharrlich darauf hingewiesen, wie funktioniert, trifft dies nicht auf den Binnenmarkt für wichtig es ist, grenzübergreifende Steuerhindernisse im Dienstleistungen oder Online-Dienste zu. EU-weites Binnenmarkt zu beseitigen. Fortschritte auf EU-Ebe- Wachstum lässt sich unter anderem durch eine bessere ne können Maßnahmen einzelner Mitgliedstaaten zur Ausschöpfung des Potenzials des Binnenmarkts am wirk- Einhaltung der jeweiligen Wachstumsstrategieziele samsten ankurbeln. Ein unmittelbarer Wachstumsschub stimulieren und dazu beitragen, einen soliden umfas- für innovative Unternehmen würde sich aus der überfäl- senden Rahmen für eine verbesserte Steuererhebung, ligen Annahme der Legislativvorschläge zum EU-Patent die Betrugsbekämpfung und die Gewährleistung fairer ergeben. Nach so vielen Jahren sollte nun eine Entschei- Wettbewerbsbedingungen zu schaffen. In diesem Kon- dung getroffen werden. text muss der Rat die Vorschläge der Kommission zu Zinserträgen und zu Mandaten für die Aushandlung Im Juni wird die Kommission Maßnahmen zur verbes- von Kooperationsabkommen mit Drittländern wieder serten Umsetzung der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie vor- aufgreifen. Im weiteren Jahresverlauf wird die Kommis- schlagen. In vielen Mitgliedstaaten bestehen nach wie sion eine Mitteilung veröffentlichen, in der Optionen vor Hemmnisse und Beschränkungen, die sie und andere für den Umgang mit Steuerparadiesen und aggressiver Mitgliedstaaten daran hindern, die Vorteile der Richt- Steuerplanung dargelegt werden. Nach Auffassung der linie in Bezug auf Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Wachs- Kommission muss die Bekämpfung von missbräuchli- tum in vollem Umfang zu nutzen. Einer Analyse der cher Steuerplanung mit Maßnahmen gegen Betrug einhergehen. Dies erfordert eingehende technische Arbeiten und ein klares politisches Bekenntnis, doch könnten sich 69 KOM(2011) 818 MASSNAHMEN FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG erhebliche Vorteile ergeben, nicht nur Mehreinnahmen Arbeitskräftemobilität ein. Außerdem ist sie bestrebt, betreffend, sondern auch in Bezug auf bessere und laute- den Bedarf an Arbeitskräften und Kompetenzen mit re Wettbewerbsbedingungen. dem Angebot auf dem Arbeitsmarkt in Einklang zu bringen. Noch viel mehr kann erreicht werden, indem Ein Paradebeispiel für das positive Ineinandergreifen von insbesondere durch die Sicherstellung der Übertragbar- Maßnahmen auf EU- und auf nationaler Ebene ist die keit von Rentenansprüchen und die Koordinierung von Energiesteuer. Hier würde der Vorschlag der Kommis- Sozialversicherungsleistungen rechtliche und praktische sion zu einer umstrukturierten Besteuerung der Ener- Hindernisse für die Freizügigkeit von Arbeitnehmern gie den Umstieg auf eine emissionsarme und Ressour- beseitigt werden und die Vermittlung von Arbeitsstellen cen schonende Wirtschaft begünstigen und gleichzeitig durch den Ausbau des EURES-Portals zu einem echten Verzerrungen verringern, die aus der unterschiedlichen europäischen Instrument für die Arbeitsvermittlung ver- Besteuerung vergleichbarer, demselben Zweck dienender bessert wird. Produkte resultiert. Durch eine verstärkte Steuerneutrali- tät sowie eine Vorzugsbehandlung umweltfreundlicherer 2.4. Erschließung externer Energiequellen ließen sich die EU-Ziele für die Vermin- Wachstumsquellen derung des CO2-Ausstoßes, für Energieeffizienz und erneuerbare Energie leichter erreichen. Während die Außenhandelsbilanz der EU insgesamt ausgeglichen ist, deutet die Länderanalyse der Kommis- 2.3. Erschließung des sion darauf hin, dass einige Mitgliedstaaten langfristig 541 Humankapitalpotenzials besorgniserregende Einbußen von Exportmarktanteilen hinnehmen müssen. Aus der Analyse geht jedoch auch In ihrem kürzlich vorgelegten Beschäftigungspaket hat hervor, dass die leistungsfähigsten Mitgliedstaaten ihr die Kommission konkrete Maßnahmen für eine be- Exportwachstum zur Ankurbelung ihrer Wirtschaft ge- schäftigungsintensive wirtschaftliche Erholung in der nutzt haben. Überdies werden zwei Drittel der EU-Ein- gesamten EU vorgeschlagen. Die auf die Erschließung fuhren gewinnbringend wiederausgeführt. Dies belegt, des Potenzials zur Schaffung von Arbeitsplätzen an- dass die EU nur davon profitieren kann, wenn sie ihre gelegten Maßnahmen in wichtigen Sektoren wie IKT Handels- und Investitionsbeziehungen mit wichtigen (Informations und Kommunikationstechnologien), Partnern intensiviert. Ein großer Teil des zukünfti- Gesundheitswesen und grüne Wirtschaft erfordern die gen globalen Wachstums wird von den aufstrebenden Zusammenarbeit von Kommission, Mitgliedstaaten, Wirtschaften mit ihrem hohen Wachstumspotenzial Sozialpartnern sowie öffentlichen und privaten Akteu- kommen. Die EU muss sich dieses Wachstum durch ren. Von der verstärkten Überwachung der nationalen den Abschluss bilateraler und regionaler Handels- und Beschäftigungspläne durch das von der Kommission Investitionsabkommen mit wichtigen Partnern zunutze vorgeschlagene Benchmarking und Scoreboard-Verfah- machen. Das jüngst in Kraft getretene Freihandelsab- ren werden weitere Impulse für beschäftigungsfördernde kommen zwischen der EU und Südkorea zeigt mit ei- Reformen ausgehen, zu denen auch die engere Verknüp- ner Steigerung der EU-Ausfuhren um 20 % im Laufe fung der länderspezifischen Empfehlungen mit der Zu- des Jahres 2011 bereits seine Vorteile. Die EU handelt teilung von Mitteln aus den Strukturfonds, insbesondere derzeit aktiv verschiedene weitere Freihandelsabkommen dem Europäischen Sozialfonds, beitragen dürfte, die die aus, denen weitere folgen sollen. Wenn sich die enormen Kommission für den kommenden Programmzeitraum Vorteile dieser Abkommen einstellen sollen, müssen wir (2014-2020) vorgeschlagen hat. die Verhandlungen und die Ratifizierung beschleunigen.

Angesichts von mehr als drei Millionen freien Stellen in 2.5. Erschließung des Potenzials der EU muss mehr in die Kompetenzverbesserung in- wachstumsorientierter EU- vestiert werden, um das Missverhältnis zwischen Qua- Finanzmittel zugunsten Europas lifikationsangebot und Qualifikationsnachfrage zu beseitigen. EU-Programme wie Erasmus und Leonardo Selbst in Zeiten einer strengen Haushaltskonsolidierung leisten einen maßgeblichen Beitrag, indem sie jungen besteht Bedarf an gezielten öffentlichen Ausgaben und Menschen helfen, in anderen Mitgliedstaaten zu studie- Investitionen. Die Kommission fördert wachstums- ren, sich dort ausbilden zu lassen und Berufserfahrung freundliche Konsolidierungsmaßnahmen und drängt zu sammeln. Zudem wird mit neuen EU-Instrumenten darauf, dass die Mitgliedstaaten ihre Ausgaben für For- wie dem Kompetenzpanorama und dem Qualifikations- schung, Bildung, nachhaltige Verwaltung natürlicher pass dafür gesorgt, dass in der EU erworbene Kompe- Ressourcen, Energie und Sozialleistungen nicht kappen. tenzen und Qualifikationen in allen Mitgliedstaaten Obwohl der EU-Haushalt mit nur 1 % des BIP der EU anerkannt werden. Die Kommission setzt sich für mehr DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

bescheiden ist, bietet er einen enormen Mehrwert und Beschäftigungsförderungsmaßnahmen, Ausbildung kann sich als Katalysator für ein europaweites Wachstum und die Forschung in den Mitgliedstaaten fließen. In erweisen. einigen EU-Mitgliedstaaten werden mehr als 50 % der gesamten Investitionen der öffentlichen Hand • Der mehrjährige Finanzrahmen 2014-2020: Die aus EU-Fonds kofinanziert. Indem die EU ihre Kommission hat für den nächsten Finanzierungszeit- Zahlungsverpflichtungen einhält, leistet sie einen raum Vorschläge für einen wachstums- und inves- maßgeblichen Beitrag zum Wirtschaftswachstum. titionsorientierten Haushalt für die EU vorgelegt. • Ausrichtung der Strukturfonds auf Wachstum und Die Vorschläge der Kommission verknüpfen die Konvergenz in den Jahren 2012-2013: Im Durch- länderspezifischen Empfehlungen für Strukturrefor- schnitt werden im Rahmen der EU-Kohäsionspolitik men mit EU-Haushaltshilfen, um Mitgliedstaaten 65 Mrd. EUR pro Jahr für wachstums und beschäfti- dabei zu unterstützen, die notwendigen Änderungen gungsfördernde Investitionen zur Verfügung gestellt. und Investitionen durchzuführen. Sie umfassen inno- Um der Krise besser begegnen zu können, wurde vative Ideen für die Finanzierung von Forschung und der Schwerpunkt auf Forschung und Innovation, Innovation sowie für den Zusammenschluss Europas Förderung von KMU und Arbeitsmarktmaßnah- in den Bereichen Verkehr, Energie und Breitbandver- men für benachteiligte Arbeitnehmer verlegt, wozu bindungen. Zu diesen Vorschlägen gehört auch eine 17 Mrd. EUR umverteilt wurden. Ferner wurde mehr modernere Agrarpolitik und eine bessere Entwicklung in die Infrastruktur und die Energieeffizienz investiert. des ländlichen Raums. Über 600 Mrd. EUR des von Diese Bemühungen werden fortgesetzt. In jüngster 542 der Kommission vorgeschlagenen Haushalts würden Zeit wurden über 7 Mrd. EUR auf ein Pilotprojekt der Finanzierung von Forschung, transeuropäischen umprogrammiert, mit dem gemeinsam gegen die Ju- Netzen, Investitionen in Humankapital, Kohäsi- gendarbeitslosigkeit vorgegangen wird und der Zugang onspolitik und Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums von KMU zu Fremdkapital erleichtert werden soll. dienen. Kombiniert mit der Hebelwirkung nationaler Kofinanzierung und dem Einsatz innovativer Finan- • Erhöhung des Kapitalstocks der Europäischen zinstrumente stellt dieser Betrag ein bedeutendes Investitionsbank (EIB): Um unter Berücksichtigung Budget für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und integrati- der Grundsätze solider Bankpraktiken weiterhin ves Wachstum dar. im jetzigen großen Umfang Kredite vergeben zu können (rund 65 Mrd. EUR jährlich), braucht die Die Kommission hat vorgeschlagen, bestimmte Infra- EIB mehr Grundkapital. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten Projektanleihen strukturvorhaben über zu finanzieren, dem Vorschlag der Kommission folgen und sich im wodurch die Zuschüsse aus dem EU-Haushalt gestreckt Rahmen einer neuen EU-Wachstumsinitiative auf würden. Durch Projektanleihen sollen Fremdkapital- die Erhöhung des Grundkapitals um 10 Mrd. EUR märkte als zusätzliche Finanzierungsquelle für Infra- einigen. Dadurch würde sich das Kreditvolumen strukturvorhaben und zur Stimulierung von Investitio- um bis zu 180 Mrd. EUR erhöhen. Die Mittel, die nen in strategisch wichtige EU-Infrastrukturprojekte für dann zusätzlich für Darlehen zur Verfügung stünden, den Verkehr, die Energieversorgung und das Breitband- sollten auf die einzelnen EU-Staaten, darunter netz genutzt werden. Indem die Kreditwürdigkeit der auch die wirtschaftlich schwächsten Länder, verteilt Projektanleihen privater Unternehmen verbessert wird, werden. Sie sollten in erster Linie für die Unterstüt- sollen institutionelle Kapitalanleger dazu bewegt werden, zung von KMU in Sektoren wie Energieeffizienz eine Finanzierung von wirtschaftlich aussichtsreichen und Renovierung von Gebäuden fließen, da so in Projekten mit stabilen und berechenbaren Cashflows der krisengeschüttelten Bauwirtschaft Arbeitsplätze . über den Kapitalmarkt in Betracht zu ziehen Zur Erpro- geschaffen werden können und die EU ihre klima bung dieses Ansatzes hat die Kommission für 2012-2013 und energiepolitischen Ziele leichter erreichen eine Pilotphase für Projektanleihen vorgeschlagen. Die kann. Wird eine solche Kapitalerhöhung vereinbart, EU-Gesetzgeber haben schnell reagiert, damit die EIB wird sich die Kommission dafür einsetzen, dass die noch dieses Jahr Pilotprojekte finanzieren kann. Mitgliedstaaten einen Teil der ihnen zustehenden Strukturfondsmittel für eine teilweise Übernahme • EU-Haushaltsplan 2013: Die Kommission hat des Risikos bei EIB-Krediten und für Darlehensbürg- eine Erhöhung der Mittel für Zahlungen um 7 % schaften für KMU verwenden. Wenn die Finanzie- vorgeschlagen, damit genügend Mittel für die rungsinstrumente so kombiniert werden, könnte erwarteten Zahlungsanträge der Mitgliedstaaten die Wirtschaftstätigkeit in sämtlichen Sektoren und zur Verfügung stehen. Damit bleibt sie unter der Regionen belebt werden. Außerdem könnten KMU vereinbarten Obergrenze der Mittel für Zahlungen leichter an Finanzmittel herankommen, was derzeit im aktuellen EU-Finanzrahmen. Diese Zahlun- für sie problematisch ist. gen sollen ausschließlich in Produktionsanlagen, MASSNAHMEN FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG

• Finanztransaktionssteuer: Die Kommission hat die und Wachstum sichern und die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit Einführung einer Finanztransaktionssteuer vorge- stärken. Im Februar wurde im Rahmen dieses Verfahrens schlagen. Die Einnahmen aus einer solchen Steuer der erste Warnmechanismus-Bericht veröffentlicht. Auf (die auf rund 57 Mrd. EUR geschätzt werden) kön- der Grundlage dieses Berichts wurden die ersten einge- nen in wachstumsfördernde Investitionen und/oder hende Überprüfungen für zwölf Ländern durchgeführt die Bankenrekapitalisierung fließen.70 Die Kommissi- (Belgien, Bulgarien, Dänemark, Spanien, Frankreich, on hat vorgeschlagen, einen Teil der Einnahmen des Italien, Zypern, Ungarn, Slowenien, Finnland, Schwe- EU-Haushalts dazu zu verwenden, die Haushaltsbei- den und Vereinigtes Königreich).74 Dabei bestätigten sich träge der Mitgliedstaaten zu verringern. Ungleichgewichte, die zwar nicht übermäßig waren, aber dennoch unsere Aufmerksamkeit erfordern. So müssen die laufenden Bemühungen um mehr Ausgewogenheit 3. Aufgabe der Mitgliedstaaten zwischen den Überschuss und den Defizitländern fort- bei der neuen gesetzt werden. Für diese Länder wurden in den länder- spezifischen Empfehlungen präventive Empfehlungen Wachstumsinitiative formuliert. Sie umfassen Wettbewerbsförderungsmaß- nahmen und Arbeitsmarktanpassungen, Deleveraging 3.1. Erschließung des Potenzials des im privaten und öffentlichen Sektor sowie die Stabilisie- Europäischen Semesters 2012 rung auf den Anlagemärkten.

Um Europa den Zielen der Strategie Europa 2020 näher 3.2. Bewertung der Kommission und 543 zu bringen, hat die Kommission im Rahmen des Euro- Empfehlungen päischen Semesters 2012 und dem erheblich verstärkten Stabilitäts und Wachstumspakt für jeden Mitgliedstaat • Die Kommission ist zu dem Ergebnis gekommen, Empfehlungen formuliert und dem Rat übermittelt. dass die Mitgliedstaaten insgesamt die notwendigen Diese Empfehlungen stützen sich auf eine gründliche Maßnahmen zur Beseitigung der Ungleichgewichte Analyse der Lage jedes Mitgliedstaats, der Umsetzung in den öffentlichen Finanzen und zur Gewährleistung der Vorjahresempfehlungen71 und der Befolgung der Rat- 72 der Tragfähigkeit der öffentlichen Haushalte ergrei- schläge aus dem Jahreswachstumsbericht 2012 durch fen, wobei diese besser auf Wachstum ausgerichtet die Mitgliedstaaten. Die Situation ist in jedem Mitglied- werden könnten. Die Arbeitslosigkeit, allen voran staat wegen der jeweiligen Besonderheiten eine andere. die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit, ist ein ernstes Problem, In den länderspezifischen Empfehlungen sind daher die das sich nur langfristig lösen lässt. Wir müssen aber Stärken, Schwächen und die Fähigkeit zur Bewältigung jetzt handeln, um die Beschäftigungsquote und die der Herausforderungen berücksichtigt. Die Volkswirt- Produktivität zu erhöhen und die Qualifikationen schaften der Mitgliedstaaten sind jedoch – nicht nur und die Ausbildung besser auf den Bedarf auf dem aus politischen, historischen und geografischen Grün- Arbeitsmarkt abzustellen, damit die Menschen auf den, sondern auch durch die Dynamik der neuen Tech- gut funktionierenden Arbeitsmärkten wieder eine nologien, die die Märkte schneller als je zuvor zusam- Beschäftigung finden. Allgemein müssen die negati- menschweißen – untrennbar miteinander verbunden. ven sozialen Folgen der Krise, darunter die Armut, Die Gesamtentwicklung der EU hängt vom Zusammen- angegangen werden. spiel der Verhältnisse in den einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten ab. Das Handeln (oder Nichthandeln) der Mitgliedstaa- • Mehrere Mitgliedstaaten, besonders die Länder, die ten hat zwangsläufig positive und negative Auswirkun- einem Strukturanpassungsprogramm unterzogen wer- gen auf die übrigen Länder der EU. Daher brauchen wir den, und die Länder, die unter genauer Marktbeob- eine EU-weite wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung im Zuge achtung stehen, haben umfassende Strukturreformen, des Europäischen Semesters (siehe Anlage 1). darunter auch Arbeitsmarktreformen eingeleitet. Diese Anstrengungen sind für die Konjunkturerho- Die Kommission hat erstmals ausgehend von dem Ver- lung und dauerhaftes Wachstum unerlässlich und fahren zur Korrektur makroökonomischer Ungleichge- verringern die makroökonomischen Ungleichge- wichte73 eine eingehende Überprüfung vorgenommen. wichte in Europa insgesamt. Es muss jedoch in der Dieses Verfahren soll makroökonomische Stabilität gesamten EU noch viel mehr getan werden, damit sich das Wachstumspotenzial entfalten kann, damit

70 KOM(2011) 594 und KOM(2011) 510. 71 KOM(2011) 400. 72 KOM(2011) 815. 74 Griechenland, Irland, Portugal und Rumänien, die einem 73 Verordnung (EU) Nr. 1176/2011 über die Vermeidung und Stabilitäts und Wachstumsprogramm unterzogen werden, Korrektur makroökonomischer Ungleichgewichte. wurden einer solchen Überprüfung nicht unterzogen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Möglichkeiten für die Unternehmensentwicklung entstehen und das neue Potenzial für die Schaffung Inangriffnahme einer differen- von Arbeitsplätzen beispielsweise in der grünen zierten, wachstumsfreundlichen Wirtschaft, im Dienstleistungssektor, in der Energie- wirtschaft, in der Fremdenverkehrsbranche und in Haushaltskonsolidierung der digitalen Wirtschaft genutzt wird und sich das Qualifikations und das Innovationsniveau verbessern. Die länderspezifischen Empfehlungen im Bereich Dringend wichtig sind Maßnahmen zur Förderung der wachstumsfreundlichen Haushaltskonsolidie- des Aufschwungs, zur Verbesserung des Lebensstan- rung sind auf eine langfristig solide Haushaltspo- dards und zur Bewältigung der Herausforderungen litik in allen Mitgliedstaaten angelegt. Es handelt der Bevölkerungsalterung. sich um differenzierte Haushaltsstrategien, in denen die Besonderheiten der Mitgliedstaaten, ins- • Die Kommission befürchtet, dass die Zusagen der besondere die bestehenden haushaltspolitischen und Mitgliedstaaten nicht ausreichen werden, um die makrofinanziellen Risiken berücksichtigt sind. Den Kernziele der Strategie Europa 2020 in wichtigen Be- Mitgliedstaaten wird empfohlen, ihre Staatshaus- reichen wie Erwerbstätigenquoten, FuE, Bildung und haltsdefizite und Schulden abzubauen, dabei aber Armutsbekämpfung zu erreichen. Für die Zukunft weiter in Forschung und Innovation, Bildung und Europas ist es aber ausschlaggebend, dass diese Ziele den Energiesektor zu investieren und die Sozialsys- erreicht werden. teme, darunter auch die Rentensysteme, zukunfts- 544 Wie können die Mitgliedstaaten ihr Wachstumspoten- fähig und wirksamer zu machen. Im Steuerbereich zial entfalten? wird unter anderen empfohlen, die Steuerlast vom Faktor Arbeit auf die Umweltschädigung und den In ihrem Jahreswachstumsbericht 2012 empfahl die Verbrauch zu umzuverteilen, die Besteuerung Kommission eine Konzentration der Bemühungen auf effizienter zu machen, indem Mehrfachbefreiungen nationaler und EU-Ebene auf folgende fünf Bereiche: (darunter ermäßigte Sätze) abgeschafft werden, sowie gegen Steuerflucht und die Schattenwirtschaft Inangriffnahme einer differenzierten, wachstumsfreund- vorzugehen. Zudem werden die Mitgliedstaaten lichen Haushaltskonsolidierung zu Haushaltsdisziplin auf subnationaler Ebene Wiederherstellung einer normalen Kreditvergabe an die angehalten. Wirtschaft Förderung von Wachstum und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit 23 Mitgliedstaaten werden zurzeit einem Defizitverfah- für heute und morgen ren nach dem Stabilitäts und Wachstumspakt unterzogen. Sie werden in den länderspezifischen Empfehlun- Bekämpfung der Arbeitslosigkeit und Bewältigung der gen darauf hingewiesen, dass sie den Empfehlungen des sozialen Folgen der Krise Rates für Korrekturmaßnahmen nachkommen müssen. Für Deutschland und Bulgarien hat die Kommission Modernisierung der Verwaltungen am 30. Mai in zwei getrennten Beschlüssen vorgeschla- In diesem Abschnitt sind die wichtigsten Ergebnisse der gen festzustellen, dass kein übermäßiges Defizit mehr Länderanalysen, die die Kommission auf der Grund- besteht. Darüber hinaus hat die Kommission, nachdem lage der Stabilitäts- oder Konvergenzprogramme, der sie die Maßnahmen Ungarns geprüft hat, gemäß der Nationalen Reformprogramme und gegebenenfalls der EU-Verordnung über den Kohäsionsfonds einen Vor- Euro-Plus-Pakt-Verpflichtungen vorgenommen hat, zu- schlag für einen Beschluss des Rates zur Aufhebung der sammengefasst. Der Kasten am Anfang jedes Abschnitts Aussetzung von Mittelbindungen für den Kohäsions- enthält einen Überblick über die wichtigsten länderspe- fonds vom März 2012 vorgeschlagen. Den Behörden zifischen Empfehlungen und zeigt, wie entsprechende derjenigen Mitgliedstaaten, die keinem Defizitverfah- Maßnahmen zum Wachstum im betreffenden Land ren unterliegen, wird empfohlen, ihre finanzpolitischen beitragen können. Pläne auf die Wachstumsförderung und zugleich einen Haushalt auszurichten, der eine langfristige Tragfähigkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen, auch unter Berücksichtigung der Bevölkerungsalterung, sicherstellt.

Die Analyse der Kommission hat gezeigt, dass die Mit- gliedstaaten mit der Haushaltskonsolidierung im Gro- ßen und Ganzen auf Kurs sind und ihre Haushaltsde- fizite reduzieren. Die Defizite sollten von 4,5 % im Jahr MASSNAHMEN FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG

2011 auf 3,5 % im Jahr 2012 abgebaut werden. Die geprüft werden, ob die Renten angemessen sind, um Al- Staatsschuldenquote wächst jedoch weiter und hat 2012 tersarmut vorzubeugen. Bei den Krankenversicherungs- 86 % des BIP erreicht, was auch auf die niedrigeren systemen hat sich noch nicht sehr viel verändert. Hier Wachstumsraten zurückzuführen ist. Die Kommission gilt es, Gesundheitsversorgung und Langzeitpflege zu ga- erachtet es als unabdingbar, an den vereinbarten Fristen rantieren, aber gleichzeitig den durch die Bevölkerungs- für die Korrektur übermäßiger Defizite festzuhalten und entwicklung bedingten zunehmenden Kostendruck in zügig Maßnahmen zur Erreichung der vom Rat aufge- den Griff zu bekommen. führten mittelfristigen Haushaltsziele zu ergreifen. Sol- che haushaltspolitischen Korrekturen sollten, wie unten Zur Konsolidierung ihres Staatshaushalts erhöhen meh- beschrieben, auf ein nachhaltigeres Wirtschaftswachs- rere Mitgliedstaaten die Steuern. Die Kommission hat tum angelegt sein. Dies ist im Sinne des Stabilitäts- und eine Verlagerung der Besteuerung vom Faktor Arbeit auf Wachstumspakts, der bei der Strukturanpassung zur umweltschädigende Praktiken, den Verbrauch und Im- Korrektur übermäßiger Defizite und zur Erreichung der mobilien gefordert, wobei die einkommensschwächsten mittelfristigen Ziele auch Raum für die Wirkung auto- Bevölkerungsgruppen nicht unverhältnismäßig belastet matischer Stabilisatoren lässt. Gleichzeitig zeigt dies, dass werden dürfen. Zwar haben einige Mitgliedstaaten die die Mitgliedstaaten, die unter genauer Marktbeobach- Verbrauchssteuern deutlich erhöht und Maßnahmen ge- tung stehen, in ihren ehrgeizigen Konsolidierungsbemü- gen den Abwärtstrend bei den Umweltsteuern ergriffen, hungen nicht nachlassen dürfen, auch wenn das mak- doch deutet nichts auf eine Senkung der Besteuerung der roökonomische Umfeld schlechter ist als erwartet. Auch Arbeit hin. Bei der Abschaffung von Steuerbefreiungen den Ländern, für die das Defizitverfahren eingestellt und Steuererleichterungen sowie ermäßigten Sätzen, bei- 545 wird, wird empfohlen, den verfügbaren haushaltspoliti- spielsweise beim Mehrwertsteuersatz, sind gewisse Fort- schen Spielraum für wachstumsfördernde Investitionen schritte zu verzeichnen. Diese Anstrengungen sollten zu nutzen. Wie in den EU-Vorschriften vorgesehen, fortgesetzt werden. Zudem sind zwar Maßnahmen zur werden in den Mitgliedstaaten strengere Haushaltsregeln Verbesserung der Steuerdisziplin im Gange, doch wird eingeführt. Dabei ist jedoch unbedingt darauf zu achten, noch nicht entschlossen genug gegen die Schattenwirt- dass nicht nur auf zentralstaatlicher Ebene Haushaltsdis- schaft vorgegangen. ziplin geübt wird, sondern dass auch auf subnationaler Ebene die staatlichen Ausgaben ebenso wirksam unter Kontrolle gehalten werden. Dies ist für mehrere föde- Wiederherstellung einer normalen rative oder regional strukturierte Länder eine besondere Herausforderung. Kreditvergabe an die Wirtschaft

Entscheidend wird die Verbesserung der Qualität der Im Hinblick auf die Wiederherstellung einer nor- öffentlichen Finanzen sein, indem Ausgaben im Zusam- malen Kreditvergabe an die Wirtschaft wird in den menhang mit Europa-2020-Zielen Vorrang erhalten und länderspezifischen Empfehlungen zur Vollendung gewährleistet wird, dass diese Ausgaben so effizient wie der Umstrukturierung des Bankensektors geraten, möglich sind. Die Kontrolle staatlicher Beihilfen durch ohne beim Deleveraging zu weit zu gehen. die EU trägt zur Förderung der Ausgabenqualität bei und reduziert Verzerrungen. Die Kommission hat kürzlich ei- Der Finanzsektor wird gemäß den EU-Vorschriften und nen ambitionierten Vorschlag zur Modernisierung staat- Empfehlungen weiter umstrukturiert, die Finanzaufsicht licher Beihilfen vorgelegt, dem zufolge die Mitgliedstaa- verbessert. Die Lage der Banken, die von der Finanzkrise ten eine bessere Einhaltung der Regeln sowie eine bessere am ärgsten betroffen waren und noch immer nicht ganz interne Koordinierung der staatlichen Beihilfemaßnah- gesund sind, gibt nach wie vor Anlass zur Besorgnis. Da- men auf nationaler Ebene gewährleisten müssen. durch erklären sich die Forderungen nach einer weiteren Umstrukturierung und Vorsorgemaßnahmen in den Wegen der Bevölkerungsalterung ist eine Anpassung der Empfehlungen für bestimmte Länder. Rentensysteme im Gange. Manche Länder führen eine tiefgreifende, auf eine Verlängerung der Lebensarbeitszeit In vielen Ländern hat sich die Kreditvergabe an die Re- angelegte Reform durch. Diese Reformen sind unabding- alwirtschaft noch immer nicht normalisiert, was beson- bar, um die Kosten eines angemessenen Wohlfahrtssys- ders für KMU problematisch ist. Zwar sind die Gründe tems unter Kontrolle halten und dessen Finanzierbar- hierfür teilweise in schwachen Unternehmensbilanzen keit auf Dauer sichern zu können. Gleichzeitig müssen und Geschäftsaussichten zu suchen, erschwerend hin- in dem Maß, in dem die Lebenserwartung steigt, ältere zu kam allerdings, dass es keine ausreichenden Unter- Arbeitnehmer, die eigentlich das Rentenalter erreicht ha- stützungsstrukturen für KMU gibt. Daher sollten neue ben, Anreize erhalten weiterzuarbeiten. Außerdem muss Kapitalpools für Unternehmen gefördert werden, bei DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

denen beispielsweise Privatkredite, privates Beteiligungs- das Gesundheits und Sozialwesen beseitigt werden. Die kapital und Risikokapital genutzt werden können. Die Öffnung des öffentlichen Auftragswesensdurch die För- EU-Strukturfonds können hier in manchen Ländern derung der grenzüberschreitenden Beteiligung an Aus- eine wichtige Rolle spielen, indem sie durch spezifische schreibungen würde neue Möglichkeiten, Prozesse und Instrumente Kredite finanzieren und Kreditbürgschaften Innovation stimulieren. stellen. Wichtige Netzbranchen – Verkehr, Energie und Breit- Vielen KMU machen die verspäteten Zahlungen von Be- band – müssen erheblich leistungsfähiger werden. In hörden zu schaffen. Zur Behebung dieses Problems wur- verschiedenen Ländern muss dazu in die Infrastruktur de eine Richtlinie über Zahlungsverzug vorgeschlagen, investiert werden: Es gilt, die Netze besser zu verbin- die im März 2013 in Kraft treten wird. Die Behörden den, das Angebot zu erweitern und Preiswettbewerb müssen unter Umständen weitere Anstrengungen unter- zuzulassen. Angesichts des engen haushaltspolitischen nehmen, um den vor Inkrafttreten der Richtlinie aufge- Spielraums sollten innovative Finanzierungsformen, bei laufenen Zahlungsrückstand aufzuholen. denen private und öffentliche Mittel kumuliert werden, wie EU-Projektanleihen, genutzt werden. Auf vielen Märkten ist der Wettbewerb nach wie vor zu schwach, Förderung von Wachstum und der EU-weite Regelungsrahmen ist noch nicht voll- ständig in Kraft: Die Hälfte der Mitgliedstaaten hat die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit für heute Energiebinnenmarkt-Richtlinien noch nicht oder nicht 546 und morgen ordnungsgemäß in innerstaatliches Recht umgesetzt. In mehreren Mitgliedstaaten muss bei den Energielieferan- Zur Förderung von Wachstum und Wettbewerbsfä- ten für mehr Wettbewerb gesorgt, müssen Preisregelun- higkeit wird in den länderspezifischen Empfehlun- gen abgeschafft und die Regulierungsstellen unabhängi- gen in erster Linie zur Verbesserung der Rahmenbe- ger werden. Der Verkehrssektor muss weiter dereguliert dingungen für Unternehmen, unter anderem durch werden, und im Schienenverkehr in großen Mitglied- Verringerung des Verwaltungsaufwands, und zur staaten oder Transitländern müssen Markteintrittshin- Öffnung der Netzbranchen, darunter der Energie- dernisse beseitigt werden. Die Breitbandverbreitung ist wirtschaft, des Schienenverkehrs und der Telekom- insgesamt gesehen noch immer gering. Es besteht so- munikationsbranche, für den Wettbewerb geraten, mit ein erhebliches Potenzial für eine Verbesserung des so dass den Unternehmen und den Bürgern bessere Dienstangebots und für einen Ausbau des elektronischen Dienstleistungen zu besseren Preisen angeboten Geschäftsverkehrs. werden. Manchen Ländern wird geraten, die Regu- lierungsstellen unabhängiger zu machen. Was die Verbesserungen in der Ressourceneffizienz und weitere Umsetzung der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie anbelangt, Schritte zu einer emissionsarmen Wirtschaft sind unver- so sollten unbegründete oder unverhältnismäßig zichtbar für die Weiterentwicklung der Wettbewerbsfä- strenge Auflagen für die Erbringung von Dienst- higkeit Europas angesichts knapper werdender Ressour- leistungen, darunter auch Verkaufsbeschränkungen cen, Preisvolatilität und des anhaltenden Klimawandels. aufgrund der Staatsangehörigkeit oder des Wohn- Ein effizienterer Umgang mit Ressourcen sowie eine bes- orts, eliminiert werden. Zudem werden Empfeh- sere Verwaltung der natürlichen Ressourcen wird erheb- lungen zur Beseitigung der bestehenden Hemmnisse liche Marktchancen für weiteres Wachstum und mehr im Einzelhandel gemacht. Daneben wird auch die Beschäftigung eröffnen, was letztlich zu mehr Produkti- Förderung der Forschung und Innovation, Steige- vität, geringeren Kosten und größerer Innovation führt. rung der Ressourceneffizienz und die Ausrichtung der Bildung und Ausbildung auf den Bedarf auf FuE und Innovation sind für die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit dem Arbeitsmarkt empfohlen. Europas unabdingbar. Zwar sind manche Mitgliedstaa- ten in vielen Bereichen weltweit führend, doch fällt Eu- In vielen Mitgliedstaaten ist der Zugang zu verschiede- ropa insgesamt allmählich etwas zurück. Im Zuge der nen Dienstleistungen unzureichend. Neben mehr Ehr- Haushaltskonsolidierung wurden Finanzmittel nicht geiz bei der Umsetzung der Dienstleistungsrichtlinie etwa auf die Forschung umverteilt oder die Forschungs- wären Maßnahmen zur Förderung des Wettbewerbs und mittel aufgestockt, vielmehr wurden die Ausgaben der der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit im Einzelhandel hilfreich. So öffentlichen Hand für Forschung in vielen Mitglied- sollten Markteintritts und austrittshindernisse für Fir- staaten gekürzt. Es werden eindeutig zusätzliche private men abgebaut und ungerechtfertigte Beschränkungen FuE-Investitionen benötigt, die gegebenenfalls mit staat- für Unternehmens und freiberufliche Dienstleistungen, lichen Anreizen gefördert werden sollten. Forschungser- Rechtsberufe, buchhalterische und technische Beratung, gebnisse sollten durch vorkommerzielle Auftragsvergabe MASSNAHMEN FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG mehr Marktnähe erfahren. Allgemein müssen mehr Part- einige vielversprechende Erfahrungen mit Ausbildungs- nerschaften zwischen Bildungseinrichtungen und Ein- und Beschäftigungsgarantien für Jugendliche, die unter richtungen für lebenslanges Lernen, Forschungsstellen anderem mit Unterstützung des Europäischen Sozial- und Unternehmen entstehen, wofür die vorhandenen fonds in der EU verbreitet werden könnten. EU-Instrumente ausgiebig genutzt werden sollten. Die Fortschritte beim Ausbau erschwinglicher Kinder- und Altenbetreuungsplätze, bei der Verringerung des Bekämpfung der Arbeitslosigkeit Lohngefälles und der steuerlichen Besserstellung von und Bewältigung der sozialen Fol- Zweitverdienern reichen nicht aus, um den Anteil der Frauen am Arbeitsmarkt nennenswert zu erhöhen. Noch gen der Krise immer wird nicht genug getan für aktives Altern, wozu auch die Modernisierung der Arbeitsregelungen und In vielen Empfehlungen geht es darum, die Vor- mehr Möglichkeiten für lebenslanges Lernen gehören. aussetzungen für mehr Beschäftigung zu schaffen, Solche Strategien sind unerlässlich, um vor allem die Er- die Erwerbsbeteiligung zu erhöhen und Menschen werbsbeteiligung älterer Arbeitnehmer zu erhöhen. in Arbeit zu halten. Besonderes Augenmerk gilt der Bekämpfung der Jugendarbeitslosigkeit, der Manche Mitgliedstaaten haben ihre Lohnbildungs- und Senkung der Schulabbrecherquote, der Verbesse- Lohnindexierungssysteme grundlegend reformiert, um rung der allgemeinen und beruflichen Bildung und zu gewährleisten, dass die Lohnentwicklung mit der einer Ausweitung des Lehrstellenangebots. Mehrere Zeit die Produktivität besser widerspiegelt. In anderen 547 Empfehlungen befassen sich mit der Linderung der Ländern, in denen bestimmte Lohnindexierungssysteme Armut und der Hilfe für schutzbedürftige Grup- als mögliche Gefährdung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit ein- pen. Empfohlen wird auch eine stärkere, individu- gestuft wurden, waren die Fortschritte begrenzt. Diese ellere Unterstützung bei der Arbeitssuche und die Länder müssen in Abstimmung mit den Sozialpartnern Förderung einer Vollzeitbeschäftigung von Frauen. Wege finden, wie sie ihr Handicap in Zukunft verringern. Den Mitgliedstaaten wird ferner empfohlen, dafür In Ländern mit hohen Leistungsbilanzüberschüssen ist zu sorgen, dass ihre Lohnbildungssysteme die Pro- eine gewisse Verlagerung zugunsten der Binnennachfrage duktivitätsentwicklung angemessen widerspiegeln – auch durch Lohnsteigerungen – festzustellen. Dieser und Anreize für die Schaffung neuer Arbeitsplätze Kurs sollte beibehalten werden. Das Lohnniveau sollte setzen. nicht zu hoch sein, um die Einstellung insbesondere von jungen Menschen und Geringqualifizierten nicht zu ge- Die Krise hat einen deutlichen Anstieg der Arbeitslo- fährden, es darf aber auch nicht so niedrig sein, dass die sigkeit bewirkt und die Beschäftigungsaussichten vieler Gefahr besteht, Armutsfallen in der Beschäftigung zu Menschen so weit verschlechtert, dass diese dem Ar- schaffen. beitsmarkt möglicherweise dauerhaft den Rücken kehren werden. Die Arbeitslosigkeit dürfte eine Zeitlang Während einige Mitgliedstaaten ihre Arbeitsgesetzge- auf hohem Niveau bleiben, da es eine Weile dauert, bis bung grundlegend reformiert haben, um eine flexiblere die wirtschaftliche Erholung auf dem Arbeitsmarkt an- Regelung von Beschäftigungsverhältnissen zu ermög- kommt. Zwar werden aktive Arbeitsmarktstrategien ver- lichen, scheinen die Reformen in anderen Fällen nur folgt wie Ausbildungsmaßnahmen für Arbeitslose und schleppend voranzugehen, wenn man sich die Dringlich- Beratungsleistungen der Arbeitsämter, doch sind sie oft keit der Lage und die Gefahr einer Segmentierung des nicht präzise genug ausgerichtet und in ihrer Wirksam- Arbeitsmarkts vor Augen führt mit einem Großteil der keit beschränkt. Bevölkerung in prekären Beschäftigungsverhältnissen oder außerhalb des Arbeitsmarkts. In mehreren Ländern Die sozialen Folgen werden zunehmend spürbar. Armut haben sich Kurzarbeitsregelungen und andere interne und Armutsrisiko steigen und der Druck auf die öffentli- Flexibilitätsmaßnahmen als wirksam erwiesen, um Ar- chen Ausgaben führt zu problematischen Kompromissen beitsplätze auf dem Höhepunkt der Krise, vor allem in bei den Sozialleistungen. der verarbeitenden Industrie, zu erhalten. Um die Schaf- fung neuer Arbeitsplätze zu fördern, hat die Kommission Vorschläge vorgelegt, die den Mitgliedstaaten Anreize Die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit hat dramatisch zugenom- geben sollen, ihre Beschäftigungspolitik wirkungsvoller men. Bei jungen Leuten ist die Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass zu gestalten75 und die Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten bei sie keine Arbeit finden, doppelt so hoch wie bei Erwach- grünen Technologien, im Gesundheitssektor und im senen. EU-weit liegt die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit bei 22 %; in einigen Mitgliedstaaten erreicht sie 50 %. Es gibt 75 COM(2012) 173. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

IKT-Bereich zu nutzen, wo ihren Schätzungen nach kompliziertere und anspruchsvollere EU-Vorschriften über 20 Millionen neue Arbeitsplätze entstehen könn- umgesetzt werden. Schwache Verwaltungen in einigen ten. Die Mobilität zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten kann Mitgliedstaaten sind ein Problem: Unternehmerische auch mithilfe des europäischen Arbeitsvermittlungsnet- Aktivitäten werden erschwert, die Mittel der EU-Fonds zes EURES gefördert werden, das über Landesgrenzen versickern, und EU-Vorschriften werden nicht kor- hinweg freie Stellen und entsprechende Fertigkeiten rekt umgesetzt. Eine öffentliche Verwaltung von hoher zusammenbringt. Qualität erfordert technologische und organisatorische Innovationen und eine entschlossene Hinwendung zu Die laufenden Bemühungen, die hohen Schulabbrecher- Online-Diensten. Manche Behörden könnten auch von quoten in den Griff zu bekommen, zu denen sowohl einem umfassenderen Austausch bewährter Praktiken Präventivmaßnahmen als auch eine Reform der allge- profitieren. Die Leistung derZiviljustiz ist in vielen meinen und beruflichen Bildung und die Förderung des Ländern verbesserungsbedürftig: So muss der Rückstau Lehrstellenangebots gehören, müssen verstärkt werden. bei den Verfahren abgebaut werden, Gerichtsverfahren Dies ist nicht nur für die Beschäftigungsfähigkeit der müssen beschleunigt werden, und es müssen alternative nachwachsenden Generation von grundlegender Bedeu- Formen der Streitbeilegung eingeführt werden. tung, sondern für die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Wirt- schaft insgesamt, da die EU in diesem Punkt hinter ihren In Anbetracht des Drucks, der auf den öffentlichen Fi- Haupthandelspartnern zurückfällt. Darüber hinaus ist zu nanzen lastet, sind die EU-Fonds ein wesentliches Ins- befürchten, dass der demografische Wandel ein Missver- trument, um die Wirtschaft anzukurbeln und in vielen 548 hältnis zwischen Qualifikationsangebot und Qualifikati- Ländern wachstumsfördernde Projekte vor Ort zu finan- onsnachfrage und einen Mangel an Arbeitskräften nach zieren. Die Verwaltung öffentlicher Institutionen muss sich ziehen wird, was den Druck auf die Arbeitszeitdauer durch einen professioneller arbeitenden öffentlichen und die Arbeitsproduktivität zusätzlich erhöht. Mehrere Dienst, durch eine bessere Personalverwaltung, eine Länder müssen besondere Anstrengungen unternehmen, Verbesserung der analytischen Fähigkeiten und die Ge- um die hohe Zahl der Schulabbrecher zu verringern, die währleistung von Kompetenz, Kontinuität und Stabilität Chancen junger Leute auf dem Arbeitsmarkt zu ver- des Personals gestärkt werden. Die Regeln auf EU-Ebene bessern und die Jugendarbeitslosigkeit einzudämmen. wurden vereinfacht, und die Kommission unterstützt die Allgemein muss die Bildungsleistung – auch bei der Be- Mitgliedstaaten bei ihren Bemühungen, Mittel stärker rufs- und Hochschulbildung – durchgängig verbessert auf die Wachstumsförderung auszurichten. werden. In vielen Mitgliedstaaten kann bei der Lehr- lingsausbildung noch viel getan werden. Allgemein muss Viele Mitgliedstaaten müssen größere Anstrengungen sehr viel mehr getan werden, um die allgemeine und be- unternehmen, um gegen Steuerhinterziehung und Steu- rufliche Bildung zu verknüpfen, künftige Bedürfnisse des erumgehung vorzugehen. In den Mitgliedstaaten hat sich Arbeitsmarkts zu antizipieren und so den Übergang von eine „Schattenwirtschaft“ herausgebildet, die in einigen der Schule in die Arbeitswelt zu erleichtern. Ländern hoch entwickelt ist. Die Probleme, die sich durch Steuerhinterziehung und Steuerumgehung stellen, müssen auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen angegangen Modernisierung der Verwaltungen werden. Die Steuererhebung muss effizienter werden. Die Mitgliedstaaten müssen intensiver und besser zu- Die länderspezifischen Empfehlungen für die sammenarbeiten. Die EU muss gegenüber Drittstaaten öffentliche Verwaltung betreffen Dienstleistungen ein klare, kohärente Politik vertreten, um sicherzustellen, für Unternehmen, den Abbau des Rückstaus in der dass geeignete Maßnahmen gegen Steuerhinterziehung Justiz und den Einsatz von Online-Diensten, um und Steuerumgehung getroffen werden können, die sich den Kontakt zu Bürgern und Unternehmen zu auf bestimmte Rechtssysteme außerhalb der EU stützen, erleichtern. In mehreren Empfehlungen wird auch die keine gleichwertigen Standards anwenden. Es be- eine Stärkung der Verwaltungskapazitäten für den darf einer abgestimmten, wirksamen Politik gegenüber Umgang mit den EU-Fonds angesprochen. Drittländern.

Die öffentliche Verwaltung ist überall in der EU unter 4. Fazit Druck: Nicht nur werden ihr die Mittel und das Perso- nal gekürzt, sie muss sich auch auf die immer höheren Erwartungen der Gesellschaft und der Unternehmen Die Krise brachte EU-weit stark ausgeprägte Ungleichge- einstellen. In dem Maße, wie die politische und wirt- wichte und Reformunwillen ans Licht. So wie es einige schaftliche Integration voranschreitet, müssen immer Zeit gebraucht hat, bis diese Probleme sichtbar wurden, wird es Zeit brauchen, um die Wirtschaft wieder auf eine MASSNAHMEN FÜR STABILITÄT, WACHSTUM UND BESCHÄFTIGUNG solide Grundlage zu stellen. Die Analyse für das Europä- ische Semester 2012 zeigt, dass die neue wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung der EU beginnt, Wirkung zu zeigen, und den Mitgliedstaaten hilft, sich auf die wesentlichen Reformen zu konzentrieren, die nachhaltiges Wachstum und Arbeitsplätze hervorbringen werden. Gleichzeitig ist festzustellen, dass sich die Mitgliedstaaten bei ihrer Haushaltskonsolidierung nicht immer für die wachs- tumsfreundlichste Lösung entscheiden.

Es besteht insgesamt die dringende Notwendigkeit, in den kommenden zwölf Monaten den Schwerpunkt stärker auf wachstumsfördernde Maßnahmen zu legen, gleichzeitig aber die Haushaltskonsolidierung und die Stabilisierung des Finanzsektors fortzuführen. Dies muss in einer abgestimmten Weise auf nationaler und EU-Ebene geschehen, damit politische Maßnahmen und Reformen größtmögliche Wirkung entfalten können.

In dieser Mitteilung und in ihren detaillierteren län- 549 derspezifischen Empfehlungen schlägt die Kommission konkrete Maßnahmen vor, die dabei helfen können, die EU auf den Wachstumspfad zurückzuführen und Ar- beitsplätze zu schaffen, die dazu beitragen werden, den Lebensstandard anzuheben, die Armut zu lindern und ein nachhaltigeres Wachstum für die Zukunft zu sichern. Diese Empfehlungen müssen vorrangig umgesetzt werden. Die Kommission wird sämtliche zur Verfügung stehenden Instrumente des neuen wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerungsmechanismus nutzen, um die Fortschritte im kommenden Jahr zu verfolgen und zu bewerten.

Gleichzeitig wird sich die Kommission weiterhin auf die vollständige Umsetzung des Fahrplans vom Okto- ber 2011 konzentrieren, um ein ausgewogenes Konzept zu gewährleisten, das der EU hilft, die Krise zu meistern.

Die Kommission wird intensiv mit den Mitgliedstaaten und den europäischen Institutionen zusammenarbeiten, um ihre Wachstumsinitiative umzusetzen und die Bau- steine und den Zeitplan für die Vollendung der Wirt- schafts- und Währungsunion zu erarbeiten. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

550 Fahrplan für eine Bankenunion

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLAMENT UND DEN RAT BRÜSSEL, DEN 12.9.2012 COM(2012) 510

1. Einleitung. Risiko einer Fragmentierung der EU-Bankenmärkte einzudämmen, die den Binnenmarkt für Finanzdienst- 551 leistungen in erheblichem Maße unterminiert und ein In den vergangenen vier Jahren hat die EU mit Ent- Durchwirken der Geldpolitik auf die Realwirtschaft im schlossenheit auf die Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise re- gesamten Euroraum erschwert. agiert. Es wurde eine entscheidende Verbesserung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion (WWU) erreicht und derzeit wird eine umfassende Finanzreformagenda Daher hat die Kommission im Rahmen einer länger- umgesetzt, womit die auf G20-Ebene eingegangenen fristigen Vision einer wirtschaftlichen und haushaltspo- 77 Verpflichtungen zur Bekämpfung der Finanzkrise ein- litischen Integration eine Bankenunion gefordert , die gelöst und Finanzinstitute und Finanzmärkte stabiler, den Bankensektor auf ein solideres Fundament stellen wettbewerbsfähiger und widerstandsfähiger gemacht und wieder Vertrauen in den Euro schaffen soll. Die werden sollen.76 Verlagerung der Bankenaufsicht auf die europäische Ebene ist ein Kernbestandteil dieses Prozesses, der in der Folge mit anderen Schritten wie der Einführung Die Vollendung dieser Reform des EU-Regulierungs- eines gemeinsamen Einlagensicherungssystems und rahmens ist von grundlegender Bedeutung, wird aber eines integrierten Bankenkrisenmanagements kom- nicht ausreichen, um die erheblichen Bedrohungen für biniert werden muss. Diese Vision wurde durch den die Finanzstabilität in der gesamten Wirtschafts- und Bericht der Präsidenten des Europäischen Rates, der Währungsunion erfolgreich zu bewältigen. Weitere Kommission, der Eurogruppe und der Europäischen Schritte sind notwendig, um die spezifischen Risiken Zentralbank (EZB) vom 26. Juni 201278 unterstützt. innerhalb des Euroraums – wo durch die Zusammen- Auch das Europäische Parlament hat Maßnahmen legung der geldpolitischen Zuständigkeiten bereits eine empfohlen, die in dieselbe Richtung gehen, so in sei- enge wirtschaftliche und finanzielle Integration bewirkt nem Bericht vom Juli 2010 zum grenzübergreifen- wurde und sich die Möglichkeit grenzüberschreitender den Krisenmanagement im Bankensektor79. Auf dem Spill-over-Effekte im Falle von Bankenkrisen erhöht hat – anzugehen, Staatsschulden und Bankschulden voneinander zu entkoppeln und damit den Teufels- kreis zu durchbrechen, der den Steuerzahler bereits über 4,5 Bio. EUR für Bankenrettungen in der EU gekostet hat. Eine Koordinierung zwischen den Auf- sichtbehörden ist zwar unabdingbar, doch hat die Krise gezeigt, dass eine bloße Koordinierung nicht ausreicht, 77 http://ec.europa.eu/commission_2010-2014/president/news/ insbesondere nicht im Kontext einer gemeinsamen archives/2012/06/20120626_speeches_2_de.htm. Währung, und dass eine gemeinsame Beschlussfassung 78 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ erforderlich ist. Wichtig ist auch, das zunehmende pressdata/en/ec/131201.pdf. 79 Entschließung des Europäischen Parlaments vom 7. Juli 2010 mit Empfehlungen an die Kommission zu einem 76 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/policy/ grenzübergreifenden Krisenmanagement im Bankensektor map_reform_de.htm. (2010/2006(INI)). DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Gipfel der Mitglieder des Euro-Währungsgebiets vom 2. Bankenunion und 29. Juni 201280 wurde dies bekräftigt. Binnenmarkt Indem sichergestellt wird, dass Beaufsichtigung und Abwicklung von Banken im gesamten Euroraum ho- Der Binnenmarkt für Finanzdienstleistungen beruht auf hen Standards genügen, werden Bürger und Märkte die gemeinsamen Regeln, die gewährleisten, dass Banken Versicherung haben, dass alle Banken in gleicher Weise und andere Finanzinstitute, die aufgrund des Vertrags das einem hohen Maß an aufsichtsrechtlicher Regulierung Recht auf Niederlassungsfreiheit und Dienstleistungs- unterliegen. Geraten künftig Banken in Schwierigkeiten, freiheit genießen, EU-weit gleichwertigen Regeln und sollte die Öffentlichkeit darauf vertrauen können, dass einer ordnungsgemäßen Beaufsichtigung unterliegen. schwächelnde Banken restrukturiert oder liquidiert werden und die Kosten für den Steuerzahler dabei möglichst Die Schaffung der Bankenunion darf Einheit und Integ- gering gehalten werden. Das künftige System wird das rität des Binnenmarkts, der nach wie vor eine der größ- nötige Vertrauen zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten aufbau- ten Errungenschaften der europäischen Integration ist, en helfen, das eine Vorbedingung für die Einführung nicht beeinträchtigen. Tatsächlich basiert die Bankenuni- etwaiger gemeinsamer Finanzierungsmechanismen zum on auf der vollständigen Durchführung des Programms Schutz der Einleger und zur Unterstützung einer geord- der laufenden umfassenden Regulierungsreformen für neten Abwicklung ausfallender Banken ist. den Binnenmarkt („einheitliches Regelwerk“).

552 Diese Mitteilung wird zusammen mit zwei Legislativvor- Binnenmarkt und Bankenunion sind somit sich gegen- schlägen vorgelegt – einem zur Schaffung eines einheit- seitig verstärkende Prozesse. Die Arbeiten zur Stärkung lichen Aufsichtsmechanismus durch Übertragung be- des Binnenmarkts müssen in allen Bereichen, für die sonderer Aufgaben im Zusammenhang mit der Aufsicht die Kommission Vorschläge vorgelegt hat, fortgeführt über Kreditinstitute auf die Europäische Zentralbank werden. und einen zur Anpassung der Verordnung zur Errich- tung der Europäischen Bankenaufsichtsbehörde (EBA)81. Darüber hinaus sollten diese Arbeiten in drei Bereichen, Diese Vorschläge sind ein erster wichtiger Schritt, der die für die Bankenunion von besonderer Relevanz sind, eine qualitative Verbesserung der Finanzstabilität und beschleunigt vorangetrieben und zwischen den beiden insbesondere ein größeres Vertrauen im Euroraum be- gesetzgebenden Organen bis Ende 2012 eine Einigung wirken wird. In dieser Mitteilung wird der einheitliche über die betreffenden Vorschläge erzielt werden. Aufsichtsmechanismus im Zusammenhang betrachtet. Ferner werden die über diese ersten Vorschläge hinaus- –– Es wurden strengere aufsichtsrechtliche Anfor- gehenden weiteren Arbeiten auf dem Weg zu einer Ban- derungen für Banken vorgeschlagen. Mit ihren kenunion umrissen. Vorschlägen zu den Eigenkapitalanforderungen („CRD 4“)82 lancierte die Kommission den Prozess der Einführung der neuen globalen Standards zur Eigenkapital- und Liquiditätsausstattung von Ban- ken. Die Schaffung des einheitlichen Aufsichtsme- chanismus dürfte keine wesentlichen Änderungen der vorgeschlagenen Verordnung und der vorgeschlagenen Richtlinie erfordern, wenngleich in einer begrenzten Anzahl von Bereichen mit Blick auf die neue Situation eine gewisse Feinjustierung notwen- 80 „Die Kommission wird in Kürze auf der Grundlage von Artikel 127 Absatz 6 Vorschläge für einen einheitlichen dig sein kann. In den abschließenden Phasen der Aufsichtsmechanismus unterbreiten. Wir ersuchen den Rat, „CRD 4“-Verhandlungen wird die Kommission diese Vorschläge dringlich bis Ende 2012 zu prüfen. Sobald insbesondere dafür Sorge tragen, dass die beschlos- unter Einbeziehung der EZB ein wirksamer einheitlicher senen Texte technisch mit der vorgeschlagenen Aufsichtsmechanismus für Banken des Euro-Währungsgebiets eingerichtet worden ist, hätte der ESM nach einem Verordnung zur Errichtung des einheitlichen Auf- ordentlichen Beschluss die Möglichkeit, Banken direkt zu sichtsmechanismus vereinbar sind, und diesbezüg- rekapitalisieren. Dies würde an angemessene Auflagen lich mit dem Europäischen Parlament und dem Rat geknüpft, darunter die Einhaltung der Vorschriften über zusammenarbeiten. Dabei wird es vor allem darum staatliche Beihilfen, die institutsspezifischer, sektorspezifischer oder gesamtwirtschaftlicher Natur sein sollten und in einer gehen, sicherzustellen, dass alle Vorschriften der Vereinbarung (MoU) festgeschrieben würden.“ http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ pressdata/en/ec/131359.pdf 82 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/bank/crisis_management/ 81 Verordnung (EU) Nr. 1093/2010. index_de.htm. Fahrplan für eine Bankenunion

vorgeschlagenen „CRD 4“-Richtlinie sowohl auf Verabschiedung der ausstehenden Reformen zu Eigen- nationaler Ebene als auch von der EZB in der Praxis kapitalanforderungen, Einlagensicherungssystemen und angewendet werden können. Bankenabwicklung durch die gesetzgebenden Organe bis Ende des Jahres ist somit von größter Bedeutung. –– Die Deckungssumme der nationalen Einlagensi- cherungssysteme wurde bereits mit Wirkung vom 31. Dezember 2010 einheitlich auf 100 000 EUR Auch müssen diese Vorschriften in der gesamten Union pro Einleger und Institut erhöht. Im Juli 2010 auf gleiche Weise angewandt werden, was durch eine schlug die Kommission vor83, einen Schritt weiter kohärente und konvergente Beaufsichtigung der Kredi- zu gehen und die Einlagensicherung zu harmoni- tinstitute durch die nationalen Aufsichtsbehörden und sieren und zu vereinfachen, die Auszahlung von die EZB gewährleistet werden soll. Bei der Verwirkli- Geldern zu beschleunigen sowie die Finanzierung chung dieses Ziels fällt der Europäischen Bankenauf- der Einlagensicherungssysteme zu verbessern, was sichtsbehörde (EBA) eine wesentliche Rolle zu, insbe- insbesondere durch eine Ex-ante-Finanzierung die- sondere aufgrund der Instrumente und Befugnisse, die ser Systeme über Beiträge der Banken sowie durch in der Verordnung zu ihrer Errichtung vorgesehen sind eine obligatorische Fazilität für die Kreditaufnahme (Befassung mit Fällen einer Verletzung des Unionsrechts, zwischen nationalen Systemen innerhalb festgesetz- Schlichtung, verbindliche technische Standards, Leitli- ter Grenzen erreicht werden soll. nien und Empfehlungen). Mit Blick auf die Schaffung eines gemeinsamen Rechtsrahmens und einer gemeinsa- –– Der am 6. Juni 2012 angenommene Kommissions- men Aufsichtskultur in der gesamten Union kommt es vorschlag zu Sanierungs- und Abwicklungsinstru- daher entscheidend darauf an, dass die EBA ihre Rolle in 553 menten für Krisenbanken84 ist der letzte in einer vollem Umfang wahrnimmt. Reihe von Maßnahmenvorschlägen, die darauf abzielen, den Bankensektor in Europa zu stär- Um ein Divergieren zwischen dem Euro-Währungs- ken und die Spill-over-Effekte etwaiger künftiger gebiet und dem Rest der EU zu vermeiden, sollte das Finanzkrisen, die sich zum Nachteil von Einlegern einheitliche Regelwerk darüber hinaus durch einheitli- und Steuerzahlern auswirken könnten, zu verhin- che Aufsichtspraktiken untermauert werden. Unterschie- dern. Um sicherzustellen, dass die Finanzstabilität de bei Aufsichtshandbüchern und Aufsichtskonzepten erhalten bleibt und Anteilseigner und Gläubiger zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten, die sich am einheitlichen ihren vollen Anteil an Bankenverlusten und Reka- Aufsichtsmechanismus beteiligen, und den übrigen Mit- pitalisierungskosten tragen, hat die Kommission gliedstaaten bergen das Risiko einer Fragmentierung des einen gemeinsamen Rahmen von Vorschriften und Binnenmarkts, da Banken diese Unterschiede für Auf- Befugnissen vorgeschlagen. Dies wird den Mitglied- sichtsarbitrage ausnutzen könnten. Die EBA sollte in Er- staaten helfen, die Entstehung von Bankenkrisen gänzung des einheitlichen Regelwerks auch ein einheitli- von vornherein zu vermeiden und, sollte es dennoch ches Aufsichtshandbuch erstellen. zu einer Krise kommen, ein geordneteres und effektiveres Krisenmanagement zu gewährleisten. Die Alle von der EZB beschlossenen Maßnahmen – etwa Mitgliedstaaten hätten einen Ex-ante-Abwicklungs- zur Festlegung weiterer Einzelheiten der Ausübung der fonds einzurichten, der aus Beiträgen der Banken Aufsicht im Kontext der mit dem einheitlichen Auf- finanziert würde. Darüber hinaus ist die obligato- sichtsmechanismus geschaffenen spezifischen Aufsichts- rische Einführung einer Fazilität für die Kreditauf- struktur – müssen in Einklang mit dem einheitlichen nahme zwischen nationalen Systemen vorgesehen, Regelwerk, einschließlich der in delegierten Rechtsakten für die ebenfalls genau festgelegte Grenzen gelten. der Europäischen Kommission festgelegten technischen Mit diesen Regeln wird somit im gesamten Binnenmarkt Standards, stehen. Schließlich ist darauf hinzuweisen, ein gemeinsames Fundament gelegt, auf dem die Vor- dass der heute vorgestellte Vorschlag das bestehende schläge zur Bankenunion aufbauen können. Das einheit- Gleichgewicht zwischen Herkunfts- und Aufnahmemit- liche Regelwerk wird für die Stabilität und Integrität des gliedstaaten wahrt, auch hinsichtlich der Beteiligung an EU-Binnenmarkts im Bereich der Finanzdienstleistun- Aufsichtskollegien. gen benötigt. Es schafft eine gemeinsame Basis, die einen Übergang zur Bankenunion ohne Risiko einer Frag- Die tatsächlichen Auswirkungen und Konsequenzen des mentierung des Binnenmarkts ermöglicht. Eine zügige einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus für die praktische Arbeitsweise der EBA wird im Rahmen der anstehenden Überprüfung der Funktionsweise der Europäischen Auf- 83 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/bank/docs/ sichtsbehörden eingehender untersucht, deren Ergebnis- guarantee/200914_de.pdf. se die Kommission bis zum 2. Januar 2014 vorzulegen 84 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/bank/crisis_management/ index_en.htm. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

hat85. In diesem Kontext wird die Kommission insbeson- 3.1. Ein einheitlicher dere prüfen, ob die Rolle der EBA in Bezug auf Stress- Aufsichtsmechanismus tests weiter gestärkt werden muss, damit eine zu starke Abhängigkeit der Behörde von Informationen und Bei- Der heute von der Kommission vorgeschlagene einheit- trägen derjenigen Behörden, die für die Bewertung der liche Aufsichtsmechanismus beruht auf der Verlagerung tatsächlichen Widerstandsfähigkeit des Bankensektors in besonderer, wesentlicher Aufsichtsaufgaben in Bezug auf der Union zuständig sind, vermieden wird. in den Mitgliedstaaten des Euroraums niedergelassene Banken auf die europäische Ebene. Die Verantwortung Gleichzeitig wird die Kommission durch die Kontrol- würde zwar letztlich bei der EZB liegen, doch würde le staatlicher Beihilfen und die Konditionalität für die diese ihre Aufgaben im Rahmen des einheitlichen Auf- Gewährung wirtschaftlicher Anpassungshilfen auch in sichtsmechanismus ausüben, der aus der EZB und den Zukunft die Finanzstabilität stärken und im EU-Binnen- nationalen Aufsichtsbehörden besteht. Diese Struktur markt gleiche Wettbewerbsbedingungen für das Bankge- wird eine strenge und einheitliche Beaufsichtigung im gewerbe gewährleisten. samten Euroraum unter bestmöglicher Nutzung des vor Ort vorhandenen spezifischen Know-hows der nationalen Aufsichtsbehörden gewährleisten. Auf diese Weise wird Schlüsselmaßnahmen sichergestellt, dass die Aufsichtsbehörden über alle für die Die Kommission fordert das Europäische Parlament Finanzstabilität relevanten Gegebenheiten auf nationaler wie auch auf lokaler Ebene umfassend informiert sind. 554 und den Rat auf, bis Ende 2012 eine Einigung zu erzielen über Die Kommission schlägt außerdem einen Mechanismus vor, der Mitgliedstaaten, die nicht den Euro eingeführt i) die „CDR-4“-Vorschläge, damit sie sowohl im haben, sich aber am einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus gesamten Binnenmarkt als auch im Kontext des beteiligen möchten, eine enge Zusammenarbeit mit der einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus zur Anwen- EZB ermöglicht. dung gelangen können; ii) den Vorschlag für eine Richtlinie über Einlagen- Im Rahmen des einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus wird sicherungssysteme, wie er von der Kommission die EZB für die Beaufsichtigung aller Banken innerhalb vorgelegt wurde; der Bankenunion verantwortlich sein und auf diese das für den gesamten Binnenmarkt geltende einheitliche Regel- iii) den Vorschlag für eine Richtlinie zur Sanierung werk anwenden. Die jüngste Erfahrung hat gezeigt, dass und Abwicklung von Banken. Schwierigkeiten selbst bei relativ kleinen Banken erhebliche negative Auswirkungen auf die Finanzstabilität der Mitgliedstaaten haben können. Daher wird die EZB vom 3. Vollendung der Bankenunion ersten Tag an befugt sein, sofern sie einen entsprechenden Beschluss fasst, die Aufsicht über jede beliebige Bank im

86 Euroraum zu übernehmen, insbesondere wenn die be- Wie von der Kommission bereits im Vorfeld des Euro- treffende Bank Unterstützung aus öffentlichen Mitteln päischen Rates vom Juni 2012 und darüber hinaus auch erhält. Für alle anderen Banken wird die Beaufsichtigung im Bericht der Präsidenten des Europäischen Rates, der durch die EZB stufenweise automatisch ausgeweitet: am Kommission, der Eurogruppe und der Europäischen 87 1. Juli 2013 auf die wichtigsten systemrelevanten euro- Zentralbank vom 26. Juni 2012 dargelegt, erfordert päischen Banken und am 1. Januar 2014 auf alle übrigen die Vollendung der Bankenunion weitere Arbeiten zur Banken. Somit werden zum 1. Januar 2014 alle Banken Errichtung eines einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus, im Euroraum unter europäische Aufsicht gestellt sein. eines gemeinsamen Einlagensicherungssystems und eines Rahmens für ein integriertes Krisenmanagement. Der EZB werden besondere wesentliche Aufsichtsaufga- Die Errichtung des einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus ben übertragen, deren Wahrnehmung mit Blick auf die ist ein wichtiger und entscheidender erster Schritt. Aufdeckung von Risiken für die Lebensfähigkeit von Banken unabdingbar ist. Die EZB wird ermächtigt, von Banken die erforderlichen Abhilfemaßnahmen zu verlan- 85 Gemäß Artikel 81 der Verordnungen zur Errichtung gen. Unter anderem wird die EZB die zuständige Behörde der europäischen Aufsichtsbehörden [Verordnung (EU) sein für die Zulassung von Kreditinstituten, die Prüfung Nr. 1093/2010, Verordnung (EU) Nr. 1094/2010 und qualifizierter Beteiligungen, die Sicherstellung der Einhal- Verordnung (EU) Nr. 1095/2010]. tung der Eigenkapitalanforderungen und der Angemes- 86 http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/banking-union/index_de.htm. 87 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ senheit des internen Kapitals im Verhältnis zum Risiko- pressdata/en/ec/131201.pdf. profil eines Kreditinstituts („Maßnahmen der Säule 2“), Fahrplan für eine Bankenunion die Beaufsichtigung auf konsolidierter Basis sowie für wahrnehmen. Die Abstimmungsmodalitäten innerhalb Aufsichtsaufgaben in Bezug auf Finanzkonglomerate. der EBA werden angepasst, so dass auch künftig Aus- Zudem wird die EZB die Einhaltung von Bestimmungen gewogenheit und Effizienz der EBA-Beschlussfassungs- zum Verschuldungsgrad und zur Mindestliquiditätsquote strukturen gewährleistet sind und dass die Standpunkte sicherstellen, Kapitalpuffer festlegen und in Abstimmung der zuständigen Behörden sowohl der Mitgliedstaaten, mit den Abwicklungsbehörden frühzeitig intervenieren, die sich am einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus betei- wenn eine Bank gegen aufsichtsrechtliche Eigenkapital- ligen, als auch der Mitgliedstaaten, die sich nicht daran vorschriften verstößt oder zu verstoßen droht. beteiligen, berücksichtigt werden und somit die Integrität des Binnenmarkts in vollem Umfang gewahrt bleibt. Die Die EZB wird mit den für die Wahrnehmung ihrer Auf- Änderung der Abstimmungsmodalitäten stellt speziell auf gaben erforderlichen Untersuchungs- und Aufsichtsbe- diejenigen Bereiche ab, in denen die EBA im Zusammen- fugnissen ausgestattet. Es ist eine aktive Einbindung der hang mit der Verfolgung von Rechtsverletzungen und der nationalen Aufsichtsbehörden in den einheitlichen Auf- Beilegung von Meinungsverschiedenheiten verbindliche sichtsmechanismus vorgesehen, damit – im Hinblick auf Beschlüsse über die Anwendung des einheitlichen Regel- die Gewährleistung der Finanzstabilität in der Union und werks fasst. In anderen Bereichen werden die im Rahmen ihren Mitgliedstaaten – eine reibungslose und effiziente der bestehenden Verfahren vorgesehenen Schutzmaßnah- Vorbereitung und Durchführung von Aufsichtsentschei- men als ausreichend betrachtet, um eine ausgewogene dungen sowie die erforderliche Koordinierung und der er- und effiziente Beschlussfassung zu gewährleisten. So sind forderliche Informationsfluss in Bezug auf Fragen lokaler beispielsweise Entwürfe technischer Standards der Kom- wie auch europäischer Natur sichergestellt werden. mission zur Annahme vorzulegen. Die Kommission kann 555 beschließen, diese nicht zu billigen oder sie zu ändern, Sämtliche nicht ausdrücklich der EZB übertragene Auf- insbesondere dann, wenn sie nicht in vollem Einklang mit gaben obliegen auch weiterhin den nationalen Aufsichts- den Grundprinzipien des Binnenmarkts für Finanzdienst- behörden. So werden die nationalen Aufsichtsbehörden leistungen stehen. Schließlich wurde in den Entwurf einer beispielsweise nach wie vor für den Verbraucherschutz Verordnung zur Änderung der Verordnung 1093/2010 und die Bekämpfung von Geldwäsche ebenso wie für die eine spezielle Überprüfungsklausel aufgenommen, so dass Beaufsichtigung von Drittlandskreditinstituten zustän- vor allem den Entwicklungen in den vielen Mitgliedstaa- dig sein, die in einem Mitgliedstaat eine Niederlassung ten, die den Euro eingeführt haben oder deren zuständige gründen oder grenzüberschreitende Dienstleistungen Behörden eine enge Zusammenarbeit eingegangen sind, erbringen. Rechnung getragen und geprüft werden kann, ob im Lichte dieser Entwicklungen etwaige weitere Anpassun- Die EZB muss ihre neuen Aufsichtsaufgaben in völliger gen der betreffenden Vorschriften erforderlich sind, um Unabhängigkeit ausüben können und gleichzeitig in vol- sicherzustellen, dass die Beschlüsse der EBA im Sinne der lem Umfang für ihre Maßnahmen rechenschaftspflichtig Wahrung und Stärkung des Binnenmarkts für Finanz- sein. Zur Gewährleistung der demokratischen Legitimität dienstleistungen gefasst werden. sieht der Kommissionsvorschlag strenge Rechenschafts- pflichten vor, insbesondere gegenüber dem Europäischen Schlüsselmaßnahmen Parlament und dem Rat. Ferner werden in der vorgeschlagenen Verordnung einige organisatorische Grundsätze Die Kommission fordert festgelegt, um für eine klare Trennung zwischen Geldpo- litik und Aufsicht zu sorgen. Konfliktpotenziale zwischen i) den Rat auf, den Vorschlag für eine Verordnung unterschiedlichen politischen Zielen werden dadurch des Rates zur Übertragung besonderer Aufgaben verringert. Gleichzeitig können Synergien in vollem Um- im Zusammenhang mit der Aufsicht über Kredi- fang genutzt werden. Sämtliche vorbereitenden Arbeiten tinstitute auf die Europäische Zentralbank unter und Durchführungsmaßnahmen werden daher Stellen Berücksichtigung des Standpunkts des Europäi- und Verwaltungseinheiten übertragen, die von den geld- schen Parlaments zu erörtern und dringlich zu politischen Funktionen getrennt sind. Speziell zu diesem verabschieden; Zweck wird innerhalb der EZB ein Aufsichtsgremium ii) das Europäische Parlament und den Rat auf, eingerichtet. den Vorschlag zur Änderung der Verordnung 1093/2010 zur Errichtung der EBA zu erörtern Die vorgeschlagenen Änderungen an der EBA-Verord- und dringlich zu verabschieden. nung werden schließlich sicherstellen, dass die EBA auch weiterhin ihre Aufgaben in Bezug auf alle Mitgliedstaa- Eine Einigung über diese beiden Vorschläge sollte noch ten effektiv ausüben kann. Insbesondere wird die EBA vor Ende 2012 erzielt werden. ihre Befugnisse und Aufgaben auch gegenüber der EZB DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

3.2. Weitere Fortschritte beim Management von vermeiden, die rein nationale Entscheidungen mit sich Bankenkrisen Die globale Finanzintegration und der bringen können. Entscheidungen würden in Überein- EU-Binnenmarkt haben es möglich gemacht, dass der stimmung mit den im einheitlichen Regelwerk festgeleg- Bankensektor in einigen Ländern um ein Vielfaches über ten Abwicklungsgrundsätzen getroffen, die internationa- das nationale BIP hinausgewachsen ist und dass einige len Best Practices entsprechen und in vollem Einklang Institute zu groß geworden sind, als dass man sie im Rah- mit den Vorschriften der Union für staatliche Beihilfen men der nationalen Regelungen scheitern lassen könnte stehen. Vor allem sollten Anteilseigner und Gläubiger die („too big to fail“), aber auch zu groß, als dass man sie Kosten einer Abwicklung tragen, bevor externe Mittel retten könnte („too big to save“). Andererseits hat die bereitgestellt werden, und es sollten privatwirtschaftliche Erfahrung gezeigt, dass der Ausfall selbst relativ kleiner Lösungen gefunden werden, bevor Steuergelder einge- Banken grenzüberschreitend systemische Schäden versetzt werden. ursachen kann. Außerdem können grenzübergreifende Bankenruns die nationalen Bankensysteme erheblich Darüber hinaus könnten einem solchen einheitlichen schwächen, das finanzielle Standing eines Staates weiter Abwicklungsmechanismus nach Bewertung seiner Funk- beschädigen und sowohl für die Banken als auch für den tionsweise auch weitere Koordinierungsaufgaben in den Staat zu einer raschen Verschärfung der Finanzierungs- Bereichen Krisenmanagement und Abwicklungsinst- probleme führen. rumente im Bankensektor übertragen werden, wie dies in dem im Juni 2012 von den Präsidenten des Europä- Eine verstärkte Aufsicht im Rahmen der Bankenunion ischen Rates, der Kommission, der EZB und der Euro- 556 wird die Banken widerstandsfähiger machen. Wenn es gruppe vorgestellten Bericht dargelegt wurde. dennoch zu einer Krise kommt, muss sichergestellt sein, dass Institute auf geordnete Weise abgewickelt werden können und dass die Einleger ihre Ersparnisse in Sicher- Schlüsselmaßnahmen heit wissen. Sobald eine Einigung über die vorliegenden

88 Vorschläge zu den Einlagensicherungssystemen und Vor diesem Hintergrund hat die Kommission betont , zur Sanierung und Abwicklung von Banken erzielt dass eine Bankenunion auch ein stärker zentralisiertes wurde, beabsichtigt die Kommission insbesondere, Management von Bankenkrisen umfassen sollte. Auch einen einheitlichen Abwicklungsmechanismus für die das Europäische Parlament hat Fortschritte in diesem Abwicklung von Banken und die Koordinierung der Bereich gefordert. Die Notwendigkeit gemeinsamer Anwendung von Abwicklungsinstrumenten auf Ban- „Mechanismen für die Bankenrestrukturierung und die ken im Rahmen der Bankenunion vorzuschlagen Absicherung von Kundeneinlagen“ wurde außerdem in dem von den Präsidenten des Europäischen Rates, der Kommission, der Eurogruppe und der Europäischen Zentralbank am 26. Juni 2012 vorgelegten Bericht89 4. Nächste Schritte herausgestellt. Die Europäische Union verfügt über Mittel und Wege, Daher plant die Kommission vor allem, einen Vorschlag um ihre derzeitigen Schwächen zu überwinden und zur Schaffung eines einheitlichen Abwicklungsmecha- als wesentlichen Schritt auf dem Weg zu einer echten nismus vorzulegen, in dessen Rahmen die Abwicklung Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion die Bankenunion zu von Banken und insbesondere die Anwendung von errichten. Abwicklungsinstrumenten auf Banken innerhalb der Bankenunion geregelt wird. Ein solcher Mechanismus Die Kommission fordert das Europäische Parlament und wäre effizienter als ein Netz nationaler Abwicklungsbe- den Rat auf, hörden, insbesondere in Fällen grenzüberschreitender Insolvenzen, da es bei der Bewältigung von Bankenkri- –– der Bankenunion ihre volle Unterstützung zuteil sen auf rasches und glaubwürdiges Handeln ankommt. werden zu lassen und die in dieser Mitteilung darge- Er wäre eine natürliche Ergänzung des zu schaffenden legten Orientierungen sowie den darin umrissenen einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus. Die Einrichtung Fahrplan zu billigen; eines solchen Mechanismus würde auch erhebliche Grö- ßenvorteile bewirken und die negativen externen Effekte –– im Legislativprozess den für die Errichtung der Bankenunion erforderlichen Maßnahmen höchste Priorität einzuräumen; 88 http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/banking-union/index_de.htm. 89 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ –– so bald wie möglich, in jedem Fall aber noch pressdata/en/ec/131201.pdf. vor Ende des Jahres, die vorliegenden Vorschläge Fahrplan für eine Bankenunion

zu folgenden Bereichen zur Verabschiedung zu bringen: –– Einlagensicherungssysteme; –– Zugang zur Tätigkeit von Kreditinstituten und Beaufsichtigung von Kreditinstituten und Wertpa- pierfirmen („CRD“); –– aufsichtsrechtliche Anforderungen für Kreditinstitu- te und Wertpapierfirmen („CRR“); –– Rahmen für die Sanierung und Abwicklung von Kreditinstituten und Wertpapierfirmen; –– Übertragung bestimmter Aufgaben im Zusammen- hang mit der Aufsicht über Kreditinstitute auf die EZB; –– Änderung bestimmter Vorschriften der EBA-Verordnung. Mit der Vorlage dieser Mitteilung und der beigefügten 557 Legislativvorschläge hat die Kommission das ihr Ende Juni vom Europäischen Rat und den Staats- und Regie- rungschefs des Euro-Währungsgebiets erteilte Mandat zügig und verantwortungsvoll erfüllt. Nun ist es an den anderen Organen, ihren Beitrag zu leisten, um sicherzustellen, dass der einheitliche Aufsichtsmechanismus bis zum 1. Januar 2013 errichtet wird. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

558 EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION BRÜSSEL, DEN 28.11.2012 COM(2012) 777

1. Grundlagen, Ziele und der Euro hat auch eine effizientere Ressourcenverteilung ermöglicht und über die Grenzen hinweg mehr Transpa- 559 Vorteile der WWU renz in die Preisgestaltung für Waren und Dienstleistungen gebracht. Für unsere elektronisch vernetzte Welt ist diese Nach den Verträgen ist es das Ziel der Europäischen Uni- Schaffung gleicher Ausgangsbedingungen im Binnen- on, den Frieden, ihre Werte und das Wohlergehen ihrer markt ein kraftvolles Wachstumsinstrument. Der Euro hat Völker zu fördern. Sie wirkt auf die nachhaltige Entwick- den Handel zwischen Ländern des Euro-Währungsgebiets lung Europas auf der Grundlage eines ausgewogenen Wirt- deutlich erleichtert und zugleich materielle und finanzielle schaftswachstums und von Preisstabilität, eine in hohem Investitionen zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten befördert. Das Maße wettbewerbsfähige soziale Marktwirtschaft, die auf Euro-Währungsgebiet ist aufgrund des stabilen Euro ein Vollbeschäftigung und sozialen Fortschritt abzielt, sowie attraktiver Investitionsstandort geworden. Dieser Han- ein hohes Maß an Umweltschutz und Verbesserung der dels- und Investitionszuwachs begünstigt Wachstum und Umweltqualität hin. Sie fördert den wirtschaftlichen, so- Beschäftigung. Indem das Eurosystem genügend Liquidi- zialen und territorialen Zusammenhalt und die Solidari- tät bereitgestellt hat, konnten die Probleme auf dem Inter- tät zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten. Die Europäische Union bankenmarkt in einer Zeit finanzieller Störungen und Un- errichtet eine Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion (WWU), sicherheit aufgefangen werden. Das Euro-Währungsgebiet deren Währung der Euro ist (vgl. Artikel 3 EUV). ist dynamisch und in kontinuierlichem Wandel begriffen. Trotz der Krise ist eine Mitgliedschaft im Euro-Währungs- Die Gründung der WWU und die Einführung des Euro gebiet, dem bislang 17 Mitgliedstaaten angehören und sind Meilensteine der europäischen Integration. Sie ragen dessen Mitgliederzahl in der Zukunft steigen dürfte, nach unter den wegweisenden Errungenschaften der EU beson- wie vor erstrebenswert: So wurde der Euro im Januar 2009 ders heraus. Der Euro ist nicht nur bei uns, sondern in der in der Slowakei und im Januar 2011 in Estland eingeführt. ganzen Welt eines der Wahrzeichen Europas. Die Grün- der der WWU verfolgten mit der Idee einer einheitlichen Schwächen in der ursprünglichen Währung wirtschaftlich wie auch politisch ehrgeizige Zie- Konstruktion der WWU und Einhaltung le. Einige dieser Ziele wurden bereits erreicht, andere gilt der Regeln es noch zu verwirklichen. Bereits bei Ausbruch der Finanzkrise im Jahr 2008 verzeich- Als zweitgrößte Reservewährung der Welt ist der Euro neten einige Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets fester Bestandteil der Weltwirtschaft. Auch international eine hohe private und öffentliche Verschuldung, einen Ein- ist der Euro aus den Bilanzen nicht mehr wegzudenken. bruch ihrer Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und makroökonomische Durch den Euro haben die über 330 Millionen Bürgerin- Ungleichgewichte. Sie waren deshalb bei Ausbruch der nen und Bürger in der Eurozone Zugang zu einem Bin- Krise besonders gefährdet, wobei erhebliche Ansteckungs- nenmarkt, in dem sie die Preise für Waren und Dienst- effekte zwischen den Ländern des Euro-Raums bestanden, leistungen unmittelbar miteinander vergleichen können. als sich die Krise zu einer Staatsschuldenkrise ausweitete. Mit der Einführung des Euro entfielen nicht nur Wech- Zum Teil ist die Zuspitzung dieser Gefährdungen auf eine selkursrisiken und Kosten für Devisengeschäfte, sondern DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

unzureichende Einhaltung und Wahrung des im Stabili- gesorgt, dass das Schuldenkriterium des Vertrags in der täts- und Wachstumspakt (SWP) verankerten Regelwerks korrektiven Komponente des SWP umgesetzt wurde, für die WWU zurückzuführen. Zu einem wesentlichen so dass in guten Zeiten die Haushaltsziele verfehlt Teil liegen diese Anfälligkeiten jedoch in der ursprüngli- wurden und der Schuldenstand in hochverschuldeten chen institutionellen Konstruktion der WWU begründet: Ländern nicht reduziert werden konnte. Insbesondere fehlte es an einem Instrument zur systematischen Behebung makroökonomischer Ungleichgewichte. b) Die Koordinierung der einzelstaatlichen Wirtschafts- politik über den Haushaltsbereich hinaus stützte sich Die WWU ist unter den modernen Währungsunionen auf sogenannte „weiche Instrumente“ (z. B. Konfor- insofern einmalig, als sie eine zentralisierte Währungspo- mitätsdruck und Empfehlungen) und hatte nur be- litik mit dezentralisierter Verantwortung für die meisten dingt Einfluss auf das Handeln der Mitgliedstaaten des wirtschaftspolitischen Bereiche verbindet, wobei gewis- Euro-Währungsgebiets. Das Instrument war folglich se Einschränkungen in Bezug auf die einzelstaatliche zu schwach, um dem zunehmenden Wettbewerbs- Haushaltspolitik bestehen. Im Gegensatz zu anderen rückstand und der Wachstumsschere zwischen Mit- Währungsunionen gibt es weder eine zentrale fiskalpoli- gliedstaaten Einhalt zu gebieten. Ferner wurde den tische90 Funktion noch eine zentralisierte Fiskalkapazität Spillover-Effekten einzelstaatlicher Maßnahmen auf (d. h. auch keinen föderalen Haushalt). Seit Einführung das gesamte Euro-Währungsgebiet wenig Beachtung des Euro ist klar, dass in Anbetracht der zunehmenden geschenkt. In den nationalen wirtschaftspolitischen Verflechtung der Euro-Mitgliedstaaten eine solide Haus- Entscheidungsprozessen wurde wiederum dem euro- 560 halts- und Wirtschaftspolitik besonders wichtig sein wür- päischen Kontext, in den die Volkswirtschaften ein- de. Der SWP91 enthält die Regeln für eine diesbezügliche gebettet sind, nicht genügend Rechnung getragen. Es haushaltspolitische Koordinierung. Des Weiteren enthält gab dafür keinen Anlass, da es aufgrund eines weltweit der SWP Maßnahmen für den Fall, dass die Mitgliedstaa- bestehenden Überflusses an Liquidität im Grund keine ten diese Regeln nicht befolgen. Es wurde damals davon Risiken gab. ausgegangen, dass diese Koordinierung ausreichen würde, um auf einzelstaatlicher Ebene eine solide Politik zu ge- c) Die Finanzmärkte spielen eine wichtige Rolle, wenn es währleisten. Bereits 2008 schlug die Kommission in ihrem darum geht, Anreize für Länder zu schaffen, sich um Bericht EMU@1092 eine Reihe von Änderungen vor. Die nachhaltige öffentlichen Finanzen zu bemühen, denn Krise zeigte, dass dringender Handlungsbedarf bestand. sie preisen das Ausfallrisiko in den Zinssatz mit ein, zu dem Staaten Kapital aufnehmen können. Als in Das Euro-Währungsgebiet musste sich seit 2008 zahlrei- den späten 1990er Jahren weltweit der Inflationsdruck chen Herausforderungen stellen. Bezeichnend waren dabei sank, erfolgte eine schnelle und anhaltende Expansion folgende Probleme: der Geldversorgung durch die Zentralbanken. In Ver- bindung mit neuen Ansätzen für die Risikoverlagerung a) Der SWP wurden von den Mitgliedstaaten nicht ge- innerhalb des Finanzsystems führte dies zu einem weit- nügend befolgt und es fehlt ihm an robusten Mecha- verbreiteten Liquiditätsüberschuss, einem allgegenwär- nismen zur Gewährleistung nachhaltiger öffentlicher tigen Renditestreben und letztendlich zu einer völlig Finanzen. Die Durchsetzung der präventiven Kompo- falschen Risikobepreisung sowohl bei privaten als auch nente des SWP, die verlangt, dass die Mitgliedstaaten öffentlichen Vermögenswerten. Gleichzeitig stützte eine solide Haushaltsposition wahren, war zu schwach; sich die Europäische Zentralbank (EZB) im Zuge der die Mitgliedstaaten haben Zeiten kontinuierlichen Einführung des Euro bei ihren Offenmarkt-Geschäf- Wachstums nicht dafür genutzt, eine ehrgeizige Fis- ten auf nationale Anleihen, wodurch sie ihnen den für kalpolitik aufzulegen. Gleichzeitig wurde nicht dafür Sicherheiten der Zentralbank erforderlichen Rang als erstklassige Wertpapiere verlieh. Das Ergebnis war trotz 90 Das Adjektiv „fiskalpolitisch“ ist in diesem Text im Sinne von der unterschiedlichen einzelstaatlichen Haushaltslagen „haushaltspolitisch“ zu verstehen. eine starke Renditekonvergenz, die die Marktdiszi- 91 Das WWU-Rahmenwerk umfasst einen Katalog detaillierter plin erheblich untergrub. Dies führte unter anderem Bestimmungen aus dem Vertrag, mit denen a) die Europäische zu den umfangreichen Investitionen der Banken in Zentralbank als unabhängige Währungsbehörde für das Euro-Währungsgebiet geschaffen wurde, b) die Regeln für Staatsanleihen. In Volkswirtschaften des Euro-Wäh- die einzelstaatliche Haushaltspolitik festgelegt wurden rungsgebiets in wirtschaftlichem Aufschwung und mit (z. B. Verfahren bei einem übermäßigen Defizit, Verbot der relativ hohen Inflationsraten waren die Realzinsen in monetären Finanzierung und Verbot des bevorrechtigten der Regel niedrig oder sogar negativ, was in einigen Zugangs sowie die sogenannte No-bail-out-Klausel) und c) ganz allgemein Regeln für die Überwachung der Ländern zur Vergrößerung des Kreditvolumens und in Wirtschaftspolitik der Mitgliedstaaten festgelegt wurden. der Folge zur Entstehung immenser Immobilienblasen 92 http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/publications/ beitrug. publication_summary12680_en.htm EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion d) Mit der Einführung der WWU zog das Tempo der vor Zersplitterung entsprechend nationalen Grenzen, finanziellen Integration erheblich an. Während sich besonders im Bankensektor, geschützt; sie hat die wirt- dadurch neue Möglichkeiten der Portfolio-Diversi- schaftspolitische Steuerung der WWU einer „Überho- fizierung eröffneten, bedeutete dies auch, dass sich lung“ unterzogen, um die Schwächen in der wirtschafts- Schocks im Finanzsektor erheblich schneller über die politischen Überwachung zu beheben; sie hat wichtige nationalen Grenzen hinaus übertrugen. Trotz stärke- Legislativvorschläge eingebracht, mit denen die Reform rer Marktintegration lag die Verantwortung für Auf- der Finanzaufsicht eingeleitet wurde, für eine Koordinie- sicht und Krisenmanagement weiterhin vor allem auf rung und Aufsicht der Bankenrettungsmaßnahmen auf einzelstaatlicher Ebene. Diese Asymmetrie zwischen EU-Ebene gesorgt und mit dem Europäischen Konjunk- integrierten Finanzmärkten auf der einen und einer turprogramm klare Zeichen für die Unterstützung der finanziellen, weiterhin national segmentierten Stabi- Realwirtschaft gesetzt. litätsarchitektur auf der anderen Seite erschwerte in allen Phasen der derzeitigen Krise die Abstimmung Die massive Unterstützung des Europäischen Parlaments zwischen den zuständigen Behörden. In Ermange- hat maßgeblich dazu beigetragen, dass diese Initiativen lung gemeinsamer Regeln und Einrichtungen, die im schnell griffen und die vorgeschlagenen Rechtsvorschrif- gesamten Euro-Währungsgebiet für die Aufsicht und ten ohne Verzögerungen in Kraft traten. Die 2010 vom Abwicklung hätten zuständig sein können, war es sehr Präsidenten des Europäischen Rates eingesetzte Task schwierig, auf die Krise zu reagieren. Da es weder ei- Force zur Stärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung nen integrierten Rahmen auf EU-Ebene noch einen konnte zügig einen Konsens zwischen den Mitgliedstaa- Mechanismus gab, mit dem gemeinsam auf Risiken ten in Befürwortung der Vorschläge der Kommission 561 reagiert werden könnte, die aus dem Bankensektor herbeiführen. Ferner konnten im Zuge häufiger Treffen stammen und mehrere oder sogar alle Mitgliedstaaten des Europäischen Rates wichtige Zusagen und maßgeb- betrafen, entstanden gravierende negative Rückkopp- liche Schritte der Mitgliedstaaten zur Krisenbewältigung lungsschleifen zwischen dem Bankensystem und den erzielt werden. hoheitlichen Kreditnehmern in den krisengefährdeten Staaten. Diese negative Rückkopplung verschärfte die Alle Mitglieder des Euro-Währungsgebiets und die meis- Schuldenkrise und führte zu einer Umkehr der Kapi- ten anderen EU-Mitgliedstaaten haben sich mit dem talströme. Aus diesem Grunde waren einige Mitglied- Vertrag über Stabilität, Koordinierung und Steuerung staaten von der marktbasierten Finanzierung ausge- in der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion (SKSV), der im schlossen; ferner bestand das Risiko einer Ansteckung März 2012 von allen EU-Mitgliedstaaten (mit Ausnah- für das Euro-Währungsgebiet als Ganzes. In diesem me der Tschechischen Republik und des Vereinigten Kö- Zusammenhang erwies sich das Fehlen eines wirksa- nigreichs) unterzeichnet wurde, verpflichtet, die Regeln men Mechanismus als eindeutiger Schwachpunkt in und Grundsätze der EU für die Haushaltsüberwachung den Krisenmanagementregelungen, denn über einen in ihre einzelstaatlichen Rechtsrahmen zu integrieren. solchen Mechanismus hätte notleidenden Mitglied- Die Schaffung einer finanziellen „Brandmauer“ für das staaten Liquidität bereitgestellt, die Ansteckungsgefahr Euro-Währungsgebiet und die darauf folgenden Be- im Rahmen gehalten und die Finanzstabilität im Eu- schlüsse, den Umfang und die Flexibilität dieses Schutz- ro-Währungsgebiet gewahrt werden können. systems auszuweiten und auf Dauer einzurichten, haben das Krisenmanagement in seinen Möglichkeiten erheb- Auch wenn die EU diese großen Herausforderungen mit lich gestärkt. Entschiedenheit angegangen ist, bedarf es einer weiteren Vertiefung der WWU. Das „Konzept für eine vertiefte und 2.1. Haushaltsüberwachung echte WWU“ beschreibt die Elemente und Schritte, die erforderlich sind, damit das Ziel einer vollumfänglichen Die Kommission stellte in den beiden Mitteilungen Banken-, Wirtschafts-, Fiskal- und politischen Union er- vom 12. Mai 2010 und 30. Juni 2010 eine Strategie reicht werden kann. zur „Verstärkung der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinie- rung“ vor.93 Auf diese Mitteilungen folgte ein Paket mit Vorschlägen für Rechtsvorschriften, das die Kommissi- 2. Bisherige Maßnahmen: on am 29. September 2010 verabschiedete. Reaktion auf die Krise

Die Kommission hat bei der Krisenbewältigung eine füh- 93 Siehe die Mitteilungen der Kommission vom 12. Mai rende Rolle übernommen: Sie hat den Binnenmarkt vor 2010 (KOM(2010) 250 endg.) und vom 30. Juni 2010 sich abzeichnenden protektionistischen Tendenzen und (KOM(2010) 367 endg.) sowie die sechs Legislativvorschläge vom 29. September 2010 (KOM(2010) 522 bis 527 endg.). DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Dank einer effizienten interinstitutionellen Zusammen- dass die einzelstaatlichen Entscheidungsprozesse zu einer arbeit kam das Gesetzgebungsverfahren zügig voran, so politischen Umsetzung führen, die den europäischen dass im Dezember 2011 mit der Annahme eines Pakets Anforderungen entspricht. Die Unterzeichnerstaaten von sechs Legislativvorschlägen (den sogenannten „Six- des Euro-Währungsgebiets haben sich verpflichtet, die pack-Reformen“), mit denen die durch die Wirtschafts- Grundsätze des SWP im Wege rechtsverbindlicher und und Finanzkrise zutage gebrachten Schwächen behoben dauerhafter Bestimmungen direkt in ihre einzelstaatli- werden sollten, die Novellierung des europäischen Rah- chen Rechtsrahmen aufzunehmen. Hierzu wird u. a. ein mens für die wirtschaftliche und haushaltspolitischen nationaler Korrekturmechanismus unter der Aufsicht Überwachung abgeschlossen werden konnte. Das Paket einer unabhängigen Stelle zählen, um sicherzustellen, umfasste drei Verordnungen zur Stärkung des europäi- dass die Haushaltsziele in der präventiven Komponente schen Rahmens für die haushaltspolitische Überwachung des SWP eingehalten werden. Obwohl es sich bei dem (d. h. des SWP), zwei Verordnungen zur Einführung SKSV um einen zwischenstaatlichen Vertrag handelt, ist eines neuen Überwachungsverfahrens für makroökono- dort bereits vorgesehen, dass seine Inhalte binnen höchs- mische Ungleichgewichte sowie eine Richtlinie zu den tens fünf Jahren in den Rechtsrahmen der EU überführt Minimalanforderungen an die haushaltspolitischen Rah- werden. Die Kommission arbeitet bereits mit dem Eu- men der Mitgliedstaaten. ropäischen Parlament und dem Rat an der Umsetzung einiger auf die Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsge- Mit dem Legislativpaket wurde durch Einführung ei- biets anwendbaren SKSV-Bestimmungen in EU-Recht. ner Ausgabenregel, die das Ausgabenwachstum an die Hierbei handelt es sich um Legislativvorschläge, die sich 562 mittelfristige Wachstumsrate des Potenzialwachstums momentan im EU-Beschlussfassungsverfahren befinden des Bruttoinlandsprodukts knüpft, die präventive Kom- und als „Twopack-Reformen“ bekannt sind. ponente des SWP massiv gestärkt. Mit den Rechtsvor- schriften wurde auch die Möglichkeit vorgesehen, auf Das zwei Verordnungen umfassende Twopack wurde frühen Stufen des Verfahrens Sanktionen zu verhängen. von der Kommission im November 2011 vorgeschlagen Von Ländern, deren Haushaltsposition nicht solide ge- und soll sowohl die haushaltspolitische Koordinierung nug ist, kann fortan eine verzinsliche Einlage von 0,2 % als auch die Haushaltsüberwachung stärken und so eine des BIP verlangt werden. Die neuen Rechtsvorschriften gezielte Krisenprävention und ein effektiveres korrigie- ermöglichen außerdem bei schweren haushaltspoliti- rendes Handeln im Falle von Abweichungen von den schen Fehlern ein entschiedeneres Vorgehen innerhalb haushaltspolitischen Vorgaben des SWP ermöglichen. der korrektiven Komponente des SWP. Ferner enthal- Alle Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets werden ten sie eine neue quantifizierte Regel, nach der Mit- zu festen Terminen der Kommission und ihren Partnern gliedstaaten, deren Haushaltsdefizit die im Vertrag von im Euro-Raum ihre Haushaltsentwürfe für das kom- Maastricht vorgesehene Obergrenze überschreitet, dieses mende Haushaltsjahr vor der parlamentarischen Verab- Defizit unverzüglich reduzieren müssen. Die Einleitung schiedung vorlegen. Ferner stärken die Twopack-Refor- des Verfahrens bei übermäßigem Defizit (VÜD) kann men die Monitoring- und Überwachungsverfahren für jetzt aufgrund ungünstiger Staatschuldenentwicklun- Mitgliedstaaten, die von gravierenden Schwierigkeiten gen sowie aufgrund hoher Haushaltsdefizite erfolgen. in Bezug auf ihre Finanzstabilität betroffen sind oder Fi- Durch Einführung des Prinzips der umgekehrten qua- nanzhilfe erhalten. lifizierten Mehrheit wurde die Position der Kommission bei Beschlüssen über die Verhängung von Sanktionen 2.2. Wirtschaftspolitische Überwachung gegenüber Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets erheblich gestärkt. Während bislang für die Verhängung Eine große Schwäche der vor der Krise bestehenden von Sanktionen eine qualifizierte Mehrheit im Rat be- Überwachungsvorkehrungen bestand darin, dass keine nötigt wurde, bedarf es in Zukunft einer qualifizierten systematische Überwachung makroökonomischer Un- Mehrheit, um die von der Kommission vorgeschlagenen gleichgewichte und der Entwicklung der Wettbewerbs- Sanktionen zu kippen. fähigkeit erfolgte. Während derartige Entwicklungen im Rahmen von Kommissionsberichten über die Mitglied- Das Sixpack beinhaltete ebenfalls eine Richtlinie zu staaten, einschließlich der Stellungnahmen zu den Sta- den Minimalanforderungen an die haushaltspolitischen bilitäts- und Konvergenzprogrammen, und im Zuge der Rahmen der Mitgliedstaaten, mit denen sichergestellt alle zwei Jahre erfolgenden informellen Überprüfung der werden sollte, dass die fiskalpolitischen Rahmen der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Mitglieder des Euro-Raums Mitgliedstaaten dem EU-Regelwerk gerecht werden. analysiert wurden, gab es keine formalen Instrumente für Auch in dem zwischenstaatlichen Vertrag über Stabilität, eine systematische Analyse und ein systematisches Fol- Koordinierung und Steuerung in der Wirtschafts- und low-up in Form konkreter wirtschaftspolitischer Emp- Währungsunion (SKSV) geht es darum zu gewährleisten, fehlungen. Das mit den Sixpack-Reformen eingeführte EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion

Verfahren bei makroökonomischen Ungleichgewichten Aufsichtsregeln für Banken vorgeschlagen worden. Zum (VMU) soll diese Lücke schließen. Es handelt sich hier- ersten Mal werden die Anforderungen an eine angemes- bei um einen neuen Überwachungsmechanismus, mit sene Eigenkapitalausstattung nicht in einer Richtlinie, dem einerseits makroökonomische Ungleichgewichte sondern in einer Verordnung festgelegt. Die Verabschie- vermieden und andererseits Unterschiede und Ungleich- dung der Eigenkapitalverordnung wird die Fertigstellung gewichte in der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit frühzeitig erkannt des einheitlichen Regelwerks für Finanzinstitute in der und korrigiert werden sollen. Grundlage für dieses Europäischen Union deutlich voranbringen. Die EU ist Verfahren ist ein Warnsystem, für das ein sogenanntes auch auf dem Gebiet der Steuerung tätig geworden und Scoreboard mit Indikatoren sowie umfassende Länder- hat verbindliche Vorschriften für Vergütungsregelungen studien herangezogen werden, um Ungleichgewichte zu eingeführt, um zu verhindern, dass Banken übermäßige ermitteln und, falls erforderlich, ein neues Verfahren bei Risiken eingehen. makroökonomischen Ungleichgewichten (VMU) einzuleiten. Untermauert wird das neue Verfahren durch Die EU hat die Aufsicht über die Finanzmärkte ver- Durchsetzungsbestimmungen in Form finanzieller Sank- schärft, indem sie das Europäische Finanzaufsichtssystem tionen für Mitglieder des Euro-Währungsgebiets, die (ESFS) eingerichtet hat, das sich aus drei Europäischen dem Ergebnis des VMU nicht nachkommen. Aufsichtsbehörden (ESA) – der Europäische Banken- aufsichtsbehörde (EBA), der Europäischen Aufsichtsbe- Die einzelnen Komponenten der wirtschaftspolitischen, hörde für das Versicherungswesen und die betriebliche haushaltspolitischen und strukturellen Überwachung Altersversorgung (EIOPA) und der Europäischen Wert- wurden auch aufgrund der Änderungen, die seit Beginn papier- und Marktaufsichtsbehörde (ESMA) – sowie 563 der Krise erforderlich wurden und die zur Einführung dem für die Aufsicht auf der Makroebene zuständigen des Europäischen Semesters führten, vollumfänglich Europäischen Ausschuss für Systemrisiken (ESRB) zu- aufgenommen. Während diese Komponenten früher sammensetzt. Die drei ESA arbeiten mit den Aufsichtbe- getrennt gewürdigt wurden, erfolgt ihre Überwachung hörden der Mitgliedstaaten zusammen, um zu gewähr- jetzt gleichzeitig in den ersten sechs Monaten eines leisten, dass harmonisierte Vorschriften gelten und die Kalenderjahres, damit die Mitgliedstaaten dann in den neuen Anforderungen strikt und kohärent umgesetzt darauf folgenden sechs Monaten die länderspezifischen werden. Der ESRB soll Gefahren für die Stabilität des Empfehlungen in ihren Haushaltsverfahren berück- Finanzsystems als Ganzes erkennen, damit Schwächen sichtigen können. Strategische Empfehlungen für die rechtzeitig behoben werden können. Mitgliedstaaten erfolgen, bevor die Mitgliedstaaten ihre jeweiligen Haushaltsentwürfe für das kommende Jahr Die Ratingagenturen, die eine maßgebliche Rolle beim finalisieren. Entstehen der Krise gespielt haben, werden nun von der ESMA genau überwacht. Mit den 2012 erlassenen 2.3. Finanzmarktregulierung und Rechtsvorschriften wird sichergestellt, dass das Clea- aufsicht ring für alle standardisierten OTC-Derivate von zentralen Gegenparteien vorgenommen wird, so dass sich Die Europäische Union hat in den vergangenen vier das Kontrahentenrisiko verringert. Zudem werden alle Jahren entscheidende Schritte zur Finanzmarktregulie- standardisierten und ausreichend liquiden Derivate auf rung und aufsicht unternommen und setzt zurzeit ein regulierten Plattformen gehandelt, sobald die von der ehrgeiziges, umfangreiches Finanzreformprogramm um. Kommission vorgeschlagenen Rechtsakte verabschiedet Die Finanzinstitute und märkte, von denen die Krise sind. Die Frage der Leerverkäufe ist bereits im Rahmen ausging, sollen stabiler, wettbewerbsfähiger und wider- der Rechtsvorschriften zur Erhöhung der Transparenz standsfähiger werden. Der Präsident der Kommission behandelt worden. hatte Jacques de Larosière, den ehemaligen Geschäftsfüh- renden Direktor des IWF und Präsidenten der Banque 2.4. Mechanismen zur Bewältigung der de France, beauftragt, einen umfassenden Bericht über Krise geeignete Maßnahmen vorzulegen. Auf der Grundlage des De-Larosière-Berichts hat die Kommission ein um- Ein zentraler Teil des Konzepts für die Bewältigung fassendes Programm für eine Finanzregulierungsreform der Krise war die Entwicklung eines Krisenbewäl- vorgeschlagen. tigungsmechanismus, der die Fragilität der Finanz- märkte beheben und die Ansteckungsgefahr für die Im Rahmen der vierten Eigenkapitalrichtlinie (Capi- Mitgliedstaaten verringern sollte. Auf Initiative der tal Requirements Directive – CRD4) und der Eigen- Kommission wurden im Mai 2010 zwei befristete Ret- kapitalverordnung (Capital Requirements Regulation tungsschirme eingerichtet: der Europäische Finanzsta- – CRR), die derzeit beraten werden, sind strengere bilisierungsmechanismus (EFSM) und die Europäische DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Finanzstabilisierungsfazilität (EFSF). Der EFSM ist ein sie die Regelung für Sicherheiten sowohl für Hauptre- auf die Mittel des EU-Haushalts gestütztes Finanzhilfein- finanzierungsgeschäfte als auch für Liquiditätshilfen im strument, das von allen 27 Mitgliedstaaten der Europäi- Krisenfall lockerte. Im Mai 2010 startete das Eurosys- schen Union in Anspruch genommen werden kann und tem das Programm für die Wertpapiermärkte (Securities auf dem bestehenden vertraglichen Rahmen beruht. Die Market Programme – SMP) und begann, im Rahmen be- EFSF ist eine Gesellschaft mit Sitz in Luxemburg, deren grenzter, sterilisierter Interventionen Staatsanleihen auf- Anteilseigner die Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsge- zukaufen. Als sich die Finanzierungsengpässe im zweiten biets sind und deren Arbeitsweise in einer zwischenstaat- Halbjahr 2011 verschärften und dadurch die Finanzsta- lichen Vereinbarung geregelt ist. Die Darlehenskapazität bilität im gesamten Euro-Währungsgebiet bedroht war, der EFSF stützt sich lediglich auf die Garantien der be- gewährte die EZB den Banken Zugang zu außerordent- teiligten Mitgliedstaaten und steht nur den Mitgliedstaa- lich langfristigen Refinanzierungsgeschäften (long-term ten des Euro-Währungsgebiets zur Verfügung. refinancing operations – LTRO) mit Laufzeiten von bis zu drei Jahren (im Vergleich zu einer Höchstlaufzeit von Angesichts der zunehmenden Verfestigung der Krise ge- drei Monaten im Rahmen der normalen Verfahren). Die stalteten die Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets drei LTRO-Zuteilungen haben einen großen Einfluss auf die bestehenden Stützungsmechanismen robuster und die Anlegerstimmung ausgeübt und den Druck, der sich flexibler und beschlossen, einen ständigen Krisenbewäl- auf den Interbankenmärkten aufgebaut hatte, erheblich tigungsmechanismus einzurichten, um die Finanzstabili- verringert. Zwar ist der Zugang zu Refinanzierungsmög- tät im Euro-Währungsgebiet und seinen Mitgliedstaaten lichkeiten für viele Banken nach wie vor schwierig, es 564 besser zu schützen. Als permanentes finanzielles Sicher- gibt jedoch neuerdings Anzeichen für eine Entspannung heitsnetz für das Euro-Währungsgebiet wurde dann am auf diesen Märkten, vor allem für größere Banken. 8. Oktober 2012 der Europäische Stabilitätsmechanis- mus (ESM) eingeweiht, der nun voll funktionsfähig ist, Das Übergreifen der Krise auf die Märkte für Staats- nachdem alle Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets anleihen sowie die Entstehung negativer Rückkopp- die Ratifikation des ESM-Vertrags abgeschlossen haben. lungsschleifen zwischen Banken und Staaten haben zu Der ESM ist mit 500 Mrd. EUR die kapitalstärkste in- einer weitreichenden Fragmentierung des Finanzsystems ternationale Finanzinstitution und die größte regionale im Euro-Währungsgebiet und zu einem sogenannten Brandmauer der Welt. Seine Gründung ist ein wichtiger „Umstellungsrisiko“ aufgrund von Befürchtungen ei- Schritt, um sicherzustellen, dass das Euro-Währungs- ner Rückabwicklung des Euro geführt. Die EZB hat gebiet über die Kapazitäten für die Rettung von durch daraufhin einen Beschluss als Grundlage für den unbe- Kreditausfälle in finanzielle Schwierigkeiten geratenen grenzten Ankauf von Staatsanleihen (Outright Monetary Mitgliedstaaten verfügt. Der Europäische Gerichtshof Transactions – OMT) auf dem Sekundärmarkt erlassen, hat am 27. November 2012 bestätigt, dass der ESM-Ver- der mit einer strikten und wirksamen Konditionalität trag in seiner derzeitigen Fassung mit dem EU-Recht verbunden ist.95 Damit sollen eine erfolgreiche Über- vereinbar ist.94 tragung der EZB-Politik auf die Realwirtschaft im gesamten Euro-Währungsgebiet und Einheitlichkeit in der Die EZB hat bei der Reaktion des Euro-Währungsgebiets Währungspolitik gesichert werden. Die Transaktionen auf die Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise eine entscheidende erfolgen strikt im Rahmen der Aufgabe der EZB, mit- Rolle gespielt. Als Erstes wurde der amtliche Refinanzie- telfristig die Preisstabilität zu erhalten. Eine notwendi- rungssatz wegen des wirtschaftlichen Abschwungs fast ge Voraussetzung für OMT ist, dass sie durch strikte auf Null gesenkt. Ferner ergriff die EZB, als die Tätig- und wirksame Konditionalität an ein geeignetes EFSF/ keit auf dem Interbankenmarkt fast zum Erliegen kam, EMS-Programm gebunden sind. Solange die Voraus- Maßnahmen, um die Auswirkungen der Krise auf das setzungen des betreffenden Programms in vollem Um- Funktionieren der Finanzmärkte anzugehen. Eine der fang erfüllt sind, zieht der EZB-Rat OMT in Betracht, ersten Auswirkungen war das Austrocknen der Refinan- soweit sie aus währungspolitischer Sicht gerechtfertigt zierungsquellen für Banken, da Zweifel an der Qualität sind. Sie werden eingestellt, sobald sie ihren Zweck er- der Aktiva in ihren Bilanzen aufgekommen waren. Die füllt haben oder wenn gegen Auflagen des makroökono- EZB reagierte darauf mit einer Erweiterung des Zugangs mischen Anpassungsprogramms bzw. des vorsorglichen der Banken zu währungspolitischen Maßnahmen, indem Programms verstoßen wird. Die durch OMT geschaffene Liquidität wird vollständig sterilisiert. Die Ankündigung des OMT-Programms, das an die Stelle des stärker be- 94 Urteil vom 27. November 2012 in der Rechtssache grenzten SMP tritt, hat ebenfalls einen großen Einfluss C370/12 Pringle. Der Gerichtshof hat ferner bestätigt, dass der Beschluss 2011/199/EU des Europäischen Rates zur Änderung von Artikel 139 AEUV rechtsgültig ist und dass die 95 Pressemitteilung der EZB vom 6. September 2012 zu den Mitgliedstaaten den ESM-Vertrag vor Inkrafttreten dieses technischen Merkmalen der OMT: http://www.ecb.int/press/pr/ Beschlusses schließen und ratifizieren können. date/2012/html/pr120906_1.en.html EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion auf die Anlegerstimmung gehabt und einen erheblichen auf den Märkten und den potenziellen Bedarf an finan- Rückgang der Zinsen für Staatsanleihen der gefährdeten zieller Unterstützung. Umgekehrt wurden die Kreditbe- Mitgliedstaaten bewirkt. dingungen in Mitgliedstaaten mit bereits relativ starker Konjunktur weiter gelockert. Überholung der WWU noch in vollem Gange Das Fehlen starker integrierter Institutionen auf EU-Ebe- ne hat daher effektiv zu einer Umkehr der Integration Die bisher getroffenen Maßnahmen bilden zusammen und zu ungleichen Wettbewerbsbedingungen für Unter- eine energische Reaktion auf die Krise, insbesondere nehmen und Privathaushalte geführt. Welche Bedingun- im Vergleich zu dem, was noch vor einigen Jahren als gen gelten, hängt nur davon ab, auf welcher Seite der politisch machbar galt. Viele dieser Maßnahmen haben Grenze zwischen zwei Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Wäh- jedoch Zeit gekostet, zum Beispiel die Überarbeitung der rungsgebiets sich ein Unternehmen oder Privathaushalt Instrumente für die wirtschafts- und haushaltspolitische befindet. Nahezu identische Unternehmen, die in einem Koordinierung oder die Errichtung der permanenten Abstand von wenigen Kilometern auf verschiedenen Sei- finanziellen Brandmauer. Zudem müssen einige dieser ten einer solchen Grenze liegen, können Investitionen Maßnahmen erst eine Zeit lang reibungslos funktio- möglicherweise nicht mehr zu vergleichbaren Bedingun- nieren, bevor sie vertrauensbildend wirken. Dies ist ein gen finanzieren. Während auf der einen Seite die Inves- Grund, warum – trotz energischen Handelns – nicht ver- titionstätigkeit zum Stillstand kommt und die Arbeits- losigkeit steigt, weil Kredite nur noch zu unrealistischen hindert werden konnte, dass aus den Staatsschuldenkri- 565 sen eine Vertrauenskrise geworden ist, die die Integrität Konditionen gewährt werden, erreichen möglicherweise des Euro-Währungsgebiets in Frage zu stellen droht. gleichzeitig auf der anderen Seite Investitionskosten und Arbeitslosigkeit einen neuen Tiefstand. Dasselbe gilt für die Finanzierungsbedingungen für Privathaushalte. Ein weiterer Faktor war die Diskrepanz zwischen der Solche auseinanderlaufenden Entwicklungen, die völlig starken Beschleunigung der finanziellen Integration im losgelöst von den wirtschaftlichen Fundamentalfaktoren Rahmen der WWU einerseits und den vergleichswei- und den Bedürfnissen der Bürger und Unternehmen se schleppenden Fortschritten bei der Integration der verlaufen, können das gesamte Projekt der europäischen Regulierung und Überwachung der Finanzmärkte auf Integration behindern. EU-Ebene andererseits. Letzten Endes haben die negativen Rückkopplungs- Das Fehlen starker supranationaler Bankenaufsichtsin- schleifen zwischen Banken und Staaten und die damit stitutionen auf EU-Ebene hat das Krisenmanagement zusammenhängende erneute Fragmentierung der EU-Fi- erheblich erschwert und für den Steuerzahler verteuert. nanzmärkte die Herausbildung eines Umstellungsrisikos Vor allem aber hat die Vertrauenskrise in Ermangelung verursacht. Genau darauf haben die Finanzmarktteilneh- einer geeigneten Steuerung im Finanzsektor (Architektur mer gewettet, dass diese Entwicklung letztlich die Exis- für Regulierung, Aufsicht und Abwicklung) und ange- tenz der gemeinsamen Währung bedrohen würde. sichts der Reaktionen der Behörden auf der Grundlage des einzelstaatlichen Interesses eine erneute Fragmentie- Mehr als 50 Jahre nach Gründung der Europäischen rung der Finanzmärkte zur Folge. Die Risikobepreisung Union scheint die Vertrauenskrise völlig anachronistisch anhand einzelstaatlicher Benchmark-Anleihen führte den zwingenden Charakter einzelstaatlicher Grenzen zu ganz unterschiedlichen Finanzierungsbedingungen wiederherzustellen, den Binnenmarkt in Zweifel zu zie- für die Unternehmen und Privathaushalte in den Mit- hen und die mit der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion gliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets und hat damit verbundenen Errungenschaften und noch nicht erfüllten viele Vorteile der europäischen Finanzmarktintegration Erwartungen zu gefährden. Dies ist auch eine Bedrohung zunichtegemacht. für das EU-Modell der sozialen Marktwirtschaft. Dies hat in einigen Mitgliedstaaten als zusätzliche Wachs- Die seit 2008 aus der Wirtschafts-, Finanz- und Staats- tumsbremse gewirkt, da die Kreditbedingungen insbe- schuldenkrise gezogenen Lehren waren Anlass für eine sondere dort verschärft wurden, wo sich die Konjunktur Generalüberholung der wirtschaftspolitischen Steue- bereits verlangsamt hatte, so dass die bestehenden Rück- rung der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion, die bereits kopplungsschleifen zwischen Banken und Staaten in den zu bisher einmaligen Schritten geführt hat. Dank die- betreffenden Mitgliedstaaten noch verstärkt und deren ser Überholung ist die WWU nun viel robuster als bei Möglichkeiten, aus der Krise herauszuwachsen, weiter Ausbruch der Krise. Die Krise hat deutlich gemacht, in eingeschränkt wurden. Dies hatte letztlich nachteilige welchem Maße die Verflechtung unserer Volkswirtschaf- Auswirkungen auf ihre Refinanzierungsmöglichkeiten ten seit Gründung der WWU zugenommen hat. Sie hat DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

auch unmissverständlich gezeigt, dass der Erfolg oder das Wir brauchen eine umfassende Vision für eine vertiefte Scheitern der WWU den Erfolg oder das Scheitern aller und echte WWU, die eine starke und stabile Architek- Beteiligten bedeutet. tur in finanzieller, steuerlicher, wirtschaftlicher und politischer Hinsicht fördern und Stabilität und Wohlstand Die mit der Vertrauenskrise verbundene Gefahr ist je- sichern kann. In einer solchen vertieften und echten doch viel grundlegender Natur. Sie erfordert daher eine WWU sollten alle wirtschafts- und fiskalpolitischen Ent- viel grundlegendere Reaktion. Es gilt, das Vertrauen dar- scheidungen der Mitgliedstaaten Gegenstand einer um- in wiederherzustellen, dass die Errungenschaften des Bin- fassenden Koordinierung, Billigung und Überwachung nenmarkts und der gemeinsamen Währung nicht zunich- auf europäischer Ebene sein. Dies sollte Besteuerung und tegemacht werden und dass die ausstehenden Aufgaben Beschäftigung wie auch andere Politikbereiche einschlie- zum Wohle der Bürger und Unternehmen erfüllt und die ßen, die für die Funktion der WWU entscheidend sind. Errungenschaften für die Zukunft erhalten werden. Eine solche WWU sollte auch durch eine autonome und angemessene fiskalpolitische Kapazität untermauert wer- Um wirksam und glaubwürdig zu sein, muss diese Reak- den, damit aus dem Koordinierungsprozess resultierende tion erstens die drängenden praktischen Probleme lösen, politische Entscheidungen wirksam unterstützt werden mit denen die Bürger, Unternehmen und Mitgliedstaa- können. Ein entsprechender Teil der Entscheidungen ten heute konfrontiert sind. Eine Bankenunion könnte hinsichtlich Einnahmen, Ausgaben und Schuldtitele- die Desintegration der EU-Finanzmärkte beenden und missionen sollte gemeinsamen Entscheidungen und ei- hinreichend gleiche Finanzierungsbedingungen für die ner gemeinsamen Durchführung auf WWU-Ebene 566 Privathaushalte und Unternehmen in der gesamten EU unterliegen. gewährleisten, sie würde dazu beitragen, die negativen Rückkopplungsschleifen zwischen Mitgliedstaaten und Selbstverständlich können wir die derzeitige WWU Banken zu unterbrechen, und sie würde helfen zu ge- nicht über Nacht in ein vertieftes und umfassend inte- währleisten, dass die Unterschiede zwischen den Kon- griertes System umwandeln, vor allem auch angesichts junkturzyklen im Euro-Währungsgebiet nicht noch des umfangreichen Transfers politischer Befugnisse von künstlich verstärkt werden. Zweitens muss die Vision für der nationalen auf die europäische Ebene. Doch um eine künftig zu verwirklichende tiefer integrierte WWU eine WWU zu schaffen, die den Bürgern dauerhaft Sta- vermittelt werden. Und drittens muss auf der Grundlage bilität, Nachhaltigkeit und Wohlstand sichert, müssen des festen Willens der Institutionen und Mitgliedstaaten wir bereits kurzfristig (in den nächsten sechs bis zwölf der EU ein klarer, realistischer Weg zur Erreichung dieses Monaten) entscheidende Schritte hin auf dieses Ziel un- ehrgeizigen Ziels festgelegt werden. ternehmen. Dem müssen dann mittel- und langfristig weitere Schritte folgen. Alle Schritte – kurz-, mittel- und langfristig – müssen aufeinander aufbauen. 3. Der Weg voran: ehrgeizige Das weitere Handeln muss sorgfältig ausbalanciert wer- Ziele und sorgfältige Planung den. Schritte hin zu mehr Verantwortlichkeit und Wirt- schaftsdisziplin sollten mit verstärkter Solidarität und Die WWU steht vor einer enormen Herausforderung, finanzieller Unterstützung einhergehen. Dieses Gleich- insbesondere in Bezug auf das Euro-Währungsgebiet; sie gewicht muss in jeder Phase der Entwicklung der WWU muss gestärkt werden, damit wirtschaftlicher und sozialer sichergestellt werden. Die vertiefte Integration finanz- Wohlstand für die Zukunft gesichert sind. Der Europäi- politischer Regulierung, haushalts- und wirtschaftspo- sche Rat hat im Juni 2012 den Präsidenten des Europäi- litischer Maßnahmen und entsprechender Instrumente schen Rates gebeten, in enger Zusammenarbeit mit den muss einhergehen mit einer angemessenen politischen Präsidenten der Kommission, der Euro-Gruppe und der Integration, die demokratische Legitimität und Rechen- EZB einen spezifischen Fahrplan mit Terminvorgaben schaftspflicht sicherstellt. für die Verwirklichung einer echten Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion auszuarbeiten. Ein Zwischenbericht In diesem Kapitel werden die Schritte und Maßnahmen wurde dem Europäischen Rat im Oktober vorgelegt, der dargestellt, die kurz-, mittel- und langfristig erforder- Abschlussbericht wird für Dezember 2012 erwartet. Das lich sind, damit wir eine dauerhafte, vertiefte und echte Europäische Parlament verabschiedete am 20. Novem- WWU erreichen; das reicht von verstärkter politischer ber seinen Bericht „Auf dem Weg zu einer echten Wirt- Koordination über Fiskalkapazität bis zu mehr gemeinsa- schafts- und Währungsunion“, der die Vorstellungen des men Entscheidungen über öffentliche Einnahmen, Aus- Parlaments hinsichtlich einer stärker integrierten WWU gaben und Schulden. darlegt. Die Vorschläge der Kommission für das weitere Vorgehen sind im vorliegenden Konzept beschrieben. EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion

Einige der Instrumente können im Rahmen der beste- Die verstärkte Integration der Finanzmärkte des Eu- henden Verträge verabschiedet werden. Andere werden ro-Währungsgebietes und vor allem die Stabilisierung Änderungen der Verträge und neue Befugnisse für die der volatilen Staatsanleihemärkte könnte dadurch vor- Union erfordern. Die erstgenannten Maßnahmen kön- angetrieben werden, dass die Mitglieder des Euro-Wäh- nen somit kurzfristig in Angriff genommen und sollten rungsgebiets gemeinsam kurzfristige Schuldtitel mit spätestens mittelfristig abgeschlossen werden. Die letzt- einer Laufzeit von ein bis zwei Jahren auflegen. Beide genannten können nur mittelfristig eingeleitet und erst Optionen würden eine Änderung der Verträge erfordern. langfristig umgesetzt werden. Es sollte jedoch stets klar sein, dass das Konzept eine Einheit bildet, in der jede Schließlich sollte langfristig (in mehr als fünf Jahren), Phase auf der vorhergehenden aufbaut. durch schrittweise Zusammenführung von Hoheitsrech- ten und damit Verantwortung sowie Solidaritätsbefug- Kurzfristig (innerhalb der nächsten 6-18 Monate) nissen auf europäischer Ebene, die Schaffung eines au- kann, auch wenn die umfassende Entwicklung der neu- tonomen Haushalts des Euro-Währungsgebiets möglich en wirtschaftspolitischen Instrumente des Sixpacks sowie werden, der eine Fiskalkapazität für die WWU schafft, eine rasche Verabschiedung der aktuellen Kommissions- die so die Mitgliedstaaten bei der Bewältigung von Krisen vorschläge – wie Twopack und einheitlicher Aufsichts- unterstützen kann. Auch könnte ein stärker integrierter mechanismus – Priorität haben sollten, noch mehr wirtschafts- und fiskalpolitischer Rahmen eine gemein- durch sekundärrechtliche Maßnahmen getan werden, same Ausgabe von Staatsanleihen ermöglichen, was die insbesondere auf dem Gebiet der wirtschaftspolitischen Funktion der Märkte und die Umsetzung geldpolitischer Koordination und durch Förderung der Strukturrefor- Maßnahmen verbessern würde. Wie im Grünbuch der 567 men, die erforderlich sind, um Ungleichgewichte aus- Kommission über die Durchführbarkeit der Einführung zugleichen und die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit zu verbessern. von Stabilitätsanleihen96 dargelegt, könnte die gemeinsa- Sobald die Entscheidung über den nächsten Mehrjäh- me Ausgabe solcher Anleihen neue Möglichkeiten für die rigen Finanzrahmen für die EU gefallen ist, würde die Regierungen schaffen, ihre Schulden zu finanzieren und Schaffung eines Finanzinstruments im Rahmen des für Sparer wie Finanzinstitute sichere und liquide Inves- EU-Haushalts zur Unterstützung von Ausgleich, Anpas- titionsmöglichkeiten zu bieten; außerdem könnte für das sung und dadurch Wachstum der Volkswirtschaften der gesamte Euro-Währungsgebiet ein integrierter Anleihe- WWU den ersten Schritt auf dem Weg zur Schaffung markt geschaffen werden, der in Größe und Liquidität stärkerer haushaltspolitischer Befugnisse sowie stärker dem Gegenstück im Dollarraum entsprechen würde. integrierter politischer Koordinierungsmechanismen darstellen. Insgesamt könnte der nächste Schritt hin zu Diese progressive weitere Integration des Euro-Wäh- haushalts- und wirtschaftspolitischer Koordinierung und rungsgebiets zu einer umfassenden Banken-, Fiskal- und die entsprechende erste Phase des Aufbaus einer Fiskalka- Wirtschaftsunion wird parallele Schritte zu einer politi- pazität die Form eines „Instruments für Konvergenz und schen Union mit verstärkter demokratischer Legitimati- Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ annehmen. Nach der Verabschie- on und Rechenschaftspflicht erfordern. dung des einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus wird ein Vorschlag für einen einheitlichen Abwicklungsmechanis- Die Fortschritte bei der Integration müssen auch nach mus vorgelegt. außen hin sichtbar werden, insbesondere durch Schritte hin zu einer gemeinsamen wirtschaftspolitischen Vertre- Mittelfristig (18 Monate bis fünf Jahre) sollten eine weitung des Euro-Währungsgebiets nach außen. tere haushaltspolitische Koordinierung (einschließlich der Möglichkeit, die Überarbeitung eines einzelstaatlichen Haushalts im Einklang mit den Verpflichtungen auf EU-Ebene zu verlangen), die Vertiefung der politischen Koordinierung auf den Gebieten Besteuerung und Beschäftigung, und die Schaffung einer angemessenen Fiskalkapazität für die WWU zur Unterstützung der Umsetzung der aus der vertieften Koordinierung resultierenden politischen Entscheidungen verwirklicht werden. Einige dieser Elemente werden eine Änderung der Verträge erfordern.

Zur Reduzierung einer Staatsverschuldung, die die im Vertrag festgelegte Grenze deutlich überschreitet, könnte die Einrichtung eines Schuldentilgungsfonds beitragen. 96 KOM(2011) 818. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Kasten 1: Die wichtigsten Gleichzeitig sollten zusätzliche spezifische Inst- rumente zur finanz-, fiskal- und strukturpoliti- rechtlichen Grundsätze schen Koordinierung oder Unterstützung für das Euro-Währungsgebiet geschaffen werden, wo immer Um die Nachhaltigkeit der gemeinsamen Währung dies notwendig ist; diese sollten als Ergänzung des zu sichern, muss die WWU rascher und umfassen- EU-Fundaments gestaltet werden. Der Vertrag von der vertieft werden können als die EU insgesamt, Lissabon bietet eine angemessene Rechtsgrundlage ohne jedoch die Integrität der EU als Ganzes zu (Artikel 136 AEUV) für eine verstärkte Integration beeinträchtigen. des Euro-Währungsgebiets. Diese Rechtsgrundlage Dies können wir durch Beachtung der nachstehen- wurde bereits für die aufeinanderfolgenden Pakete den Grundsätze erreichen: (Sixpack und Twopack) genutzt. Als erstes sollte die Vertiefung der WWU auf Wo immer dies rechtlich möglich ist, sollten Maß- dem institutionellen und rechtlichen Rahmen der nahmen des Euro-Währungsgebiets auch anderen Verträge aufbauen, um Legitimität, Ausgewogenheit Mitgliederstaaten offenstehen. Auch wenn die zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten und Effizienz sicher- Verträge vorsehen, dass eine Reihe von Bestimmun- zustellen. Das Euro-Währungsgebiet ist ein Produkt gen nur für die Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungs- der Verträge. Die Vertiefung sollte im Rahmen gebiets gelten, so ist doch das Euro-Währungsgebiet in seiner jetzigen Zusammensetzung nur vorüber- 568 der Verträge geschehen, um eine Fragmentierung des Rechtsrahmens zu vermeiden, die die Union gehender Natur, da gemäß den Verträgen bis auf schwächen und die übergeordnete Bedeutung des zwei (Dänemark und Vereinigtes Königreich) alle EU-Rechts für die Dynamik der Integration in Frage Mitgliedstaaten letztlich Vollmitglieder der WWU stellen würde. Ausschließlich die EU-Regeln für den werden sollen. Entscheidungsprozess bieten umfassende Effizienz, Drittens sollten Schritte hin zu einer echten WWU basierend auf dem Prinzip der qualifizierten Mehr- in erster Linie unter Nutzung aller Möglichkeiten heit statt schwerfälliger Einstimmigkeitszwänge und gestaltet werden, die die Verträge in ihrer jetzigen auf einem robusten demokratischen Rahmen. Form bieten, durch die Verabschiedung sekundär- Zwischenstaatliche Lösungen sollten daher nur rechtlicher Vorschriften. Änderungen der Verträge als Ausnahme- und Übergangsmaßnahmen in sollten nur dann erwogen werden, wenn für die Erwägung gezogen werden, wenn eine Lösung auf Verbesserung der Funktionsweise der WWU EU-Ebene eine Änderung der Verträge erfordern unerlässliche Maßnahmen innerhalb des bestehen- würde, und auch nur solange, bis eine solche den Rahmens nicht verwirklicht werden können. Vertragsänderung in Kraft ist. Auch müssen solche Eventuelle Änderungen sollten sorgfältig vorbereitet Lösungen sorgfältig gestaltet werden, damit EU- werden, damit die politische und demokratische Recht und EU-Handlungsgrundsätze nicht verletzt Verantwortungsübernahme sichergestellt ist, die für werden und keine neuen Probleme in Bezug auf die eine reibungslose Ratifizierung erforderlich ist. Verantwortlichkeit entstehen. Zum Zweiten sollte bei der Vertiefung der WWU 3.1. Kurzfristig (innerhalb der nächsten zuallererst das volle Potenzial der EU-weiten sechs bis achtzehn Monate): Instrumente ausgeschöpft werden, unbeschadet Innerhalb des Sekundärrechts der Verabschiedung spezifischer Maßnahmen für der EU mögliche Maßnahmen, den Euroraum. Das Europäische Semester, der um Fortschritte in Richtung Binnenmarkt-Besitzstand und die Unterstützung der Bankenunion zu erzielen, von Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Kohäsion durch den EU-Haushalt bieten eine gute Grundlage für die die politische Koordinierung zu Entwicklung eines umfassenden Rechts- und Finanz- verbessern sowie einen Beschluss rahmens für wirtschaftliche Koordinierung, Integra- über den nächsten Mehrjährigen tion und echte Konvergenz. Laufende Bemühungen, Finanzrahmen zu fassen und ein diese Maßnahmen etwa durch die makroökono- „Instruments für Konvergenz und mische Konditionalität der Strukturfonds oder das Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ zu schaffen neue Governance-Konzept für den Binnenmarkt effizienter zu gestalten, werden ebenfalls zur Stärkung Die Vertiefung der WWU muss die Folgen öffentlicher der WWU beitragen. und privater Überschuldung in Angriff nehmen und das EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion damit einhergehende Ungleichgewicht in der europäi- die Staats- und Regierungschefs am 28. und 29. Juni schen Wirtschaft verringern. Aber die Anpassung ist eine 2012 einen Pakt für Wachstum und Beschäftigung und lange und schwierige Aufgabe, die mit Einschränkungen demonstrierten so ihre Entschlossenheit, in Verbindung beim Kreditangebot, Belastungen für die öffentlichen mit ihrer Verpflichtung auf solide öffentliche Finanzen Finanzen und geringem Wachstum im privaten Sektor auch ein arbeitsplatzintensives Wachstum anzuregen. einhergeht, wo Unternehmen und Privathaushalte ihre Die Kommission beobachtet außerdem die Folgen star- Bilanzen bereinigen. ker Haushaltseinschränkungen für wachstumsfördernde öffentliche Ausgaben und für staatliche Investitionen. Die Verpflichtung zur Haushaltsdisziplin ist eine uner- In diesem Kontext sollte das Euro-Währungsgebiet da- lässliche Sicherheitsmaßnahme für die Stabilität des Eu- für sorgen, dass Investitionen auf einem angemessenen ro-Währungsgebiets und ein notwendiger Schritt hin zu Niveau bleiben, damit die Rahmenbedingungen für die einem umfassenden integrierten Haushaltsrahmen. Da- Entwicklung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit erfüllt sind und mit wird eine solide Haushaltspolitik auf nationaler und ein Beitrag zu Wachstum und Beschäftigung geleistet europäischer Ebene gewährleistet, was einen Beitrag zu wird. nachhaltigem Wachstum und makroökonomischer Sta- bilität darstellt. Die umfassende Entwicklung der neuen Alle in diesem Abschnitt präsentierten Initiativen lassen Instrumente für die haushalts- und wirtschaftspolitische sich kurzfristig und innerhalb der Grenzen der bestehen- Überwachung und die rasche Verabschiedung der anste- den Verträge umsetzen. henden Vorschläge sollten oberste Priorität haben. Par- allel dazu muss der Weg zu einer Bankenunion mit der 3.1.1. Vollständige Durchführung des 569 Verabschiedung und Durchführung der Vorschläge für Europäischen Semesters und des die Finanzmarktregulierung und -aufsicht aufgenommen Sixpacks sowie rasche Einigung werden, insbesondere des Vorschlags für einen einheitli- auf das Twopack und dessen chen Aufsichtsmechanismus für das Euro-Währungsge- Durchführung biet sowie diejenigen Mitgliedstaaten außerhalb dieses Raums, die sich daran beteiligen möchten. Die Vollendung des derzeitigen Rahmenwerks für die wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung und seine vollständi- Um ein reibungsloses Funktionieren der WWU zu ge- ge Umsetzung müssen an vorderster Stelle der Agenda währleisten, sollten wir uns um eine verstärkte Koordi- stehen. nierung der Wirtschaftspolitik bemühen. Das Gewicht der Wachstums- und Anpassungsherausforderung im Das Europäische Semester und das Sixpack stellen eine Euroraum steht in deutlichem Kontrast zum Fehlen Reaktion auf zentrale Erkenntnisse im Kontext der Krise einer starken politischen Koordinierung bei den Struk- dar. Dazu gehören eine Reform der SWP, die Schaffung turreformen. Angesichts umfangreicher länderübergrei- des Verfahrens bei makroökonomischen Ungleichge- fender externer Effekte muss die Art und Weise, wie die wichten und die Einführung von Mindestnormen für Wirtschaftspolitik im Euro-Währungsgebiet betrieben nationale Fiskalrahmen. Dies sind enorme Fortschritte wird, gestärkt werden. Das ordnungsgemäße Funkti- in der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung. Sie verspre- onieren der WWU bedingt, dass die Mitgliedstaaten chen eine entschlossenere Umsetzung der Maßnahmen des Euro-Währungsgebiets gemeinsam auf eine Wirt- auf nationaler Ebene, insbesondere in den Mitgliedstaa- schaftspolitik hinarbeiten, bei der sie sich zwar auf die ten des Euro-Währungsgebiets, und dadurch ein besseres bestehenden Mechanismen der wirtschaftspolitischen Funktionieren der WWU, was hilft, Vertrauen wiederzu- Koordination stützen, gleichzeitig aber die notwendigen gewinnen. Dieses Versprechen muss nun eingelöst wer- Maßnahmen auf allen Gebieten treffen, die für das ord- den: durch die umfassende Nutzung und strikte Anwen- nungsgemäße Funktionieren des Euro-Währungsgebiets dung der neu geschaffenen Instrumente. unerlässlich sind. Insbesondere muss ein Verfahren für die Ex-ante-Erörterung aller größeren wirtschaftspoliti- Damit weitere Schritte zu einer vertieften und echten schen Reformen geschaffen werden. Dies sollte unter- WWU möglich werden, muss der Gesetzgeber sich ohne mauert werden durch die entsprechende Startphase des weitere Verzögerung auf das vorgeschlagene Zweierpaket Aufbaus einer Fiskalkapazität für die WWU, die gezielte einigen. Dieses Paket enthält wichtige Instrumente zur finanzielle Unterstützung für Mitgliedstaaten mit Anpas- strikteren Haushaltsüberwachung und zum effizienteren sungsschwierigkeiten bieten soll. Umgang mit finanzieller Instabilität in den Mitglied- staaten. Die rasche Verabschiedung und anschließende Unter Hinweis auf die Bedeutung solider öffentlicher Durchführung sollte das Vertrauen in das Engagement Finanzen, struktureller Reformen und gezielter Investi- der EU-Institutionen dafür stärken, die Überarbeitung tionen für ein nachhaltiges Wachstum unterzeichneten der wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung abzuschließen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

3.1.2. Finanzmarktregulierung und aufsicht: Europäischen Rates, der Kommission, der Eurogruppe ein einheitliches Regelwerk und und der EZB haben diese Vision im Grundsatz bekräf- Vorschläge für einen einheitlichen tigt98. Der Europäische Rat vom 18. Oktober 2012 Aufsichtsmechanismus bekräftigte die Notwendigkeit, „auf einen integrierten Finanzrahmen hin[zu]arbeiten, der soweit wie möglich Das Gipfeltreffen der Eurozone am 29. Juni 2012 stellt allen Mitgliedstaaten, die sich daran zu beteiligten wün- einen Wendepunkt im Umgang mit der Krise dar. Dort schen, geöffnet ist“99. In seinem Bericht „Auf dem Weg wurde die „unabdingbare“ Notwendigkeit anerkannt, zu einer echten Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion“ vom „den Teufelskreis zwischen Banken und Staaten“ zu November 2011 fordert das Europäische Parlament die durchbrechen, der die Finanzen der Länder des Eu- schnellstmögliche Verabschiedung der einschlägigen ro-Währungsgebiets bis zu dem Punkt schwächt, an dem Kommissionsvorschläge. die Existenz der WWU selbst bedroht ist. Insbesondere die Einigung auf einen einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanis- Der erste, entscheidende Schritt auf diesem Weg wird mus (SSM) fußte auf der Überzeugung, dass die finanz- der einheitliche Aufsichtsmechanismus sein, auf den der politische Fragmentierung überwunden werden muss einheitliche Abwicklungsmechanismus (siehe 3.2.1) fol- und die Zentralisierung der Bankenaufsicht notwendig gen muss. ist, damit alle Euroländer uneingeschränktes Vertrauen in die Qualität und Unparteilichkeit der Bankenaufsicht Ein einheitlicher Aufsichtsmechanismus muss den voll- haben können. ständigen Informationsaustausch zwischen den Banken- 570 aufsichtsbehörden, gemeinsame präventive Instrumente Eine echte Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion muss eine und gemeinsame möglichst frühzeitige Abhilfemaßnah- gemeinsame Verantwortung für die Überwachung des men einschließen. Um das Vertrauen zwischen Banken, Bankensektors und für Interventionen in Krisenfällen Investoren und nationalen Behörden wiederherzustellen, einschließen. Dies ist der einzige Weg, um den Teufels- müssen die Voraussetzungen für eine strikte und objek- kreis wirksam zu durchbrechen, der die staatlichen Fi- tive Aufsichtsfunktion geschaffen werden, die keinen nanzen der Mitgliedstaaten mit der Solidität ihrer Ban- Raum für gesetzliche Duldung lässt. ken verknüpft, und um negative grenzüberschreitende Spillover-Effekte zu begrenzen. Am 12. September 2012 legte die Kommission Rechts- vorschläge zur Schaffung eines einheitlichen Aufsichts- Ein integrierter Finanzrahmen, der sich im Laufe der Zeit mechanismus, der aus der EZB und nationalen Auf- zu einer umfassenden Bankenunion entwickelt, würde sichtsstellen bestehen soll100, und zur Änderung der entscheidend dazu beitragen, indem er einen integrierten Verordnung von 2010 zur Errichtung einer Europäischen Satz von Instrumenten für die bessere Überwachung und Bankenaufsichtsbehörde vor, um diese an die Schaffung Risikobegrenzung im Finanzsystem bietet. Dies würde des einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus anzupassen und die finanzpolitische Fragmentierung mildern, die Not- ein Gleichgewicht im Entscheidungsprozess zwischen wendigkeit staatlicher Eingriffe und der Neuverteilung den Mitgliedstaaten im Euro-Währungsgebiet und de- von Finanzhilfen deutlich verringern und so die Aus- nen außerhalb dieses Raums zu schaffen101. sichten auf Wachstum verbessern. Die Instrumente sind integriert, da ihre Wirkung geschwächt würde, sollten Der einheitliche Aufsichtsmechanismus gemäß dem Vor- Komponenten einzeln nicht leistungsfähig genug sein. schlag der Kommission basiert auf der Übertragung spe- Auch wenn die Entwicklung einzelner notwendiger Teile zifischer, zentraler Aufgaben der Bankenaufsicht in den des Systems Zeit braucht, darf das die rasche Umsetzung Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets und derjeni- derjenigen Elemente nicht verzögern, die unmittelbaren gen außerhalb dieses Raums, die sich der Bankenunion Nutzen bringen können. anschließen wollen, auf die europäische Ebene. In diesem neuen Rahmen wird die EZB zuständig sein für die Die Kommission hat in ihrer Mitteilung vom 12. Sep- Aufsicht über alle Banken innerhalb der Bankenunion, tember 2012 die Vision einer sich schrittweise entwi- wobei sie das einheitliche Regelwerk anwendet, das für ckelnden Bankenunion dargelegt97. Die Präsidenten des

97 Siehe Mitteilung der Kommission „Fahrplan für eine 98 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ Bankenunion“, in der die Kommission ihre umfassende pressdata/en/ec/132809.pdf Vision zur Verwirklichung der Bankenunion mit einheitlichem 99 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ Regelwerk, gemeinsamem Anlegerschutz und einem pressdata/en/ec/132986.pdf einheitlichem Banken-Abwicklungsmechanismus darlegt 100 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/docs/committees/ (KOM(2012) 510). reform/20120912-com-2012-511_de.pdf http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/docs/committees/ 101 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/docs/committees/ reform/20120912-com-2012-510_de.pdf reform/20120912-com-2012-512_en.pdf EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion den gesamten Binnenmarkt gilt. Der von der Kommis- befindliche Banken. Dies erkannte der Europäische Rat sion vorgeschlagene Rahmen sichert eine wirksame und am 19. Oktober 2012 an und stellte fest, dass er „die einheitliche Aufsicht in allen teilnehmenden Mitglied- Absicht der Kommission zur Kenntnis [nimmt], nach der staaten und nutzt gleichzeitig das spezifische Know-how Annahme der Vorschläge für eine Richtlinie zur Bankensa- der nationalen Aufsichtsbehörden. Es ist von entschei- nierung und -abwicklung und eine Richtlinie zu den Ein- dender Bedeutung, dass die Verhandlungen über den lagensicherungssystemen einen einheitlichen Abwicklungs- einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus vor Jahresende ab- mechanismus für die Mitgliedstaaten, die am einheitlichen geschlossen werden und die Umsetzung möglichst früh Aufsichtsmechanismus teilnehmen, vorzuschlagen.“ im Jahr 2013 beginnt. Ergänzend wird die Europäische Bankenaufsicht (EBA) an den neuen Rahmen angepasst, Nach der Verabschiedung des einheitlichen Aufsichtsme- um die Integrität des Binnenmarktes zu gewährleisten. chanismus wird die Kommission daher einen Vorschlag für einen einheitlichen Abwicklungsmechanismus vor- Dies wird den Weg ebnen zur Nutzung des ESM als öf- legen, der zur Umstrukturierung und Abwicklung von fentlicher Sicherungsmechanismus, um gegebenenfalls, Banken in den an der Bankenunion teilnehmenden sobald eine Vereinbarung über das Instrument erzielt Mitgliedstaaten eingesetzt wird. Im Zentrum dieses Me- wurde, Banken direkt zu rekapitalisieren, in Überein- chanismus wird eine eigene Europäische Abwicklungs- stimmung mit den Schlussfolgerungen des Europäischen behörde stehen, die die Abwicklung von Banken steuern Rats vom 19. Oktober 2012. Dies wird das Euro-Wäh- und insbesondere die Anwendung von einschlägigen Ins- rungsgebiet weiter stärken, indem ein Beitrag zur Unter- trumenten koordinieren wird. Dieser Mechanismus wird brechung der negativen Rückkopplung zwischen Banken effizienter arbeiten als ein Netzwerk nationaler Abwick- 571 und Staaten geleistet wird. lungsbehörden. Dies trifft vor allem für grenzübergrei- fend tätige Bankengruppen zu, die in Krisenzeiten ganz Das Vertrauen der Anleger und Marktteilnehmer ist ent- besonders darauf angewiesen sind, dass rasch und koor- scheidend für die Bankenabwicklung. Um ein Niveau diniert vorgegangen wird, damit die Kosten möglichst öffentlichen Vertrauens zu erreichen, das den besten gering ausfallen und wieder Vertrauen zurückgewonnen Abwicklungsbehörden weltweit vergleichbar ist, muss wird. Ferner würde dies erhebliche Größenvorteile brin- ein glaubwürdiger Abwicklungsmechanismus und ein gen, und zudem würden negative externe Effekte vermie- leistungsfähiger finanzieller Sicherungsmechanismus den, zu denen es durch rein auf nationaler Ebene getrof- geschaffen werden. Die Verantwortung hierfür wird fene Entscheidungen kommen könnte. zunächst auf nationaler Ebene bleiben. Sobald aber der einheitliche Aufsichtsmechanismus in Betrieb ist und Bei jeder Inanspruchnahme des einheitlichen Ab- entsprechende Leitlinien vorliegen, sollte der ESM die wicklungsmechanismus sind folgende Grundsätze Möglichkeit haben, wechselseitige Unterstützung für die einzuhalten: direkte Rekapitalisierung von Banken zu bieten, die am Markt keine Mittel bekommen und nicht ohne Gefähr- –– Der Abwicklungsbedarf sollte mithilfe strenger dung der fiskalen Nachhaltigkeit von ihrem Heimatmit- gemeinsamer Aufsichtsregeln und durch eine gliedstaat gerettet werden können. verbesserte Koordinierung der Aufsichtstätigkeit im Rahmen des einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanismus Ein integrierter Finanzrahmen einschließlich eines möglichst gering gehalten werden. einheitlichen Aufsichts- und anschließend eines ein- –– In den Fällen, in denen der einheitliche Abwick- heitlichen Abwicklungsmechanismus muss auf einem lungsmechanismus in Anspruch genommen werden einheitlichen Regelwerk basieren. Daher müssen die Ver- muss, sollten – im Einklang mit dem Kommissions- handlungen über die Kommissionsvorschläge für einen vorschlag über Bankensanierung und -abwicklung neuen Regelungsrahmen auf den Gebieten Regeln der – Aktionäre und Gläubiger die für die Abwicklung Bankenaufsicht, Einlagensicherung, Banksanierung und anfallenden Kosten übernehmen, bevor externe abwicklung dringend abgeschlossen werden. Mittel dafür bereitgestellt werden. 3.1.3. Ein einheitlicher –– Zusätzliche für den Umstrukturierungsprozess nö- Abwicklungsmechanismus tige Mittel sollten durch von der Bankenwirtschaft finanzierte Mechanismen und nicht aus Steuergel- Für eine effiziente Bankenunion ist nicht nur ein ein- dern aufgebracht werden. heitlicher Aufsichtsmechanismus erforderlich, der eine Bankenaufsicht auf hohem Niveau in allen Mitgliedstaa- Auf diesen Grundsätzen werden weitere Vorschläge der ten sicherstellt. Es bedarf vielmehr auch eines einheit- Kommission über einen einheitlichen Abwicklungsme- lichen Abwicklungsmechanismus für in Schwierigkeiten chanismus beruhen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Die Kommission ist der Auffassung, dass die Einrichtung gesamten Zahlungen und Verpflichtungen für die eines einheitlichen Abwicklungsmechanismus – ebenso betreffenden Programme aus. wie Schaffung eines wirkungsvollen einheitlichen Auf- sichtsmechanismus – durch sekundärrechtliche Vor- Die Partnerschaftsverträge und operationellen Program- schriften erfolgen kann, ohne dass dafür eine Änderung me stellen sicher, dass die geplanten und aus GSR-Fonds der Verträge notwendig ist. kofinanzierten Investitionen einen wirksamen Beitrag zur Bewältigung der strukturellen Herausforderungen für die 3.1.4. Eine rasche Entscheidung über den Mitgliedstaaten leisten. Bei Empfehlungen des Rates im nächsten Mehrjährigen Finanzrahmen Kontext der Artikel 121 und 148 des Vertrags und der (MFF) Korrekturkomponente des MIP wird eine Umprogram- mierung für diejenigen Empfehlungen ausgelöst, die für Der Vorschlag der Kommission für den Mehrjährigen die GSR-Fonds von Bedeutung sind und sich auf struk- Finanzrahmen 2014-2020 bietet den entscheidenden Im- turelle Herausforderungen beziehen, die über mehrjährige puls für Investitionen, Wachstum und Beschäftigung auf Investitionsstrategien angegangen werden können. Derar- EU-Ebene. Darin ist unter anderem vorgesehen, die Fi- tige Empfehlungen betreffen unter anderem: nanzierung aus Kohäsionspolitik, Politik Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums sowie Europäischer Meeres- und Fische- • Arbeitsmarktreformen, die die Funktionsweise des reipolitik systematischer mit den verschiedenen Verfahren Arbeitsmarkts verbessern, etwa durch Ausgleich von zur wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung zu verknüpfen. Der Qualifikationslücken 572 Gemeinsame Strategische Rahmen (GSR) (der die nachstehenden „GSR-Fonds“ umfasst: Europäischer Fonds für • Maßnahmen zur Förderung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit regionale Entwicklung, Europäischer Sozialfonds, Kohäs- etwa durch Verbesserung der Bildungssysteme oder die ionsfonds, Europäischer Landwirtschaftsfonds für die Förderung von F&E, Innovation und Infrastruktur Entwicklung des ländlichen Raums sowie Europäischer • Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung des Regierungshandelns Meeres- und Fischereifonds) stellt ein starkes Bindeglied etwa durch Ausbau von Verwaltungskapazitäten und zwischen diesen Fonds und den einzelstaatlichen Reform- Verbesserung von Statistiken. programmen, den Stabilitäts- und Konvergenzprogram- men der Mitgliedstaaten sowie den länderspezifischen Durch eine rasche Verabschiedung des MFF und der ein- Empfehlungen des Rates für jeden einzelnen Mitgliedstaat schlägigen sektoralen Rechtsvorschriften, insbesondere der dar. „Verordnung mit gemeinsamen Bestimmungen“ für die GSR-Fonds werden die Anreize und Unterstützung für Dies wird umgesetzt durch Partnerschaftsverträge/verein- Strukturreformen in den Mitgliedstaaten rasch gestärkt. barungen zwischen Mitgliedstaaten und der Kommission und die rigorose Anwendung makroökonomischer Kondi- 3.1.5. Vorabkoordinierung der großen tionalität. Im Kommissionsvorschlag wird die makroöko- Reformen und Schaffung eines nomische Konditionalität auf zwei Arten angewandt: „Instruments für Konvergenz und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ 1. Umprogrammierung: dabei geht es um Änderungen der Partnerschaftsverträge und einschlägigen Pro- Dass die Wirtschaftspolitik der einzelnen Mitgliedstaaten gramme zur Unterstützung der Ratsempfehlungen alle gemeinsam angeht, wurde mit der Krise besonders bzw. zur Behebung eines übermäßigen Defizits, ma- deutlich, vor allem im Euro-Währungsgebiet. Die langsa- kroökonomischer Ungleichgewichte oder sonstiger me oder völlig fehlende Umsetzung wichtiger Strukturre- wirtschaftlicher und sozialer Probleme bzw. zur Maxi- formen über einen langen Zeitraum hat die Probleme in mierung des Wachstums- und Beschäftigungseffekts Bezug auf die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit verschärft und die der GSR-Fonds für die Mitgliedstaaten, die finanziel- Anpassungsfähigkeit der Mitgliedstaaten in einigen Fäl- le Unterstützung seitens der EU erhalten. Reagiert ein len deutlich beeinträchtigt. Dies hat dazu beigetragen, Mitgliedstaat nicht zufriedenstellen auf eine solche die Mitgliedstaaten verletzlicher zu machen. Kurzfristige Aufforderung, kann die Kommission einen Teil oder Kosten, ob politischer oder wirtschaftlicher Natur, wirken die gesamte Zahlung für die betreffenden Programme oft abschreckend für die Umsetzung von Reformen, selbst aussetzen. wenn der mittel- bis langfristige Nutzen beträchtlich ist. Die potenziell erheblichen Spillover-Effekte durch Struk- 2. Aussetzung: wenn ein Mitgliedstaat keine Korrek- turreformen im Euro-Währungsgebiet rechtfertigen den turmaßnahmen im Kontext der Verfahren zur wirt- Einsatz spezifischer Instrumente, wie dies bereits mit den schaftspolitischen Steuerung trifft. In einem sol- im Rahmen des Sixpack eingeführten Durchsetzungsme- chen Fall setzt die Kommission einen Teil oder die chanismen geschehen ist. Daraus folgt, dass der bestehende Rahmen für die wirtschaftspolitische Steuerung im EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion

Euro-Währungsgebiet weiter gestärkt werden sollte; unter rungsgebiets, die dem Verfahren bei einem übermäßigen anderem durch mehr Vorabkoordinierung der großen (makroökonomischen) Ungleichgewicht unterliegen; Reformprojekte und, nach Verabschiedung des nächsten der Korrekturmaßnahmenplan (Corrective action plan = MFF, durch Schaffung eines „Instruments für Konver- CAP), den sie nach diesem Verfahren vorlegen müssen, genz und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“, das Unterstützung für würde die Grundlage für die mit der Kommission auszu- die rasche Umsetzung von Strukturreformen (detaillierte handelnde Vereinbarung bilden. Für die Mitgliedstaaten Beschreibung des vorgesehenen Konzepts siehe Anhang 1) des Euro-Währungsgebiets, die einer präventiven Kompo- bietet. Dieses Instrument würde eine enge Integration der nente in Bezug auf ein makroökonomisches Ungleichge- Wirtschaftspolitik mit finanzieller Unterstützung kom- wicht unterliegen, wäre die Teilnahme freiwillig, wobei ein binieren und so dem Grundsatzkonzept folgen, wonach Aktionsplan ähnlich dem vorzulegen wäre, der unter dem Schritte zu mehr Verantwortung und wirtschaftlicher Dis- Verfahren bei einem übermäßigen (makroökonomischen) ziplin mit mehr Solidarität kombiniert werden sollen. Die Ungleichgewicht erforderlich ist. Kommission wird in einem künftigen Vorschlag präzise Eckpunkte für dieses Instrument darlegen. Die Vereinbarungen würden also stets auf länderspezifi- schen Empfehlungen aus dem MIP basieren, die sich typi- Vorabkoordinierung größerer Reformen scherweise auf die Stärkung der Anpassungsfähigkeit und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit sowie die Förderung der Finanzsta- Der aktuelle wirtschaftspolitische Aufsichtsrahmen der bilität beziehen würden, also Faktoren, die für die Funk- EU bietet bereits eine Grundlage für die Koordinierung tion der WWU kritisch sind. Das MIP bildet also einen der Wirtschaftspolitik. Dieser Rahmen sieht jedoch kei- empfindlichen Filter für größere Reformen, die angesichts 573 ne systematische Vorabkoordinierung nationaler Pläne der damit verbundenen Externalitäten in einer Währungs- für größere wirtschaftspolitische Reformen zwischen den union für eine finanzielle Unterstützung in Frage kommen. Mitgliedstaaten vor. Vorabdiskussion und –koordinierung größerer Reformpläne, wie in Artikel 11 SKSV vorgesehen, würden es der Kommission und den Mitgliedstaaten Der Aktionsplan des Mitgliedstaats würde dann von der erlauben, potenzielle Spillover-Effekte nationaler Maß- Kommission bewertet, im Anschluss daran würde eine ab- nahmen zu bewerten und Stellung zu nehmen, bevor auf schließende Liste von Reformen und Maßnahmen sowie nationaler Ebene endgültig entschieden wird. In einem ein Zeitplan für die Umsetzung als vertragliche Vereinba- neuen Vorschlag wird die Kommission einen Rahmen für rung verabschiedet. Diese Vereinbarung würde somit die die Vorabkoordinierung der wichtigsten Strukturreformen detaillierten Maßnahmen beschreiben, auf die sich der im Kontext des Europäischen Semesters anregen. Mitgliedstaat verpflichtet, nachdem das nationale Parla- ment seine Billigung erteilt hat, soweit dies nach nationalen Verfahren erforderlich ist. Dieses System vertraglicher Ein „Instrument für Konvergenz und Vereinbarungen würde die Qualität des Dialogs zwischen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“: vertragliche der Kommission und den Mitgliedstaaten sowie das En- Vereinbarungen und finanzielle Unterstützung gagement und die Verantwortung der Mitgliedstaaten für Das vorgeschlagene „Instrument für Konvergenz und ihre Reformen stärken. Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ (CCI) würde vertragliche Verein- barungen umfassen, die durch finanzielle Unterstützung Die in den vertraglichen Vereinbarungen festgelegten Re- untermauert werden. formen würden finanziell unterstützt, ergänzend zu den mit dem Sixpack eingeführten Anforderungen zur Haus- Die Implementierung von Strukturreformen in den Mit- haltsdisziplin. Das Ziel einer solchen Unterstützung wäre, gliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets würde durch die zügige Verabschiedung und Umsetzung von Reformen vertragliche Vereinbarungen zwischen ihnen und der durch Überwindung oder zumindest Abmilderung po- Kommission erleichtert. Das neue System würde auf litischer und ökonomischer Hindernisse für die Reform dem aktuellen EU-Aufsichtsrahmen basieren, etwa auf zu fördern. Durch Unterstützung von Strukturreformen, dem Verfahren zur Vermeidung und Korrektur mak- die die Anpassungsfähigkeit eines Mitgliedstaats stärken, roökonomischer Ungleichgewichte (dem Verfahren bei würde das Instrument für Konvergenz und Wettbewerbs- makroökonomischen Ungleichgewichten = MIP)102. Sol- fähigkeit die Fähigkeit der Wirtschaft verbessern, asymme- che Vereinbarungen könnten zwischen einzelnen Mit- trische Schocks durch eine verbesserte Marktfunktion zu gliedstaaten und der Kommission ausgehandelt, in der bewältigen. Euro-Gruppe diskutiert und von der Kommission mit dem jeweiligen Mitgliedstaat abgeschlossen werden. Sie Finanzielle Unterstützung würde nur für Reformpake- wären obligatorisch für Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Wäh- te gewährt, die einvernehmlich festgelegt wurden und sowohl für den betreffenden Mitgliedstaat als auch für 102 Verordnung (EU) Nr. 1176/2011. das ordnungsgemäße Funktionieren der WWU wichtig DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

sind. Die finanzielle Unterstützung würde die Bemühun- kohärent mit der Förderung aus den Strukturfonds, insbe- gen eines Mitgliedstaats untermauern und insbesondere sondere aus dem Europäischen Sozialfonds. Der Umfang Hilfe in Fällen bieten, in denen Ungleichgewichte trotz des Instruments könnte in der Anfangsphase begrenzt blei- umfassender Einhaltung vorheriger länderspezifischer ben, mittelfristig aber wachsen, sofern der Unterstützungs- Empfehlungen an die Adresse des betreffenden Mitglied- mechanismus effektiv zur Ausbalancierung, Anpassung staats aufgetreten sind. und damit Förderung eines nachhaltigen Wachstums im Euro-Währungsgebiet beiträgt. Die finanzielle Unterstützung wird eine klare Signalwir- kung haben: Sie stellt eine Anerkennung der Kosten der Die Kommission wird in ihren nächsten Vorschlägen die Reform für den betreffenden Mitgliedstaat als auch des genauen Bedingungen dieses „Instruments für Konvergenz Nutzens nationaler Reformen für das Euro-Währungsge- und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ vorlegen, das auf vertraglichen biet durch positive grenzüberschreitende externe Effekte Vereinbarungen und finanzieller Unterstützung basiert. dar (die ggf. nicht ausreichend sind, um Reformen der Mitgliedstaaten anzustoßen). Stellt die Kommission ex 3.1.6. Investitionen im post fest, dass ein Mitgliedstaat die Vereinbarung nicht in Euro-Währungsgebiet fördern vollem Umfang erfüllt hat, kann die finanzielle Unterstüt- zung verweigert werden. Die erstens durch den MFR und zweitens durch das „Instrument für Konvergenz und Wettbewerbsfähig- Die finanzielle Unterstützung sollte als Gesamtzuweisung keit“ unterstützten strukturellen Reformen werden we- 574 ausgelegt sein, die als Beitrag zu Finanzierungsmaßnahmen sentlich dazu beitragen, dass sich in den Ländern des zur Flankierung schwieriger Reformen eingesetzt wird. So Euro-Währungsgebiets das mittelfristige Wachstumspo- könnten die kurzfristigen Folgen von Reformen zur Fle- tenzial und die Anpassungsfähigkeit an Schocks verbes- xibilisierung des Arbeitsmarkts aufgefangen werden durch sern. Wachstumsimpulse werden von einer glaubhaften Fortbildungsprogramme, die teilweise durch Mittel aus und wachstumsfreundlichen Konsolidierung, durch die dem Instrument für Konvergenz und Wettbewerbsfähig- die Steuerstruktur effizienter wird und die Qualität der keit finanziert werden. Die Nutzung der finanziellen -Un öffentlichen Ausgaben steigt, ausgehen. Die Mitglied- terstützung wäre ein Bestandteil der vertraglichen Verein- staaten sollten, wie in den Jahreswachstumsberichten barung zwischen dem Mitgliedstaat und der Kommission. 2012 und 2013 empfohlen wurde, insbesondere danach trachten, die Haushaltskonsolidierung in einem angemessenen Tempo fortzusetzen und gleichzeitig an den Zur Unterstützung dieses Mechanismus finanzieller Unter- Investitionen festhalten, mit denen die im Rahmen der stützung könnte grundsätzlich ein spezielles Finanzinstru- Strategie Europa 2020 angestrebten Wachstums- und ment im Rahmen des EU-Haushalts eingerichtet werden. Beschäftigungsziele verwirklicht werden sollen. Dieses Instrument würde durch einen Sekundärrechtsakt Der Haushaltsrahmen der EU bietet Spielraum dafür, geschaffen. Es könnte als fester Bestandteil des MIP ange- die Einsicht, dass auf Produktivität ausgerichtete öffent- legt werden, verstärkt durch vertragliche Vereinbarungen liche Investitionen notwendig sind, mit den im Rahmen und finanzielle Unterstützung wie vorstehend beschrieben, der Haushaltsdisziplin anvisierten Zielen in Einklang zu und somit auf Artikel 136 AEUV gestützt werden. Alter- bringen. nativ wäre ein Rückgriff auf Artikel 352 AEUV möglich, erforderlichenfalls mit verstärkter Kooperation (kombiniert mit einem Beschluss gemäß Artikel 332 AEUV über Öffentliche Investitionen stellen einen der einschlägigen die Einstellung von Ausgaben in den EU-Haushalt). Faktoren dar, die es zu berücksichtigen gilt, wenn die Haushaltslage eines Mitgliedstaats im Rahmen des Be- richts gemäß Artikel 126 Absatz 3 AEUV bewertet wird, Die für dieses Instrument erforderlichen finanziellen Bei- der vor Einleitung eines VÜD vorzulegen ist.103 Seit der träge könnten auf einem freiwilligen Engagement der letzten Reform des SWP kommt den einschlägigen Fak- Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets oder auf einer toren wie öffentlichen Investitionen bei der Bewertung entsprechenden rechtlichen Verpflichtung in den Eigen- eine wesentlich höhere Bedeutung zu. Unter bestimmten mittelvorschriften der EU basieren. Die Beiträge sollten Voraussetzungen kann deren Berücksichtigung dazu füh- als zweckgebundene Einnahmen in den EU-Haushalt ren, dass auf die Eröffnung eines VÜD gegen einen Mit- eingestellt werden. Das Instrument wird nicht von den Obergrenzen in der MFF-Verordnung betroffen sein. Nur Mitgliedstaaten, die einen Beitrag leisten, wären in einer 103 Konkret heißt es dazu in Artikel 126 Absatz 3 AEUV: „In Position, vertragliche Vereinbarungen mit der Kommis- diesem Bericht [der Kommission] wird berücksichtigt, ob das sion einzugehen und von der finanziellen Unterstützung öffentliche Defizit die öffentlichen Ausgaben für Investitionen übertrifft; berücksichtigt werden ferner alle sonstigen zu profitieren. Die Unterstützung durch das CCI wäre einschlägigen Faktoren […]“. EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion gliedstaat verzichtet wird.104 Ferner sollten einschlägige Damit derartige Bedingungen in der Praxis (insbeson- Faktoren Beachtung finden, wenn Empfehlungen zum dere hinsichtlich der vorzulegenden Informationen und Abbau des übermäßigen Defizits sowie für den Pfad zu Definitionen) anwendbar sind, müsste ein umfassender dessen Rückführung formuliert werden. Rahmen erarbeitet werden, wobei eine Sonderbehand- lung der öffentlichen Investitionen nur zu einer befriste- Öffentliche Investitionen fließen in der präventiven ten Abweichung vom mittelfristigen Haushaltsziel oder Komponente des SWP in den neuen Ausgabenrichtwert dem bereits eingeschlagenen Anpassungspfad führen ein, der neben dem strukturellen Saldo dazu dient, die könnte. Die Kommission wird im Frühjahr 2013 eine Fortschritte bei der Verwirklichung der mittelfristigen Mitteilung über den geeigneten Weg zur Verwirklichung Haushaltsziele zu bewerten. Konkret wird der Durch- des mittelfristigen Haushaltsziels veröffentlichen. schnittswert der gesamtstaatlichen Bruttoanlageinvesti- tionen für eine Reihe von Jahren gebildet, damit nicht Spezifische Bestimmungen für Investitionsvorhaben einzelne Mitgliedstaaten für Investitionsspitzen in be- sollten nicht mit einer „goldenen Regel“ gleichgesetzt stimmten Jahren bestraft werden.105 werden, die eine unbefristete Ausnahmeregelung für sämtliche öffentlichen Investitionen zulassen würde. Bei Die Kommission wird ausloten, ob die präventive einem derartigen undifferenzierten Ansatz könnte die Komponente weitere Möglichkeiten bietet, Investiti- Verwirklichung des vorrangig mit dem SWP verfolgten onsprogramme bei der Bewertung von Stabilitäts- und Ziels leicht daran scheitern, dass die Tragfähigkeit der öf- Konvergenzprogrammen zu berücksichtigen. Konkret fentlichen Verschuldung untergraben wird. könnte man bei einmaligen Programmen für öffentli- 575 che Investitionen mit erwiesenen Auswirkungen auf die 3.1.7. Vertretung des langfristige Tragfähigkeit der öffentlichen Finanzen unter Euro-Währungsgebiets nach außen bestimmten Voraussetzungen befristet von dem mittelfristig angestrebten Haushaltsziel oder dem bereits ein- Die Bemühungen um eine erweiterte und konsolidierte geschlagenen Anpassungspfad abweichen.106 Dies könnte Vertretung des Euro-Währungsgebiets nach außen soll- – im Einklang mit dem von der Makrokonditionalität ten ausgehend von den bei der wirtschaftspolitischen vorgegebenen Rahmen – beispielsweise für von der EU Steuerung erzielten Fortschritten weitergeführt werden. kofinanzierte staatliche Investitionsvorhaben zutreffen. Dies lässt sich auf der Grundlage der derzeitig gültigen Verträge (Artikel 17 EUV und Artikel 138 AEUV) in vollem Umfang erreichen.

Durch ein derartiges Vorgehen soll sichergestellt werden, 104 Erstens kann es aufgrund der Berücksichtigung einschlägiger Faktoren dazu kommen, dass von einem Defizitverfahren dass das Euro-Währungsgebiet entsprechend seinem gegen einen Mitgliedstaat trotz eines Verstoßes gegen das wirtschaftlichen Gewicht angemessen vertreten wird und Defizit-Kriterium abgesehen wird, wenn die Schuldenquote dabei die Veränderungen bei der internen wirtschafts- unter dem Referenzwert liegt. Zweitens sollte bei einem politischen Steuerung nach außen sichtbar werden. Das Verstoß gegen den Richtwert für den Schuldenabbau erst nach der Bewertung aller einschlägigen Faktoren ein Euro-Währungsgebiet muss in multilateralen Einrich- Defizitverfahren eingeleitet werden. tungen und Foren sowie in bilateralen Dialogen mit stra- 105 Auch Ausgaben für EU-Programme und somit tegischen Partnern eine aktivere Rolle spielen können. Investitionsausgaben werden bis zu der Höhe, in der sie Man strebt das Ziel an, in Fragen der Wirtschafts und vollständig durch Einnahmen aus EU-Fonds ausgeglichen werden, nicht in die Ausgaben eingerechnet, die zur Bewertung Finanzpolitik des Euro-Währungsgebiets, der makroöko- der Einhaltung des Ausgabenrichtwerts herangezogen werden. nomischen Überwachung, Wechselkurspolitik und Fi- 106 Der SWP enthält spezifische Bestimmungen, in denen diese nanzstabilität mit einer Stimme zu sprechen. Möglichkeit vorgesehen ist. In der Verordnung (EG) Nr. 1466/97 ist dazu in Artikel 5 Absatz 1 Folgendes festgelegt: „[…] Bei der Festlegung des Anpassungspfads zur Erreichung des Um all dies zu erreichen, muss eine Einigung über eine mittelfristigen Haushaltsziels für Mitgliedstaaten, die dieses Strategie zur Umgestaltung und – wenn möglich – Zu- Ziel noch nicht erreicht haben, und wenn Mitgliedstaaten, sammenführung der Vertretung des Euro-Währungs- die es bereits erreicht haben, eine befristete Abweichung von diesem Ziel eingeräumt wird, sofern eine angemessene gebiets nach außen in internationalen Wirtschafts und Sicherheitsmarge zum Defizit-Referenzwert beibehalten und Finanzorganisationen und -foren erzielt werden. erwartet wird, dass die Haushaltslage im Programmzeitraum wieder zum mittelfristigen Haushaltsziel zurückkehrt, tragen Man sollte sich dabei auf den IWF konzentrieren, der der Rat und die Kommission größeren Strukturreformen Rechnung, die – auch durch Steigerung des nachhaltigen durch seine Darlehensinstrumente und Aufsichtsstruk- Potenzialwachstums – direkte langfristige positive turen den institutionellen Grundpfeiler der weltweiten Auswirkungen auf den Haushalt und mithin nachprüfbare wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung bildet. Wie sich in der Auswirkungen auf die langfristige Tragfähigkeit der Krise gezeigt hat, ist es für das Euro-Währungsgebiet von öffentlichen Finanzen haben. [...]“ DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

größter Bedeutung, eine gemeinsame Position insbeson- zurückgehenden Entscheidungen. Einige dieser Elemen- dere gegenüber den Programmen, Finanzierungsverein- te werden eine Änderung der Verträge erfordern. barungen und der Krisenbewältigungsstrategie des IWF zu vertreten. Dafür muss die Koordination ausgeweitet Die Verringerung staatlicher Schulden, die deutlich über werden, die vom Euro-Währungsgebiet in Brüssel und den im SWP festgelegten Kriterien liegen, könnte durch Washington in WWU-Fragen vereinbart wurde, damit die Einrichtung eines Schuldentilgungsfonds in Angriff Veränderungen der WWU-internen wirtschaftspoliti- genommen werden. Die verstärkte Integration der Fi- schen Steuerung nach außen sichtbar werden und kohä- nanzmärkte des Euro-Währungsgebietes und vor allem rente und gewichtige Botschaften vermittelt werden die Stabilisierung der volatilen Märkte für Staatsanleihen können. könnte dadurch vorangetrieben werden, dass die Mit- glieder des Euro-Währungsgebiets gemeinsam kurzfristi- Die Vertretung des Euro-Währungsgebiets im IWF sollte ge Schuldtitel mit einer Laufzeit von ein bis zwei Jahren in zwei Phasen ausgebaut werden. In einer ersten Phase auflegen. Beide Optionen würden eine Änderung der sollten die Stimmrechtsgruppen so umgestaltet werden, Verträge erfordern.108 dass sich einzelne Länder des Euro-Währungsgebiets zu Stimmrechtsgruppen zusammenfinden, in die auch 3.2.1. Stärkere haushalts- und künftige Mitglieder des Euro-Währungsgebiets aufge- wirtschaftspolitische Integration mit nommen werden könnten. Gleichzeitig sollte für das erforderlichen Vertragsänderungen Euro-Währungsgebiet auf einen Beobachterstatus im 576 IWFExekutivdirektorium hingearbeitet werden.107 Mit der Neugestaltung der haushalts- und wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung, die die Annahme des Twopacks und Durch die Maßnahmen sollte der Weg dafür geebnet die Einführung des Instruments für Konvergenz und werden, dass das Euro-Währungsgebiet in einer zweiten Wettbewerbsfähigkeit mit sich bringen würde, käme das Phase einen einzigen Sitz in den IWF-Gremien (Exe- Euro-Währungsgebiet der Sicherung der Haushaltsdiszi- kutivdirektorium und Internationaler Währungs- und plin, aber auch der wirtschaftlichen Wettbewerbsfähig- Finanzausschuss) anstrebt. Die Kommission wird zu keit ein gutes Stück näher. gegebener Zeit förmliche Vorschläge nach Artikel 138 Absatz 2 AEUV unterbreiten und einen einheitlichen Wenn das finanzielle Risiko zunehmend wechselseitig Standpunkt festlegen, um für das Euro-Währungsgebiet getragen wird, wäre allerdings ein weiterer Schritt zur einen Beobachterstatus im IWF-Exekutivdirektorium Koordinierung der Haushaltspolitik erforderlich, mit sowie schließlich einen einzigen Sitz zu erlangen. Sie dem in ganz bestimmten Situationen eine gemeinsame wäre zusammen mit der EZB, die in Fragen der Wäh- Kontrolle über die einzelstaatliche Haushaltspolitik si- rungspolitik beigezogen wird, das geeignete Organ, um chergestellt würde. das Euro-Währungsgebiet im IWF gemäß Artikel 138 AEUV zu vertreten. Nähere Einzelheiten zu diesem As- Insbesondere mit den durch das Twopack eingeführten pekt der Vertiefung der WWU finden sich in Anhang 2. Neuerungen – vor allem mit der jetzt für die Kommission bestehenden Möglichkeit, eine Stellungnahme zu Haus- 3.2. Mittelfristige Ziele: haltsplanentwürfen abzugeben und im äußersten Fall bei Verstärkte wirtschafts- und ernsthaften Verstößen gegen die SWP-Verpflichtungen der Mitgliedstaaten eine Neuvorlage eines solchen Ent- haushaltspolitische Integration wurfs zu fordern – werden die Grenzen dessen erreicht, und Schritte in Richtung einer was bei der Koordinierung auf EU-Ebene und dem Ein- echten Fiskalkapazität greifen in einzelstaatliche Haushaltsverfahren nach den Verträgen möglich ist. Wenn das Twopack angenommen Mittelfristig sollte Folgendes angestrebt werden: eine ist, hat die EU die Möglichkeiten ihrer legislativen Kom- weitere haushaltspolitische Koordination (einschließlich petenz in diesem Bereich im Wesentlichen ausgeschöpft. der Möglichkeit, Änderungen nationaler Haushalte zu verlangen oder dagegen ein Veto einzulegen), die Aus- Für weiter gehende Schritte der Kontrolle der einzel- weitung einer vertieften Koordination auf die Bereiche staatlichen Haushaltspolitik (z. B. ein Recht der EU, die Besteuerung und Beschäftigung und die Schaffung einer Überarbeitung eines einzelstaatlichen Haushalts im Ein- autonomen, echten Fiskalkapazität für die WWU zur klang mit den Verpflichtungen auf EU-Ebene zu verlan- besseren Umsetzung der auf die vertiefte Koordinierung gen) wären Vertragsänderungen erforderlich.

107 D. h. die EU vertritt die Mitglieder des Euro-Währungsgebiets 108 Siehe Urteil vom 27. November 2012 in der Rechtssache im Einklang mit den Verträgen. C370/12 Pringle, Randnr. 137 und 138. EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion

Neben anderen Möglichkeiten sind folgende Wege Leitlinien könnten gefestigt werden, indem sie in einem denkbar: einzigen Instrument zusammengefasst werden.

• Erstens könnte ein Mitgliedstaat angehalten werden, Diese Veränderungen wären die Grundlage einer eigenen seinen einzelstaatlichen Haushalt(sentwurf) zu über- Fiskalkapazität für das Euro-Währungsgebiet, die Struk- arbeiten, wenn es zu einer Abweichung von zuvor auf turreformen in größerem Rahmen begünstigt, und für EU-Ebene festgelegten Verpflichtungen der Haus- Formen der wechselseitigen Haftung von Schulden, die haltsdisziplin kam. Dies würde bedeuten, dass die im die Lösung der Problematik der hohen Verschuldung Twopack vorgesehene, nicht verbindliche Stellung- und finanziellen Segmentierung erleichtern, die zu den nahme zum einzelstaatlichen Haushalt bindenden Hinterlassenschaften der Krise gehören. Charakter erhält. • Zweitens könnte auf der Grundlage des strengeren 3.2.2. Eine eigene Fiskalkapazität für das Überwachungs- und Koordinierungsprozesses, der Euro-Währungsgebiet durch das Twopack geschaffen wird, in bestimmten Anhand der Erfahrungen mit der systematischen Ex-an- besonders schwerwiegenden, noch festzulegenden te-Koordinierung größerer Strukturreformen und dem Situationen ein Recht eingeführt werden, die Über- Instrument für Konvergenz und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit arbeitung einzelner Entscheidungen des Haushalts- sollte eine eigene Fiskalkapazität für das Euro-Währungs- vollzugs im Einklang mit den Verpflichtungen auf gebiet geschaffen werden. Sie sollte insofern unabhän- EU-Ebene zu verlangen, sofern diese Entscheidungen gig sein, als ihre Einnahmen ausschließlich aus eigenen 577 eine gravierende Abweichung vom auf EU-Ebe- Mitteln stammen; letztlich könnte auch auf die Kredit- ne festgelegten Weg der Haushaltskonsolidierung aufnahme zurückgegriffen werden. Die Kapazität sollte darstellen. effektiv sein und ausreichend Mittel zur Verfügung stel- • Drittens ist denkbar, dass die EU-Ebene die eindeuti- len, um in einer großen Volkswirtschaft, die sich in einer ge Kompetenz erhält, das einzelstaatliche Haushalts- Krisensituation befindet, wichtige Strukturreformen un- recht zu harmonisieren (im Einklang mit dem Vertrag terstützen zu können. über Stabilität, Koordinierung und Steuerung in der Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion)109 und bei Nichte- Diese eigene Fiskalkapazität für das Euro-Währungsgebiet inhaltung den Europäischen Gerichtshof anzurufen. könnte zunächst innerhalb des Sekundärrechts entwickelt werden, wie im Abschnitt 3.1.3 erläutert wird. Bei ihrer Was die Wirtschaftspolitik betrifft, so kann die Steuer- Erweiterung würden jedoch neue, spezifische Vertrags- politik die wirtschaftspolitische Koordinierung unter- grundlagen für den Fall notwendig, dass die Möglichkeit stützen und zu Haushaltskonsolidierung und Wachstum einer Kreditaufnahme geschaffen werden muss. beitragen. Auf der Grundlage der Erfahrungen, die in den strukturierten steuerpolitischen Beratungen gewon- 3.2.3. Schuldentilgungsfonds nen werden, deren Schwerpunkt auf Bereichen liegt, in denen ehrgeizigere Aktivitäten vorstellbar sind, könnte Ein stark gefestigter wirtschafts- und fiskalpolitischer in Zukunft im Zuge einer Vertragsänderung Spielraum Rahmen könnte die Verringerung staatlicher, deutlich für Rechtsvorschriften über eine tiefer gehende einschlä- über den SWP-Kriterien liegender Schulden durch ei- gige Koordinierung im Euro-Währungsgebiet vorgese- nen Schuldentilgungsfonds mit strikter Konditionalität hen werden. Die Arbeitsmarktpolitik ist angesichts der ermöglichen. Bedeutung, die gut funktionierende Arbeitsmärkte und insbesondere die Mobilität der Arbeitskräfte für Anpas- Der Vorschlag eines Europäischen Schuldentilgungs- sungsfähigkeit und Wachstum im Euro-Währungsgebiet fonds – als ein unmittelbar wirksamer Krisenmechanis- haben, ein weiterer Bereich von ähnlicher Tragweite, in mus – wurde ursprünglich vom deutschen Sachverstän- dem derartige Fortschritte vorstellbar sind. digenrat zur Begutachtung der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Entwicklung ausgearbeitet und ist Bestandteil einer Stra- Die Abstimmung und Überwachung der Beschäfti- tegie für den Schuldenabbau im Euro-Währungsgebiet. gungs- und Sozialpolitik sollte im Zuge der Steuerung der WWU verstärkt und die Konvergenz in diesen Berei- Um das moralische Risiko zu mildern sowie die Stabilität chen gefördert werden. Die derzeitigen Grundzüge der der Struktur und die tatsächliche Tilgung sicherzustellen, Wirtschaftspolitik sowie die beschäftigungspolitischen schlägt der Sachverständigenrat mehrere Kontroll- und Stabilisierungsinstrumente vor: 1) strikte Konditionali- tät analog zu den im Rahmen der EFSF/ESM-Program- 109 In jedem Fall sollte der Inhalt dieses Vertrags gemäß dessen me vereinbarten Regeln; 2) sofortige Strafzahlungen Artikel 16 in EU-Recht überführt werden. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

bei Verstößen gegen die Vorgaben; 3) strenge Kontrolle ein derartiger Fonds geschaffen würde, juristisch äußerst durch eine besondere Institution (z. B. den Gerichtshof präzise formuliert werden, was die Begrenzung der Höhe der Europäischen Union); 4) sofortiger Abbruch der der auslagerbaren Schulden, die Höchstlaufzeit und alle Auslagerung der Schulden in den Fonds in der Roll-in- sonstigen Aspekte des Fonds betrifft, so dass die Rechts- Phase bei Nichteinhaltung der Vereinbarungen; 5) Hin- sicherheit im Einklang mit dem einzelstaatlichen Verfas- terlegung internationaler Reserven der Mitgliedstaaten sungsrecht der betreffenden Länder gewährleistet ist. (Währungs- oder Goldreserven) als Pfand für ihre Ver- bindlichkeiten und/oder die Benennung (gegebenenfalls Ein mögliches Modell für einen Schuldentilgungs- neu einzuführender) Steuern (z. B. Umsatzsteuereinnah- fonds, das eine angemessene Rechenschaftspflicht be- men) für die Bedienung der Zuweisungen, damit das inhaltet, sähe wie folgt aus: Auf der Basis einer neuen Haftungsrisiko begrenzt wird. Rechtsgrundlage in den Verträgen könnte der Fonds mit einstimmigem Ratsbeschluss der Mitglieder des Eu- Die Kommission sieht ebenfalls in einem soliden wirt- ro-Währungsgebiets, mit Zustimmung des Europäischen schafts- und haushaltspolitischen Rahmen eine Voraus- Parlaments und nach Ratifizierung durch die Mitglied- setzung für einen funktionsfähigen Tilgungsfonds: staaten entsprechend ihren verfassungsrechtlichen An- forderungen eingeführt werden. In diesem Beschluss wä- Wie im vorigen Abschnitt ausgeführt, wären eine ver- ren das maximale Volumen des Fonds, seine Laufzeit und stärkte Überwachung und das Recht zum Eingriff in die die Teilnahmebedingungen festgelegt. Eine bei der Kom- Gestaltung und Umsetzung der einzelstaatlichen Fiskal- mission angesiedelte Europäische Einrichtung für den 578 politik der betreffenden Länder erforderlich. Damit die Schuldendienst, die dem Europäischen Parlament gegen- Anpassungspläne glaubwürdig sind, müssten geeignete über verantwortlich ist, würde den Fonds dann im Ein- fiskale Bedingungen festgelegt werden, wenn sich ein klang mit den Vorgaben des Ratsbeschlusses verwalten. Mitgliedstaat dem System anschließt. Minimalvoraus- setzung wäre hier die strikte Einhaltung des von der 3.2.6. Euro-Anleihen Kommission vorgeschlagenen Anpassungspfads, der zum mittelfristigen Haushaltsziel führen soll. Eine wichtige Folge der Krise war die Neubewertung des Kreditrisikos der Länder im Euro-Währungsgebiet. Nachdem die Mitgliedstaaten mehr als ein Jahrzehnt Ein Europäischer Schuldentilgungsfonds mit einer sol- lang zu fast gleichen Bedingungen Kredite hatten auf- chen strikten Konditionalität (siehe auch Anhang 3) nehmen können, begannen die Märkte wieder, bei den könnte so als Anker für einen glaubwürdigen Abbau der Risikoprämien zwischen verschiedenen Ländern stärker öffentlichen Verschuldung dienen, so dass die Staatsver- zu differenzieren. Staatsanleihen der schwächeren Mit- schuldung wieder unter die 60 %-Grenze des Vertrags gliedstaaten im Euro-Währungsgebiet wurden zu bedeu- von Maastricht gebracht wird. tend höheren Zinsen gehandelt, was die Tragfähigkeit der Finanzen der betreffenden Länder ebenso beeinträch- Die Einführung eines solchen Rahmens könnte ein wei- tigt wie die Solvenz der Finanzinstitutionen, die solche teres Signal dafür aussenden, dass die Mitglieder des Staatsanleihen unter ihren Aktiva halten. Diese Segmen- Euro-Währungsgebiets bereit und in der Lage sind, ihre tierung des Kreditrisikos hat in Verbindung mit der für Verschuldung zu reduzieren, und dieses Ziel entschlos- Finanzinstitutionen typischen starken Ausrichtung auf sen verfolgen. Dadurch könnten wiederum die Finanzie- den heimischen Markt die Fragmentierung des Finanz- rungskosten für überschuldete Mitgliedstaaten insgesamt sektors im Euro-Währungsgebiet erheblich forciert. Ban- gesenkt werden. Die Mitglieder des Euro-Währungsge- ken, die in übergroßem Maße dem Risiko der Anleihen biets könnten in die Lage versetzt werden, den Schul- schwächerer Staaten ausgesetzt sind, fällt die Refinanzie- denabbau so zu gestalten, dass Investitionen in wachs- rung zunehmend schwer, und die Kreditbedingungen für tumsfördernde Maßnahmen erleichtert werden, wenn die Privatwirtschaft unterscheiden sich jetzt beträchtlich der Abbau der überhöhten Verschuldung zu tragbaren je nach Standort des Kreditnehmers. Zugleich behindert Kosten sichergestellt sowie einerseits mit Anreizen und die Segmentierung des Finanzmarkts die erfolgreiche andererseits mit einer fortlaufenden Überwachung kom- Umsetzung der Währungspolitik, und eine Lockerung biniert wird. Darüber hinaus könnte ein solcher Rahmen auf zentraler Ebene führt dort, wo es besonders nötig zu einem transparenten und im gesamten Euro-Wäh- wäre, nicht zu einer dementsprechenden Verbesserung rungsgebiet abgestimmten Schuldenabbau beitragen und der Kreditbedingungen. damit die haushaltspolitische Koordinierung ergänzen. In Anbetracht dessen gibt es gute Argumente dafür, Die Einrichtung eines solchen Tilgungsfonds wäre nur im einen neuen Schuldtitel für das Euro-Währungsge- Rahmen einer Änderung der Verträge denkbar. Aus Grün- biet zu schaffen. Eine Möglichkeit, die Integration der den der Verantwortlichkeit müsste der Rechtsakt, mit dem EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion

Finanzmärkte des Euro-Währungsgebiets und vor allem Haushaltspolitik gewährleistet ist. Diese Überwachungs- die Stabilisierung der volatilen Märkte für Staatsanleihen und Verwaltungsaufgaben könnte eine WWU-Finanz- voranzutreiben, sind Euro-Anleihen. Wenn die Mitglie- verwaltung übernehmen, die bei der Kommission ange- der des Euro-Währungsgebiets gemeinsame Schuldtitel siedelt wäre. mit kurzer Laufzeit von ein bis zwei Jahren auflegen würden, wäre dies ein schlagkräftiges Mittel gegen die 3.3. Eine langfristige Vision der WWU derzeitige Fragmentierung, mit dem der Teufelskreis zwischen Banken- und Staatsschulden bei begrenztem mora- Auf längere Sicht sollte sich die Europäische Union zu ei- lischem Risiko durchbrochen werden könnte. Außerdem ner voll integrierten Bankenunion, einer voll integrierten würde dies zu einer erneut erfolgreichen Umsetzung der Fiskalunion und einer voll integrierten Wirtschaftsunion Währungspolitik beitragen. Euro-Anleihen könnten vor- entwickeln, die alle als viertes Element eine angemessene handene kurzfristige Schuldtitel nach und nach ersetzen, demokratische Legitimierung und Rechenschaftspflicht ohne dass die Gesamthöhe der kurzfristigen Schulden im Entscheidungsprozess erfordern. Dazu wird es einer aller Länder des Euro-Währungsgebiets anstiege. größeren Reform der Verträge bedürfen.

Diese Euro-Anleihen könnten dazu beitragen, die eu- 3.3.1. Eine voll integrierte Bankenunion ropäischen Finanzmärkte zu ergänzen, indem ein gro- ßer, integrierter Markt für kurzfristige Wertpapiere im In einer längerfristigen Perspektive liegt es auf der Hand, Euro-Währungsgebiet geschaffen wird. Angesichts der dass wir auf eine sämtliche Banken umfassende voll in- bedeutenden Funktion kurzfristiger Papiere für die Li- tegrierte Bankenunion hinarbeiten müssen. Mit der 579 quiditätsdisposition und des kurzfristigen Charakters direkten Aufsicht durch die EZB, die das einheitliche von Anleihen genießen diese Titel gewöhnlich eine gute Regelwerk und die von der EBA entwickelten Standards Bonitätseinstufung. Gleichzeitig ermöglicht es der revol- anwendet, kann im gesamten Euro-Währungsgebiet eine vierende, kurzfristige Charakter solcher Anleihen, die Bankenaufsicht auf einheitlich hohem Niveau sicherge- Finanzierungsmechanismen rasch an das einzelstaatliche stellt werden. In Verbindung mit politischen Instrumen- fiskalpolitische Verhalten anzupassen, was Anreize zur ten für die makroprudenzielle Aufsicht auf der Ebene des Fiskaldisziplin schafft. Euro-Währungsgebiets wird dies ein wirkungsvolles Sys- tem darstellen, mit dem sowohl die mikro- als auch die Die gemeinsame Ausgabe von Anleihen würde die Fi- makroprudenziellen Risiken des Finanzsystems nicht nur nanzstabilität insofern erhöhen, als dass sie jederzeit die überwacht, sondern auch beherrscht werden können. kurzfristige Versorgung aller Mitglieder des Euro-Wäh- rungsgebiets mit liquiden Mitteln sichern würde. Außer- Dieses System wird zusammen mit einem einheitlichen dem würde dadurch im gesamten Euro-Währungsgebiet System für die Bankenabwicklung und in Verbindung ein Bestand an sicheren Vermögenswerten geschaffen, mit wirksamen und tragfähigen Einlagensicherungssys- der das Liquiditätsmanagement von Finanzinstitutionen temen in allen Mitgliedstaaten den Bankensektor wieder stark erleichtern würde. Damit würde zudem deren oft dauerhaft auf feste Grundlagen stellen und dazu bei- starke Ausrichtung auf den heimischen Markt verringert, tragen, dass das Vertrauen in die nachhaltige Stabilität die sich in Krisensituationen als sehr nachteilig erwies. des Euro-Währungsraums erhalten bleibt. Im Interesse Ferner würden die Euro-Anleihen einen großen Beitrag größtmöglichen öffentlichen Vertrauens muss auch eine zur Umsetzung der Währungspolitik im Euro-Gebiet starke, glaubwürdige finanzielle Letztsicherung geschaf- leisten, da die Durchführungswege gefestigt und harmo- fen werden. Dies könnte letztlich durch die Entwicklung nisiert würden. Somit wären Euro-Anleihen völlig kom- einer sicheren Anlage des Euroraums gefördert werden. patibel mit dem Konzept eines Schuldentilgungsfonds und würden diesen ergänzen. Eine voll integrierte Bankenunion, die all diese Grund- züge in sich vereint, stellt ein Kernelement einer langfris- Da es sich hier um Finanzinstrumente handelt, die eine tigen Vision für die wirtschaftliche und fiskalpolitische gesamtschuldnerische Haftung der beteiligten Mit- Integration dar.110 gliedstaaten erfordern, wären für ihre Ausgestaltung Änderungen der Verträge notwendig. Euro-Anleihen sind kein Ersatz für eine bessere wirtschaftspolitische 110 Siehe Mitteilung der Kommission „Fahrplan für eine Bankenunion“, in der die Kommission ihre umfassende Steuerung und Fiskaldisziplin. Die Einführung eines Vision zur Verwirklichung der Bankenunion mit einheitlichem solchen gemeinsamen Schuldtitels würde eine engere Regelwerk, gemeinsamem Anlegerschutz und einem Koordinierung und Kontrolle des Schuldendienstes der einheitlichem Banken-Abwicklungsmechanismus darlegt Mitgliedstaaten erfordern, damit in den betreffenden (COM(2012) 510): http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/docs/committees/ Ländern eine tragfähige und effiziente einzelstaatliche reform/20120912-com-2012-510_de.pdf DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

3.3.2. Eine voll integrierte Fiskal- und fördern und streng an politische Bedingungen geknüpft Wirtschaftsunion sein, so dass ein moralisches Risiko vermieden wird. Mit der Verwirklichung einer voll integrierten Fiskal- Ein gemeinsames Instrument für die makroökonomische und Wirtschaftsunion wäre die letzte Stufe der WWU Stabilisierung könnte als Absicherungssystem fungieren, erreicht. Dies würde als Endziel die Schaffung einer durch das die Risiken wirtschaftlicher Schocks auf alle politischen Union mit einer geeigneten Bündelung der Mitgliedstaaten umgelegt werden, so dass die nationa- Hoheitsrechte mit sich bringen, die über eine eigene len Einkommensschwankungen abgeschwächt würden. Fiskalkapazität in Form eines zentralen Budgets und Zweitens kann es dazu beitragen, die Durchführung der über eigene Mechanismen verfügt, die es ihr unter be- einzelstaatlichen Fiskalpolitik im Verlauf des Zyklus zu stimmten genau definierten Voraussetzungen erlauben, verbessern. Vor allem könnte es in Zeiten des konjunk- haushalts- und wirtschaftspolitische Entscheidungen turellen Aufschwungs finanzpolitische Sparmaßnahmen bei ihren Mitgliedern durchzusetzen. Wie groß dieses fördern, im Abschwung dagegen zusätzlichen Spielraum zentrale Budget wäre, hängt davon ab, welcher Integra- für eine stützende Finanzpolitik schaffen. Alles in allem tionsgrad gewollt ist und wie groß die Bereitschaft ist, könnte ein gemeinsames Instrument einen Nettozu- die damit einhergehenden politischen Veränderungen wachs an Stabilisierungskraft gegenüber der heutigen umzusetzen. Durch eine derart tiefgreifende Integration Situation mit sich bringen. wären die Voraussetzungen für eine gemeinsame Emis- sion von Schuldtiteln in Form von Stabilitätsanleihen Je nachdem, wie der Mechanismus konzipiert wird, 580 entsprechend dem Grünbuch der Kommission aus dem Jahr 2011 gegeben. könnte sein Schwerpunkt auf asymmetrischen Schocks liegen oder er könnte auch Schocks einschließen, die das gesamte Euro-Währungsgebiet betreffen. Der zweite An- Das Fehlen eines zentralen Budgets mit stabilisierender satz wäre zwar breiter angelegt, würde allerdings starke Wirkung wurde schon vor langem als potenzielle Schwä- Schutzmechanismen zur Erhaltung der finanzpolitischen che des Euro-Währungsgebiets gegenüber anderen er- Glaubwürdigkeit erfordern, weil eine gegen gemeinsame folgreichen Währungsunionen erkannt. negative Schocks wirkende verstärkte Stabilisierungs- kraft nur durch eine effektive Erhöhung der Gesamt- Ein zentrales Budget für eine Fiskalkapazität mit neuverschuldung des Euro-Währungsgebiets in diesen Stabilisierungswirkung Zeiten zu bewerkstelligen wäre und daher durch höhere Derzeit beruht die Struktur der WWU auf einer de- Überschüsse in guten Zeiten finanziert werden müsste. zentralen einzelstaatlichen Fiskalpolitik innerhalb eines Nach diesem Konzept müsste für das zentrale Budget Regelungsrahmens. Bei diesem Modell wird davon aus- wahrscheinlich die Möglichkeit bestehen, Schulden auf- gegangen, dass die Stabilisierungswirkung der Fiskal- zunehmen und Anleihen auszugeben. Überdies wäre die politik bereits auf einzelstaatlicher Ebene innerhalb der Geldpolitik nach wie vor das wichtigste Instrument, mit Grenzen zum Tragen kommt, die die Regeln des Vertrags dem auf gemeinsame Schocks reagiert wird. und des SWP setzen. Nach traditioneller Auffassung der WWU-Regeln fällt die Aufgabe, auf länderspezifische In seiner einfachsten Form könnte ein Stabilisierungs- Schocks zu reagieren, der einzelstaatlichen Fiskalpolitik zu, system zum Abfedern asymmetrischer Schocks Netto- während die Geldpolitik demnach dazu dient, für Preis- zahlungen erfordern, die in guten Zeiten negativ und in stabilität zu sorgen und dadurch die makroökonomischen schlechten Zeiten positiv wären. Beispielsweise würde Bedingungen WWUweit zu stabilisieren. Zudem bieten anhand eines einfachen Systems ermittelt, welche Net- die einzelstaatlichen automatischen Stabilisatoren ange- tobeiträge/-zahlungen ein Land je nach seiner Produk- sichts des relativ gut ausgebauten Sozialstaats ein großes tionslücke (gemessen am Durchschnitt) zu leisten hätte. Potenzial für die Stabilisierung in den WWU-Ländern. An die Verwendung der aus dem Fonds erhaltenen Zah- lungen würden keine weiteren Anforderungen gestellt. Ein auf der Fiskalkapazität aufbauendes Stabilisierungsin- strument auf WWU-Ebene als Hilfe zur Anpassung bei Alternativ sind Systeme denkbar, in denen die Zahlun- asymmetrischen Schocks, das eine stärkere wirtschaftliche gen aus dem Fonds einer bestimmten Zweckbindung Integration und Konvergenz unterstützt und die Einrich- unterliegen und antizyklisch wirken müssen (wie z. B. tung langfristiger Transferströme vermeidet, könnte zum im US-System der Arbeitslosenunterstützung, in dem Baustein einer echten WWU werden. Ein derartiger Me- 50 % der Arbeitslosenunterstützung, die die Regeldauer chanismus müsste strikt darauf abgestellt sein, auf kurz- überschreitet, bis zu einer bestimmten Höchstgrenze aus fristige Asymmetrien und zyklische Entwicklungen zu einem Bundesfonds erstattet werden, vorausgesetzt die reagieren, damit ständige Transfers während des gesamten Arbeitslosigkeit hat einen gewissen Stand erreicht und Zyklus vermieden werden. Er muss strukturelle Reformen steigt weiter). Eine Zweckbindung der Transfers könnte EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion zwar die Stabilisierungseigenschaften verbessern, doch Zur Verwirklichung einer engen und echten WWU be- die Gefahr, dass die Regierungen die Wirkung der Trans- darf es zahlreicher Einzelmaßnahmen, die auf den kurz- fers durch fiskalische Maßnahmen gegenteiliger Wirkung und mittelfristigen Ergebnissen aufbauen und durch die zunichte machen, lässt sich nicht völlig ausschließen. eine weitergehende Integration Schritt für Schritt, Maß- nahme für Maßnahme, eingeführt wird. Auf diese Weise Diese Systeme sollten so funktionieren, dass „Dauer- könnte eine engere Koordinierung der Wirtschafts- und transfers“ zwischen Ländern vermieden werden. Mit Haushaltspolitik, gekoppelt mit finanziellen Förderins- anderen Worten sollten sie so konzipiert sein, dass ver- trumenten zur Verwirklichung gemeinsam festgesetzter hindert wird, dass ein Land in diesem System für einen politischer Prioritäten, zu gegebener Zeit zum Entste- allzu langen Zeitraum zum Nettoempfänger oder -zahler hen eines zentralen Budgets mit gemeinsamen Stabili- wird. Die Unterschiede zwischen den Ländern dürfen, sierungsmechanismen, zur Integration des ESM in den was die Nettotransfers an das System angeht, keinesfalls Rahmen des EU-Vertrags und zu Fortschritten auf dem von den absoluten Einkommensunterschieden abhän- Weg zu einer gemeinsamen Emission staatlicher Schuld- gen, sondern vielmehr von ihrer unterschiedlichen kon- titel durch die Mitgliedstaaten führen. junkturellen Lage. Unterschiede beim Einkommensni- veau können jahrzehntelang fortbestehen, während sich Die Fortschritte bei der Verwirklichung einer engen die relative konjunkturelle Lage im Verlauf eines Jahr- und echten WWU würden mittelfristig eine Struktur zehnts grundlegend ändern kann. Die Frage, inwieweit erforderlich machen, die innerhalb der Kommission Transfers zeitlich begrenzt sein müssen, ist gegen die Fra- einer Finanzverwaltung der WWU gleich käme und ge abzuwägen, in welchem Umfang asymmetrische lang die Politik durchführen würde, die gemeinsam mit der 581 anhaltende Nachfrageschocks (z. B. Kapitalabflüsse samt Fiskalkapazität in Angriff genommen wird, soweit sie Schuldenabbau) aufgefangen werden könnten.111 mit gemeinsamen Haushaltsmitteln und/oder einer gemeinsamen Kreditaufnahme verbunden ist. Eine derar- Institutionelle Erwägungen tige Finanzverwaltung würde die neue Haushaltsbehörde verkörpern und die gemeinsamen Mittel verwalten. An Durch Vertragsänderungen zwecks Schaffung der ihrer Spitze müsste ein hochrangiges Kommissionsmit- Rechtsgrundlagen für eine derartige Fiskalkapazität mit glied, wie der für Wirtschaft, Währung und den Euro Stabilisierungsfunktion könnte unter anderem: zuständige Vizepräsident, stehen, der in angemessener Koordinierung mit dem Haushaltskommissar und mit • eine neue spezifische Rechtsgrundlage für die Einrich- Unterstützung der geeigneten Strukturen des Kollegiums tung eines Fonds geschaffen werden, der eine breiter seine Aufgaben wahrnehmen würde. definierte Zielsetzung, einschließlich der mak- roökonomischen Stabilisierung, hätte, als dies nach Es wäre zwar nicht ausgeschlossen, den ESM durch einen Artikel 136 AEUV derzeit zulässig wäre; Beschluss nach Artikel 352 AEUV und eine Änderung • ein entsprechendes eigenes Haushalts- und Eigenmit- des Eigenmittelbeschlusses der EU in den EU-Rahmen telverfahren eingerichtet werden; nach Maßgabe der geltenden Verträge einzufügen, doch dürften die politische und finanzielle Tragweite eines • eine neue Steuerhoheit auf EU-Ebene geschaffen solchen Schritts ebenso wie die erforderlichen rechtli- oder die Befugnis verliehen werden, durch eigene chen Anpassungen diesen Weg nicht gerade weniger be- Kreditaufnahme auf den Märkten Einnahmen zu schwerlich machen, als die Integration des ESM durch erzielen (was heute nach Artikel 310 und 311 AEUV eine Änderung der EU-Verträge zu bewerkstelligen. Zu- verboten ist); dem würde die zweite Lösung es gestatten, maßgeschnei- • innerhalb der Kommission eine WWU-Finanzverwal- derte Entscheidungsverfahren einzurichten. tung vorgesehen werden; Alle dargelegten Schritte würden eine Übertragung von • und es könnte den übrigen Mitgliedstaaten als Schritt Hoheitsrechten und damit eine Zuständigkeitserweite- zur Vorbereitung ihres Beitritts zum Euro-Wäh- rung auf europäischer Ebene mit sich bringen. Dieser rungsgebiet auf Wunsch gestattet werden, sich dieser Prozess müsste mit Fortschritten bei der politischen Inte- Fiskalkapazität anzuschließen. gration einhergehen, so dass eine stärkere demokratische Legitimität, Rechenschaftspflicht und Kontrolle gewähr- 111 In einigen aktuellen Analysen wird ökonometrisch leistet sind. bewertet, welchen Beitrag in Bundesstaaten bestehende Transfersysteme zum Auffangen asymmetrischer Schocks leisten. So schwanken beispielsweise die Schätzungen zur Stabilisierungskraft der Transfers zwischen US-Bundesstaaten von 10 % bis 30 % des Schocks. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

4. Politische Union: im Einklang mit Protokoll Nr. 1 der EU-Verträge und Artikel 13 des SKSV sind daher zu begrüßen. Die Zu- demokratische Legitimität sammenarbeit zwischen den Parlamenten als solche und Rechenschaftspflicht gewährleistet jedoch noch nicht die demokratische Le- gitimität der EU-Beschlüsse. Hierzu bedarf es einer re- sowie verstärkte Governance präsentativ besetzten parlamentarischen Versammlung, in einer engen und in der Stimmrechte ausgeübt werden können. Das Euro- päische Parlament – und nur dieses – ist diese Versamm- echten Wirtschafts- und lung für die EU und somit für den Euro. Währungsunion Der oberste Grundsatz, wonach ein Legitimitätsniveau 4.1. Allgemeine Grundsätze sicherzustellen ist, das der Übertragung von Souveräni- tätsrechten sowie der Solidarität innerhalb einer politischen Union angemessen ist, führt zu zwei allgemeinen Wenn es um die Ausgestaltung der demokratischen Le- Überlegungen: gitimität als Säule einer echten WWU geht, müssen stets zwei Grundsätze gewahrt werden: Erstens ist in mehrstu- figen Entscheidungssystemen die Rechenschaftspflicht Die Frage der Rechenschaftspflicht stellt sich grundsätz- auf der Ebene sicherzustellen, auf der die maßgebliche lich unterschiedlich dar, je nachdem, ob es um kurzfristige Maßnahmen geht, die im Wege des EU-Sekundär- 582 Entscheidung getroffen wird, wobei auch die Ebene angemessen zu berücksichtigen ist, auf die sich die Ent- rechts ergriffen werden können, oder um weiterreichende scheidung auswirkt. Zweitens ist bei der Fortentwicklung Schritte, die eine Vertragsänderung bedeuten. Mit dem der WWU wie auch bei der europäischen Integration Vertrag von Lissabon wurde das einzigartige Modell ganz allgemein stets darauf zu achten, dass der Grad der der EU als supranationaler Demokratie perfektioniert demokratischen Legitimität dem Umfang der von den und eine im Hinblick auf die derzeitigen Befugnisse der Mitgliedstaaten an die Europäische Union übertragenen EU im Prinzip angemessene demokratische Legitimität Souveränitätsrechte angemessen ist. Dies gilt für neue geschaffen. Solange die WWU also auf der Grundlage Befugnisse im Bereich der Haushaltsüberwachung und dieses Vertrags weiterentwickelt werden kann, wäre es Wirtschaftspolitik ebenso wie für neue EU-Vorschriften unangebracht zu behaupten, es gebe ein unüberwind- über die Solidarität zwischen den Mitgliedstaaten. Kurz bares Rechenschaftsproblem. Demgegenüber ist bei den gesagt: Ein noch stärkeres gegenseitiges Einstehen in fi- Diskussionen über mittel- und langfristige Vertragsände- nanzieller Hinsicht erfordert eine entsprechende politi- rungen, wie in den Abschnitten 3.2. und 3.3 ausgeführt, sche Integration. In diesem Abschnitt werden in vorläu- stets zu berücksichtigen, inwieweit das EU-Modell der figer und nicht erschöpfender Weise Möglichkeiten für demokratischen Legitimität angepasst werden muss. weitere Arbeiten aufgezeigt. Ernsthafte Bedenken hinsichtlich der Rechenschafts- Aus dem ersten Grundsatz folgt, dass es das Europäische pflicht und Governance gäbe es dann, wenn die zwi- Parlament sein muss, das allen voran die demokratische schenstaatlichen Maßnahmen im Euro-Währungsgebiet Rechenschaftspflicht für alle auf EU-Ebene getroffenen erheblich über das derzeitige Maß hinausgingen. Dies Entscheidungen – vor allem der Kommission – sicher- wäre insbesondere dann der Fall, wenn solche Maßnah- stellen muss. Eine stärkere Rolle der EU-Organe setzt men zunehmend dazu genutzt würden, die Wirtschafts- also voraus, dass das Europäische Parlament entspre- politik der Mitgliedstaaten zu beeinflussen. Ein solches chend stärker in die EU-Verfahren einbezogen wird. Vorgehen würde zunächst Probleme hinsichtlich der Gleichzeitig werden die nationalen Parlamente – wie Vereinbarkeit mit dem einschlägigen Primärrecht der auch immer die WWU letztendlich aussehen wird – stets EU aufwerfen. Wie der Gerichtshof bestätigt hat, wird von zentraler Bedeutung sein: Sie stellen die Legitimi- der Union im Vertrag die Aufgabe zugewiesen, die Wirt- tät des mitgliedstaatlichen Handelns im Europäischen schaftspolitik der Mitgliedstaaten zu koordinieren. Der Rat und im Rat der Europäischen Union sicher, vor al- ESM ist nicht zuletzt deshalb mit den Verträgen verein- lem aber die Legitimität der nationalen Haushalts- und bar, weil sein Ziel nicht in einer solchen Koordinierung Wirtschaftspolitik, selbst wenn diese durch die EU noch besteht, sondern in der Bereitstellung eines Finanzie- stärker koordiniert wird. Auch die Zusammenarbeit zwi- rungsmechanismus, und weil er ausdrückliche Bestim- schen dem Europäischen Parlament und den nationalen mungen enthält, denen zufolge die Konditionalität, die Parlamenten ist von großer Bedeutung: Sie schafft ein im ESM-Vertrag vorgesehen ist (der ESM-Vertrag ist gegenseitiges Verständnis und eine gemeinsame Ver- kein Instrument der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinie- antwortung für die WWU als mehrstufiges Governan- rung), sicherstellt, dass die Aktivitäten des ESM mit dem ce-System. Konkrete Schritte zur weiteren Verbesserung EU-Recht und den Koordinierungsmaßnahmen der EU EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion vereinbar sind. Zudem können mit zwischenstaatlichen könnten die Mitglieder der Kommission die nationalen Maßnahmen nur begrenzt Aufgaben auf die Unions- Parlamente unterstützen, indem sie auf deren Ersuchen organe wie Kommission und EZB übertragen werden. an den parlamentarischen Debatten über die länderspe- Dabei kann es sich um die Koordinierung einer Gemein- zifischen Empfehlungen der EU teilnehmen. schaftsaktion oder um die Verwaltung von Finanzhilfen im Namen der Mitgliedstaaten handeln. Die Aufgaben, Die Anwendung des Comply-or-Explain-Prinzips, wo- die diesen Organen in den Verträgen zugewiesen sind, nach der Rat für alle Änderungen, die er an den Vor- dürfen dadurch in ihrem Wesen nicht verändert wer- schlägen der Kommission zur wirtschaftspolitischen den.112 Jedenfalls ist nicht ersichtlich, wie die parlamen- Überwachung (z. B. länderspezifische Empfehlungen) tarische Rechenschaftspflicht für eine zwischenstaatliche vornimmt, rechenschaftspflichtig ist (in erster Linie ge- europäische Ebene gewährleistet werden könnte, die die genüber dem Europäischen Parlament) sollte in der Pra- Wirtschaftspolitik einzelner Mitgliedstaaten des Eu- xis verstärkt werden. ro-Währungsgebiets zu beeinflussen sucht. In einer vertieften WWU sollte das Parlament auch di- Soweit es demnach in einer vertieften WWU verstärkter rekter in die Festlegung der mehrjährigen Prioritäten der Governance-Strukturen bedarf, sollten diese aus Grün- Union einbezogen werden, wie sie in den integrierten den der Effizienz und Legitimität als Teil des instituti- Leitlinien des Rates (Grundzüge der Wirtschaftspolitik onellen Rahmens der EU und im Einklang mit der Ge- und beschäftigungspolitische Leitlinien) niedergelegt meinschaftsmethode gestaltet werden. sind. 583 4.2. Kurzfristige Optimierung der Das Europäische Parlament sollte – wie im Twopack-Ge- Rechenschaftspflicht und setzespaket vorgesehen – regelmäßig über die Vorberei- Governance tung und Umsetzung der Anpassungsprogramme für die Mitgliedstaaten, die finanzielle Unterstützung erhalten, Angesichts der oben genannten Grundsätze sollte sich informiert werden. Diese wirtschaftspolitische Kondi- die Diskussion darüber, wie eine optimale demokrati- tionalität gegenüber den betreffenden Mitgliedstaaten sche Rechenschaftspflicht und Governance ohne Ver- ist Teil der wirtschaftspolitischen Koordinierung auf tragsänderung gewährleistet werden kann, auf praktische EU-Ebene. Maßnahmen konzentrieren, und zwar insbesondere auf solche, mit denen die parlamentarische Debatte im Rah- Darüber hinaus hat das Europäische Parlament die Mög- men des Europäischen Semesters gefördert wird. lichkeit, seine interne Organisation an eine vertiefte WWU anzupassen. So könnte es beispielsweise einen Ausgangspunkt hierfür sollte der kürzlich mit dem Six- Euro-Sonderausschuss einrichten, der für die Kontrolle pack-Reformen eingeführte Wirtschaftsdialog sein, der und Beschlussfassung in Bezug auf das Euro-Währungs- Diskussionen zwischen dem Europäischen Parlament gebiet zuständig ist. einerseits und dem Rat, der Kommission, dem Europä- ischen Rat und der Euro-Gruppe andererseits vorsieht. Ohne Vertragsänderung sind noch einige weitere prak- Somit wäre es denkbar, dass das Parlament in die Diskus- tische Maßnahmen möglich, um im Einklang mit der sionen über den Jahreswachstumsbericht der Kommissi- Gipfelerklärung der Mitglieder des Euro-Währungsge- on eingebunden wird und dass vor allem die beiden De- biets die Funktionsweise der Euro-Gruppe und ihrer batten im Parlament in den entscheidenden Phasen des Vorbereitungsinstanz zu verbessern. Europäischen Semesters stattfinden, nämlich bevor der Europäische Rat den Jahreswachstumsbericht der Kom- Auch können – ohne dass dies ein spezifisches Merk- mission erörtert und bevor der Rat die länderspezifischen mal der WWU wäre – wichtige Schritte unternommen Empfehlungen annimmt. Möglich wäre dies durch eine werden, um das Entstehen eines echten europäischen interinstitutionelle Vereinbarung zwischen dem Europä- politischen Systems zu fördern. Dazu zählen im Zu- ischen Parlament, dem Rat und der Kommission. Auch sammenhang mit den Wahlen zum Europäischen Parla- könnten Kommission und Rat an interparlamentari- ment 2014 insbesondere die Nominierung von Kandi- schen Treffen teilnehmen, die zwischen Vertretern des daten für das Amt des Kommissionspräsidenten durch Europäischen Parlaments und der nationalen Parlamente die politischen Parteien sowie eine Reihe pragmatischer während des Europäischen Semesters stattfinden. Ferner Maßnahmen, die nach dem geltenden EU-Wahlrecht möglich sind. Darüber hinaus sollte der kürzlich von der Kommission vorgelegte Vorschlag für ein überarbeitetes 112 Siehe Urteil des Gerichtshofs in der Rechtssache C-370/12, Statut der europäischen politischen Parteien rasch ange- Pringle, Randnrn. 109 – 111 und 158 - 162. nommen werden. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

4.3. Diskussionspunkte im Falle einer stärken,113 würden Anpassungen beim Kollegialitätsprin- Vertragsänderung zip und damit Vertragsänderungen erfordern. Solche Anpassungen könnten langfristig in Erwägung gezogen werden, um innerhalb der Kommission so etwas wie eine Bei einer Vertragsreform, mit der der EU weitere supra- WWU-Finanzverwaltung einzurichten, die die politi- nationale Befugnisse übertragen würden, ist zur Gewähr- sche Richtung vorgibt und eine stärkere demokratische leistung einer entsprechend stärkeren demokratischen Rechenschaftspflicht gewährleistet. Zwischen dem für Rechenschaftspflicht Folgendes zu berücksichtigen: Wirtschaft und Währung zuständigen Vizepräsidenten und dem „Euro-Ausschuss“ des Europäischen Parla- Erstens sollten aus Gründen der Sichtbarkeit, Trans- ments könnte vor diesem Hintergrund eine besondere parenz und Legitimität die derzeitigen Grundzüge der auf Vertrauen und Kontrolle basierende Verbindung Wirtschaftspolitik sowie die beschäftigungspolitischen hergestellt werden. Wie diese Beziehung im Einzelnen Leitlinien (die gemeinsam als „integrierte Leitlinien“ be- ausgestaltet wird, bedarf jedoch einer sorgfältigen Abwä- zeichnet werden, jedoch auf zwei verschiedenen Rechts- gung. Das Kollegialitätsprinzip gilt für die Beschlussfas- grundlagen basieren) in einem einheitlichen Instrument sung in allen Politikbereichen, für die die Kommission zusammengefasst werden, das die mehrjährigen Prioritä- zuständig ist – von der Wettbewerbspolitik bis hin zur ten der Union zum Ausdruck bringt. Entscheidend ist Kohäsionspolitik. Es steht für ein System kollektiver in- hierbei, dass dieses Instrument im ordentlichen Gesetz- terner Kontrolle, das zur Stärkung der Legitimität des gebungsverfahren angenommen wird, d. h. von EU-Par- Kommissionshandelns beiträgt. lament und Rat gemeinsam. 584 Mitunter werden auch Rufe nach einer Stärkung der Eu- Zweitens könnte eine neue Befugnis, die Überarbeitung ro-Gruppe laut, der die Befugnis für Beschlüsse, die das eines einzelstaatlichen Haushalts im Einklang mit den Euro-Währungsgebiet und dessen Mitglieder betreffen, Verpflichtungen auf EU-Ebene zu verlangen, sofern sich übertragen werden könnte. Dies würde eine Änderung die Notwendigkeit hierfür ergäbe, dadurch angemessen des Vertrags erfordern, da die Euro-Gruppe aufgrund legitimiert werden, dass es im Wege der Mitentscheidung ihres informellen Charakters, wie Protokoll Nr. 14 zu als Rechtsakt angenommen wird. Diese Lösung, die ein entnehmen ist, als Diskussionsforum ohne Entschei- Höchstmaß an demokratischer Legitimität gewährleis- dungsbefugnisse aufzufassen ist. Dessen ungeachtet gibt tet, ist gerechtfertigt, da die jährlichen Haushalte der es in Artikel 136 und 138 AEUV bereits ein Beispiel für Mitgliedstaaten ebenfalls von den jeweiligen nationalen eine Ratsformation, bei der nur die Mitglieder des Eu- Parlamenten angenommen werden (in der Regel mit Le- ro-Währungsgebiets stimmberechtigt sind. Die Kommis- gislativcharakter). Um eine rasche Beschlussfassung zu sion spricht sich dafür aus, nach diesem Modell weitere gewährleisten, sollte im Wege einer Vertragsänderung ein Rechtsgrundlagen im Vertrag zu schaffen. Der größte neues besonderes Gesetzgebungsverfahren mit nur einer praktische Unterschied zwischen diesem Modell und Lesung geschaffen werden. einer Euro-Gruppe mit Entscheidungsbefugnis besteht

Würde der ESM, wie im vorliegenden Dokument vorgeschlagen, in den EU-Rahmen integriert, so würde dieser 113 Es sei daran erinnert, dass die Position des für Wirtschaft und Währung zuständigen Kommissionsmitglieds bereits im einer echten Kontrolle durch das Europäische Parlament Oktober und November 2011 im Wege mehrerer Rechtsakte, unterliegen. die in den Grenzen der geltenden Vertragsbestimmungen erlassen wurden, gestärkt wurde, um zu gewährleisten, dass die Kommission ihre Aufgabe der Koordinierung, Zu erwägen wären auch institutionelle Anpassungen: Überwachung und Durchsetzung der wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung der Union und des Euro-Währungsgebiets Ein innerhalb des Europäischen Parlaments eingerich- unabhängig, objektiv und effizient erfüllen kann. Nach einer Änderung der Geschäftsordnung der Kommission werden teter „Euro-Ausschuss“ könnte mit Beschlussfassungs- Kommissionsbeschlüsse in diesem Bereich auf Vorschlag befugnissen ausgestattet werden, die über die Befugnisse des für Wirtschaft und Finanzen und den Euro zuständigen anderer Ausschüsse hinausgehen, z. B. könnte ihm mehr Vizepräsidenten in einem speziellen schriftlichen Verfahren Gewicht bei den parlamentarischen Vorarbeiten oder gefasst, das eine objektivere und effizientere Beschlussfassung ermöglicht. Der Vizepräsident ist darüber hinaus befugt, im sogar die Möglichkeit eingeräumt werden, bestimmte Einvernehmen mit dem Präsidenten in mehreren Bereichen, die Funktionen oder Rechtshandlungen anstelle des Plen- mit dem „Sixpack“-Gesetzespaket zusammenhängen, sowie in ums wahrzunehmen. Bezug auf die Programme zur wirtschaftlichen Anpassung im Rahmen von EFSM, EFSF und ESM im Namen der Kommission Beschlüsse zu fassen. Schließlich müssen die Dienststellen Alle Bestrebungen, innerhalb der Kommission die Po- des Vizepräsidenten auch zu allen Initiativen der Kommission sition des für Wirtschaft und Finanzen und den Euro konsultiert werden, die sich auf das Wachstum, die zuständigen Vizepräsidenten noch weiter als bisher zu Wettbewerbsfähigkeit oder die Wirtschaftsstabilität auswirken können. EIN KONZEPT FÜR EINE VERTIEFTE UND ECHTE WWU: Auftakt für eine europäische Diskussion darin, dass im Fall der Euro-Gruppe Mitgliedstaaten, Als besonders heikel erweist sich die Gewährleistung ei- die nicht dem Euro-Währungsgebiet angehören, nicht ner angemessenen demokratischen Rechenschaftspflicht, nur von der Abstimmung ausgeschlossen wären, sondern wenn der AEUV geändert wird, um die gemeinsame auch von den Beratungen und den Vorarbeiten unter- Ausgabe von Schuldtiteln auf der Grundlage einer ge- halb der Ministerebene. Die Kommission hält dies nicht samtschuldnerischen Bürgschaft aller Mitgliedstaaten des für wünschenswert, da dies de facto auf einen „Rat für Euro-Währungsgebiets zuzulassen. Das Problem besteht das Euro-Währungsgebiet“ und damit auf eine separate darin, dass eine solche gesamtschuldnerische Bürgschaft, Instanz hinausliefe, ohne die Konvergenz zwischen aktu- wenn sie von den Gläubigern eingefordert wird, die Fi- ellen und künftigen Mitgliedern des Euro-Währungsge- nanzen einzelner Mitgliedstaaten, für die die Parlamente biets angemessen zu berücksichtigen. dieser Mitgliedstaaten rechenschaftspflichtig sind, erheblich belasten kann, obwohl diese Belastung das Ergebnis Ein weiteres Anliegen, das mit einer Vertragsänderung politischer Entscheidungen ist, die im Laufe der Zeit von zu bewerkstelligen wäre, ist die Stärkung der demo- einem oder mehreren anderen Mitgliedstaaten unter der kratischen Rechenschaftspflicht der EZB, soweit sie als Verantwortung ihrer Parlamente gefasst worden sind. Bankenaufsicht tätig ist, indem diese Tätigkeit der re- Solange die EU-Ebene keine weitreichenden Entschei- gulären Haushaltskontrolle durch das Europäische Par- dungsbefugnisse für die Wirtschaftspolitik im Euro-Wäh- lament unterstellt wird. Gleichzeitig könnte Artikel 127 rungsgebiet erhält und das Europäische Parlament nicht Absatz 6 AEUV geändert werden, um das ordentliche eigenverantwortlich über die Mittelausstattung für einen Gesetzgebungsverfahren zur Anwendung zu bringen substanziellen zentralen Haushalt entscheidet, lässt sich und einige der rechtlichen Beschränkungen zu beseiti- dieses grundlegende Rechenschaftsproblem nicht einfach 585 gen, die derzeit beim einheitlichen Aufsichtsmechanis- durch Beauftragung eines EU-Exekutivorgans mit der mus (SSM) bestehen (z. B. Aufnahme einer Klausel für Verwaltung gemeinsam ausgegebener Schuldtitel lösen, eine direkte, unwiderrufliche Beteiligung von nicht dem auch wenn dieses Organ gegenüber dem Europäischen Euro-Währungsgebiet angehörenden Mitgliedstaaten am Parlament rechenschaftspflichtig wäre. SSM über die Formel der „engen Zusammenarbeit“ hinaus, gleichberechtigte Teilnahme dieser Mitgliedstaaten, In einer voll integrierten Fiskal- und Wirtschaftsunion, die für den SSM optieren, an der Beschlussfassung der die über ein substanzielles zentrales Budget verfügt, des- EZB und weitergehende interne Trennung zwischen der sen Mittel teils aus einer spezifischen, autonomen Steu- Beschlussfassung zu Währungs- und zu Aufsichtsfragen). erhoheit und teils aus der Möglichkeit herrühren, eigene Zu erwägen ist auch eine Vertragsänderung, die einen EU-Anleihen auszugeben, und die mit einer weitreichen- besonderen Status für die Agenturen im Bereich der Fi- den Bündelung der Hoheitsrechte für die Gestaltung der nanzmarktregulierung schafft und den supranationalen Wirtschaftspolitik auf EU-Ebene einhergeht, würde Charakter dieser Agenturen und ihre demokratische sich dieses Problem hingegen nicht mehr stellen. Das Rechenschaftspflicht stärkt. Dies würde nicht nur die Europäische Parlament hätte in diesem Fall im Bereich Effizienz der europäischen Aufsichtsbehörden ganz be- der autonomen Besteuerung als Mitgesetzgeber größe- trächtlich erhöhen, sondern auch die Einrichtung und re Entscheidungsbefugnisse und würde die notwendige Wirkungsweise des zu schaffenden einheitlichen Abwick- demokratische Kontrolle über alle Entscheidungen der lungsmechanismus deutlich erleichtern. EU-Exekutive ausüben. Die Mitgliedstaaten würden für die Schuldtitel anderer Mitgliedstaaten nicht gesamt- Die Legitimität der EU ließe sich auch durch eine Er- schuldnerisch haften, sondern allenfalls für Anleihen der weiterung der Zuständigkeiten des Gerichtshofs stärken, EU. indem beispielsweise Artikel 126 Absatz 10 AEUV aufgehoben wird, was Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gegen Würde der AEUV in der Weise geändert, dass als Zwi- Mitgliedstaaten in diesem Bereich ermöglichen würde. schenstufe die Ausgabe kurzfristiger Euro-Anleihen er- Oder es könnten neue, besondere Zuständigkeiten und möglicht wird in Kombination mit erweiterten Befug- Verfahren geschaffen werden, wobei allerdings zu beden- nissen im Bereich der wirtschaftspolitischen Steuerung, ken ist, dass sich manche Fragestellungen nicht für eine müsste ein Rechenschaftsmodell mit einer EU- und ei- uneingeschränkte richterliche Nachprüfung eignen. ner mitgliedstaatlichen Komponente entwickelt werden. Für Entscheidungen, die im Zusammenhang mit der Bei einer Vertragsreform, die über die WWU hinausgeht, Verwaltung der Euro-Anleihen von der in der Kommis- sollte angestrebt werden, das ordentliche Gesetzgebungs- sion angesiedelten WWU-Finanzverwaltung getroffen verfahren zum Regelverfahren zu machen, d. h. in den Fäl- werden, würde das Europäische Parlament die notwen- len, in denen derzeit das besondere Gesetzgebungsverfahren dige Rechenschaft gewährleisten. Die Einführung der gilt, sollten stattdessen Rat und Parlament mit qualifizierter Euro-Anleihen und die anschließende regelmäßige Ver- Mehrheit im Wege der Mitentscheidung beschließen. längerung der Regelung sollte jedoch einstimmig im Rat DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

von den Mitgliedstaaten des Euro-Währungsgebiets mit Zustimmung des Europäischen Parlaments beschlossen werden. Die Mitgliedstaaten könnten im Rahmen ihrer verfassungsmäßigen Ordnung durch ihre Parlamente für ein Maß an Rechenschaft sorgen, das sie für ihre Zustim- mung zur Einführung und Verlängerung der Anleihenre- gelung für erforderlich halten.

Der Vorschlag zur Einführung eines Schuldentilgungs- fonds wirft Rechenschaftsprobleme anderer Art auf. Eine angemessene Rechenschaftspflicht für einen Schuldentil- gungsfonds würde eine äußerst präzise Formulierung seiner rechtlichen Grundlagen voraussetzen, unter anderem in Bezug auf den Höchstwert der übertragbaren Schuld- titel, die Höchstlaufzeit und alle sonstigen Aspekte, um die Rechtssicherheit im Einklang mit dem einzelstaatlichen Verfassungsrecht zu gewährleisten. Wenn sich dies bewerkstelligen ließe, wäre eine neue Rechtsgrundlage im AEUV denkbar, auf deren Basis der Fonds im Rat 586 mit einstimmigem Beschluss der Mitgliedstaaten des Eu- ro-Währungsgebiets und Zustimmung des Europäischen Parlaments nach Ratifizierung durch die Mitgliedstaaten entsprechend ihren verfassungsrechtlichen Anforde- rungen eingeführt werden könnte. In diesem Beschluss wären das Höchstvolumen des Fonds, die Laufzeit und präzise Teilnahmebedingungen festzulegen. Die Kom- mission, die dem Europäischen Parlament gegenüber rechenschaftspflichtig ist, würde den Fonds dann im Einklang mit den präzisen Vorgaben des Ratsbeschlusses verwalten. EIN MENSCHENWÜRDIGES LEBEN FÜR ALLE: Beseitigung der Armut und Gestaltung einer nachhaltigen Zukunft für die Welt

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLAMENT, DEN RAT, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN WIRTSCHAFTS- UND SOZIALAUSSCHUSS UND DEN AUSSCHUSS DER REGIONEN BRUSSELS, 27 FEBRUARY 2013 COM(2013) 92

1. EINLEITUNG die diesbezüglichen Fortschritte bis 2015 beschleunigt werden können, und einen Gedankenaustausch über das 587 weitere Vorgehen nach dem Zieljahr 2015 in Gang zu Die Welt steht vor zwei dringenden Aufgaben: die Besei- setzen. Darüber hinaus müssen die auf der Rio+20-Kon- tigung der Armut und die Schaffung einer nachhaltigen ferenz eingegangenen Verpflichtungen umgesetzt wer- Grundlage für Wohlstand und Wohlergehen. Rund 1,3 den, u. a. durch Maßnahmen zur Förderung einer in- Mrd. Menschen leben nach wie vor in extremer Einkom- klusiven grünen Wirtschaft. Auf diesen Fortschritten mensarmut, und bei vielen sind die Grundbedürfnisse muss im Rahmen der in Rio eingerichteten Offenen im Hinblick auf die menschliche Entwicklung noch im- Arbeitsgruppe weiter aufgebaut werden. Die Ergebnisse mer nicht erfüllt. Zwei Drittel der von der Natur bereit- dieser Arbeiten werden in die Ausarbeitung eines über- gestellten Dienstleistungen, darunter fruchtbarer Boden, greifenden Handlungsrahmens für die Zeit nach 2015 sauberes Wasser und saubere Luft, werden in zunehmen- einfließen. dem Maße beeinträchtigt und der Verlust an biologischer Vielfalt stößt an Grenzen, jenseits derer die Auswirkun- gen auf die menschliche Gesellschaft und die natürliche In dieser Mitteilung wird ein gemeinsames EU-Konzept Umwelt unumkehrbar werden. für diesen Themenkomplex dargelegt. Dazu werden zu- nächst die wichtigsten globalen Herausforderungen und Chancen skizziert. Im Anschluss daran werden die Erfolge Diese globalen Herausforderungen stehen in Wechselbe- bei der weltweiten Armutsbeseitigung und die Erfahrun- ziehung zueinander und müssen von allen Ländern gegen mit der Umsetzung der MDG bewertet und einige meinsam angegangen werden. Es reicht nicht, sie einzeln der wichtigsten, auf der Rio+20-Konferenz beschlossen in Angriff zu nehmen - dazu ist vielmehr ein übergrei- Schritte auf dem Weg zu einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung fender politischer Handlungsrahmen erforderlich. Mit umrissen. Danach werden die wesentlichen Elemente eines Hilfe eines solchen Handlungsrahmens müssen Wege künftigen Handlungsrahmens, die sich aus den Erfahrun- aufgezeigt werden, wie alle Menschen und alle Länder gen mit den MDG und den auf der Rio+20-Konferenz die Armut überwinden und Wohlstand und Wohlerge- eingeleiteten Arbeiten, insbesondere der Ausarbeitung von hen erreichen können - unter Achtung der von unserem Zielen für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung (Sustainable De- Planeten gesetzten Grenzen des Fortschritts. Dabei gilt velopment Goals - SDG) ergeben, beschrieben und aufge- es, auch Faktoren wie Regierungsführung, Menschen- zeigt, wie sie im Rahmen der einschlägigen UN-Prozesse rechte sowie Frieden und Sicherheit zu berücksichtigen, zusammengeführt werden können. die für den menschlichen Fortschritt maßgeblich sind. Schätzungsweise 1,5 Mrd. Menschen leben in Ländern, die unter erheblichen politischen Unruhen, bewaffneter Ausgehend von diesen Überlegungen werden schließ- Gewalt, Unsicherheit oder Fragilität leiden. lich Grundsätze für die Gestaltung eines übergreifenden Handlungsrahmens für die Zeit nach 2015 vorgeschlagen, der eine kohärente und umfassende Antwort auf Im Herbst 2013 findet eine Sonderveranstaltung der die globalen Herausforderungen, nämlich Armutsbesei- Vereinten Nationen statt, die dazu dienen soll, die Be- tigung und Förderung nachhaltiger Entwicklung in allen mühungen um Erreichung der Millenniumsentwick- drei Dimensionen, gibt und damit allen Menschen bis lungsziele (MDG) zu bewerten, Wege zu erörtern, wie 2030 ein menschenwürdiges Leben sichert. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

2. Neue globale Beseitigung von Armut in solchen Ländern zählt also zu den wichtigsten Herausforderungen. Allerdings ist nach Rahmenbedingungen, neue längerfristigen Prognosen bis 2050 wieder mit einer Kon- Herausforderungen, neue zentration der Armut in den ärmsten und fragilsten Län- dern zu rechnen. Chancen Mehr als 1,5 Mrd. Menschen leben in Ländern, die von ge- Die Welt hat in den letzten Jahren tiefgreifende Verände- waltsamen Konflikten betroffen sind. Gewalt zerstört Men- rungen erlebt. Dazu zählen u. a. große Verschiebungen des schenleben und Existenzgrundlagen und wirkt sich häufig globalen wirtschaftlichen und politischen Gleichgewichts, negativ auf Frauen und andere sozial schwache Menschen Zunahme des Welthandels, Klimawandel und Verknap- wie Kinder und Menschen mit Behinderungen aus. Die pung der natürlichen Ressourcen, technologischer Wandel, Kluft zwischen fragilen, von Gewalt betroffenen Ländern Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrisen, zunehmender Verbrauch und den anderen Entwicklungsländern wird größer. Bis und Volatilität der Nahrungsmittel- und Energiepreise, de- April 2011 hatte noch kein fragiles oder von Konflikten mographische Veränderungen und Migration, Gewalt und betroffenes Land mit niedrigem Einkommen auch nur ein bewaffnete Konflikte, natürliche und von Menschen ver- einziges MDG erreicht. Nur wenige von ihnen dürften bis ursachte Katastrophen sowie wachsende Ungleichheiten. 2015 einen Teil der Ziele erreichen. Die Bemühungen um Neue Akteure, darunter private und weitere nichtstaatliche Armutsbeseitigung und nachhaltige Entwicklung werden Akteure, haben die internationale Bühne betreten. derzeit durch schlechte Regierungsführung, einschließlich 588 mangelnder Demokratie, Rechtsstaatlichkeit und Achtung Der Großteil der Weltwirtschaftsleistung entfällt auf die der Menschenrechte, behindert. entwickelten und die aufstrebenden Volkswirtschaften, wobei Letztere inzwischen zu den wichtigsten Wachs- Darüber hinaus besteht in der Wissenschaft ein auf gesi- tumsmotoren geworden sind und die Weltwirtschaft be- cherte Erkenntnisse gestützter Konsens darüber, dass die reits maßgeblich prägen. Der gegenwärtige Trend lässt nicht nachhaltige Nutzung natürlicher Ressourcen lang- darauf schließen, dass es zu weiteren Verschiebungen des fristig zu den größten Gefahren für die Menschheit zählt. wirtschaftlichen Gleichgewichts kommen wird: Bis 2025 Die Folgen von Umweltzerstörung und Klimawandel wer- dürfte der Großteil des weltweiten Wirtschaftswachstums den bereits spürbar und drohen - ebenso wie natürliche in den aufstrebenden Volkswirtschaften erzeugt werden, Katastrophen -, viele der Fortschritte bei der Beseitigung wobei mehr als die Hälfte dieses Wachstums voraussicht- von Armut zunichte machen. Wir liegen im Rückstand bei lich auf sechs Länder entfallen wird. unseren Bemühungen, den globalen Temperaturanstieg auf weniger als 2 °C gegenüber der Durchschnittstempera- Die Arbeitslosigkeit stellt nach wie vor eine weltweite He- tur in vorindustrieller Zeiten zu beschränken, den Schwel- rausforderung dar. Rund 200 Mio. Menschen sind arbeits- lenwert, jenseits dessen katastrophale Auswirkungen auf los, darunter 75 Mio. junge Menschen. Die Beteiligung die natürlichen Ressourcen und damit große Risiken für von Frauen am Arbeitsmarkt ist nach wie vor oft gering die Landwirtschaft, die Nahrungsmittel- und Wasserver- und die sozialen Dienste bleiben unzureichend. Weltweit sorgung und die Entwicklungsgewinne der letzten Jahre besuchen rund 621 Mio. junge Menschen keine Schule, viel wahrscheinlicher werden. Auf globaler Ebene wird nehmen an keiner Ausbildung teil, sind arbeitslos oder die wichtigste Herausforderung in der Anpassung an die suchen keine Arbeit. Damit laufen sie Gefahr, dauerhaft Folgen des Klimawandels - und in deren Abschwächung vom Arbeitmarkt ausgeschlossen zu werden. Nicht ange- u. a. durch die Reduzierung von Treibhausgasemissionen meldete Erwerbstätigkeit und fehlende Voraussetzungen - bestehen. für menschenwürdige Arbeit (u. a. Arbeitnehmerrechte und sozialer Dialog) stellen in vielen Ländern ein Prob- Bereits heute wirken sich der Klimawandel, die Verknap- lem dar. Die meisten armen Menschen in den Entwick- pung der natürlichen Ressourcen und die Zerstörung von lungsländern sind in der kleinbäuerlichen Landwirtschaft Ökosystemen in erheblichem Maße auf menschliche Exis- oder als Selbständige tätig. In diesen Ländern arbeiten viele tenzgrundlagen aus, z. B. durch die zunehmende Zahl und arme Menschen unter unsicheren Bedingungen und ohne Intensität von Naturkatastrophen sowie durch den Abbau Schutz ihrer Grundrechte. Nur 20 % Prozent der Weltbe- des natürlichen Kapitals und der natürlichen Infrastruk- völkerung haben Zugang zu ausreichendem Sozialschutz. tur. Seit 1992 haben Naturkatastrophen Schäden in Höhe von 750 Mrd. EUR verursacht und 1,3 Mio. Menschen- Gleichzeitig hat fast überall auf der Welt die Ungleichheit leben gefordert. Die Auswirkungen der heutigen nicht innerhalb einzelner Länder zugenommen. Inzwischen le- nachhaltigen Muster wirtschaftlicher Entwicklung werden ben die meisten armen Menschen in Ländern mit mitt- nach wie vor weitgehend durch die Industrieländer sowie lerem Einkommen - trotz hoher Wachstumsraten. Die zunehmend durch die aufstrebenden Volkswirtschaften EIN MENSCHENWÜRDIGES LEBEN FÜR ALLE: BESEITIGUNG DER ARMUT UND GESTALTUNG EINER NACHHALTIGEN ZUKUNFT FÜR DIE WELT bestimmt, während die ärmeren Länder unverhältnismä- Es ist vor diesem Hintergrund, dass das Folgetreffen zur ßig darunter zu leiden haben und am wenigsten über die Rio+20-Konferenz und die Sonderveranstaltung zur Über- Ressourcen verfügen, um die negativen Folgen zu bewälti- prüfung der MDG stattfinden. Wir dürfen nicht vergessen, gen114. Vor allem in Hinblick auf die Sektoren Landwirt- dass die oben genannten Herausforderungen miteinander schaft, Forstwirtschaft, Energie und Tourismus sind die- verknüpft sind und einen kohärenten und umfassenden se Länder häufig in besonderem Maße auf die Nutzung Handlungsansatz erfordern, der auch andere internationa- natürlicher Ressourcen angewiesen. Dies macht sie noch le Prozesse wie die Verhandlungen zu den Themen Klima anfälliger für Ressourcendegradation und -erschöpfung. und biologische Vielfalt unterstützt.

Entwicklung und Wachstum tragen zu menschlichem Wohlstand und Wohlergehen bei, aber auch zu Umwelt- 3. Auf den Forschritten im problemen wie Ressourcenerschöpfung und Umweltver- schmutzung, die sich mit der Zeit verschärfen dürften. Rahmen der MDG und der Diese negativen Wirkungen gehen größtenteils von den Rio+20-Konferenz aufbauen 5,7 Mrd. Menschen aus, die nicht in extremer Einkom- mensarmut leben. Folge ist eine erhebliche Zunahme der 3.1. Bestandsaufnahme der weltweiten Nachfrage und des weltweiten Verbrauchs, die Fortschritte bei den MDG wiederum die natürlichen Ressourcen zusätzlich belasten. Weitere Fortschritte hin zur Schaffung einer inklusiven grünen Wirtschaft durch Förderung nachhaltiger Ver- Die EU ist nach wie vor entschlossen, entsprechend dem 589 in der „Agenda für den Wandel“115 und dem „Europäi- brauchs- und Produktionsmuster und erhöhte Ressour- 116 ceneffizienz, einschließlich insbesondere emissionsarmer schen Konsens über die Entwicklungspolitik“ darge- Energiesysteme, sind daher unabdingbar. legten Konzept nach besten Kräften zur Erreichung der MDG beizutragen. Um die steigende Nachfrage zu befriedigen, wird es voraussichtlich notwendig sein, die weltweite landwirtschaftliche Die MDG sind Ausdruck eines globalen Grundkon- Produktion gegenüber dem 2005 verzeichneten Volumen senses über die Notwendigkeit, der Armut ein Ende zu um 60 % zu steigern. Dies wird eine weitere Belastung besetzen und die menschliche Entwicklung zu fördern. reits knapper natürlicher Ressourcen (insbesondere Land, In den letzten zehn Jahren haben sie sich als wertvolles Wälder, Wasser und Meere) nach sich ziehen. Gleichzeitig Instrument zur Sensibilisierung der Öffentlichkeit, zur gibt es Hinweise dafür, dass bis zur Hälfte der globalen Stärkung des politischen Willens und zur Mobilisierung Nahrungsmittelproduktion verschwendet wird. Infolge von Ressourcen für die Armutsbeseitigung erwiesen. Es von Verstädterung und Bevölkerungswachstum wird der wurden beeindruckende Fortschritte erzielt: Wasserverbrauch Schätzungen zufolge bis 2015 um 50 % zunehmen. Bis dahin werden rund 5,5 Mrd. Menschen, –– Nach Angaben der Weltbank ging der Anteil der d. h. zwei Drittel der projizierten Weltbevölkerung, in Menschen, die von weniger als 1,25 USD pro Tag Gebieten leben, die unter moderatem bis starkem Wasser- leben müssen, zwischen 1990 und 2008 von 43 % mangel leiden. auf 22 % zurück. Das Ziel, den Anteil der Bevöl- kerung, der in extremer Armut lebt, zu halbieren, Diese Herausforderungen müssen vor dem Hintergrund wurde wahrscheinlich bereits 2010 erreicht. der demografischen Entwicklung betrachtet werden: So –– Das Ziel, den Anteil der Bevölkerung ohne Zugang wird geschätzt, dass die Weltbevölkerung bis 2050 auf zu sauberem Trinkwasser zu halbieren, wurde mehr als 9 Mrd. Menschen anwachsen wird, wobei sich bereits 2010 weltweit erreicht – zwischen 1990 und die Bevölkerung Afrikas südlich der Sahara voraussichtlich 2010 erhielten mehr als zwei Milliarden Menschen mehr als verdoppeln wird. Bis 2050 werden knapp 80 % solchen Zugang. der Weltbevölkerung auf Afrika und Asien entfallen. Die Zunahme des Durchschnittsalters der Weltbevölkerung –– Weltweit ist die Schulbesuchsquote im Primarbe- wird sich wohl am stärksten auf die Entwicklungsländer reich auf durchschnittlich 80 % gestiegen, wobei auswirken und dort vor allem für die Gesundheits- und inzwischen genauso viele Mädchen eingeschult Rentensysteme sowie die Steuereinnahmen negative Fol- werden wie Jungen. gen haben. –– Die Zahl der Kinder, die an Krankheit oder Unte- rernährung sterben, ist erheblich gesunken.

114 Die am wenigsten entwickelten Länder zählen zwar 880 Mio. Einwohner (rund 12 % der Weltbevölkerung), doch auf sie 115 KOM(2011) 637 endg. entfallen weniger als 2 % des weltweiten BIP. 116 ABl. C 46 vom 24.2.2006, S 1. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

–– Die Zahl der HIV-Infektionen geht weltweit weiter Hinzu kommt, dass die bislang erzielten Fortschritte zurück und der Zugang zu antiretroviralen Arznei- ungleich verteilt sind, und zwar nicht nur zwischen den mitteln hat sich wesentlich verbessert. einzelnen Ländern, wobei der Mangel an Fortschritten in den fragilen und von Konflikten betroffenen Länder Die Globale Partnerschaft für Entwicklung hat die na- besonders ins Auge fällt, sondern auch innerhalb der ein- tionalen Bemühungen um Verwirklichung der MDG zelnen Länder, einschließlich derjenigen, die bereits über ergänzt. Seit 2000 wurde die jährlich weltweit geleis- die Mittel verfügen, um ihrer Bevölkerung ein besseres tete öffentliche Entwicklungshilfe (Official Develop- Leben und eine bessere Zukunft zu sichern. ment Assistance - ODA) um rund 70 % auf 96 Mrd. EUR aufgestockt und der Anteil der ODA, der den am wenigsten entwickelten Ländern (Least Developed Vor allem dank der technologischen und wirtschaftlichen Countries - LDC) zugute kommt, mehr als verdoppelt. Fortschritte, die viele Entwicklungs- und Schwellenlän- Zusammen genommen sind die EU und ihre Mitglied- der seit Einführung der MDG erzielt haben, zeigt das staaten der weltweit größte Geber - sie stellen jährlich Gesamtbild dennoch, dass die Beseitigung - und nicht (2011) 53 Mrd. EUR und damit mehr als die Hälfte der nur die Minderung - der Armut innerhalb einer Genera- weltweiten ODA bereit. Parallel dazu hat die Umsetzung tion in Reichweite ist. entsprechender Grundsätze und Ziele die Wirksamkeit der Entwicklungshilfe erhöht. Die rasante Zunahme des 3.2. Wichtigste Ergebnisse und Zusagen Handels hat maßgeblich zu den erzielten Fortschritten der Rio+20-Konferenz beigetragen: Zwischen 2000 und 2009 stiegen die Aus- 590 fuhren der Entwicklungsländer um 80 % - gegenüber ei- Auf der Rio+20-Konferenz wurde die gemeinsame glo- nem weltweiten Durchschnitt von 40 %. Die EU ist auch bale Vision einer wirtschaftlich, sozial und ökologisch der größte Handelspartner der Entwicklungsländer und nachhaltigen Zukunft für unseren Planeten und für die hat im Rahmen der Initiative „Alles außer Waffen“ eine heutigen und künftigen Generationen bekräftigt und da- Vorreiterrolle bei der Gewährung des zoll- und kontin- bei betont, dass noch viele Herausforderungen bewältigt gentfreien Marktzugangs für alle Produkte aus den LDC werden müssen. Die Konferenzteilnehmer wiesen auf gespielt. Auch die von der EU finanzierte Forschung, den wichtigen Beitrag der grünen Wirtschaft zu nach- z. B. im Rahmen des Programms „Partnerschaft Euro- haltiger Entwicklung und Armutsbeseitigung hin, setz- pas und der Entwicklungsländer im Bereich klinischer ten einen Prozess zur Ausarbeitung universeller Ziele für Studien“, hat zur Verwirklichung der MDG beigetragen. eine nachhaltige Entwicklung (Sustainable Development Goals - SDG) in Gang und einigten sich auf Maßnah- Bis zur Erreichung der MDG bleibt jedoch viel zu tun men zur Förderung der nachhaltigen Entwicklung. Diese - vor allem die Länder Afrikas südlich der Sahara sind Maßnahmen werden zur Ausarbeitung - und längerfris- in Rückstand geraten. Weltweit leben noch 1,3 Mrd. tig auch zur Umsetzung - der SDG beitragen. Die Konfe- Menschen in extremer Einkommensarmut. Mehr als 850 renzteilnehmer verständigten sich außerdem darauf, den Mio. Menschen haben nicht genug zu essen. Rund 61 institutionellen Rahmen der nachhaltigen Entwicklung Mio. Kinder gehen nicht zur Schule. Frauen sehen sich zu reformieren, Strukturen für erfolgreiche Folgemaß- weiterhin Diskriminierungen und gravierenden Gesund- nahmen zur Konferenz zu schaffen und die Arbeiten an heitsrisiken ausgesetzt. Dies gilt insbesondere für die Ge- Umsetzungsmethoden fortzusetzen. Nun kommt es dar- sundheit von Müttern und die sexuelle und reprodukti- auf an, dass die EU die in Rio eingegangenen Verpflich- ve Gesundheit von Frauen und die damit verbundenen tungen zügig umsetzt, sich aktiv an diesen Prozessen Rechte. Ein Drittel aller Frauen wird Opfer von Gewalt. beteiligt und sowohl innerhalb der EU als auch auf inter- Dies beeinträchtigt die Bemühungen zur Verwirklichung nationaler Ebene die notwendigen Maßnahmen ergreift. der MDG. Schätzungsweise 2,5 Mrd. Menschen haben keinen Zugang zu menschenwürdigen Sanitäranlagen 3.3. Umsetzung: Maßnahmen auf EU- und 780 Mio. Menschen fehlt es nach wie vor an Zugang und internationaler Ebene zu sauberem Trinkwasser. Rund 7 Mio. Menschen mit HIV/AIDS haben immer noch keinen Zugang zur ent- Die EU wird weiterhin zur nachhaltigen Entwicklung bei- sprechenden Behandlung. Die Welt ist noch weit davon tragen, u. a. durch Umsetzung der auf der Rio+20-Kon- entfernt, die Ziele der produktiven Vollbeschäftigung ferenz eingegangenen Verpflichtungen, insbesondere im und der menschenwürdigen Arbeit für alle zu erreichen. Nur 20 % Prozent der Weltbevölkerung haben Zugang Rahmen ihrer übergeordneten Strategie für intelligentes, zu einem ausreichenden Sozialschutz. Die nicht nach- nachhaltiges und integratives Wachstum – „Europa 2020“. Diese Strategie deckt u. a. die Themenkomplexe Ressour- haltige Nutzung und Bewirtschaftung der begrenzten ceneffizienz, kohlenstoffarme Wirtschaft, Forschung und Ressourcen unseres Planeten setzen das Leben und das Innovation, Beschäftigung, soziale Inklusion und Jugend Wohlergehen künftiger Generationen aufs Spiel. EIN MENSCHENWÜRDIGES LEBEN FÜR ALLE: BESEITIGUNG DER ARMUT UND GESTALTUNG EINER NACHHALTIGEN ZUKUNFT FÜR DIE WELT ab. Die Umsetzung und regelmäßige Überprüfung der Ein weiteres wichtiges Ergebnis der Rio+20-Konferenz Strategie „Europa 2020“, die auf dem integrativen Ansatz waren die Entscheidung zur Stärkung und Aufwertung der EU-Strategie für nachhaltige Entwicklung aufbaut, des UN-Umweltprogramms (UNEP) und insbesonde- dürfte für größere Kohärenz sorgen und zur Integration re die Entscheidung in Bezug auf die universelle Mit- der drei Dimensionen der nachhaltigen Entwicklung in gliedschaft im Verwaltungsrat des UNEP. Dies wurde alle Politikbereiche der EU beitragen. Ziele für eine nach- inzwischen durch die Entscheidung über die neuen in- haltige Entwicklung werden im Rahmen einer Reihe wich- stitutionellen Regelungen des UNEP bestätigt, die auf tiger noch in Vorbereitung befindlicher Politikinitiativen, der jüngsten Sitzung des Verwaltungsrats des UNEP ge- darunter die Reform der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik und troffen wurde. Die Entscheidung zur Einrichtung einer der Gemeinsamen Fischereipolitik, das künftige 7. Um- UN-Umweltversammlung ist ein wichtiger Schritt nach weltaktionsprogramm, die „Innovationsunion“, „Horizont vorne. Die EU wird eine aktive Rolle bei der Umsetzung 2020“ und das Sozialinvestitionspaket, in die Praxis um- dieses überarbeiteten institutionellen Rahmens überneh- gesetzt werden. men. Vorrangiges Ziel wird sein, eine angemessene Betei- ligung der EU sowohl am hochrangigen politischen Fo- Die EU hat durch ihre Entwicklungszusammenarbeit ei- rum als auch am reformierten UNEP zu gewährleisten. nen beständigen Beitrag zur uneingeschränkten Umset- zung der MDG geleistet. Im Rahmen ihres auswärtigen Auf der Rio+20-Konferenz wurde außerdem beschlos- Handelns, und insbesondere der Agenda für den Wandel, sen, saubere und umweltverträgliche Technologien zu wird sie auch weiterhin die Bemühungen der Entwick- fördern und einen zwischenstaatlichen Sachverständige- lungsländer um nachhaltige Entwicklung und Erreichung nausschuss einzusetzen, der Optionen für eine Strategie 591 der MDG unterstützen und dabei den Schwerpunkt auf zur Finanzierung nachhaltiger Entwicklung ausarbeiten die am wenigsten entwickelten und bedürftigsten Län- soll. Der Ausschuss muss für Kohärenz und Koordinie- der legen. Gleichzeitig muss eine Reihe von Maßnah- rung sorgen und jede Doppelarbeit im Hinblick auf die men durchgeführt werden, um zur Umsetzung der auf Finanzierung des Entwicklungsprozesses vermeiden. Die der Rio+20-Konferenz eingegangen Verpflichtungen EU wird sich entsprechend dem nachstehend beschriebe- beizutragen. nen allgemeinen Ansatz für die Finanzierung und weitere Umsetzungsmodalitäten an diesem Prozess beteiligen. Die wichtigsten derzeitigen Maßnahmen der EU zur Umsetzung der auf der Rio+20-Konferenz eingegange- 3.5. Öffentliche Konsultation nen Verpflichtungen sind in Anhang I zusammengefasst. Die Kommission hat eine Reihe öffentlicher Konsultati- 3.4. Institutioneller Rahmen für onen zu den Zukunftsperspektiven für die Armutsbesei- nachhaltige Entwicklung und tigung und die nachhaltige Entwicklung durchgeführt. Umsetzungsmodalitäten Die Ergebnisse dieser Konsultationen haben in einige Aspekte der in dieser Mitteilung dargelegten Vorschläge Auf der Rio+20-Konferenz wurde ein Prozess zur Stär- Einfluss gefunden. Anhang II enthält einen Überblick kung des institutionellen Rahmens für nachhaltige Ent- über diese Konsultationen. Die Kommission wird zu wicklung - u. a. durch Ausbau der Rolle der UN-Ge- dieser Thematik weiterhin einen aktiven Dialog mit der neralversammlung und des ECOSOC - eingeleitet. Zivilgesellschaft und allen Interessenträgern führen. Insbesondere wurde beschlossen, ein hochrangiges politisches Forum für nachhaltige Entwicklung einzurichten, das die UN-Kommission für nachhaltige Entwicklung 4. Integration von nachaltiger ersetzen soll. Das neue Forum wird die Fortschritte bei Entwicklung und Armutsbe- der Umsetzung der Ergebnisse der Rio+20-Konferenz verfolgen und überprüfen und hat auch die Aufgabe, die seitigung in einen übergrei- für die Umsetzung der SDG entscheidende Schnittstel- fenden Handlungsrahmen für le zwischen Wissenschaft und Politik zu stärken. Es soll direkt mit dem ECOSOC, der derzeit reformiert wird, die Zeit nach 2015 verbunden werden und in regelmäßigen Abständen auf einer höheren politischen Ebene (UN-Generalversamm- Auf internationaler Ebene und bei den Vereinten Natio- lung) tätig sein. Diese Verbindungen bieten die Möglich- nen erfolgte die Arbeit zu Armutsbeseitigung und nach- keit, die Kohärenz mit der laufenden Überprüfung der haltiger Entwicklung bislang weitgehend im Rahmen MDG und den Diskussionen über die weitere Entwick- zweier getrennter Aktionsstränge mit unterschiedlichen lung nach 2015 zu verbessern. Teilnehmern - der eine beruht auf der Millenniumser- klärung, der andere auf den Ergebnissen einer Reihe DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

von UN-Gipfeln zum Thema nachhaltige Entwicklung. 4.1. Die wichtigsten Elemente eines In der Praxis weisen diese beiden Aktionsstränge jedoch übergreifenden Handlungsrahmens auch einige gemeinsame Elemente auf: So wird z. B. im Rahmen von MDG7 die ökologische Nachhaltigkeit Ausgehend von den Erfahrungen mit den MDG, den thematisiert, und die Armutsbeseitigung gilt seit jeher als Ergebnissen der auf der Rio+20-Konferenz eingeleite- prioritäres Ziel der nachhaltigen Entwicklung. ten Arbeiten im Bereich nachhaltige Entwicklung und den gegenwärtigen Trends lässt sich nach Auffassung Um die Armutsbeseitigung und die Förderung nach- der EU eine Reihe von Herausforderungen als wesent- haltiger Entwicklung als wichtige und miteinander ver- liche Elemente eines übergreifenden Handlungsrahmens knüpfte globale Herausforderungen wirksam in Angriff ermitteln. nehmen zu können, muss die Überprüfung der MDG und die Ausarbeitung von SDG in einem übergreifenden Es besteht ein grundlegender Zusammenhang zwischen Handlungsrahmen mit gemeinsamen Prioritäten und weltweiter ökologischer Nachhaltigkeit einerseits und Zielen zusammengefasst werden. Nur so kann bis 2030 Armutsbeseitigung andererseits. Ohne das Thema der ein menschenwürdiges Leben für alle gewährleistet und weltweiten ökologischen Nachhaltigkeit anzugehen, der Welt auch in der Zeit danach eine nachhaltige Zu- wird es nicht möglich sein, die Armut zu beseitigen und kunft gesichert werden. allen Menschen ein menschenwürdiges Leben zu sichern. Dies gilt auch umgekehrt. Klimawandel, Naturkatastro- Im Herbst 2013 findet eine Sonderveranstaltung der phen, Verlust an biologischer Vielfalt, die Verschmut- 592 Vereinten Nationen statt, die dazu dienen soll, die Be- zung der Meere und Süßwasservorräte und die Degrada- mühungen zur Verwirklichung der MDG zu bewerten, tion von Land und Böden wirken sich besonders negativ Wege zu erörtern, wie die diesbezüglichen Fortschritte auf die ärmsten Bevölkerungsgruppen der Welt aus. Um bis 2015 beschleunigt werden können, und einen Mei- dagegen angehen zu können, muss der übergreifende nungsaustausch über das weitere Vorgehen nach dem Handlungsrahmen als Katalysator für gute Regierungs- Zieljahr 2015 in Gang zu setzen. Darüber hinaus wer- führung, Transparenz, sozialen Zusammenhalt und Stär- den beim ersten Treffen des auf der Rio+20-Konferenz kung der Rechte der Frauen - allesamt unverzichtbare eingerichteten hochrangigen politischen Forums im Voraussetzungen für Armutsbeseitigung und nachhaltige September 2013 die Folgemaßnahmen zu den auf der Entwicklung - in allen Ländern und auf internationaler Rio+20-Konferenz im Juni 2012 gemachten Zusagen Ebene wirken. bewertet werden. Auch im Rahmen der in Rio eingerichteten Offenen Arbeitsgruppe zum Thema Ziele für eine Wie im Abschlussdokument der Rio+20-Konferenz fest- nachhaltige Entwicklung müssen weitere Fortschritte er- gehalten, sollten die SDG gleichermaßen für alle Länder zielt werden. Die Ergebnisse dieser Arbeiten werden die gelten, wobei unterschiedliche nationale Gegebenhei- Grundlage für eine Einigung über einen übergreifenden ten, Kapazitäten und Entwicklungsniveaus sowie die Handlungsrahmen für die Zeit nach 2015 bilden. jeweiligen nationalen Politikansätze und Prioritäten zu berücksichtigen sind. Außerdem sollten diese Ziele alle Um weitere konzeptionelle Überlegungen zu den Zielen drei Dimensionen der nachhaltigen Entwicklung umfas- zu ermöglichen, wird die EU ihren offenen Dialog mit sen und praxisorientiert, kurz gefasst, leicht vermittelbar allen relevanten Akteuren fortsetzen. Dies wird auch zu und zahlenmäßig begrenzt sein. In ihren im Vorfeld der ihrer aktiven Mitwirkung im Rahmen der Offenen Ar- Rio+20-Konferenz vorgelegten Vorschlägen betonte die beitsgruppe beitragen, die der UN-Generalversammlung EU, dass bei den SDG der Schwerpunkt auch auf Res- Handlungsempfehlungen vorlegen soll. sourcen liegen sollte, die öffentliche Güter und damit unentbehrliche „Säulen des Lebens“ darstellen, wie z. B. Im folgenden Abschnitt werden die aus der Überprüfung Energie, Wasser, Ernährungssicherheit, Meere, nachhal- der MDG gewonnenen Erkenntnisse, die Arbeiten zur tiger Verbrauch und nachhaltige Produktion sowie sozi- Entwicklung von SDG und die wichtigsten Elemente ale Inklusion und menschenwürdige Arbeit. Gleichzeitig beschrieben, die sich aus diesen beiden Aktionssträn- sollten die SDG mit bestehenden internationalen Über- gen ergeben. Im Anschluss daran wird kurz dargelegt, einkommen, z. B. mit den Zielen in den Bereichen Kli- wie diese Aktionsstränge im Rahmen der einschlägigen mawandel und biologische Vielfalt, sowie mit geltenden UN-Prozesse in der Praxis zusammengeführt werden Basisniveaus für den Sozialschutz im Einklang stehen. können. Im letzten Abschnitt werden - ausgehend von diesen Überlegungen - einige der wichtigsten Grundsät- Sie sollten zudem die drei übergeordneten Aspekte der ze für die Schaffung eines übergreifenden Handlungsrah- nachhaltigen Entwicklung umfassen: Armutsbeseiti- mens für die Zeit nach 2015 genannt. gung, Veränderung nicht nachhaltiger Verbrauchs- und Produktionsmuster sowie Schutz und Bewirtschaftung EIN MENSCHENWÜRDIGES LEBEN FÜR ALLE: BESEITIGUNG DER ARMUT UND GESTALTUNG EINER NACHHALTIGEN ZUKUNFT FÜR DIE WELT natürlicher Ressourcen als Grundlage für die wirtschaft- helfen, sich selbst aus der Armut zu befreien. Ziele, die liche und soziale Entwicklung. als Ansporn für Maßnahmen zur Erreichung grundlegender Standards in Bereichen wie Bildung, Ernährung, Die Ziele für die Zeit nach 2015 müssen in die fernere sauberes Wasser und saubere Luft dienen, werden zur Be- Zukunft weisen: Ausgehend von einer gemeinsamer Vi- seitigung von Hunger und zur Verbesserung der Ernäh- sion für das Jahr 2050 sollten sie auf den Zeithorizont rungssicherheit, der Gesundheit und des Wohlergehens 2030 ausgerichtet werden. der betroffenen Menschen beitragen. Ziele sollten auch Antrieb sein für Maßnahmen zur Förderung produktiver Da der übergreifende Handlungsrahmen sowohl Ar- Beschäftigung und menschenwürdiger Arbeit für alle, mutsbeseitigung als auch nachhaltige Entwicklung einschließlich junger Menschen, Frauen und Menschen zum Ziel haben soll, müssen die prioritären Aufgaben mit Behinderungen, wobei jeweils das Entwicklungsni- entsprechend den in der obigen Analyse genannten veau des jeweiligen Lands berücksichtigt werden sollte. Herausforderungen in den beiden Bereichen festgelegt Im Gegensatz zu den MDG sollten diese Ziele für jedes werden. Der Handlungsrahmen könnte somit aus meh- Land gelten, d.h. es sollte sich dabei nicht um globale reren Hauptelementen bestehen: Gewährleistung eines Ziele handeln, bei denen die einzelnen Länder nicht Mindestlebensstandards, Förderung eines inklusiven und in die Pflicht genommen werden. Jedes Land sollte die nachhaltigen Wachstums uner Sicherstellung der nach- Verantwortung dafür tragen, Fortschritte zur Erreichung haltigen Bewirtschaftung natürlicher Ressourcen sowie international vereinbarter Ziele zu gewährleisten. Förderung von Gleichberechtigung, Gerechtigkeit, Frie- den und Sicherheit. Das Thema der ökologischen Gren- 4.1.2. Triebkräfte für inklusives und 593 zen unseres Planeten muss einerseits im Rahmen eines nachhaltiges Wachstum integrierten Ansatzes angegangen werden muss, der sich Wie aus der von der Kommission durchgeführten öffent- auf all diese Elemente auswirken wird und wohl in einige lichen Konsultation und den Erfahrungen der Länder, die davon einbezogen werden muss, erfordert andererseits sich erfolgreich aus der Armut befreit haben, hervorgeht, auch themenspezifische Handlungskonzepte. Es kann spielen verschiedene Triebkräfte für inklusives und nach- also als zusätzliches Querschnittsthema des integrierten haltiges Wachstum eine entscheidende Rolle, indem sie Handlungsrahmens für die Zeit nach 2015 betrachtet die Erbringung der für die menschliche Entwicklung un- werden. entbehrlichen Dienstleistungen und die Schaffung men- schenwürdiger Arbeit fördern. Alle Länder, unabhängig 4.1.1. Mindestlebensstandard von ihrem Entwicklungsniveau, sollten eine strukturelle Die MDG bilden einen Rahmen für menschliche Ent- Transformation anstreben, um die Entstehung markt- wicklung, indem sie Zielvorgaben u. a. für Mindestein- freundlicher, offener Volkswirtschaften, die ein inklusives kommen, Freiheit von Hunger, produktive Vollbeschäf- und nachhaltiges Wachstum fördern, zu ermöglichen, tigung und menschenwürdige Arbeit für alle, Zugang den Ausbau der Produktionskapazitäten, die Entwick- zu Grundschulbildung, Basisgesundheitsdiensten sowie lung des Privatsektors, Investitionen, die Schaffung von Wasser- und Sanitärversorgung - allesamt Grundvoraus- Wohlstand und den Übergang zu einer inklusiven grü- setzungen für menschenwürdiges Leben - festlegen. nen Wirtschaft zu fördern und dafür zu sorgen, dass alle am entstandenen Nutzen teilhaben. Die Festlegung von Wir müssen die mit den MDG in Gang gesetzte Arbeit Zielen würde dazu beitragen, Chancen für ein inklusiver- zum Abschluss bringen, noch verbleibende Lücken fül- es und nachhaltigeres Wachstum - gemessen anhand von len und Lehren aus den bisherigen Erfahrungen ziehen. Indikatoren, die über das BIP hinausgehen - zu schaffen. So müssen wir z. B. Fragen der Bildung und der Ge- Viele Länder könnten diese Ziele als Richtschnur für sundheit in umfassenderer Weise angehen und auch das eine stärkere Fokussierung auf sozialen Zusammenhalt, Thema Sozialschutz mit einbeziehen. Aggregierte Durch- nachhaltige Landwirtschaft, Fischerei und Aquakultur, schnittswerte haben Ungleichheiten in den einzelnen bessere Ernährung, Überwindung der Wasserknappheit Ländern verschleiert, die durch extreme Armut, geogra- oder Vermeidung der Nahrungsmittelverschwendung fische Standortbedingungen oder Marginalisierung ver- heranziehen. Andere könnten nach Maßgabe dieser Zie- ursacht werden. Wir müssen von rein quantitativen zu le ihre Produktion ressourcenschonender gestalten, dabei stärker qualitativen Zielen übergehen, z. B. in den Berei- den Wasserverbrauch senken und die Abfälle vermindern chen Bildung und Gesundheit. Bis spätestens 2030 muss bzw. wiederverwerten. Das Ziel einer verstärkten Nach- für alle Menschen, ob Mann, Frau oder Kind, ein Min- haltigkeit und Resilienz von Städten würde zu Verbesse- destlebensstandard festgelegt werden, damit die Bürger rungen in Bezug auf Luftqualität, Wasser, Energie, In- ihre Regierungen zur Rechenschaft ziehen können, soll- frastrukturzugang, Wohnraum und Verkehr und damit te er nicht erreicht werden. Wir sollten den Menschen zu Lösungen führen, die auch in die Bereiche Beschäf- tigung, Gesundheit und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

hineinreichen und zur Anpassung an den Klimawandel sowie zur Verbesserung der Bodenqualität, zur Verrin- und zur Katastrophenvorsorge beitragen. Zu den weite- gerung der Bodenerosion, zur Stärkung der Resilienz ren wichtigen Triebkräften zählen nachhaltige Energie, gegenüber natürlichen Gefahren und zur Eindämmung Wissenschaft und Technologie, Telekommunikations- des Flächenverbrauchs beitragen. Angesichts der globalen dienstleistungen, Finanzdienstleistungen und –infra- Bedeutung der Meere sollten als Beitrag zur Schaffung struktur (z. B. Erleichterung des Marktzugangs) sowie nachhaltiger Existenzgrundlagen weltweit Maßnahmen Migration und Mobilität. Voraussetzung dafür, dass all zum Schutz der Meere und zur Wiederherstellung gesun- diese Aspekte voll zur Geltung kommen, sind förderliche der mariner Ökosysteme ergriffen werden. Dies wird die und stabile Rahmenbedingungen für Unternehmen, In- nachhaltige Bewirtschaftung der Fischbestände begünsti- novation und produktive Beschäftigung. gen - und damit auch die Ernährungssicherheit erhöhen - und gravierende Risiken wie Verschmutzung durch Abfälle Diese notwendige wirtschaftliche Transformation ist eine im Meer mindern. In diesem Sinne sollte jedes Land den immense Herausforderung, deren Bewältigung neue In- Weg der nachhaltigen Bewirtschaftung seiner natürlichen vestitionen in Milliardenhöhe erfordern wird117. Die Er- Ressourcen einschlagen und offene und transparente Go- fahrungen in Ländern, die große Fortschritte bei der Er- vernancestrukturen schaffen, um zu gewährleisten, dass die bringung solcher Dienstleistungen für ihre Bürger erzielt Ressourcen so genutzt werden, dass die allen Bürgern in haben, und mit den jüngsten weltweiten Initiativen wie gerechter und nachhaltiger Weise zugute kommen. „Nachhaltige Energie für alle“ und „Scaling up Nutriti- on“ zeigen jedoch, dass eine derartige Herangehensweise Dazu muss jedes Land dafür sorgen, dass Ressourcen wie 594 zu vielversprechenden Ergebnissen führen und Impulse Land, Wälder, Flüsse und Meere auf umweltverträgliche für schnelles Wachstum und Investitionen geben kann. Weise genutzt werden, damit auch künftige Generatio- nen davon profitieren können. Die Nutzung endlicher 4.1.3. Nachhaltige Bewirtschaftung Ressourcen wie Bodenschätze und Grundwasser muss natürlicher Ressourcen ebenfalls in inklusiver und verantwortungsbewusster Weise erfolgen, damit der gesellschaftliche Nutzen aus Die nachhaltige Bewirtschaftung und Nutzung natürlicher ihrer Vermarktung und den damit erzielten Einnah- Ressourcen ist unverzichtbar für Wachstum und Beschäf- men maximiert und die Abbaurate verringert wird. tigung insbesondere in Sektoren der Primarproduktion Die schrittweise Streichung von Subventionen für die wie Landwirtschaft, Fischerei und Forstwirtschaft sowie Nutzung endlicher Ressourcen wie fossiler Brennstoffe in Dienstleistungssektoren wie Tourismus. Von den Ar- ist eine wichtige kostenwirksame Maßnahme, die die men dieser Welt leben 70 % in ländlichen Gebieten und Ressourceneffizienz fördert. Auch in Gebieten, die au- sind für ihr Überleben und Wohlergehen unmittelbar ßerhalb der nationalen Hoheitsgewalt liegen, sollten die auf die biologische Vielfalt und die Ökosystemleistungen Staaten ihre Zusammenarbeit bei der Bewirtschaftung angewiesen. Dies erhöht ihre Verwundbarkeit gegenüber gemeinsamer Ressourcen wie der Fischbestände und der Ressourcenverknappung und Klimarisiken. Der verant- biologischen Vielfalt der Meere verbessern. wortungsvolle, d.h. auf die Grundsätze Transparenz, Re- chenschaftspflicht und gute Regierungsführung gestützte Eine integrierte Herangehensweise wird notwendig sein, Umgang mit natürlichen Ressourcen ist eine unabdingbare damit die Lösung von Ressourcenengpässen an einer Stel- Voraussetzung für Armutsbeseitigung und für die Förde- le nicht an anderer Stelle ebensolche entstehen lässt. Die rung einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung hin zur inklusiven künftige Agenda sollte alle Länder darauf verpflichten, in grünen Wirtschaft. Durch Förderung der Nachhaltigkeits- den kommenden Jahrzehnten ihre natürlichen Ressour- berichterstattung müssen immer mehr Unternehmen zu cen in nachhaltiger Weise zu bewirtschaften und zu nut- verantwortungsvollem Handeln angehalten werden. Das zen. Dies betrifft Fragen wie Transparenz, Einnahmen- Hinwirken auf eine landdegradationsneutrale Welt würde maximierung, Schutz von Besitzrechten, Resilienz118, zu Wirtschaftswachstum, Schutz der biologischen Vielfalt, u. a. gegenüber Naturkatastrophen, und Umweltschutz. nachhaltiger Forstwirtschaft, Anpassung an den Klimawan- Die globale Gemeinschaft muss dabei an einem Strang del und Minderung seiner Folgen, Ernährungssicherheit ziehen. Private und öffentliche Unternehmen müssen rechenschaftspflichtig sein und hohe Standards in Be- 117 So schätzt z. B. die Internationale Energieagentur, dass zug auf Transparenz und verantwortungsvolles Handeln gegenüber dem „Business-as-usual“-Szenario jedes Jahr einhalten. Der Übergang zu einer kohlenstoffarmen, zusätzliche Investitionen in Höhe von rund 30 Mrd. EUR ressourceneffizienten Wirtschaft erfordert auch entspre- erforderlich sein werden, um bis 2030 allen Menschen Zugang chende Qualifizierungsmaßnahmen. zu nachhaltigen Energiedienstleistungen zu verschaffen. Nach Schätzung der FAO wären jährlich zusätzliche öffentliche Ausgaben für Landwirtschaft und Sicherheitsnetze in Höhe von 50 Mrd. USD notwendig, um die Welt bis 2025 vom Hunger zu 118 COM(2012)586: „Ein EU-Konzept für Resilienz: Lehren aus befreien. Ernährungssicherheitskrisen“. EIN MENSCHENWÜRDIGES LEBEN FÜR ALLE: BESEITIGUNG DER ARMUT UND GESTALTUNG EINER NACHHALTIGEN ZUKUNFT FÜR DIE WELT

4.1.4. Gleichheit, Fairness und Gerechtigkeit Betroffen sind nicht nur fragile Staaten - auch viele andere Länder kämpfen mit Problemen der Unsicherheit und Die Ziele des menschlichen Wohlergehens und der Men- Gewalt. Illegaler Handel, transnationaler Terrorismus, schenwürde für alle sind in der Allgemeinen Erklärung kriminelle Netzwerke und Bandengewalt beeinträchtigen der Menschenrechte und in der Millenniumserklärung die Sicherheit der Bürger und damit auch ihre Aussicht verankert. In diesen Erklärungen wird auch der Zusam- auf ein menschenwürdiges Leben. Dies gilt insbesondere menhang zwischen Menschenrechten, guter Regierungs- für Frauen und Kinder. führung und nachhaltiger Entwicklung ausdrücklich anerkannt. Diese Ziele und das Engagement für gemein- Ausgangspunkt für die Behandlung von Fragen des Frie- same Grundwerte wurden auf dem MDG-Gipfel 2010 dens und der Sicherheit im Zusammenhang mit dem und der Rio+20-Konferenz 2012 bekräftigt. übergreifenden Handlungsrahmen für die Zeit nach 2015 sollten die Ergebnisse der Gespräche zwischen Die Bedeutung von Gerechtigkeit und Fairness, Men- einer Reihe von fragilen Staaten und Vertretern der schenrechten, Demokratie und anderen Aspekten guter OECD-Länder, der EU, der UN und der Entwicklungs- Regierungsführung reicht weit über ihren Beitrag zur banken beim Treffen in Busan im November 2011 sein. Erreichung von Zielen im Hinblick auf Einkommen, Dabei gilt es, auf dem „New Deal“ für das Engagement Bildung, Gesundheit und weitere Grundbedürfnisse hin- in fragilen Staaten weiter aufzubauen, der verschiedene aus. Sie sind auch an sich wichtige Werte, und zwar in al- Ziele im Hinblick auf Friedenskonsolidierung und den len Ländern. Die jüngsten Umbrüche in Nordafrika und Aufbau tragfähiger staatlicher Strukturen umfasst. dem Nahen Osten haben nicht nur gezeigt, wie wichtige 595 inklusive politische Systeme, Gerechtigkeit und Arbeits- plätze, insbesondere für junge Menschen, sind, sondern auch deutlich gemacht, dass Fortschritte bei der Verwirk- 5. Auf dem Weg zu lichung der MDG zwar unverzichtbar, aber nicht ausrei- einem übergreifenden chend sind. Die Frage der Governance bleibt auch in den Handlungsrahmen für die Zeit kommenden Jahren eine globale Herausforderung. nach 2015 Es ist wichtig, dass der übergreifende Handlungsrahmen für die Zeit nach 2015 auch diese Themen umfasst. Frau- 5.1. Zusammenführung der en spielen beim Vorantreiben der nachhaltigen Entwick- Aktionsstränge als Antwort auf lung eine besonders wichtige Rolle und daher müssen künftige Herausforderungen alle Hürden für ihre gleichberechtigte Teilhabe beseitigt werden. Beim neuen Handlungsrahmen sollte der Die Beseitigung von Armut und die Schaffung einer Schwerpunkt auf dem Übergang zu einem auf Rechten nachhaltigen Grundlage für Wohlstand und Wohlergehen basierenden Entwicklungsansatz, auf der Verringerung sind nach wie vor die dringlichsten Herausforderungen, von Ungleichheiten, der Förderung und dem Schutz die es in Zukunft zu bewältigen gilt. Um sie erfolgreich der Rechte von Frauen und Kindern, der Gleichstellung anzugehen, müssen wir sie beide gemeinsam angehen - der Geschlechter, der Transparenz und auf der Korrupti- und zwar mit Hilfe eines neuen übergreifenden Hand- onsbekämpfung liegen. Auch wichtigen Fragen der Ge- lungsrahmens, der global ausgerichtet und für alle Länder rechtigkeit muss Rechnung getragen werden. Um diese relevant ist, wobei zu berücksichtigen ist, dass die ein- Herausforderung zu bewältigen, sollten Ziele und Ziel- zelnen Länder in unterschiedlichem Maße betroffen sind vorgaben festgelegt werden, die als Anstoß für Maßnah- und ihre Antworten auf globale Ziele und ihr Beitrag zu men zum flächendeckenden Ausbau - und zur besseren deren Verwirklichung dementsprechend unterschiedlich Umsetzung - grundlegender sozialer Garantie dienen. ausfallen könnten. Viele Länder werden sich zwar weiterhin von der extremen Armut wegbewegen, müssen aber 4.1.5. Frieden und Sicherheit auch in Zukunft eine stark armutsorientierte Politik ver- Dort, wo physische Unsicherheit, große Ungleichheit, folgen, damit dies unumkehrbar wird. Es sind nach wie schlechte Regierungsführung und ein Mangel an insti- vor größtenteils die Industrieländer - und in zunehmen- tutionellen Kapazitäten herrschen, ist es äußerst schwie- dem Maße die aufstrebenden Volkswirtschaften -, die die rig, nachhaltige Fortschritte bei der Verwirklichung gegenwärtigen, nicht nachhaltigen Muster der wirtschaft- wichtiger MDG in Bereichen wie Armut, Gesundheit, lichen Entwicklung mit ihren Auswirkungen auf die Um- Bildung oder Sanitärversorgung zu erreichen. Daher welt und die natürlichen Ressourcen bestimmen, doch kommt es entscheidend darauf an, die Grundursachen auch die am wenigsten entwickelten Länder bekommen solcher Missstände anzugehen und Gegenmaßnahmen die Folgen zu spüren. Soziale Ausgrenzung und Ungleich- zu ergreifen. heit, Arbeitslosigkeit, prekäre Beschäftigungsverhältnisse DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

und mangelnder Sozialschutz wirken sich unmittelbar auf Wohlstand und Wohlergehen für alle Menschen inner- Armut und nachhaltige Entwicklung aus. halb der Belastungsgrenzen unseres Planeten.

Die Millenniumserklärung ist nach wie vor relevant und –– Der Handlungsrahmen sollte die drei Dimensionen sollte als Richtschnur für die Erarbeitung des neuen der nachhaltigen Entwicklung - die wirtschaftliche, Handlungsrahmens dienen. Aufbauend auf den Folge- die soziale und die ökologische Dimension - in maßnahmen zur Rio+20-Konferenz, der Überprüfung integrativer Weise umfassen, wobei es gilt, die der MDG und sonstigen relevanten internationalen Erkenntnisse aus der Überprüfung der MDG zu Prozessen sollte der künftige übergreifende Handlungs- berücksichtigen und auf der bisherigen Arbeit bei rahmen Wege aufzeigen, um durch Fokussierung auf der Entwicklung von Zielen für eine nachhaltige die wichtigsten Triebkräfte inklusiven und nachhaltigen Entwicklung aufzubauen. Die Ziele sollten die Wachstums und unter Beachtung der Belastungsgren- Schaffung eines Mindestlebensstandards für alle zen unseres Planeten die Armut zu beseitigen und allen Menschen bis spätestens 2030 zum Gegenstand Menschen Wohlstand und Wohlergehen zu sichern. Der haben und als Richtschnur für Fortschritte bei Handlungsrahmen sollte daher alle drei Dimensionen der Schaffung von Wohlstand und Wohlergehen der nachhaltigen Entwicklung - die wirtschaftliche, die innerhalb der Belastungsgrenzen unseres Planeten soziale und die ökologische Dimension - umfassen und dienen. alle Länder in die Pflicht nehmen. –– Dabei sollte der Tatsache Rechnung getragen 596 werden, dass Armut, Wohlstand und Wohlergehen Grundlegendes Ziel des neuen Handlungsrahmens sollte nicht ausschließlich unter finanziellen Gesichts- es sein, bis 2030 ein menschenwürdiges Leben für alle zu punkten zu betrachten sind, sondern dass es sich erreichen. Dabei gilt es, der Notwendigkeit der Armuts- dabei um multidimensionale Themen handelt, die beseitigung und der universellen Vision der nachhaltigen eng mit den Entwicklungs- und Entfaltungschancen Entwicklung als Grundlage des Wohlstands für heutige der Menschen zusammenhängen. und künftige Generationen gleichzeitig Rechnung zu tragen. –– Der Handlungsrahmen sollte in integrierter Weise Folgendes umfassen: In den vorstehenden Abschnitten wurde dargelegt, wie –– grundlegende menschliche Entwicklung (auf sich aus den miteinander verknüpften Prozessen auf der Grundlage der aktualisierten MDG und UN-Ebene Elemente eines gemeinsamen übergreifen- unter Berücksichtigung von Themen wie den Handlungsrahmens abzeichnen, ohne die das Ziel Sozialschutz), eines menschenwürdigen Lebens für alle nicht erreicht werden kann. Der Handlungsrahmen sollte sich in sei- –– die Triebkräfte für nachhaltiges und inklusives ner endgültigen Form auf die Ergebnisse konstruktiver Wachstum und nachhaltige und inklusive Ent- Diskussionen mit allen Akteuren und zwischen den wicklung, die für die strukturelle Transformati- internationalen Partnern stützen. Allerdings ist die EU on der Wirtschaft und damit für die Schaffung der Auffassung, dass sich bereits jetzt einige allgemeine von Produktionskapazitäten und Arbeitsplätzen, Grundsätze nennen lassen, die bei allen Beteiligten auf die nachhaltige Bewirtschaftung natürlicher Akzeptanz stoßen dürften. Ressourcen und den Übergang zur inklusiven grünen Wirtschaft notwendig sind, und 5.2. Grundsätze für einen –– die nachhaltige Bewirtschaftung natürlicher übergreifenden Handlungsrahmen Ressourcen. für die Zeit nach 2015 Der Rahmen sollte außerdem den Themen Gerech- tigkeit, Gleichheit und Fairness und damit Fragen der Die Kommission schlägt vor, dass sich die EU in den Menschenrechte, der Demokratie, der Rechtsstaatlich- Diskussionen über den Handlungsrahmen für die Zeit keit sowie der Stärkung der Rechte von Frauen und der nach 2015 an folgenden Grundsätzen orientiert: Gleichstellung der Geschlechter Rechnung tragen, die nicht nur von entscheidender Bedeutung für inklusive 5.2.1. Geltungsbereich und nachhaltige Entwicklung sind, sondern auch wich- Der Handlungsrahmen sollte global ausgerichtet sein tige Werte an sich. Er sollte sich auch auf die Themen und für alle Länder Ziele umfassen, die für die ganze Frieden und Sicherheit erstrecken, wobei es gilt, auf Menschheit gelten und zwar mit Schwerpunkt auf der der bisherigen Arbeit zur Entwicklung von Zielen für Beseitigung von Armut in all ihren Dimensionen über- die Friedenskonsolidierung und den Aufbau tragfähiger all dort, wo sie auftritt, und auf der Förderung von staatlicher Strukturen aufzubauen. EIN MENSCHENWÜRDIGES LEBEN FÜR ALLE: BESEITIGUNG DER ARMUT UND GESTALTUNG EINER NACHHALTIGEN ZUKUNFT FÜR DIE WELT

5.2.2. Art und Zahl der Ziele 5.2.4. Kohärenz –– Die Ziele sollten zahlenmäßig begrenzt sein und für –– Der Handlungsrahmen sollte mit den bereits alle Länder gelten, wobei je nach Kontext unter- vorhandenen international vereinbarten Zielen und schiedliche Zielvorgaben festgelegt werden sollten. Vorgaben in Bereichen wie Klimawandel, biolo- Um für Eigenverantwortung und Relevanz zu sorgen, gische Vielfalt, Katastrophenvorsorge und Sozial- sollten die Ziele auf nationaler Ebene auf die jeweili- schutz im Einklang stehen. gen Begebenheiten zugeschnitten und entsprechend umgesetzt werden. Die Bedürfnisse fragiler Staaten 5.3. Umsetzung des sollten besondere Berücksichtigung finden. Handlungsrahmens: Eigenverantwortung und –– Die Ziele sollten so gestaltet werden, dass sie den jüngsten Erkenntnissen aus Wissenschaft und Rechenschaftspflicht der einzelnen Forschung Rechnung tragen. Die Zielvorgaben und Länder Indikatoren sollten messbar sein. Die Verantwortung für die Umsetzung des künftigen 5.2.3. Transparenz, Umsetzung und Handlungsrahmens liegt bei den einzelnen Ländern, Rechenschaftspflicht einschließlich aller relevanten Akteure, darunter der –– Die Verantwortung für die Erzielung der erwünsch- Sozialpartner. Die wichtigsten Triebkräfte für Entwick- lung - u. a. demokratische Regierungsführung, Rechts- ten Ergebnisse liegt in erster Linie bei den einzelnen 597 Ländern. Die Mobilisierung von Ressourcen aus staatlichkeit, stabile politische Institutionen, solide Po- allen Quellen - nationalen und internationalen, öf- litikansätze, Transparenz der öffentlichen Finanzen und fentlichen und privaten - ist erforderlich. Die Frage Betrugs- und Korruptionsbekämpfung – sind in erster der Finanzierung und der sonstigen Durchfüh- Linie der nationalen Ebene zuzuordnen. Die Mobilisie- rungsmodalitäten sollte im Rahmen eines integrier- rung inländischer Ressourcen, rechtliche und fiskalpoliti- ten Ansatzes angegangen werden, da die potenziel- sche Regelungen und Institutionen, die die Entwicklung len Finanzierungsquellen für die Umsetzung der des Privatsektors unterstützen, Investitionen, Schaffung verschiedenen globalen Ziele dieselben sind. menschenwürdiger Arbeitsplätze und Wettbewerbsfä- higkeit der Ausfuhren sind unverzichtbare Vorausset- –– Der Handlungsrahmen sollte in enger Partnerschaft zungen für die Erreihung der Ziele in allen Ländern. In mit zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteuren, einschließlich diesem Zusammenhang sind auch inländische Reformen des Privatsektors, entwickelt und umgesetzt werden. entscheidend - nur so lässt sich ein nachhaltiges Wirt- schaftswachstum erreichen, das wirksam zur Armuts- –– Ein Zeitplan für die Einleitung auf die Erreichung der beseitigung, zum Abbau von Ungleichheiten und zum Ziele gerichteter Maßnahmen auf allen Ebenen sollte verbesserten Wohlergehen aller Menschen beiträgt. Dies festgelegt werden. Als Zeithorizont könnte dabei das gilt für alle Länder auf allen Entwicklungsstufen. Jahr 2050 dienen, wobei konkrete Ziele und Zielvor- gaben für das Jahr 2030 aufgestellt werden könnten. Die EU ist sich allerdings bewusst, dass einige Länder –– Der Handlungsrahmen sollte sich auf die Eigenver- weiterhin Unterstützung, u. a. in Form von Entwick- antwortung der einzelnen Länder für die Ergreifung lungshilfe, benötigen werden. In diesem Zusammenhang entsprechender Maßnahmen und auf eine Part- bilden sich effizientere und wirksamere Methoden zur nerschaft zwischen allen Ländern und Beteiligten Verwendung von Entwicklungshilfegeldern heraus, mit stützen. Die Ziele sollten als Anreiz für Zusammenar- denen gewährleistet wird, dass die Entwicklungshilfe als beit und Partnerschaften zwischen Regierungen, der Katalysator für Entwicklung und, u. a. durch innovative Zivilgesellschaft, einschließlich des Privatsektors, und Finanzierungsinstrumente und -mechanismen wie z. B. der internationalen Gemeinschaft dienen. Alle Länder Mischfinanzierung, als Hebel für die Mobilisierung von sollten einen angemessenen Beitrag zur Erreichung Investitionen dient. Dieser neue Ansatz wurde in der der Ziele leisten. Die Ziele sollten auch mit einer EU-Mitteilung „Agenda für den Wandel“ dargelegt. Die verstärkten Rechenschaftspflicht verbunden sein. Süd-Süd-Zusammenarbeit kann einen wesentlichen Bei- trag zu den weltweiten Entwicklungsergebnissen leisten. –– Die Entwicklung des Handlungsrahmens sollte mit Die Grundsätze der Globalen Partnerschaft für wirksame Bemühungen um verbesserte Kohärenz auf instituti- Entwicklungszusammenarbeit, die 2011 auf der Tagung oneller Ebene einhergehen. des Hochrangigen Forums zur Wirksamkeit der Hilfe in –– Um die wirksame Überwachung der Fortschritte Busan beschlossen wurde, sollten weltweit gelten. zu ermöglichen, sollte die statistische Basis gestärkt werden. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Außerhalb der Entwicklungshilfe spielt das Konzept der –– umfassende Folgemaßnahmen zur Rio+20-Konfe- „Politikkohärenz im Interesse der Entwicklung“ eine renz vorsehen und als Grundlage für den von der wichtige Rolle bei der Armutsbeseitigung und der För- EU einzunehmenden Standpunkt in der von den derung einer nachhaltigen Entwicklung. Daher sollte der UN eingerichteten offenen Arbeitsgruppe zum The- künftige Handlungsrahmen diesem Aspekt gebührend ma Ziele für nachhaltige Entwicklung dienen, die Rechnung tragen. So verzeichnen viele Entwicklungslän- regelmäßig der UN-Generalversammlung Bericht der z. B. eine erhebliche Zunahme der Einnahmen aus erstatten wird, und dem Handel, welche zur Armutsbekämpfung verwendet –– einen Beitrag zu den Vorbereitungen auf die werden können. Dieser Trend dürfte sich in vielen Ent- Sonderveranstaltung der UN-Generalversammlung wicklungsländern fortsetzen und ist in Afrika südlich der zu den MDG im Herbst 2013, einschließlich des Sahara besonders wichtig. Berichts des Generalsekretärs, der hochrangigen Expertengruppe der UN für die Zeit nach 2015 Um die erfolgreiche Umsetzung des Handlungsrahmens und der ersten Tagung des hochrangigen politischen zu gewährleisten, sollte dafür gesorgt werden, dass alle Forums, leisten. Ressourcen wirksam mobilisiert und eingesetzt werden und dass sich alle Länder dazu verpflichten, in Bezug Die EU sollte die Schaffung eines übergreifenden Hand- auf die Nutzung dieser Ressourcen einen umfassenden, lungsrahmens für die Zeit nach 2015 unterstützen. kohärenten und angemessenen Ansatz verfolgen. Die Durch Diskussionen auf der Grundlage der oben dar- Ziele und Zielvorgaben werden Impulse für Investitio- gelegten Orientierungspunkte sollte die EU in der Lage 598 nen des Privatsektors geben. Alle Länder sollten in trans- sein, zu einem gemeinsamen Standpunkt darüber zu parenter und offener Weise über die Fortschritte bei der gelangen, wie die beiden Prozesse - Ausarbeitung von Erreichung der künftigen Ziele berichten. Zielen für eine nachhaltige Entwicklung bzw. Überprü- fung der MDG - miteinander integriert und zu einem Im Hinblick auf die Umsetzungsmodalitäten, einschließ- einzigen Prozess zusammengeführt werden können, um lich Fragen der Finanzierung auf globaler Ebene, sollte die Entwicklung eines übergreifenden Handlungsrah- die EU einen umfassenden und integrierten Ansatz mens zu ermöglichen. In diesem Zusammenhang sollte unterstützen. Derzeit finden die Diskussionen über Fi- sich die EU aktiv um einen konstruktiven Dialog mit nanzierungsfragen in Bereichen wie Klima, biologische allen Partnern und Akteuren bemühen, um - u. a. durch Vielfalt, Entwicklung und nachhaltige Entwicklung in politische Dialoge mit Drittländern - gemeinsame Posi- verschiedenen Foren statt, obwohl es dabei um dieselben tionen zu erarbeiten. potenziellen Finanzierungsquellen geht. Es ist unbedingt notwendig, für Kohärenz und Koordinierung zu sorgen und jede Doppelarbeit im Hinblick auf die Finanzierung des Entwicklungsprozesses zu vermeiden. Die Kommissi- on plant, Mitte 2013 eine Mitteilung vorzulegen, in der sie ein integriertes EU-Konzept für die Finanzierung und die sonstigen Durchführungsmodalitäten im Rahmen der verschiedenen globalen Prozesse vorschlagen wird.

6. Die nächsten Schritte

Die EU muss sich in vollem Umfang an den bevorstehenden internationalen Prozessen beteiligen und kohä- rente und abgestimmte Beiträge zu den Arbeiten in den Vereinten Nationen und anderen einschlägigen internationalen Foren leisten.

In diesem Sinne sollten - nach Annahme dieser Mittei- lung - im Frühjahr 2013 Diskussionen mit Rat und Par- lament über ein gemeinsames EU-Konzept im Hinblick auf die nächsten Stufen der laufenden Prozesse stattfinden. Dieses Konzept sollte Auf dem Weg zu einem wettbewerbsfähigen und effizienteren Verteidigungs- und Sicherheitssektor

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLAMENT, DEN RAT, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN WIRTSCHAFTS- UND SOZIALAUSSCHUSS UND DEN AUSCHUSS DER REGIONEN BRÜSSEL, 24. JULI 2013 COM(2013) 542 „Die Welt braucht ein Europa, das in der Lage ist, mit militärischen Missionen zur Stabilisierung der Lage in Krisengebieten beizutragen […]. Wir müssen unsere Gemeinsame Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik ausbauen und uns auf eine gemeinsame Verteidigungsstrategie verständigen. Denn gemeinsam haben wir die Kraft und das Gewicht, eine fairere Welt zu schaffen, in der klare Regeln gelten und die Menschenrechte geachtet werden.“ Präsident Barroso, Rede zur Lage der Union im September 2012 599 „Der Rat ruft erneut dazu auf, die militärischen Fähigkeiten im Hinblick auf eine Unterstützung und Stärkung der GSVP zu erhalten und weiterzuentwickeln. Diese Fähigkeiten ermöglichen es der EU, im Rahmen eines weiter gehenden, übergreifenden Ansatzes als Sicherheitsfaktor zu wirken. [...] Des Weiteren weist er auf die Notwen- digkeit einer starken und weniger fragmentierten europäischen Verteidigungsindustrie hin, die es gestattet, die mi- litärischen Fähigkeiten Europas und die Befähigung der EU zu autonomem Handeln zu unterstützen und zu stärken.“ Rat „Auswärtige Angelegenheiten“, 19. November 2012, Schlussfolgerungen

1. BEITRAG DER EUROPÄISCHEN entwickeln, mit der sie ihr Gewicht in die Waagschale werfen kann. Diese Entwicklung muss mit der NATO KOMMISSION ZUR STÄRKUNG und ihren Grundsätzen vollständig vereinbar sein. DES EUROPÄISCHEN Die Sicherheitsaufgaben, vor denen wir heute stehen, VERTEIDIGUNGS- UND sind zahlreich, komplex, miteinander verflochten und SICHERHEITSSEKTORS schwer vorhersehbar: Auf regionaler Ebene entstandene Krisen können gewaltsam ausgetragen werden, innovati- Die vorliegende Mitteilung beruht auf den Arbeiten der ve Technologien können neue Anfälligkeits- und Bedro- Taskforce „Verteidigung“ der Kommission, die 2011 ein- hungsszenarien mit sich bringen, Umweltveränderungen gesetzt wurde, um alle einschlägigen EU-Politiken in den und die Verknappung natürlicher Rohstoffe politische Dienst des Verteidigungssektors zu stellen. Die EAD und und militärische Konflikte auslösen. Zugleich breiten die EDA waren voll in die Arbeiten der Taskforce und die sich viele Bedrohungen und Gefahren auch leicht über Erstellung der Mitteilung einbezogen. die Staatsgrenzen aus und verwischen die herkömmliche Trennlinie zwischen innerer und äußerer Sicherheit. 1.1. Einleitung Diese Sicherheitsprobleme können nur mit einem umfassenden Konzept bewältigt werden, in dem unter- Das strategische und geopolitische Umfeld ist in stän- schiedliche Strategien und Instrumente sowie kurz- und diger und rascher Veränderung begriffen. Das Macht- langfristige Maßnahmen kombiniert werden. Eine gro- gleichgewicht der Welt verschiebt sich, da neue Schwer- ße Bandbreite an zivilen und militärischen Fähigkeiten punkte entstehen und die USA ihren strategischen Fokus muss das Fundament für dieses Konzept bilden. Es ist nach Asien verlagern. In dieser Lage muss Europa mehr zunehmend unwahrscheinlich, dass ein einzelner Mit- Verantwortung für seine Sicherheit nach innen und nach gliedstaat dieser Belastung gewachsen ist. außen übernehmen. Die EU muss eine zuverlässige Ge- meinsame Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (GSVP) DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Dies gilt insbesondere für die Verteidigung, bei der neue diesem Grund ist die Stärkung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit Ausrüstung oft technisch komplex und kostenintensiv der Verteidigungsindustrie ein wesentliches Element der ist. Heute haben die Mitgliedstaaten Schwierigkeiten bei Strategie Europa 2020 für intelligentes, nachhaltiges und der angemessenen Ausrüstung ihrer Streitkräfte. Bei den inklusives Wachstum. jüngst in Libyen durchgeführten Operationen ist zutage getreten, dass Europa erhebliche Defizite bei wichtigen Zugleich lässt sich die Bedeutung dieser Branche nicht nur militärischen Fähigkeiten aufweist. an der Beschäftigung und am Umsatz messen. Die europä- ische verteidigungstechnologische und -industrielle Basis Durch die Krise der öffentlichen Haushalte kommt es (EDTIB) bildet ein wesentliches Element, das Europa in zu Kürzungen der Verteidigungsetats, wobei die sich die die Lage versetzt, die Sicherheit seiner Bürgerinnen und Lage vor allem dadurch verschlimmert, dass die Ausga- Bürger und den Schutz seiner Werte und Interessen zu ben nicht im Hinblick auf gemeinsame strategische Ziele gewährleisten. Europa muss seine Verantwortung für sei- koordiniert und getätigt werden. Von 2001 bis 2010 gin- ne eigene Sicherheit und für internationalen Frieden und gen die Verteidigungsausgaben in der EU von 251 Mrd. Stabilität im Allgemeinen wahrnehmen können. Das er- EUR auf 194 Mrd. EUR zurück. Diese Mittelkürzungen fordert ein bestimmtes Maß an strategischer Autonomie: haben auch erhebliche Auswirkungen auf die Branchen, Europa muss unabhängig von den Fähigkeiten Dritter die Ausrüstungen für unsere Streitkräfte entwickeln, und entscheiden und handeln können, um ein glaubwürdiger führen dazu, dass bestehende und in geplante Program- und zuverlässiger Partner zu sein. Versorgungssicherheit, men zurückgefahren werden. Sie betreffen insbesondere Zugang zu kritischen Technologien und operative Souve- 600 die FuE-Investitionen für Verteidigung, die zur Entwick- ränität sind daher von wesentlicher Bedeutung. lung der einschlägigen Fähigkeiten der Zukunft von entscheidender Bedeutung sind. Zwischen 2005 und 2010 Gegenwärtig leben Verteidigungsunternehmen von den wurden die europäischen FuE-Haushalte um 14 % auf positiven Ergebnissen früherer FuE-Investitionen und 9 Mrd. EUR gekürzt, und die USA allein geben heu- konnten rückläufige Inlandsaufträge erfolgreich durch te sieben Mal mehr für militärische FuE aus als alle 27 Exporte wettmachen. Dies wird jedoch häufig mit dem EU-Mitgliedstaaten zusammen. Transfer von Technologie, Rechten des geistigen Eigen- tums und Produktion in Länder außerhalb der EU er- Die Verteidigungshaushalte sind rückläufig und die kauft, wiederum ernste Konsequenzen für die langfristige Kosten für moderne Verteidigungsfähigkeiten nehmen Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der EDTIB hat. zu. Diese Kostensteigerungen resultieren aus dem langfristigen Trend hin zu einer zunehmenden technischen Das Problem der schrumpfenden Verteidigungshaushalte Komplexität von Verteidigungsgütern, allerdings auch wird noch durch die anhaltende Fragmentierung europä- aus der Verringerung von Produktionsvolumina, zu der ischer Märkte verschärft, die zu unnötigen Überschnei- es infolge der Umgestaltung und des Abbaus europäi- dungen im Bereich der Fähigkeiten, Organisationen und scher Streitkräfte seit dem Ende des Kalten Krieges kam. Ausgaben führen. Kooperation und EU weiter Wettbe- Diese Faktoren werden unabhängig von der Höhe der werb sind nach wie vor die Ausnahme, mehr als 80 % Haushaltsmittel die Verteidigungsmärkte in Europa wei- der Investitionen in Verteidigungsausrüstung werden auf terhin prägen. nationaler Ebene getätigt. Dadurch riskiert Europa, kritische Kompetenz und Autonomie bei wichtigen Fähig- Diese Situation hat Folgewirkungen für eine Branche, keiten zu verlieren. die in der europäischen Wirtschaft insgesamt eine wesentliche Rolle spielt. Mit einem Umsatz von 96 Mrd. In dieser Situation bedarf es einer Neuausrichtung der EUR allein im Jahr 2012 ist sie ein bedeutender Indus- Prioritäten. Wenn Mehrausgaben schwierig werden, triezweig, der Innovationen hervorbringt und vor al- müssen die Ausgaben gezielt erfolgen, und hierfür be- lem mit Spitzentechnik und -technologie arbeitet. Die steht erheblicher Raum. Trotz der Kürzungen gaben hochmoderne Forschung in dieser Branche hatte wich- EU-Mitgliedstaaten im Jahr 2011 insgesamt immer noch tige indirekte Auswirkungen auf andere Branchen wie mehr für Verteidigung aus als China, Russland und Ja- Elektronik, Raumfahrt und zivile Luftfahrt und schafft pan zusammen genommen. Haushaltsbeschränkungen Wachstum und Tausende hochqualifizierter Arbeitsplät- müssen daher durch eine intensivere Zusammenarbeit ze. Die Verteidigungsbranche Europas beschäftigt direkt und eine effizientere Nutzung von Ressourcen aufgefan- rund 400 000 Mitarbeiter und schafft indirekt weitere gen werden, etwa durch die Unterstützung von Clustern, 960 000 Arbeitsplätze. Sie ist also ein Wirtschaftszweig, eine Spezialisierung auf bestimmte Aufgaben, gemeinsa- der unbedingt erhalten bleiben muss, wenn Europa auch me Forschung und Beschaffung, einen neuen dynami- künftig ein weltweit führendes Zentrum für die Inno- scheren Ansatz für zivil-militärische Synergien und mehr vation in der verarbeitenden Industrie sein will. Aus Marktintegration. AUF DEM WEG ZU EINEM WETTBEWERBSFÄHIGEN UND EFFIZIENTEREN VERTEIDIGUNGS- UND SICHERHEITSSEKTOR

1.2. Die Strategie der Kommission Die vorliegende Mitteilung fasst diese bisherigen ein- schlägigen Rechtsvorschriften zusammen und entwickelt Die Verteidigung ist nach wie vor das Herzstück der ihn im Rahmen der im Vertrag von Lissabon festgelegten nationalen Souveränität, und Entscheidungen über mi- Kompetenzen weiter. Insbesondere wird darin versucht, litärische Fähigkeiten werden weiterhin von den Mit- mögliche Synergien und die Ergebnisse des fruchtbaren gliedstaaten getroffen. Die EU hat dabei jedoch auch Austauschs zu nutzen, die sich durch das Verschwimmen einen wichtigen Beitrag zu leisten. Sie kann mit ihren der Trennlinie zwischen Verteidigung und Sicherheit Strategien und Instrumenten strukturelle Änderungen und zwischen dem zivilen und dem militärischem Be- durchzusetzen und bietet den Mitgliedstaaten den opti- reich ergeben. malen Rahmen dafür, gemeinsam ein angemessenes Maß an Autonomie zu wahren. Die Mitgliedstaaten verfügen Die Kommission will diese Ziele durch Maßnahmen zu über insgesamt etwa 1,6 Mio. Soldaten und jährliche folgenden Aspekten erreichen: Verteidigungsetats von 194 Mrd. EUR, so dass die EU im Einklang mit ihren Werten ein strategisch wichtiger • Weitere Vertiefung des Binnenmarktes für Vertei- Akteur auf der internationalen Bühne werden kann. digung und Sicherheit. Das bedeutet vor allem, die umfassende Anwendung der beiden vorhandenen Der Europäische Rat ersuchte daher in seinen Schlussfol- Richtlinien sicherzustellen. Auf der Grundlage der gerungen vom 14. Dezember 2012 „die Hohe Vertreterin, bestehenden Rechtsvorschriften wird die Kommission insbesondere über den Europäischen Auswärtigen Dienst und ferner gegen Marktverzerrungen vorgehen und an 601 die Europäische Verteidigungsagentur sowie die Kommission der Verbesserung der Versorgungssicherheit zwischen [...], weitere Vorschläge und Maßnahmen zur Stärkung der Mitgliedstaaten mitwirken; GSVP und zur Verbesserung der Verfügbarkeit von benö- • Stärkung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der EDTIB. Zu tigten zivilen und militärischen Fähigkeiten auszuarbeiten diesem Zweck wird die Kommission eine Indus- [...]“. triepolitik für die Verteidigungsbranche mit zwei Hauptaspekten erarbeiten: Oberstes Ziel ist die Stärkung der europäischen Verteidi- gung, um den Herausforderungen des 21. Jahrhunderts –– Förderung der Wettbewerbsfähigkeit, unter gewachsen zu sein. Die Mitgliedstaaten werden viele der anderem durch die Entwicklung von ‚Hyb- erforderlichen Reformen weiterführen. Die Europäische ridnormen‘ zum Nutzen der Sicherheits- und Verteidigungsagentur (EDA) hat die Mission, die Mit- Verteidigungsmärkte und der Auslotung der gliedstaaten bei der Verbesserung der Verteidigungsfähig- Möglichkeiten zur Entwicklung eines europä- keiten der Union im Sinne der GSVP zu unterstützen. ischen Zertifizierungssystems für militärische Die Kommission kann ebenfalls einen wichtigen Beitrag Flugtauglichkeit; leisten und hat bereits damit begonnen, wie Präsident Bar- –– KMU-Förderung, unter anderem durch die roso betonte: „Die Kommission leistet ihren Teil: Sie bemüht Entwicklung einer europäischen strategischen sich kraft ihrer Zuständigkeiten aufgrund des Vertrags um ei- Cluster-Partnerschaft, um Verbindungen zu nen Binnenmarkt für Verteidigung und um die Entwicklung anderen Clustern herzustellen und in der einer einschlägigen industriellen Basis in Europa. “ Verteidigungsbranche tätige KMU im globalen Wettbewerb zu unterstützen. Im Sinne dieser Ziele hat die Kommission die beiden Richtlinien über die Vergabeverfahren im Bereich sensibler • Optimale Nutzung zivil-militärischer Synergien, um Verteidigungs- und Sicherheitsgüter (Richtlinie 2009/81/ die effizienteste Verwendung der von den europäi- EG) und über die Verbringung von Verteidigungsgütern schen Steuerzahlern stammenden Mittel sicherzustel- (Richtlinie 2009/43/EG) vorgelegt, die heute den Eck- len, und zwar insbesondere durch die: pfeiler des europäischen Verteidigungsmarktes bilden. –– Konzentration ihrer Aktivitäten auf einen Darüber hinaus hat sie wirtschaftspolitische Maßnahmen möglichen fruchtbaren Austausch zwischen und eigene Forschungs- und Innovationsprogramme für ziviler und militärischer Forschung sowie auf Sicherheit und Raumfahrt entwickelt. Die Kommission das Potenzial der Güter mit doppeltem Verwen- hat ferner Strategien und Instrumente zur Unterstützung dungszweck im Bereich der Raumfahrt; der inneren und äußeren Sicherheit in Bereichen wie Schutz von Außengrenzen, Meeresüberwachung, Zivil- –– Unterstützung der Streitkräfte bei der Senkung schutz oder Krisenmanagement erarbeitet, die zahlreiche ihres Energieverbrauchs, so dass sie ihren Bei- technologische, industriepolitische, konzeptionelle und trag zu den 20/20/20-Zielen der Union leisten operative Ähnlichkeiten aufweisen und mit der Verteidi- können. gungsbranche in Zusammenhang stehen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

• Darüber hinaus schlägt die Kommission Maßnahmen vor, die eine Erkundung neuer Wege, die Förde- Maßnahme: rung der strategischen Debatte in Europa und die Vorbereitung auf mehr und intensivere europäische • Die Kommission wird überwachen, ob Zusammenarbeit zum Ziel haben, und zwar insbe- die Rüstungsmärkte der Mitgliedstaaten sondere durch: offen sind, und mithilfe der Datenbank –– die Bewertung des Potenzials von im Eigentum Tender Electronic Daily (TED) und anderer der EU stehenden Fähigkeiten mit doppeltem spezifischer Quellen die Anwendung der neuen Verwendungszweck, die in bestimmten Sicher- Vergabevorschriften bewerten. Sie wird ihre heitsbereichen die einzelstaatlichen Fähigkeiten Marktüberwachungsaktivitäten mit der EDA ergänzen und zu effektiven und kostengünsti- koordinieren, um etwaige Synergien zu nutzen gen Wirkungsmultiplikatoren werden können; und unnötige Doppelarbeit zu vermeiden. –– die Erwägung einer vorbereitenden Maßnahme für im GSVP Kontext betriebene Forschung In Zeiten knapper Haushalte kommt es besonders auf mit Schwerpunkt auf den Bereichen, in denen den effizienten Einsatz finanzieller Mittel an. Dies lässt EUVerteidigungsfähigkeiten am dringendsten sich durch die Bündelung der Nachfrage auf eine wirk- benötigt werden. same Weise erreichen. Die Richtlinie enthält besondere Bestimmungen über zentrale Beschaffungsstellen, mit 602 Die Kommission lädt die Staats- und Regierungschefs deren Hilfe die Mitgliedstaaten die neuen Regeln auch ein, die vorliegende Mitteilung sowie die von der Hohen auf gemeinsame Vergabeverfahren, etwa über die EDA, Vertreterin der Union für Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik anwenden können. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten auf dieses erarbeiteten Berichte im Dezember 2013 im Europäi- Instrument möglichst häufig zurückgreifen, um Größen- schen Rat zu erörtern. vorteile zu maximieren und in vollem Umfang von der EU-weiten Kooperation zu profitieren.

Aktionsplan119 Bestimmte Verträge sind aus dem Geltungsbereich der Richtlinie ausgenommen, da die Anwendung der in der Richtlinie enthaltenen Regeln in ihrem Fall nicht ange- 2. STÄRKUNG DES messen wäre. Dies gilt besonders für Kooperationspro- gramme, die ein wirksames Mittel zur Förderung von BINNENMARKTES FÜR Marktkonsolidierung und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit sind. VERTEIDIGUNG Andere besondere Ausnahmen, insbesondere bei Ab- 2.1. Gewährleistung der schlüssen zwischen Regierungen und Auftragsvergaben Markteffizienz nach internationalen Regeln, könnten aber in einer Wei- se interpretiert werden, die die korrekte Anwendung der Richtlinie unterläuft. Dies könnte die Gleichheit der Die vollständige Umsetzung der Richtlinie 2009/81/ Wettbewerbsbedingungen im Binnenmarkt gefährden. EG über die Vergabeverfahren im Verteidigungs- und Si- Die Kommission wird daher sicherstellen, dass diese cherheitsbereich bildet das Rückgrat für die Regulierung Ausnahmen streng ausgelegt und nicht zur Umgehung des europäischen Verteidigungsmarktes. Erstmals gelten der Richtlinie missbraucht werden. hier spezifische Binnenmarktregeln zur Förderung eines fairen und EU-weiten Wettbewerbs. Die Verteidigungs- branche bleibt jedoch ein spezieller Markt, in der die einzelstaatliche Fragmentierung eine lange Tradition hat. Maßnahme: Die Kommission wird daher mit besonderen Maßnah- men sicherstellen, dass die Richtlinie richtig angewandt • Die Kommission wird bestimmte Ausnahmen wird und ihren Zweck erfüllt. genau eingrenzen. Hierzu wird sie in Absprache mit den Mitgliedstaaten bestimmte Leitlinien vorlegen, insbesondere bezüglich Abschlüssen zwischen Regierungen und internationalen Verträgen.

119 In diesem Aktionsplan vorgesehene Maßnahmen sind kohärent und mit den einschlägigen Finanzinstrumenten vereinbar, die innerhalb des mehrjährigen Finanzrahmens festgelegt wurden. AUF DEM WEG ZU EINEM WETTBEWERBSFÄHIGEN UND EFFIZIENTEREN VERTEIDIGUNGS- UND SICHERHEITSSEKTOR

2.2. Beseitigung von Maßnahmen im militärischen Bereich zum Schutz seiner Marktverzerrungen wesentlichen Sicherheitsinteressen notwendig und angemessen sind und dass sie nicht über das hierfür unbedingt erforderliche Maß hinausgehen. Die Beweislast für die Er- Zur Weiterentwicklung des Binnenmarktes für Verteidi- füllung dieser Bedingungen liegt bei den Mitgliedstaaten. gung und zur Schaffung gleicher Bedingungen für alle europäischen Anbieter wird die Kommission fortdauernde unlautere und diskriminierende Praktiken und Marktverzerrungen beseitigen. Insbesondere wird sie Maßnahme: ihre Strategien gegen Kompensationsgeschäfte einsetzen, also gegen wirtschaftliche Entschädigungen, die bei An- • Die Kommission wird sicherstellen, dass alle käufen von Verteidigungsgütern bei ausländischen An- erforderlichen Bedingungen erfüllt sind, wenn bietern vorgeschrieben sind. Kompensationsvorschriften zur Rechtfertigung staatlicher Beihilfen auf sind diskriminierende Maßnahmen, die im Widerspruch Artikel 346 AEUV verwiesen wird. zu den Grundsätzen des EUVertrages und zu effektiven Beschaffungsmethoden stehen und daher mit dem Bin- nenmarkt für Verteidigung nicht vereinbar sind. 2.3. Verbesserung der Versorgungssicherheit

Die Versorgungssicherheit ist von entscheidender Bedeu- Maßnahme: 603 tung, um das Funktionieren des Binnenmarktes für Ver- teidigung und die Europäisierung der Lieferketten in der • Die Kommission wird sicherstellen, dass Kom- Branche sicherzustellen. Für die meisten Probleme mit der pensationsgeschäfte bald der Vergangenheit an- Versorgungssicherheit sind die Mitgliedstaaten verantwort- gehören. Seit der Verabschiedung der Richtlinie lich. Die Kommission kann jedoch Instrumente entwickeln, über die Vergabeverfahren im Verteidigungs- und mit deren Hilfe die Mitgliedstaaten die Versorgungssi- Sicherheitsbereich haben alle Mitgliedstaaten ihre cherheit untereinander verbessern können. Die Richtlinie einzelstaatlichen Rechtsvorschriften für Kompen- 2009/43/EG über die innergemeinschaftliche Verbringung sationsgeschäfte aufgehoben oder geändert. Die von Verteidigungsgütern ist ein solches Instrument, da es Kommission wird überprüfen, ob diese Änderun- ein neues Genehmigungssystem einführt, das den freien gen mit dem EU-Recht im Einklang stehen. Sie Verkehr von Verteidigungsgütern im Binnenmarkt erleich- wird ferner dafür sorgen, dass der neue rechtliche tert. Die Mitgliedstaaten sollten nun die Möglichkeiten Rahmen tatsächlich eine Änderung der Beschaf- dieser Richtlinie in vollem Umfang nutzen, um die Versor- fungspraxis in den Mitgliedstaaten bewirkt. gungssicherheit innerhalb der Union zu verbessern.

Die Kommission hat die Fusionskontrollvorschriften in erheblichem Umfang auf den Verteidigungssektor Maßnahmen: angewandt. Diese Fälle ermöglichten es der Kommissi- on, eine wirksame Wettbewerbskontrolle zu garantieren • Die Kommission wird gemeinsam mit der EDA und dadurch zum besseren Funktionieren des Marktes einen Konsultationsprozess einführen, der zu einer für Verteidigungsgüter beizutragen. Bezüglich der staat- politischen Verpflichtung für die Mitgliedstaaten lichen Beihilfen sollten öffentliche Ausgaben gemäß der führen soll, einander der vertraglich festgelegten Mitteilung über die Modernisierung der Beihilfepolitik oder vereinbarten Lieferung von Gütern, Materia- effizienter und zielgerichteter getätigt werden. Dabei lien oder Dienstleistungen im Verteidigungssektor kommt der Kontrolle staatlicher Beihilfen eine grundle- für den Endverbrauch durch die Streitkräfte von gende Funktion beim Schutz und beim Ausbau des Bin- Mitgliedstaaten zu versichern. nenmarktes auch im Verteidigungssektor zu. • Die Kommission wird das System für die Verbrin- Die Mitgliedstaaten sind nach dem EU-Vertrag ver- gung von Verteidigungsgütern optimieren, indem pflichtet, der Kommission alle staatlichen Beihilfen zu sie a) nationale Behörden bei ihren Bemühun- melden, darunter auch Beihilfen im rein militärischen gen zur Sensibilisierung des Wirtschaftszweigs Bereich. Sie dürfen von dieser Verpflichtung nur dann unterstützt,, b) ein Zentralregister für allgemeine abweichen, wenn sie nachweisen können, dass eine Mel- Genehmigungen aufbaut und deren Anwendung dung aus Gründen, die wesentliche Sicherheitsinteressen fördert und sich c) für vorbildliche Verfahren im gemäß Artikel 346 AEUV berühren, unterlassen werden Zusammenhang mit Verbringungen innerhalb der muss. Wenn sich also ein Mitgliedstaat auf Artikel 346 EU einsetzt. berufen will, muss er nachweisen können, dass konkrete DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Die Versorgungssicherheit hängt auch von der Kontrolle 3.1. Normung – Entwicklung der und vom Besitz kritischer industrieller und technologischer Grundlagen für Kooperation Vermögenswerte ab. In mehreren Mitgliedstaaten gibt es und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit im auf nationaler Ebene Rechtsvorschriften zur Kontrolle aus- ländischer Investitionen in Verteidigungsunternehmen. Je Verteidigungssektor stärker die industriellen Lieferketten jedoch international ausgerichtet sind, desto mehr können sich geänderte Betei- Die meisten in der EU im Verteidigungsbereich ver- ligungsverhältnisse in einem einzigen Unternehmen (auch wendeten Normen sind ziviler Natur. Sind spezifische auf nachgeordneten Stufen) auf die Versorgungssicherheit Verteidigungsnormen erforderlich, werden diese auf bei den Streitkräften und Unternehmen anderer Mitglied- nationaler Ebene erarbeitet, was die Zusammenarbeit staaten auswirken. Damit ist auch die Frage, wie autonom behindert und die Kosten für die Branche erhöht. Aus Europa auf dem Gebiet der militärischen Fähigkeiten der- diesem Grund würden gemeinsame Verteidigungsnor- zeit ist und künftig bleiben will, ebenso verbunden wie die men die Kooperation und Interoperabilität zwischen den allgemeine Frage der Kontrolle zufließender ausländischer Streitkräften Europas erheblich verbessern und die euro- Direktinvestitionen in diesem Sektor. Zur Bewältigung päische Branche bei den neu entstehenden Technologien dieser Herausforderung wird unter Umständen ein euro- konkurrenzfähiger machen. päischer Ansatz notwendig sein. Den Mitgliedstaaten müssen daher unbedingt Anreize zur Entwicklung europäischer zivil-militärischer Normen ge- 604 Maßnahme: boten werden. Diese sollten natürlich freiwillig bleiben, und es darf zu keinen Überschneidungen mit den norm- basierten Tätigkeiten der NATO und anderer relevanter • Die Kommission wird ein Grünbuch über Organisationen kommen. Es könnte jedoch noch viel die Kontrolle der industriellen Kapazitäten mehr zur Entwicklung von Normen in Bereichen getan in den Bereichen Verteidigung und werden, in denen Regelungslücken und ein gemeinsamer sensible Sicherheitsfragen vorlegen. Sie Bedarf festgestellt werden. Das betrifft insbesondere Nor- wird die Interessenträger konsultieren, um men für neu entstehende Technologien, wie etwa fern- etwaige Unzulänglichkeiten des derzeitigen gesteuerte Luftfahrtsysteme (Remotely Piloted Aircraft Systems und gegebenenfalls europäische Systems, RPAS), und für bereits etablierte Bereichen, wie Fähigkeiten zu ermitteln. Ferner wird sie z. B. den Feldlagerschutz, in dem die Märkte unterentwi- Optionen zum Aufbau eines EU-weiten ckelt sind und Potenzial zur Steigerung der Wettbewerbs- Überwachungssystems untersuchen, das fähigkeit der Industrie vorhanden ist. Melde- und Konsultationsmechanismen für die Mitgliedstaaten umfasst. Maßnahmen:

3. FÖRDERUNG EINER • Die Kommission wird die Entwicklung von WETTBEWERBSFÄHIGEREN ‚Hybridnormen‘ für Produkte fördern, die sowohl im militärischen als auch im zivilen VERTEIDIGUNGSINDUSTRIE Bereich Anwendung finden können. Sie hat bereits 2012 einen Normungsauftrag für eine Die Schaffung eines echten Binnenmarkts für Verteidi- solche „Hybridnorm“ für softwaredefinierten gung erfordert nicht nur einen robusten Rechtsrahmen, Funk erteilt. Die nächsten Normungsaufträge sondern auch eine maßgeschneiderte europäische Indus- könnten sich mit folgenden Themen befassen: triepolitik. Die Zukunft der EDTIB liegt in verstärkter Nachweis- und Probenahmenormen für Kooperation und regionaler Spezialisierung, der inner- chemische, biologische, radiologische, halb von und zwischen Exzellenznetzen stattfindet. Eine nukleare und explosive (CBRNE) Stoffe, weitere Aufwertung ihrer zivil-militärischen Dimension RPAS, Flugtauglichkeitsvorschriften, kann wettbewerbsfördernd wirken und zu Wirtschafts- Datenverbundnormen, Verschlüsselung wachstum und regionaler Entwicklung beitragen. Darü- und anderen kritischen Informations- und ber hinaus kommt es in einem zunehmend globalisierten Kommunikationstechnologien. Markt für Verteidigungsgüter ganz wesentlich darauf an, dass europäische Verteidigungsunternehmen ein solides Geschäftsumfeld in Europa vorfinden, damit sie sich im weltweiten Wettbewerb besser behaupten können. AUF DEM WEG ZU EINEM WETTBEWERBSFÄHIGEN UND EFFIZIENTEREN VERTEIDIGUNGS- UND SICHERHEITSSEKTOR

• Die Kommission wird gemeinsam mit der Maßnahme: EDA und den europäischen Normungsgremien Optionen für die Einrichtung eines • Die Kommission wird sich auf die zivile Mechanismus untersuchen, mit dem spezifisch Erfahrung der Europäischen Agentur europäische Normen für militärische Produkte für Flugsicherheit (EASA), ihre bei der und Anwendungen im Einvernehmen mit Zertifizierung des Airbus A-400M (in seiner den Mitgliedstaaten erarbeitet werden sollen. zivilen Konfiguration) gewonnenen Erkenntnisse Mit diesen Mechanismen sollen hauptsächlich und die einschlägigen Arbeiten der EDA stützen, Normen erstellt werden, mit denen der in wenn sie die einzelnen Optionen bewertet, die bestimmten Bereichen ermittelte Bedarf gedeckt zur Verfügung stehen, um die Aufgaben im und dabei sensible Informationen adäquat Zusammenhang mit der ersten Flugtauglichkeit behandelt werden. militärischer Produkte in den von der EDA • Die Kommission wird gemeinsam mit der EDA spezifizierten Bereichen im Auftrag der neue Möglichkeiten prüfen, um bestehende Mitgliedstaaten auszuführen. Instrumente zur Auswahl vorbildlicher Verfahren für die Beschaffung von Verteidigungsgütern 3.3. Rohstoffe – Beseitigung von stärker bekanntzumachen. Versorgungsrisiken für Europas Verteidigungsbranche 605 3.2. Niedrigere Kosten und raschere Entwicklung Mehrere Rohstoffe wie etwa Elemente seltener Erden sind durch ein gemeinsames in vielen Verteidigungsanwendungen – von RPAS bis zu Zertifizierungskonzept präzisionsgelenkter Munition und von Laserzielgeräten bis zur Satellitenkommunikation – unverzichtbar. Bei Die Zertifizierung ist ebenso wie die Normung eine mehreren dieser Stoffe bestehen erhöhte Versorgungsri- Grundvoraussetzung für die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der siken, durch die die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit des Verteidi- Industrie und die Kooperation im Bereich der europä- gungssektors beeinträchtigt wird. Ein Verzeichnis von ischen Verteidigung. Dass es kein europaweites Zerti- Rohstoffen, die für die EU-Wirtschaft als unverzichtbar fizierungssystem für Rüstungsgüter gibt, wirkt wie ein gelten, bildet ein Hauptelement der EU-Gesamtstrategie Engpass, der das Inverkehrbringen von Erzeugnissen ver- für Rohstoffe. Die derzeitige Liste kritischer Rohstof- zögert und die Kosten während der gesamten Nutzungs- fe auf EU-Ebene wird voraussichtlich bis Ende 2013 dauer des Erzeugnisses erheblich erhöht. Es sind bessere überarbeitet werden. Da sie für zivile und militärische Regelungen auf dem Gebiet der Zertifizierung erforder- Zwecke gleichermaßen wichtige Stoffe enthält, würde lich, damit bestimmte gegenwärtig auf nationaler Ebene sich ein deutlicher Mehrwert ergeben, wenn bei dieser erledigte Aufgaben künftig gemeinschaftlich ausgeführt Überarbeitung die besondere Bedeutung von Rohstoffen werden können. für Europas Verteidigungssektor berücksichtigt würde.

Insbesondere im Bereich der militärischen Flugtauglich- keit würde diese Problematik nach Angaben der EDA Maßnahme: eine um 50 % längere Entwicklungszeit und um 20 % höhere Entwicklungskosten verursachen. Darüber hin- • Die Kommission wird prüfen, welche Rohstoffe, aus ermöglicht ein System gemeinsamer und harmoni- die für den Verteidigungssektor im Rahmen sierter Anforderungen eine länderübergreifende Flug- der EU-Gesamtstrategie für Rohstoffe kritisch zeugwartung oder Schulung von Wartungspersonal und sind und gegebenenfalls gezielte politische senkt dadurch die Kosten. Maßnahmen ausarbeiten.

Als weiteres Beispiel ist die Munition zu nennen. Es gibt keine gemeinsame Zertifizierung für bodengestützte Mu- nition, was Europa schätzungsweise 1,5 Mrd. EUR im Jahr (bei jährlichen Gesamtausgaben für Munition in Höhe von 7,5 Mrd. EUR) kostet. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

3.4. Unterstützung von KMU, der treibenden Kraft für eine • Die Kommission wird ferner das Enterprise Europe Network (EEN) in Anspruch nehmen, innovative Verteidigungsbranche in um KMU im Verteidigungssektor bei der der EU Vernetzung und Bildung von Partnerschaften, der Internationalisierung ihrer Tätigkeiten, Die Richtlinien für die Auftragsvergabe und Verbrin- Technologietransfers und der Finanzierung von gung im Verteidigungswesen bieten KMU neue Chan- Geschäftschancen zu beraten. cen, sich am Aufbau eines europäischen Verteidigungs- marktes zu beteiligen. Dies gilt insbesondere für die in • Die Kommission wird eine regionale der Vergaberichtlinie enthaltenen Bestimmungen über Vernetzung fördern, die darauf abzielt, Unteraufträge, durch die der Zugang zu den Lieferketten Vermögenswerte aus der Verteidigungsindustrie ausländischer Generalunternehmer verbessert wird. Die und -forschung in regionale intelligente Mitgliedstaaten sollten daher diese Bestimmungen aktiv Spezialisierungsstrategien zu integrieren und zur Förderung von Chancen für KMU nutzen. dafür vor allem ein europäisches Netzwerk von im Verteidigungssektor engagierten Regionen zu nutzen. Weitere Schritte sind insbesondere im Bereich von Clus- tern erforderlich. Diese werden oft von einem Genera- lunternehmen gesteuert, das in einer Lieferkette mit 3.5. Qualifikationen – Change 606 kleineren Firmen zusammenarbeitet. Darüber hinaus ge- Management und hören Cluster oft zu Exzellenznetzen, die aus Generalun- Zukunftssicherung ternehmern, KMU, Forschungsinstituten und anderen wissenschaftlichen Einrichtungen bestehen. In der Verteidigungsbranche vollzieht sich ein grundlegender Wandel, an den sich Mitgliedstaaten und Indust- Cluster sind daher für KMU von besonderer Bedeutung, rie anpassen müssen. Dazu erklärte der Europäische Rat da sie ihnen Zugang zu gemeinsam genutzten Einrichtun- im Dezember 2008 Folgendes: „Die Umstrukturierung gen, zu Nischenbereichen, auf die sie sich spezialisieren der verteidigungstechnologischen und -industriellen Basis können, und zu Kooperationsmöglichkeiten mit anderen Europas – insbesondere auf der Grundlage europäischer KMU bieten. In solchen Clustern können Unternehmen Hochleistungszentren und unter Vermeidung von Doppel- Stärken und Ressourcen kombinieren, um neue Märkte entwicklungen – ist eine strategische und wirtschaftliche zu erschließen und sich als Kompetenzzentren zu etab- Notwendigkeit, um Solidität und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit die- lieren. Sie können auch – einem immer stärkeren Trend ses Sektors zu gewährleisten.“ folgend – neue zivile Produkte und Anwendungen auf der Basis von Technologien und Materialien entwickeln, die (wie z. B. das Internet und GPS) ursprünglich zu Ver- Obwohl für den Umstrukturierungsprozess hauptsäch- teidigungszwecken konzipiert wurden, oder umgekehrt. lich die Branche verantwortlich ist, kommt der Kom- mission, den Regierungen der Mitgliedstaaten und den lokalen Behörden eine ergänzende Funktion zu. Die Kommission und die Mitgliedstaaten können auf eine Maßnahmen: Reihe von Instrumenten der EU zurückgreifen, um neue Qualifikationen zu fördern und die Auswirkungen der • Die Kommission wird gemeinsam mit der Indust- Umstrukturierung zu bewältigen. Diese Instrumente rie mit einem Bottom-up-Ansatzuntersuchen, wie sollten mit einem klaren Verständnis der für die Branche eine europäische strategische Cluster-Partnerschaft besonders wichtigen Fähigkeiten und Technologien ein- aufgebaut werden kann, mit der neue Wertschöp- gesetzt werden. Die Kommission wird die Mitgliedstaa- fungsketten gefördert und Hindernisse, mit denen ten auffordern, Arbeitsmarktflexibilitätsprogramme zu im Verteidigungssektor tätige KMU im globalen nutzen, um Unternehmen, etwa unter einem vorüberge- Wettbewerb konfrontiert sind, beseitigt werden henden Rückgang der Nachfrage nach ihren Produkten können. In diesem Kontext wird die Kommis- leidende Anbieter, zu unterstützen und ein vorausschau- sion Instrumente zur KMU-Förderung (u. a. endes Konzept für die Umstrukturierung zu fördern. COSME) für im Verteidigungssektor tätige KMU In diesem Kontext können die Mitgliedstaaten auf den einsetzen. Hierzu kann auch die Mobilisierung Europäischen Sozialfonds (ESF) und in einigen Fällen der europäischen Struktur- und Investitionsfonds bei Massenentlassungen auf den Europäischen Fonds erwogen werden. In diesem Kontext müssen auch für die Anpassung an die Globalisierung zurückgreifen. die Förderkriterien für Projekte mit doppeltem Ein wichtiges Fundament dafür wird eine Bestands- Verwendungszweck präzisiert werden. aufnahme der vorhandenen und künftig benötigten AUF DEM WEG ZU EINEM WETTBEWERBSFÄHIGEN UND EFFIZIENTEREN VERTEIDIGUNGS- UND SICHERHEITSSEKTOR

Qualifikationen sein, die möglicherweise auf einem eu- mit der GSVP und deren Synergien mit der Computer- ropäischen Ausbildungsrat für den Verteidigungssektor und Netzsicherheit. Mehrere diesbezügliche Aktivitäten unter Federführung von Branchenvertretern beruht. werden in der Europäischen Strategie für Computer- und Netzsicherheit angekündigt und haben zum Ziel, die Online-Umgebung der EU zur sichersten der Welt Maßnahmen: zu machen. Ferner hat das Gemeinsame Unternehmen „Single European Sky Air Traffic Management Research • Die Kommission wird die für die Zukunft Programme“ (SESAR) Forschungstätigkeiten zur Com- der Branche als wesentlich erachteten puter- und Netzsicherheit auf dem Gebiet des Flugver- Qualifikationen unter anderem durch die kehrsmanagement eingeleitet. derzeit eine Probephase durchlaufenden sektorspezifischen Programme Im Rahmen von Horizont 2020 eröffnen die Bereiche„ Füh- („Ausbildungsallianzen“ und „Wissensallianzen“) rung in Grundlagen- und industriellen Technologien“, dar- fördern. unter „Schlüsseltechnologien“ (Key Enabling Technologies, KETs) und „Sichere Gesellschaften“ (die gesellschaftliche • Die Kommission wird für die Umschulung Herausforderung) Aussichten auf technische Fortschritte, und Fortbildung von Arbeitskräften zur die für zivile Anwendungen auslösen können, sondern auch Inanspruchnahme des ESF auffordern, und auf dem Gebiet der Technologien mit doppeltem Verwen- zwar insbesondere für Projekte, die im Zeichen dungszweck innovationsfördernd wirken können. Obwohl von Ausbildungsbedarf, Abstimmung von die von der EU finanzierten Forschungs- und Innovations- 607 Qualifikationen und Antizipierung des Wandels maßnahmen im Rahmen von Horizont 2020 ausschließ- stehen. lich auf zivile Anwendungen ausgerichtet sein werden, wird • Die Kommission wird ferner dem Potenzial der die Kommission bewerten, wie diese Ergebnisse auch für Europäischen Struktur- und Investitionsfonds industrielle Fähigkeiten in den Bereichen Verteidigung und Rechnung tragen, um Regionen zu Sicherheit genutzt werden könnten. Ferner wird die Kom- unterstützen, die von den negativen Folgen der mission Synergien bei der Entwicklung von Anwendungen Umstrukturierung der Verteidigungsindustrie mit doppeltem Verwendungszweck und einer eindeutigen betroffen sind, und insbesondere Arbeitnehmern Sicherheitsdimension oder sonstigen Technologien mit bei der Anpassung an die neue Lage zur Seite zu doppeltem Verwendungszweck ausloten, zu denen etwa stehen und die Neuausrichtung der Wirtschaft Technologien zur Unterstützung der Integration des zivilen zu fördern. RPAS in das europäische Luftverkehrssystem zählen, die im Rahmen des Gemeinsamen Unternehmens SESAR durch- geführt werden soll.

4. NUTZUNG VON Die Forschung im Verteidigungsbereich bringt erhebli- FORSCHUNGSPOTENZIALEN che Folgewirkungen unter anderem für die Elektronik, die Raumfahrt, die Zivilluftfahrt und die Tiefseeerschlie- IM BEREICH DER ßung mit sich. Derartige Effekte sollen auch künftig von TECHNOLOGIEN der Verteidigung auf den zivilen Bereich ausgehen, damit die militärische Forschung weiterhin einen Beitrag zu zi- MIT DOPPELTEM vilen Innovationen leisten kann. VERWENDUNGSZWECK UND Die Kommission erkennt auch die potenziellen Vor- INNOVATIONSFÖRDERUNG teile weiterer Möglichkeiten für außerhalb von Hori- zont 2020 im GSVP-Kontext betriebene Forschung. Da eine ganze Reihe von Technologien einen doppel- Dabei könnte es sich um eine als vorbereitende Maß- ten Verwendungszweck aufweisen kann, ergeben sich nahme für Verteidigungsfähigkeiten handeln, die für vermehrt Synergien zwischen ziviler und militärischer GSVP-Operationen unbedingt benötigt werden, die auf Forschung. In diesem Kontext findet eine laufende Ko- Synergien mit einzelstaatlichen Forschungsprogrammen ordinierung zwischen dem Sicherheitsthema des Siebten ausgerichtet sind. Die Kommission wird Inhalte und Rahmenprogramms für Forschung und technologische Modalitäten gemeinsam mit den Mitgliedstaaten, dem Entwicklung und den Forschungstätigkeiten im europä- EAD und der EDA festlegen. Parallel dazu sollten die ischen Verteidigungsbereich statt. Bisher konzentrierten Mitgliedstaaten an einer angemessenen Finanzierung der sich die Arbeiten auf CBRNE und betrafen in letzter Verteidigungsforschung festhalten und diese verstärkt in Zeit auch die Cyberverteidigung im Zusammenhang partnerschaftlicher Zusammenarbeit betreiben. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Maßnahmen: • Auf der Grundlage der bestehenden EU- Netzwerke wird die Kommission gemeinsam • Die Kommission plant, ein vorkommerzielles mit den Mitgliedstaaten die Bildung einer Vergabeprogramm für Prototypen zu zivil-militärischen Kooperationsgruppe in unterstützen, für das zunächst Folgendes den Bereichen a) Nachweistechnologien und in Frage käme: CBRN-Nachweis, RPAS b) Methoden zur Bekämpfung selbstgebauter und Kommunikationsanlagen auf Basis von Sprengkörper, tragbarer Luftabwehrsysteme softwaredefinierter Funktechnologie. (MANPADS) und anderer relevanter Bedrohungen wie CBRNE-Gefahren prüfen. • Die Kommission wird Möglichkeiten zur Unterstützung der Forschung im GSVP • Die Kommission wird mit dem EAD in Kontext, etwa durch eine vorbereitende einer gemeinsamen Bewertung den Bedarf an Maßnahme, erwägen. Der Schwerpunkt Fähigkeiten mit doppeltem Verwendungszweck würde dabei auf den Bereichen liegen, in ermitteln, die für die Sicherheits- und denen EU-Verteidigungsfähigkeiten am Verteidigungspolitik der EU benötigt werden. dringendsten benötigt würden und Synergien Auf Basis dieser Bewertung wird sie in mit einzelstaatlichen Forschungsprogrammen einem Vorschlag darlegen, welcher Bedarf angestrebt werden. sich gegebenenfalls am besten durch direkt angekaufte, im Eigentum der Union stehende 608 und von ihr betriebene Vermögenswerte gedeckt werden könnte. 5. ENTWICKLUNG VON FÄHIGKEITEN 6. RAUMFAHRT UND Die Kommission arbeitet bereits an der Deckung des VERTEIDIGUNG Bedarfs an nichtmilitärischen Fähigkeiten, die zur Un- terstützung von Maßnahmen in Bereichen der inneren und äußeren Sicherheit, wie etwa Zivilschutz , Krisen- Die meisten Raumfahrttechnologien, Raumfahrtinfra- management, Cybersicherheit, Schutz der Außengrenzen strukturen und Weltraumdienste sind für zivile und mili- und Meeresüberwachung, dienen. Bisher waren diese tärische Zwecke gleichermaßen nutzbar. Im Gegensatz zu Aktivitäten auf die Kofinanzierung und Koordinierung allen Raumfahrtnationen besteht in der EU jedoch kein von Fähigkeiten der Mitgliedstaaten beschränkt. Die struktureller Zusammenhang zwischen zivilen und militä- Kommission will einen Schritt weiter gehen, um dafür rischen Raumfahrtaktivitäten. Diese Trennung verursacht Sorge zu tragen, dass Europa über das gesamte Spektrum wirtschaftliche und politische Kosten, die sich Europa der benötigten Sicherheitsfähigkeiten verfügen kann, nicht mehr leisten kann. Sie wird noch dadurch verstärkt, dass diese möglichst kostenwirksam betrieben werden dass Europa von Anbietern bestimmter kritischer Techno- können und dass in relevanten Bereichen die Interope- logien aus Drittländern, die häufig Ausfuhrbeschränkun- rabilität zwischen nichtmilitärischen und militärischen gen unterliegen, abhängig ist. Fähigkeiten sichergestellt wird. Obwohl einige Raumfahrtfähigkeiten auch in Zukunft ausschließlich nationaler und/oder militärischer Kont- Maßnahmen: rolle unterstehen müssen, werden in mehreren Bereichen zunehmende Synergien zwischen zivilen und Verteidi- gungsaktivitäten zu geringeren Kosten und mehr Effizienz • Die Kommission wird weiterhin die führen. Interoperabilität der gemeinsamen Nutzung von Informationsdiensten zwischen zivilen und militärischen Nutzern verbessern, wie sie 6.1. Schutz von Raumfahrt-Infrastrukturen im gemeinsamen Informationsraum für den maritimen Bereich als Pilotprojekt erprobt wird. Galileo und Copernicus sind bedeutende europäische Raumfahrt-Infrastrukturen. Mit Galileo, das im Eigen- tum der EU steht, und Copernicus werden die wichtigsten EU-Maßnahmen unterstützt. Diese kritischen Infrastruk- turen müssen als Rückgrat für Anwendungen und Dienste, die für unsere Wirtschaft und das Wohlergehen und die AUF DEM WEG ZU EINEM WETTBEWERBSFÄHIGEN UND EFFIZIENTEREN VERTEIDIGUNGS- UND SICHERHEITSSEKTOR

Sicherheit unserer Bürgerinnen und Bürger von wesentli- könnten durch die Bündelung und gemeinsame Nutzung cher Bedeutung sind, unbedingt geschützt werden. von SATCOM-Akquisitionen aufgrund von Größenvortei- len und höherer Widerstandsfähigkeit erhebliche Kosten- Weltraumschrott ist zur größten Bedrohung der Nachhal- einsparungen erzielt werden. tigkeit unserer Raumfahrtaktivitäten geworden. Zur Ver- ringerung des Kollisionsrisikos müssen Satelliten und Welt- Kommerzielle SATCOM-Dienste können die zentrale raumschrott geortet und überwacht werden. Für diese als staatliche/militärische Satellitenkommunikation (MIL- Beobachtung und Verfolgung von Objekten im Weltraum SATCOM), die von einigen EU-Mitgliedstaaten individu- (Space Surveillance and Tracking, SST) bezeichnete Tätig- ell entwickelt wird, nicht vollständig ersetzen. Diese Kom- keit werden heute überwiegend bodengestützte Sensoren munikationsform ist jedoch nicht in der Lage, den Bedarf wie Teleskopen und Radaranlagen eingesetzt. Gegenwärtig kleinerer Einheiten, insbesondere von Militärflugzeugen gibt es auf europäischer Ebene keine SST-Kapazität; Satelli- oder Sondereinheiten im Einsatz, zu decken. ten- und Startdienstbetreiber sind bei Kollisionsschutzsyste- men auf US-Daten angewiesen. Darüber hinaus wird die Nutzungsdauer des derzeit von den Mitgliedstaaten betriebenen Dienstes MILSATCOM Die EU ist bereit, den Aufbau eines europäischen bis zum Ende dieses Jahrzehnts abgelaufen sein. Diese SST-Dienstes zu unterstützen, der auf ein Netz vorhan- Schlüsselfähigkeit muss erhalten bleiben. dener SST-Anlagen im Besitz von Mitgliedstaaten, mögli- cherweise im Rahmen einer transatlantischen Perspektive, aufgesetzt werden soll. Diese Dienste sollten staatlichen, Maßnahmen: 609 kommerziellen, zivilen und militärischen Betreibern und Behörden zur Verfügung stehen. Dazu müssen sich die • Die Kommission wird Maßnahmen gegen die Mitgliedstaaten, die entsprechende Anlagen besitzen, zur Fragmentierung der SATCOM-Nachfrage im Kooperation und zur Bereitstellung eines Kollisionsschutz- Sicherheitsbereich treffen. Insbesondere wird dienstes auf europäischer Ebene verpflichten. Oberstes Ziel die Kommission an die Erfahrungen der EDA ist es, den Schutz europäischer Raumfahrtinfrastrukturen anknüpfen und die Bündelung der in Europa mit einer europäischen Fähigkeit sicherzustellen. im militärischen und im Sicherheitsbereich bestehenden Nachfrage nach kommerziellen SATCOM-Diensten fördern. Maßnahme: • Die Kommission wird prüfen, welche Möglichkeiten bestehen, um die Anstrengungen • Die Kommission hat 2013 einen Vorschlag der Mitgliedstaaten im Hinblick auf den Einsatz für ein Programm zur SST-Unterstützung staatlicher Telekommunikationsnutzlasten an Bord vorgelegt und wird davon ausgehend prüfen, wie von (auch für kommerzielle Zwecke eingesetzten) langfristig ein hohes Maß Effizienz beim SST- Satelliten Dienst sichergestellt werden kann. über bestehende Programme und Fazilitäten zu unterstützen und die nächste Generation staatlicher MILSATCOM- 6.2. Satellitenkommunikation Fähigkeiten auf europäischer Ebene zu entwickeln. There is a growing dependence of military and civilian security actors on satellite communications (SATCOM). It 6.3. Aufbau einer hochauflösenden 6.2. is a EU-Satellitenfähigkeit Militärische und zivile Sicherheitsakteure sind in zuneh- Die sicherheitspolitische Bedeutung der hochauflösen- mendem Maße auf Satellitenkommunikation (SATCOM) den Satellitenbildgebung nimmt – auch im Kontext von als einzigartige Fähigkeit zur Gewährleistung von Fern- GSVP und GASP – weiter zu. Die EU ist darauf ange- kommunikation und Rundfunk angewiesen. Sie erleichtert wiesen, wenn es um Frühwarnungen, zeitnahe Entschei- den Einsatz von mobilen oder aufstellbaren Plattformen als dungsfindung, fortschrittliche Planung und verbesserter Ersatz für bodengestützte Kommunikationsinfrastrukturen EU-Krisenreaktionsmaßnahmen im zivilen wie auch im und zur Bewältigung des Austauschs großer Datenmengen. militärischen Bereich geht. Kommerzielle SATCOM ist die erschwinglichste und flexi- Auf diesem Gebiet wird gegenwärtig an mehreren na- belste Lösung zur Deckung des steigenden Bedarfs. Da die tionalen Verteidigungsprogrammen gearbeitet. Einige Nachfrage nach Sicherheits-SATCOM zu fragmentiert ist, DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Mitgliedstaaten haben auch hochauflösende duale Sys- Zugleich besitzen die Streitkräfte Gebäude mit einer ge- teme zur Ergänzung rein auf Verteidigung ausgerichteter schätzten Gesamtfläche von 200 Mio. Quadratmetern und nationaler Programme entwickelt. Durch diese dualen 1 % der gesamten Landfläche Europas und sind damit Systeme konnten neue Formen einer Zusammenarbeit auch der größte öffentliche Eigentümer von Freiflächen zwischen Mitgliedstaaten an der Nutzung der Satelliten- und Infrastrukturen. Durch die Nutzung dieses Potenzials bildgebung entstehen, wobei die Akquisition entweder könnten die Streitkräfte ihren Energiebedarf reduzieren am Markt oder durch bilaterale Vereinbarungen erfolgte. und einen beträchtlichen Teil davon aus eigenen emissi- Dieser erfolgreiche Ansatz, der Anforderungen von zivi- onsarmen und autonomen Quellen decken. Das würde die len und militärischen Nutzern miteinander gerecht wird, Kosten und Abhängigkeiten verringern und zugleich einen sollte weiterverfolgt werden. Beitrag zu den Energiezielen der Union leisten.

Da der Bedarf an hochauflösender Bildaufnahme wei- Auf dem Gebiet der Forschung hat die Kommission den terhin wächst, muss zur Vorbereitung auf die nächste Europäischen Strategieplan für Energietechnologie- (SET- Generation hochauflösender militärischer und ziviler Plan) entwickelt, um innovative und kohlenstoffarme Beobachtungssatelliten, mit deren Einsatz etwa 2025 zu Energietechnologien zu fördern, die einen höheren Effi- rechnen ist, eine Reihe von Technologien erforscht und zienzgrad als vorhandene Energietechnologien aufweisen entwickelt werden, wie etwa hyperspektrale, hochauflö- und nachhaltiger als diese sind. Angesichts seines bedeu- sende Satelliten im geostationären Orbit oder moderne tenden Energiebedarfs könnte dem Verteidigungssektor ultrahochauflösende Satelliten in Kombination mit neu- eine Vorreiterrolle beim Einsatz der durch den SET-Plan 610 en Sensorplattformen wie beispielsweise RPAS. neu entstehenden Energietechnologien zukommen.

Maßnahme: Maßnahmen:

Die Europäische Kommission wird gemeinsam Die Kommission wird bis Mitte 2014 einen speziellen mit dem EAD und der EDA die Möglichkeit zur Konsultationsmechanismus mit Verteidigungsexperten stufenweisen Entwicklung neuer Darstellungsmög- aus den Mitgliedstaaten einrichten, der sich am Modell lichkeiten prüfen, die für Missionen und Operationen bestehender konzertierter Aktionen zu erneuerbaren im Rahmen von GASP und GSVP eingesetzt werden. Energien und Energieeffizienz orientieren wird. Dieser Darüber hinaus wird die Europäische Kommission an Mechanismus wird folgende Schwerpunkte aufweisen: der Entwicklung der Technologien mitwirken, die für a) Energieeffizienz vor allem im Gebäudesektor; b) die künftigen Generationen hochauflösender Beobach- erneuerbare Energie und alternative Kraftstoffe, c) tungssatelliten erforderlich sind. Energieinfrastruktur, einschließlich des Einsatzes intelligenter Netztechnologien. Zudem sieht er Folgendes vor: 1. Prüfung der Anwendbarkeit der in der EU beste- 7. Anwendung der henden Energiekonzepte, Rechtsvorschriften und energiepolitischen Förderinstrumente für den Verteidigungssektor. Maßnahmen der EU und 2. Festlegung möglicher Ziele und Schwerpunkt- bereiche für ein umfassendes Energiekonzept für ihrer Förderinstrumente im Streitkräfte auf EUEbene. Verteidigungssektor 3. Erarbeitung von Empfehlungen für einen Ratgeber für erneuerbare Energien und Energieeffizienz im Die Streitkräfte sind die größten öffentlichen Energiever- Verteidigungssektor mit besonderem Augenmerk auf braucher in der EU. Nach Angaben der EDA belaufen der Umsetzung der bestehenden EU-Rechtsvorschrif- sich ihre jährlichen Gesamtausgaben allein für Strom auf ten, dem Einsatz innovativer Technologien und der mehr als eine 1 Mrd. EUR. Darüber hinaus bleiben fos- Verwendung innovativer Finanzinstrumente. sile Brennstoffe die wichtigste Quelle zur Deckung dieses 4. Regelmäßiger Informationsaustausch mit der Len- Energiebedarfs, was sensible Abhängigkeiten entstehen kungsgruppe für den SETPlan. lässt und für die Verteidigungshaushalte das Risiko von Preiserhöhungen mit sich bringt. Zur Verbesserung der Die Kommission wird auch die Entwicklung eines Versorgungssicherheit und zur Senkung der Betriebskos- Leitfadens zur Umsetzung der Richtlinie 2012/27/ ten haben die Streitkräfte daher ein starkes Interesse an EU im Verteidigungssektor erwägen. der Reduzierung ihres energetischen Fußabdrucks. AUF DEM WEG ZU EINEM WETTBEWERBSFÄHIGEN UND EFFIZIENTEREN VERTEIDIGUNGS- UND SICHERHEITSSEKTOR

Die Kommission wird GO GREEN, das Foto- Maßnahme: voltaik-Demonstrationsprojekt der europäischen Streitkräfte, unterstützen. Nach der erfolgreichen Die Kommission wird mit den Interessenträgern einen Demonstrationsphase wird die Kommission auch zur Dialog über die Möglichkeiten zur Unterstützung der Weiterentwicklung von GO GREEN betragen, dabei europäischen Verteidigungsbranche auf Drittmärkten eine noch größere Zahl von Mitgliedstaaten einbezie- aufnehmen. Hinsichtlich der Kompensationsgeschäfte hen und das Projekt möglicherweise auch auf andere auf Drittmärkten wird dabei geprüft, wie eventuelle erneuerbare Energiequellen wie Windkraft, Biomasse negative Auswirkungen solcher Kompensationsge- und Wasserkraft ausdehnen. schäfte auf den Binnenmarkt und die europäische verteidigungsindustrielle Basis abgeschwächt werden können. Ferner wird untersucht, in welcher Weise die 8. Stärkung der internationalen EU-Institutionen europäische Anbieter unterstützen könnten, wenn nur ein Unternehmen aus Europa mit Dimension Anbietern aus anderen Teilen der Welt konkurriert.

Angesichts schrumpfender Verteidigungsetats in Europa haben Exporte in Drittländer für europäische Unterneh- 8.2. Ausfuhrkontrollen für Güter mit men zunehmend an Bedeutung gewonnen, um die rück- doppeltem Verwendungszweck läufige Nachfrage auf den Heimatmärkten auszugleichen. 611 Solche Exporte sollten in Übereinstimmung mit den im Ausfuhrkontrollen für Güter mit doppeltem Verwen- Gemeinsamen Standpunkt 2008/944/GASP vom 8. De- dungszweck bilden eine präzise Ergänzung der Waffen- zember 2008 festgelegten politischen Grundsätzen sowie handelskontrollen und sind für die Sicherheit der EU dem am 2. April 2013 durch die Generalversammlung sowie für die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit vieler Raumfahrt-, der Vereinten Nationen verabschiedeten Vertrag über Verteidigungs- und Sicherheitsunternehmen von gro- den Waffenhandel genehmigt werden. Zugleich hat Eu- ßer Bedeutung. Die Kommission hat eine Prüfung der ropa ein wirtschaftliches und politisches Interesse daran, EU-Politik für Ausfuhrkontrollen eingeleitet und eine europäische Unternehmen auf den Weltmärkten zu för- breite öffentliche Konsultation durchgeführt, deren dern. Schließlich muss Europa sicherstellen, dass es ein Schlussfolgerungen in einer Arbeitsunterlage der Kom- kohärentes Konzept für die Überwachung ausländischer missionsdienststellen vom Januar 2013 vorgelegt wur- Investitionen vorliegt (siehe hierzu Abschnitt 2.3 über den. Der Reformprozess wird mit der Erarbeitung einer Versorgungssicherheit). Mitteilung fortgesetzt, in der auf die noch verbliebenen Handelsbarrieren eingegangen wird, die Unternehmen 8.1. Wettbewerbsfähigkeit auf aus der EU daran hindern, optimal vom Binnenmarkt Drittmärkten profitieren.

Die Verteidigungsausgaben haben sich in Europa zwar verringert, steigen in vielen anderen Teilen der Welt je- Maßnahme: doch weiterhin an. Der Zugang zu diesen Märkten ist oft schwierig und hängt u. a. von politischen Erwägun- Im Rahmen der laufenden Überprüfung der Aus- gen und Markteintrittsbarrieren ab. Der weltweit größ- fuhrkontrollpolitik wird die Kommission zunächst te Markt für Rüstungsgüter, die Vereinigten Staaten, ist eine Folgenabschätzung über die Durchführung der für Einfuhren aus Europa praktisch geschlossen. Andere Verordnung (EG) Nr. 428/2009 vorlegen und daran Drittländer sind offener, verlangen jedoch häufig Kom- anschließend eine Mitteilung, in der eine langfristige pensationsgeschäfte, die Unternehmen aus der EU stark Vision für strategische EU-Ausfuhrkontrollen und belasten. Schließlich konkurrieren auf vielen Drittmärk- konkrete politische Initiativen dargestellt werden, um ten europäische Anbieter miteinander, so dass aus der die Ausfuhrkontrollen an die sich rasch verändernden Sicht der EU die Unterstützung eines bestimmten euro- technologischen, wirtschaftlichen und politischen päischen Anbieters schwierig ist. Bedingungen anzupassen. Im Zuge dessen können auch Vorschläge zur Änderung der Rechtsvorschriften über das Ausfuhrkontrollsystem der EU unterbreitet werden. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

9. Schlussfolgerungen nichtmilitärischen Sicherheit berücksichtigt. Mit der Erarbeitung dieses Konzepts sollte eine breitere politische Debatte über die Umsetzung einschlä- Nur mit weitreichenden politischen und strukturellen giger Bestimmungen des Vertrags von Lissabon Reformen wird es möglich sein, die Verteidigungsfähig- einhergehen. In diesem Zusammenhang sollte eine keiten zu erhalten und weiterzuentwickeln, mit denen breitere politische Debatte über die Umsetzung ein- die gegenwärtigen und zukünftigen Herausforderungen schlägiger Bestimmungen des Vertrags von Lissabon trotz gravierender Etatkürzungen bewältigt werden kön- geführt werden. nen. Es ist an der Zeit, ehrgeizige Maßnahmen zu treffen. –– Die Gemeinsame Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspo- 9.1. Ein neuer Rahmen für die litik (GSVP) ist eine Notwendigkeit. Eine wirksame Entwicklung der Zusammenarbeit GSVP sollte auf dem Fundament einer vollwertigen zwischen zivilem und militärischem europäischen Politik im Bereich der Fähigkeiten und der Rüstung nach Artikel 42 EUV beruhen. Bereich –– Im Sinne der Kohärenz der Bemühungen muss die Die Zusammenarbeit zwischen zivilem und militäri- GSVP mit anderen einschlägigen EU-Politiken eng schem Bereich stellt eine komplexe Herausforderung abgestimmt werden. Dies ist besonders wichtig, mit zahlreichen operativen, politischen, technischen damit Synergien zwischen der Entwicklung und und industriellen Facetten dar. Dies gilt besonders für dem Einsatz von Fähigkeiten auf dem Gebiet der 612 Europa, da in diesem Fall durch Kompetenzverteilung Verteidigung und der zivilen Sicherheit entstehen und Arbeitsteilung die Lage noch komplexer wird. Die- und genutzt werden können. se Mitteilung stellt ein Maßnahmenpaket vor, das zur –– Damit die GSVP glaubwürdig ist, braucht Europa Bewältigung dieser Herausforderungen und zu einer in- eine starke verteidigungstechnologische und tensiveren Zusammenarbeit zwischen den Mitgliedstaa- -industrielle Basis. Dafür muss auf jeden Fall eine ten beitragen kann. In diesem Kontext wollen wir ein europäische Strategie für die Verteidigungsindus- integriertes Konzept zur sowohl für den zivilen als auch trie erarbeitet werden, die auf einem Konsens über militärischen Bereich entwickeln, mit dem nahtlos alle das Maß an Autonomie, das Europa in kritischen Phasen des Nutzungszyklus der Fähigkeiten – von der technologischen Bereichen wahren will, beruht. Ermittlung des Bedarfs bis zum tatsächlichen Einsatz vor Ort – erfasst werden. –– Eine wesentliche Voraussetzung zur Erhaltung einer wettbewerbsfähigen Industrie, die in der Lage ist, Als ersten Schritt wird die Kommission prüfen, wie sie die von uns benötigten Fähigkeiten zu erschwingli- intern mit Sicherheits- und Verteidigungsangelegen- chen Preisen zu produzieren, ist die Aufwertung des heiten umgeht. Anhand der Erfahrungen der Taskforce Binnenmarktes für Verteidigung und Sicherheit „Verteidigung“ wird sie ihre Mechanismen für die Ko- und die Schaffung von Bedingungen, unter denen operation und Koordination zwischen ihren eigenen europäische Unternehmen in allen Mitgliedstaaten Dienststellen und mit den Interessenträgern optimieren. ungehindert tätig werden können. –– Angesichts erheblicher Haushaltskürzungen kommt 9.2. Ein Aufruf an die Mitgliedstaaten es besonders auf die effiziente Zuteilung und Verwendung finanzieller Mittel an. Dies bedeutet In der vorliegenden Mitteilung ist ein Aktionsplan für unter anderem, dass die Betriebskosten gesenkt, die den Beitrag der Kommission zur Aufwertung der GSVP Nachfrage gebündelt und die militärischen Anfor- dargelegt. Die Kommission lädt den Europäischen Rat derungen harmonisiert werden müssen. ein, diesen Aktionsplan im Dezember 2013 zusammen –– Damit der tatsächliche Mehrwert des EU-Rahmens mit dem von der Hohen Vertreterin der Union für Au- sichtbar wird, bedarf es eines gemeinsamen Projekts ßen- und Sicherheitspolitik erarbeiteten Bericht ange- im Bereich der zentralen Verteidigungsfähigkeiten, sichts der folgenden Erwägungen zu erörtern: für das alle einschlägigen politischen Maßnahmen der EU in vollem Umfang mobilisiert werden –– Beschlüsse über Investitionen und Fähigkeiten für könnten. die Bereiche Sicherheit und Verteidigung sollten auf einem gemeinsamen Verständnis von Bedro- hungen und Interessen beruhen. Europa muss daher zu gegebener Zeit ein strategisches Konzept entwickeln, das alle Aspekte der militärischen und AUF DEM WEG ZU EINEM WETTBEWERBSFÄHIGEN UND EFFIZIENTEREN VERTEIDIGUNGS- UND SICHERHEITSSEKTOR

9.3. Die nächsten Schritte

Auf der Grundlage der Gespräche mit den Staats- und Regierungschefs wird die Kommission für die in dieser Mitteilung festgelegten Bereiche einen detaillierten Fahrplan mit konkreten Maßnahmen und Zeitvorgaben erarbeiten.

Zur Erstellung und Umsetzung dieses Fahrplans wird die Kommission einen eigenen Mechanismus für Kon- sultationen mit den nationalen Behörden einrichten, der je nach Politikbereich unterschiedliche Formen annehmen kann. Die EDA und der Europäische Auswär- tige Dienst werden in diesen Konsultationsmechanismus eingebunden.

613 DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

614 Ein neuer EU-Rahmen zur Stärkung des Rechtsstaatsprinzips

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLIAMENT UND DEN RAT BRÜSSEL, 11. MÄRZ 2014 COM(2014) 158

1. EINFÜHRUNG dass sie die Bürger vor jeder Gefährdung der Rechts- staatlichkeit schützen können. Wie die Ereignisse in 615 einigen Mitgliedstaaten jedoch unlängst gezeigt haben, Das Rechtsstaatsprinzip ist das Rückgrat jeder moder- kann die mangelnde Achtung der Rechtsstaatlichkeit nen demokratischen Grundordnung. Es gehört zu den und mithin der Grundwerte, die durch den Vorrang des tragenden Grundsätzen der gemeinsamen Verfassungs- Rechts geschützt werden sollen, Anlass zu ernster Sorge überlieferungen aller EU-Mitgliedstaaten und mithin zu geben. In diesen Fällen ist die EU und insbesondere die den Grundwerten, auf die die Union gestützt ist. Dies Kommission von der Öffentlichkeit unmissverständlich folgt aus Artikel 2 des Vertrags über die Europäische aufgefordert worden, tätig zu werden. Es wurde so man- Union (EUV) sowie aus seiner Präambel und der Charta ches erreicht. Doch musste die Kommission – und die der Grundrechte der Europäischen Union. Aus diesem EU – von Fall zu Fall geeignete Lösungen finden, da es Grund ist die Achtung des Rechtsstaatsprinzips gemäß mit den vorhandenen EU-Mechanismen und -verfahren Artikel 49 EUV auch eine Voraussetzung für die Auf- nicht immer möglich war, wirksam und zügig auf die Be- nahme in die EU. Die Rechtsstaatlichkeit ist neben De- drohung zu reagieren. mokratie und Menschenrechten eine der drei Säulen des Europarats und in der Präambel der Europäischen Kon- vention zum Schutz der Menschenrechte und Grundfrei- Der Kommission obliegen als Hüterin der Verträge die heiten (EMRK) verankert.120 Achtung der Werte, auf die sich die EU gründet, und der Schutz der allgemeinen Interessen der Union. Sie muss daher jetzt aktiv werden.122 In seiner jährlichen Rede vor Die Europäische Union ist auf dem Vertrauen ihrer dem Europäischen Parlament zur Lage der Union im Mitgliedstaaten untereinander und auf deren Rechts- September 2012 sagte Kommissionspräsident Barroso: ordnungen gegründet. Wie dem Vorrang des Rechts auf „Wir brauchen ein besseres Instrumentarium – nicht nur nationaler Ebene Geltung verschafft wird, ist hier von die Alternative zwischen der „sanften Gewalt“ politischer entscheidender Bedeutung. Das Vertrauen aller EU-Bür- Überzeugungskunst und der „radikalen Option“ von Ar- ger und nationalen Behörden in das Rechtsstaatsprinzip tikel 7 des Vertrags.“ In seiner Rede im darauffolgenden hat für die Weiterentwicklung der EU zu einem „Raum Jahr 2013 sagte er: „Die Erfahrung hat gezeigt, wie wich- der Freiheit, der Sicherheit und des Rechts ohne Binnen- tig die Rolle der Kommission als unabhängiger und neu- grenzen“121 besonderes Gewicht. Dieses Vertrauen kann traler Schlichterin ist. Wir sollten auf dieser Erfahrung nur wachsen und gedeihen, wenn der Vorrang des Rechts aufbauen und einen allgemeineren Rahmen dafür schaf- in allen Mitgliedstaaten beachtet wird. fen. […] Die Kommission wird zu diesem Thema eine Mitteilung vorlegen. Diese Debatte ist meiner Meinung Die Verfassungs- und Justizordnungen der EU-Mitglied- staaten sind im Prinzip so angelegt und ausgestaltet,

120 Vgl. Präambel der EMRK und Artikel 3 der Satzung des Europarats (http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/GER/Treaties/ 122 Rede von EU-Justizkommissarin und Vizepräsidentin Reding, Html/001.htm). „The EU and the Rule of Law – What next?“ (http://europa.eu/ 121 Vgl. Artikel 3 Absatz 2 EUV und Artikel 67 AEUV. rapid/press-release_SPEECH-13-677_en.htm). DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

nach von zentraler Bedeutung für unsere Vorstellung von Er soll in Fällen greifen, in denen systembedingte Gefah- Europa.“123 ren für die Rechtsstaatlichkeit bestehen.127

Auf seiner Tagung im Juni 2013 unterstrich der Rat Mit diesem Rahmen sollen Gefahren für das Rechtsstaat- „Justiz und Inneres“, dass „die Wahrung der Rechts- sprinzip abgewendet werden, bevor die Voraussetzungen staatlichkeit eine Grundvoraussetzung für den Schutz für die Aktivierung des Mechanismus in Artikel 7 EUV der Grundrechte“ ist und forderte die Kommission auf, gegeben sind. Er ist keine Alternative zu Artikel 7 EUV, „die Debatte über die Frage, ob diese Themen im Wege sondern er ergänzt ihn und dient eher dazu, eine Lücke einer auf Zusammenarbeit beruhenden, systematischen im Vorfeld zu schließen. Die Befugnis der Kommission, Methode behandelt werden sollten und wie diese Metho- in bestimmten Fällen, für die EU-Recht maßgebend ist, de aussehen könnte, im Einklang mit den Verträgen vo- auf das Vertragsverletzungsverfahren gemäß Artikel 258 ranzutreiben“. Im April 2013 hielt der Rat „Allgemeine des Vertrags über die Arbeitsweise der Europäischen Uni- Angelegenheiten“ eine umfassende Aussprache zu diesem on (AEUV) zurückzugreifen, bleibt hiervon unberührt. Thema ab.124 Aus der Sicht des weiteren Europas soll der EU-Rahmen Im Juli 2013 forderte das Europäische Parlament mit – auch mit Hilfe der Expertise der Europäischen Kom- Nachdruck, „dass die kontinuierliche Einhaltung der mission für Demokratie durch Recht (Venedig-Kom- Grundwerte der Union und der Anforderungen der De- mission)128 – dazu beitragen, die Ziele des Europarats zu mokratie und der Rechtsstaatlichkeit durch die Mitglied- verwirklichen. 616 staaten regelmäßig überprüft wird“125.

Mit der vorliegenden Mitteilung kommt die Kommissi- 2. WARUM DAS on diesen Aufforderungen nach. In der Mitteilung wird ein neuer Rahmen für einen wirksamen, einheitlichen RECHTSSTAATSPRINZIP FÜR Schutz der Rechtsstaatlichkeit in allen Mitgliedstaaten DIE EU VON GRUNDLEGENDER vorgestellt, in den die Erfahrungen der Kommission, der interinstitutionelle Meinungsaustausch und die Ergeb- BEDEUTUNG IST nisse umfassender Konsultationen126 eingeflossen sind. Die Rechtsstaatlichkeit ist im modernen Verfassungs- recht und in internationalen Organisationen (u. a. in den Vereinten Nationen und im Europarat) nach und nach zum beherrschenden Ordnungsprinzip für die Regelung der Ausübung öffentlicher Gewalt geworden. Der Vorrang des Rechts gewährleistet, dass öffentliche Gewalt innerhalb der gesetzlichen Grenzen im Einklang 123 http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_ mit den Werten der Demokratie und Grundrechte unter SPEECH-12-596_de.htm und http://europa.eu/rapid/ der Kontrolle unabhängiger und unparteiischer Gerichte press-release_SPEECH-13-684_de.htm 124 Im März 2013 hatten die Außenminister Dänemarks, ausgeübt wird. Deutschlands, Finnlands und der Niederlande auf europäischer Ebene bessere Mechanismen zur Wahrung der Grundrechte der Wie die aus dem Rechtsstaatsprinzip abgeleiteten Union in den Mitgliedstaaten gefordert. Zur Aussprache im Rat „Allgemeine Angelegenheiten“ vgl. http://www.consilium.europa. Grundsätze und Normen auf nationaler Ebene im Ein- eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/genaff/136915. zelnen ausgestaltet sind, kann je nach Verfassungssys- pdf. Zu den Schlussfolgerungen des Rats „Justiz und Inneres“ tem der Mitgliedstaaten unterschiedlich sein, doch ist vgl. http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ der Rechtsprechung des Gerichtshofs der Europäischen pressdata/en/jha/137404.pdf. 125 Vgl. die Entschließungen des EP mit diversen Empfehlungen an Union (EuGH) und des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für die EU-Organe für einen besseren Schutz des Artikels 2 EUV (zu den Berichten von Rui Tavares (2013), Louis Michel (2014) und Kinga Göncz (2014) – http://www.europarl.europa.eu/ 127 Wie Kommissionspräsident Barroso in seiner Rede zur Lage der committees/en/libe/reports.html). Union vom September 2013 betonte, sollte sich der Rahmen 126 Auf der hochrangigen Konferenz zur Rolle der Justiz in der „auf den Grundsatz stützen, dass alle Mitgliedstaaten einander Europäischen Union (Assises de la Justice), die im November gleichgestellt sind, und nur herangezogen werden, wenn eine 2013 stattfand und an der über 600 Personen teilnahmen, große, systembedingte Gefahr für die Rechtsstaatlichkeit war eine Veranstaltung speziell diesem Thema („Towards eintritt und vorab festgelegte Benchmarks dies nahelegen“ a new rule of law mechanism“) gewidmet. Sowohl vor als (http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_SPEECH-13-684_de.htm). auch nach der Konferenz erging ein Aufruf zur Einreichung 128 Die Venedig-Kommission (Europäische Kommission für schriftlicher Beiträge, dem zahlreiche Personen folgten (vgl. Demokratie durch Recht) ist eine Einrichtung des Europarats, http://ec.europa.eu/justice/events/assises-justice-2013/ die Staaten verfassungsrechtlich berät (vgl. http://www.venice. contributions_en.htm). coe.int/WebForms/pages/default.aspx?p=01_Presentation). Ein neuer EU-Rahmen zur Stärkung des Rechtsstaatsprinzips

Menschenrechte (EGMR) sowie den Texten des Europa- Das Rechtsstaatsprinzip ist in der EU von besonderer Be- rats, die sich vor allem auf das Wissen der Venedig-Kom- deutung. Die Wahrung der Rechtsstaatlichkeit ist nicht mission stützen, eine nicht erschöpfende Aufstellung nur Voraussetzung für den Schutz sämtlicher in Artikel 2 dieser Grundsätze zu entnehmen, die das Rechtsstaat- EUV aufgelisteter Grundwerte, sie ist auch eine Voraus- sprinzip im Kern als gemeinsamen Wert der EU im Sin- setzung für die Wahrnehmung aller Rechte und Pflich- ne des Artikels 2 EUV definieren. ten, die sich aus den Verträgen und dem Völkerrecht ergeben. Die EU kann nur dann als „Raum der Freiheit, Zu diesen Grundsätzen zählen das Rechtmäßigkeitsprin- der Sicherheit und des Rechts ohne Binnengrenzen“ zip (das einen transparenten, rechenschaftspflichtigen, wirken, wenn alle EU-Bürger und nationalen Behörden demokratischen und pluralistischen Gesetzgebungspro- Vertrauen in die Rechtsordnung der anderen Mitglied- zess impliziert), die Rechtssicherheit, das Willkürverbot, staaten haben. Heute muss ein Urteil in Zivil- oder Han- unabhängige und unparteiische Gerichte, eine wirksa- delssachen in einem anderen Mitgliedstaat ohne weitere me richterliche Kontrolle, die Achtung der Grundrech- Formalitäten anerkannt und vollstreckt werden. Gleiches te und Gleichheit vor dem Gesetz.129 gilt für einen Europäischen Haftbefehl.131 Diese Beispiele machen deutlich, warum es alle Mitgliedstaaten angeht, Wie EuGH und EGMR übereinstimmend bestätigt ha- wenn das Rechtsstaatsprinzip in einem Mitgliedstaat ben, handelt es sich bei diesen Grundsätzen nicht um nicht voll und ganz beachtet wird. Die EU hat deshalb rein formale, prozedurale Anforderungen. Sie sind die ein großes Interesse daran, dass das Rechtsstaatsprinzip Vektoren, die die Wahrung und Achtung der Demokra- unionsweit geschützt und gestärkt wird. tie und Menschenrechte sicherstellen. Die Rechtsstaat- 617 lichkeit ist mithin ein Verfassungsgrundsatz mit formaler wie inhaltlicher Komponente.130 3. WARUM EIN NEUER EU- RAHMEN ZUR STÄRKUNG Dies bedeutet, dass die Achtung des Rechtsstaatsprin- zips untrennbar mit der Achtung der Demokratie und DES RECHTSSTAATSPRINZIPS der Grundrechte verbunden ist: Demokratie und Ach- ERFORDERLICH IST tung der Grundrechte sind ohne Wahrung der Rechts- staatlichkeit nicht möglich, was umgekehrt genauso gilt. Wenn die auf nationaler Ebene etablierten Mechanis- Grundrechte können ihre Wirkung nur dann entfalten, men zur Sicherung des Rechtsstaatsprinzips nicht mehr wenn sie einklagbar sind. Wenn die Justiz – einschließ- richtig funktionieren, erwächst aus dem Systemversagen lich der Verfassungsgerichte – ihre grundlegende Aufga- eine Bedrohung für den Rechtsstaat und damit für den be wahrnimmt und es ihr gelingt, die Meinungsfreiheit, europäischen Raum der Freiheit, der Sicherheit und des Versammlungsfreiheit und die Einhaltung der Regeln, Rechts ohne Binnengrenzen. In solchen Fällen muss die die die politischen Abläufe und das Wahlrecht bestim- EU tätig werden, um die Rechtsstaatlichkeit als gemein- men, zu garantieren, dann ist auch der Schutz der De- samen Wert der Union zu schützen. mokratie garantiert. Die Erfahrung hat jedoch gezeigt, dass das auf Ebene 129 Eine Übersicht über die einschlägige Rechtsprechung zur der Union vorhandene Instrumentarium nicht in allen Rechtsstaatlichkeit und zu den sich daraus ableitenden Fällen ausreicht, um einer systemischen Gefährdung des Grundsätzen findet sich in Anhang I. Rechtsstaatsprinzips in den Mitgliedstaaten zu begegnen. 130 Der EuGH sieht in der Rechtsstaatlichkeit nicht allein ein formales, prozedurales Erfordernis, sondern unterstreicht auch ihren materiellen Gehalt, wenn er feststellt, dass die Von der Kommission auf der Grundlage von Artikel 258 Union eine „Rechtsgemeinschaft“ ist, in der die Handlungen AEUV eingeleitete Vertragsverletzungsverfahren haben ihrer Organe nicht nur daraufhin kontrolliert werden, ob sie mit dem Vertrag, sondern auch, ob sie mit „den allgemeinen sich als wichtiges Instrument erwiesen, um bestimmten 132 Rechtsgrundsätzen, zu denen auch die Grundrechte gehören,“ rechtsstaatlichen Anliegen Geltung zu verschaffen. Ver- vereinbar sind (vgl. hierzu u. a. Rechtssache C-50/00 P, Unión tragsverletzungsverfahren stehen der Kommission aller- de Pequeños Agricultores, Slg. 2002, I-6677, Randnrn. 38 und 39; verbundene Rechtssachen C-402/05 P und C-415/05 P, Kadi, Slg. 2008, I-6351, Randnr. 316). Dies hat auch der 131 Vgl. Rechtssache C-168/13, Jeremy F./Premier ministre, noch Menschenrechtsgerichtshof bestätigt, der mit der Feststellung, nicht in der Sammlung veröffentlicht, Randnrn. 35 und 36. dass das Rechtsstaatsprinzip als Leitidee in allen Artikeln der 132 Vgl. u. a. Rechtssache C-286/12, Kommission/Ungarn, noch EMRK verankert ist, dessen inhaltlichen Gehalt anerkannt hat nicht in der Sammlung veröffentlicht (Gleichbehandlung in (vgl. u. a. EGMR, Stafford/Vereinigtes Königreich, 28. Mai 2001, Bezug auf das Pensionsalter von Richtern und Staatsanwälten), Randnr. 63). Es sei darauf hingewiesen, dass der Gerichtshof Rechtssache C-518/07, Kommission/Deutschland, Slg. 2010, in der französischen Fassung nicht nur den Ausdruck „pré- I-1885, und Rechtssache C-614/10, Kommission/Österreich, éminence du droit“ („Vorrang des Rechts“) verwendet, sondern noch nicht in der Sammlung veröffentlicht (Unabhängigkeit der auch vom „État de droit („Rechtsstaat“) spricht. Datenschutzbehörden). DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

dings nur dann zur Verfügung, wenn diese Anliegen mit Absatz 2 EUV setzt eine „schwerwiegende und anhalten- einer Zuwiderhandlung gegen EU-Recht einhergehen.133 de Verletzung der in Artikel 2 genannten Werte durch einen Mitgliedstaat“ voraus. Die Schwellen für die Akti- Es gibt Problemfälle, die nicht vom EU-Recht erfasst sind vierung von Artikel 7 EUV sind sehr hoch, was deutlich und deshalb nicht als Verletzung von aus den EU-Verträ- macht, dass diese beiden Verfahren nur als letztes Mittel gen erwachsenden Pflichten angesehen werden können, zur Anwendung gelangen. aber dennoch eine systemische Gefährdung der Rechts- staatlichkeit darstellen. In diesen Fällen kann auf das in Die jüngsten Entwicklungen in einigen Mitgliedstaaten Artikel 7 EUV vorgesehenen Präventiv- und Sankti- haben gezeigt, dass diese Verfahren nicht immer geeignet onsverfahren zurückgegriffen werden. Die Kommission sind, um schnell auf eine Bedrohung der Rechtsstaatlich- gehört zu den Akteuren, die der EUV zur Vorlage eines keit in einem Mitgliedstaat reagieren zu können. begründeten Vorschlags, mit dem das Verfahren in Gang gesetzt wird, ermächtigt. Artikel 7 EUV soll sicherstellen, Es gibt somit Situationen, in denen die vorhandenen Ins- dass alle Mitgliedstaaten die gemeinsamen Werte der EU, trumente nicht ausreichen.135 Zusätzlich zu den Vertrags- einschließlich der Rechtsstaatlichkeit, beachten. Sein verletzungsverfahren und den Verfahren nach Artikel 7 Anwendungsbereich ist nicht auf die durch Unionsrecht EUV ist daher ein neuer EU-Rahmen zur Stärkung des geregelten Bereiche beschränkt. Zum Schutz der Rechts- Rechtsstaatsprinzips, das zu den gemeinsamen Grund- staatlichkeit kann die EU auf dieser Grundlage auch in werten der EU gehört, erforderlich. Dieser EU-Rahmen Bereichen tätig werden, in denen die Mitgliedstaaten au- soll die auf Ebene des Europarats bereits vorhandenen 618 tonom handeln. Wie in der Mitteilung der Kommission Mechanismen zum Schutz der Rechtsstaatlichkeit er- zu Artikel 7 EUV ausgeführt, ist ein Eingreifen der EU gänzen.136 Er ist Ausdruck der Zielsetzung der EU, die gerechtfertigt, weil „die Gefahr besteht, dass die Grund- Grundwerte der Union zu schützen und gleichzeitig das lagen der Union und das Vertrauen unter den Mitglied- Vertrauen und die Integration im Raum der Freiheit, der staaten erschüttert werden, wenn ein Mitgliedstaat die Sicherheit und des Rechts ohne Binnengrenzen weiter zu Grundwerte in so schwerwiegendem Maße verletzt, dass vertiefen. die Voraussetzungen für eine Anwendung von Artikel 7 erfüllt sind, und zwar ungeachtet des Bereichs, in dem Mit dem neuen EU-Rahmen zur Stärkung des Rechts- 134 diese Verletzungen erfolgen“ . staatsprinzips will die Kommission mehr Klarheit in Be- zug auf die Maßnahmen schaffen, zu denen sie künftig Das Präventivverfahren des Artikels 7 Absatz 1 EUV aufgefordert werden könnte, und diese so berechenba- kann allerdings nur bei einer „eindeutigen Gefahr einer rer machen. Gleichzeitig soll die Gleichbehandlung al- schwerwiegenden Verletzung“ eingeleitet werden, und ler Mitgliedstaaten gewährleistet sein. Die Kommission die Einleitung des Sanktionsverfahrens des Artikels 7 möchte diese Fragen auf der Grundlage dieser Mitteilung mit den Mitgliedstaaten, dem Rat und dem Europäi- schen Parlament weiter erörtern. 133 Diese rechtliche Beschränkung aus dem AEUV wird deutlich, wenn die Kommission die Beachtung der Grundrechtecharta einfordern will. Wie die Kommission in ihrer Mitteilung „Strategie zur wirksamen Umsetzung der Charta der Grundrechte durch die Europäische Union“ vom 19. Oktober 2010 (KOM(2010) 573 endg.) ausgeführt hat, ist sie entschlossen, alle ihr zur Verfügung stehenden Mittel zu nutzen, um die uneingeschränkte Beachtung der Charta durch die Mitgliedstaaten sicherzustellen. Dies betrifft insbesondere Artikel 47 der Charta, wonach jede Person, deren durch EU- Recht garantierte Rechte verletzt werden, das Recht hat, bei 135 In manchen Fällen können systembedingte Defizite beim einem unabhängigen Gericht einen wirksamen Rechtsbehelf Rechtsstaatsprinzip im Wege des Kooperations- und einzulegen. Den Mitgliedstaaten gegenüber kann die Kontrollverfahrens auf der Grundlage der Akte über den Kommission aber nur dann tätig werden, wenn es, wie es in Beitritt Rumäniens und Bulgarien angegangen werden. Diese Artikel 51 der Charta ausdrücklich heißt, um die „Durchführung Verfahren, die direkt im Primärrecht der EU gründen, sind des Unionsrechts“ durch die Mitgliedstaaten geht. Vgl. u. a. jedoch für Situationen vor dem EU-Beitritt und somit für Rechtssache C-87/12, Kreshnik Ymeraga u. a./Ministre du Übergangssituationen gedacht. Sie eignen sich daher nicht als Travail, de l’Emploi et de l’Immigration, noch nicht in der Reaktion auf eine Gefährdung der Rechtsstaatlichkeit in allen Sammlung veröffentlicht, Rechtssache C-370/12, Thomas EU-Mitgliedstaaten. Pringle/Governement of Ireland, Ireland und The Attorney 136 Nach Artikel 8 der Satzung des Europarats kann einem General, noch nicht in der Sammlung veröffentlicht, und Mitglied, das sich eines „schweren Verstoßes“ gegen den Rechtssache C-617/10, Åklagaren/Hans Åkerberg Fransson, Vorrang des Rechts und die Menschenrechte schuldig macht, noch nicht in der Sammlung veröffentlicht. sein Recht auf Vertretung vorläufig abgesprochen und es 134 Mitteilung der Kommission vom 15. Oktober 2003: „Wahrung kann vom Europarat sogar ausgeschlossen werden. Dieses und Förderung der Grundwerte der Europäischen Union“, Verfahren ist wie die Verfahren des Artikels 7 EUV bislang KOM(2003) 606 endg. nicht zum Einsatz gekommen. Ein neuer EU-Rahmen zur Stärkung des Rechtsstaatsprinzips

4. FUNKTIONSWEISE DES fährdung muss sich gegen die politische, institutionelle und/oder rechtliche Ordnung eines Mitgliedstaats als NEUEN EU-RAHMENS solche, die verfassungsmäßige Struktur, die Gewalten- teilung, die Unabhängigkeit oder Unparteilichkeit der Der neue EU-Rahmen soll die Kommission in die Lage Justiz oder das System der richterlichen Kontrolle ein- versetzen, zusammen mit dem betroffenen Mitgliedstaat schließlich der Verfassungsjustiz (sofern vorhanden) eine Lösung zu finden, um zu verhindern, dass sich in richten und beispielsweise von neuen Maßnahmen oder diesem Mitgliedstaat eine systemimmanente Gefahr für weit verbreiteten Praktiken der Behörden und fehlendem das Rechtsstaatsprinzip herausbildet, die sich zu einer Rechtsschutz ausgehen. Das neue EU-Verfahren kommt „eindeutigen Gefahr einer schwerwiegenden Verletzung“ zum Einsatz, wenn die nationalen Vorkehrungen zum der Rechtsstaatlichkeit im Sinne des Artikels 7 EUV ent- Schutz der Rechtsstaatlichkeit nicht ausreichend erschei- wickeln könnte und die Aktivierung der dort vorgesehenen, um die Gefährdung effektiv abzustellen. nen Verfahren erforderlich machen würde. Die Kommission wäre durch das neue EU-Verfahren Der EU-Rahmen wird für alle Mitgliedstaaten in glei- nicht daran gehindert, in Situationen, in denen EU- cher Weise und auf der Grundlage derselben Parameter Recht maßgebend ist, von ihren Befugnissen gemäß zur Bestimmung einer systemischen Gefährdung der Artikel 258 AEUV Gebrauch zu machen. Auch spricht Rechtsstaatlichkeit gelten. Alle Mitgliedstaaten sind auf nichts dagegen, die Verfahren des Artikels 7 EUV bei diese Weise gleichgestellt. einer plötzlichen Verschlechterung der Lage in einem Mitgliedstaat, die eine energischere Reaktion der EU er- 619 4.1. Anwendung des neuen fordert, direkt in Gang zu setzen.138 EU-Rahmens 4.2. Der neue EU-Rahmen als Der neue EU-Rahmen gelangt zur Anwendung, wenn dreistufiges Verfahren die Behörden eines Mitgliedstaats Maßnahmen ergreifen oder Umstände tolerieren, die aller Wahrscheinlichkeit Gibt es klare Hinweise auf eine systemische Gefährdung nach die Integrität, Stabilität oder das ordnungsgemäße der Rechtsstaatlichkeit in einem Mitgliedstaat, tritt die Funktionieren der Organe und der auf nationaler Ebene Kommission mit diesem Mitgliedstaat in einen struk- zum Schutz des Rechtsstaats vorgesehenen Sicherheits- turierten Dialog. Das Verfahren basiert auf folgenden vorkehrungen systematisch beeinträchtigen. Grundsätzen:

Bei vereinzelten Grundrechtsverstößen oder Justizirrtü- –– Problemlösung im Wege eines Dialogs mit dem mern hingegen soll das neue EU-Verfahren nicht greifen. betroffenen Mitgliedstaat Diese Fälle können und sollen der nationalen Justiz oder objektive, sorgfältige Sachstandsanalyse den Kontrollmechanismen der Europäischen Menschen- –– rechtskonvention, der alle EU-Mitgliedstaaten beigetre- –– Achtung des Gebots der Gleichbehandlung der ten sind, überlassen werden. Mitgliedstaaten rascher und konkreter Maßnahmen Der neue EU-Rahmen soll in erster Linie bei einer Ge- –– Empfehlung fährdung der Rechtsstaatlichkeit (im Sinne der Begriffs- gegen die systemische Gefährdung der Rechtsstaat- bestimmung in Abschnitt 2) zur Anwendung kommen, lichkeit und zur Abwendung des Verfahrens nach die ihrem Wesen nach systemimmanent ist137. Die Ge- Artikel 7 EUV. Das Verfahren zur Wahrung der Rechtsstaatlichkeit läuft 137 Zum Begriff der „systemischen Mängel“ in Bezug auf grundsätzlich in drei Stufen ab: Sachstandsanalyse der die Achtung der Grundrechte bei Maßnahmen innerhalb Kommission, Empfehlung der Kommission und Fol- des EU-Rechts vgl. u. a. verbundene Rechtssachen low-up zur Empfehlung. C-411/10 und 493/10, N.S., noch nicht in der Sammlung veröffentlicht, Randnrn. 94 und 106, und Rechtssache C-4/11, Deutschland/Kaveh Puid, noch nicht in der Sammlung The process is composed, as a rule, of three stages: a veröffentlicht, Randnr. 36. Im Zusammenhang mit der Commission assessment, a Commission recommendati- Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention sei auch auf die on and a follow-up to the recommendation. Rolle des Menschenrechtsgerichtshofs bei der Aufdeckung „systemischer“ bzw. „struktureller“ Probleme im Sinne der Entschließung Res(2004)3 des Ministerkomitees vom 12. Mai 2004 über die Urteile, die ein zugrunde liegendes strukturelles Problem aufzeigen, verwiesen (https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc. 138 Siehe auch die Mitteilung der Kommission vom 15. Oktober jsp?id=743257&Lang=fr). 2003 (Fußnote 15). DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Sachstandsanalyse der Kommission In ihrer Empfehlung legt die Kommission in klaren Worten die Gründe für ihre Bedenken dar und setzt Die Kommission wird alle relevanten Informationen dem Mitgliedstaat eine Frist, innerhalb deren er die be- einholen und daraufhin prüfen, ob es klare Anzeichen anstandeten Probleme zu beheben hat. Der Mitglied- für eine systemische Gefährdung der Rechtsstaatlichkeit staat informiert die Kommission über die hierzu von (wie vorstehend beschrieben) gibt. Die Analyse kann auf ihm unternommenen Schritte. Die Empfehlung kann Hinweise aus verfügbaren Quellen und von anerkannten gegebenenfalls konkrete Hinweise zur Problemlösung Institutionen, unter anderem von Einrichtungen des Eu- enthalten. roparats und der Agentur der Europäischen Union für Grundrechte139, gestützt werden. Die Sachstandsanalyse der Kommission und die Schluss- folgerungen stützen sich sowohl auf die Ergebnisse des Gelangt die Kommission nach dieser vorläufigen Prü- Dialogs mit dem betroffenen Mitgliedstaat als auch auf fung zu dem Ergebnis, dass in der Tat eine systemische etwaige zusätzliche Hinweise, zu denen der Mitgliedstaat Gefährdung der Rechtsstaatlichkeit vorliegt, tritt sie mit ebenfalls im Voraus gehört werden muss. dem betroffenen Mitgliedstaat in einen Dialog, in dem sie eine „Stellungnahme zur Rechtsstaatlichkeit“ an den Die Versendung der Empfehlung und deren wesentlicher Mitgliedstaat richtet, in der sie ihre Bedenken begründet Inhalt werden von der Kommission bekanntgegeben. und dem Mitgliedstaat Gelegenheit gibt, sich dazu zu äu- ßern. Dieser Stellungnahme können ein Schriftwechsel Follow-up zur Empfehlung der Kommission 620 und Treffen mit den zuständigen Behörden vorausgehen, gegebenenfalls gefolgt von weiteren Kontakten. Als dritten Schritt wird die Kommission die Maßnah- men verfolgen, die der betroffene Mitgliedstaat auf die Von dem betroffenen Mitgliedstaat wird erwartet, dass er an ihn gerichtete Empfehlung hin ergriffen hat. Das im Einklang mit der Pflicht zur loyalen Zusammenar- Monitoring kann auf der Grundlage weiterer Kontakte beit gemäß Artikel 4 Absatz 3 EUV während des gesam- mit dem betroffenen Mitgliedstaat erfolgen und sich bei- ten Verfahrens kooperiert und von irreversiblen Maß- spielsweise darauf richten, ob bestimmte problematische nahmen in Bezug auf die von der Kommission geltend Praktiken andauern oder wie der Mitgliedstaat seine in gemachten Bedenken Abstand nimmt, solange die Kom- der Zwischenzeit eingegangenen Verpflichtungen zur mission ihre Sachstandsanalyse noch nicht abgeschlossen Überwindung der Probleme einlöst. hat. Der Umstand, dass ein Mitgliedstaat nicht kooperiert oder das Verfahren sogar behindert, wird bei der Kommt der Mitgliedstaat der Empfehlung innerhalb der Beurteilung der Schwere der Gefährdung berücksichtigt. gesetzten Frist nicht zufriedenstellend nach, prüft die Kommission die Möglichkeit, eines der Verfahren nach In diesem Stadium des Verfahrens gibt die Kommission Artikel 7 EUV einzuleiten.140 zwar bekannt, dass sie eine Rechtsstaatlichkeitsanalyse und eine Stellungnahme auf den Weg gebracht hat, die Einbeziehung der anderen Organe Kontakte mit dem betroffenen Mitgliedstaat selbst werden jedoch grundsätzlich vertraulich behandelt, um eine Das Europäische Parlament und der Rat werden über die rasche Problemlösung zu ermöglichen. in den einzelnen Verfahrensabschnitten erzielten Fort- schritte regelmäßig und eingehend informiert. Empfehlung der Kommission Inanspruchnahme der Expertise Dritter In der zweiten Verfahrensphase wird die Kommission, wenn sie feststellt, dass es objektive Hinweise auf eine Die Kommission kann insbesondere in der Analysephase systemische Gefährdung der Rechtsstaatlichkeit gibt und auf externes Fachwissen, u. a. der Agentur der Europäi- der betroffene Mitgliedstaat auf diese Gefährdung nicht schen Union für Grundrechte141, zurückgreifen, um sich angemessen reagiert, eine „Empfehlung zur Rechtsstaat- über bestimmte Aspekte im Zusammenhang mit dem lichkeit“ an den Mitgliedstaat richten, sofern die An- Rechtsstaatsprinzip in den Mitgliedstaaten sachkundig gelegenheit in der Zwischenzeit nicht zufriedenstellend zu machen. Mithilfe externen Fachwissens könnte eine geregelt werden konnte. vergleichende Analyse der bestehenden Bestimmun-

140 Siehe auch die Mitteilung der Kommission vom 15. Oktober 139 Vgl. insbesondere Artikel 4 Absatz 1 Buchstabe a der 2003 (Fußnote 15). Verordnung (EG) Nr. 168/2007 des Rates vom 15. Februar 141 Die Grundrechteagentur kann innerhalb ihres Aufgabenbereichs 2007 zur Errichtung einer Agentur der Europäischen Union für nach Maßgabe der Ratsverordnung (EG) Nr. 168/2007 (vgl. Grundrechte (ABl. L 53 vom 22.2.2007. S. 1). Fußnote 20) beratend tätig werden. Ein neuer EU-Rahmen zur Stärkung des Rechtsstaatsprinzips gen und Praktiken in anderen Mitgliedstaaten erstellt werden, um auf der Grundlage einer gemeinsamen Inter- pretation des Rechtsstaatsprinzips in der EU die Gleich- behandlung der Mitgliedstaaten zu gewährleisten.

Je nach Situation kann sich die Kommission hierzu an die Mitglieder der justiziellen Netze (z. B. des Netzes der Präsidenten der Obersten Gerichtshöfe der EU142, der Vereinigung der Staatsräte und der Obersten Verwal- tungsgerichte der EU143 oder der Richterräte144) wenden. Die Kommission wird zusammen mit diesen Netzwer- ken erörtern, wie diese bei Bedarf rasche Unterstützung leisten können und ob hierzu besondere Vereinbarungen nötig sind.

Die Kommission wird sich prinzipiell in geeigneten Fäl- len an den Europarat und/oder die Venedig-Kommission wenden und ihre Analyse in allen Fällen, in denen auch diese Institutionen befasst sind, mit ihnen abstimmen. 621

5. Fazit

In dieser Mitteilung stellt die Kommission einen neuen EU-Rahmen zur Stärkung des Rechtsstaatsprinzips vor. Dieser ist als Beitrag der Kommission zur Stärkung der Fähigkeit der EU gedacht, das Rechtsstaatsprinzip in allen Mitgliedstaaten wirksam und in gleichem Maße zu schützen. Die Kommission kommt damit einer Auf- forderung des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates nach. Sie stützt sich dabei auf die ihr durch die EU-Ver- träge übertragenen Befugnisse, ohne künftigen Entwick- lungen der Verträge in diesem Bereich, die im Rahmen der allgemeineren Überlegungen zur Zukunft Europas erörtert werden müssen, vorzugreifen. Zusätzlich zu den Maßnahmen der Kommission wird es in entscheiden- dem Maße auf das Europäische Parlament und den Rat ankommen, damit sich die EU entschlossener für die Wahrung der Rechtsstaatlichkeit einsetzt.

142 Netz der Präsidenten der Obersten Gerichtshöfe der Europäischen Union (http://www.networkpresidents.eu/). 143 Vereinigung der Staatsräte und der Obersten Verwaltungsgerichte der Europäischen Union (http://www.aca- europe.eu/index.php/en/). 144 Europäisches Netz der Räte für das Justizwesen (http://www. encj.eu). DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

622 Programm zur Gewährleistung der Effizienz und Leistungsfähigkeit der Rechtsetzung (REFIT): Bestandsaufnahme und Ausblick

MITTEILUNG DER KOMMISSION AN DAS EUROPÄISCHE PARLAMENT, DEN RAT, DEN EUROPÄISCHEN WIRTSCHAFTS- UND SOZIALAUSSCHUSS UND DEN AUSSCHUSS DER REGIONEN BRÜSSEL, 18. JUNI 2014 COM(2014) 368

1. Einleitung oder wirkungslose Maßnahmen und ermittelt mögliche Korrekturmaßnahmen. 623 Die regulierende Tätigkeit der EU spielt bei der Förde- rung von Wachstum und Beschäftigung eine wichtige In ihrer Mitteilung vom Oktober 2013 zum REFIT-Pro- 146 Rolle. Die Unternehmen sind darauf angewiesen, dass gramm gab die Kommission einen ambitionierten die EU einheitliche Wettbewerbsvoraussetzungen schafft Fahrplan vor. Sie untersuchte, in welchen Bereichen und die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit unterstützt. Die Öffent- geplante Initiativen nicht weiter vorangebracht werden lichkeit erwartet von der europäischen Ebene, dass sie sollten, zog eine Reihe noch im Gesetzgebungsverfahren ihre Interessen vertritt. Das gilt für Gesundheit und Si- befindlicher Vorschläge zurück und hob eine Reihe von cherheit wie für die Umwelt, das Recht auf Privatsphä- Rechtsakten auf. Insgesamt wurden über 100 Maßnah- re und anderes. Eine für alle Mitgliedstaaten geltende men anvisiert, die Hälfte davon neue Vorschläge zur Ver- einheitliche Rechtsvorschrift kann viel unkomplizierter einfachung und Verschlankung bestehender Rechtsakte. und effizienter sein als ein komplexes Geflecht unter- Bei den anderen Maßnahmen handelt es sich um Eig- schiedlicher nationaler und regionaler Bestimmungen nungstests, mit denen bestehende Vorschriften auf ihre zum gleichen Sachverhalt. Die Herausforderung besteht Effizienz und Wirksamkeit geprüft und künftige Büro- darin, die einheitlichen Regeln einfach zu halten, nicht kratieabbau-Initiativen vorbereitet werden. über das hinauszugehen, was zur Verwirklichung der angestrebten Ziele erforderlich ist, und Überschneidungen Die Kommission hat diese Planungen eingehalten. In zu vermeiden. dieser Mitteilung wird der Stand bei der Durchführung des REFIT-Programms beschrieben, und es werden Mit dem Programm zur Gewährleistung der Effizienz neue Maßnahmen vorgestellt. Es wird beschrieben, wie und Leistungsfähigkeit der Rechtsetzung (REFIT) ist die Kommission ihre horizontalen Gesetzgebungsinst- die Kommission daher bestrebt, einen einfachen, kla- rumente wie Folgenabschätzungen, Evaluierungen und ren, stabilen und vorhersehbaren Rechtsrahmen für Konsultation der Interessenträger weiter verbessert. Fer- Unternehmen, Arbeitnehmer und Bürger zu schaffen.145 ner wird dargelegt, wie die EU-Organe, die Mitgliedstaa- Dieses Programm dient dem Ziel, Bürokratie und unten und die Interessenträger in der Wirtschaft und der nötige Regulierungslasten abzubauen, Konzeption und Zivilgesellschaft ihrer gemeinsamen Verantwortung für Qualität der Gesetzgebung zu verbessern und die Ziele die Rechtsetzungstätigkeit nachkommen. Mit den RE- der EU-Gesetzgebung unter Einhaltung der EU-Ver- FIT-Maßnahmen – Rücknahme von Vorschlägen, Ände- träge so kostengünstig und unbürokratisch wie möglich rung und Aufhebung bestehender Rechtsakte – kommen zur Geltung zu bringen Im Zuge des REFIT-Programms die generellen Vorteile, die eine europäische Regelung überprüft die Kommission den gesamten Bestand an gegenüber 28 unterschiedlichen nationalen Regelungen EU-Rechtsvorschriften kontinuierlich und systema- genießt, noch besser zur Geltung, weil sie zu einfacheren tisch auf Verwaltungslasten, Unstimmigkeiten, Lücken rechtlichen Rahmenbedingungen für Unternehmen und Bürger in ganz Europa beitragen.

145 SWD(2013) 401 final vom Donnerstag, 1. August 2013. 146 COM(2013) 685 final vom 2. Oktober 2013. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Die Mitteilung geht mit einem ausführlichen Anzeiger Bodenschutz.151 Ferner wird sie einige Gesetzgebungs- einher, mit dem der Entwicklungsstand jeder einzelnen vorschläge, an denen sie in dieser Amtszeit gearbeitet hat, REFIT-Initiative sowie die geplanten weiteren Maßnah- nicht vorlegen,152 und bereitet verschiedene Aufhebungs- men aufgezeigt werden. Die neuen Maßnahmen sind maßnahmen wie geplant vor153. von dem in diesem Bericht enthaltenen Zeitplan abhän- gig. Neue Verpflichtungen werden in die Amtszeit der Mit den Eignungstests in den Bereichen Abfallrecht, neuen Kommission eingehen und sind in diesem Zusam- Vogel- und Artenschutz (Natura 2000), Sicherheit von menhang sorgfältig zu prüfen. Passagierschiffen und allgemeines Lebensmittelrecht wurde begonnen. Sie werden die Grundlage für weitere Vereinfachungs- und Bürokratieabbauinitiativen bilden 2. Programm zur und bezwecken u.a. eine Verringerung und Straffung der Gewährleistung der Effizienz Berichtspflichten. und Leistungsfähigkeit der Eignungstest im Bereich des allgemeinen Rechtsetzung (REFIT) Lebensmittelrechts

Die rasche und gründliche Durchführung von REFIT Die Kommission wird die wesentlichen Grundsätze ist für die Kommission von vorrangiger Bedeutung. der Rahmenverordnung und ihre Durchführung 624 Bei der Ausarbeitung von Vorschlägen, ihrer Annahme auf dem Verordnungs- und Verwaltungsweg prüfen durch Parlament und Rat und ihrer Umsetzung in den und dabei ihr Hauptaugenmerk auf Relevanz, Mitgliedstaaten wurden beträchtliche Fortschritte erzielt. EU-Mehrwert, Wirksamkeit, Effizienz und Kohä- Diese werden nachstehend dargestellt. renz richten. Auch die Lebensmittelsicherheit wird Gegenstand der Prüfung sein. Dieser Test ist ein Von der Kommission getroffene Maßnahmen Beispiel für die Zusammenarbeit von Kommission und Mitgliedstaaten bei der Auswertungsarbeit.154 Die meisten in der REFIT-Mitteilung vom verganenen Oktober aufgeführten Gesetzgebungsvorschläge zur Ver- Bei dieser Tätigkeit berücksichtigt die Kommission die be- einfachung und Verschlankung von Rechtsakten sollen 155 dieses Jahr angenommen werden.147 Wichtige Vereinfa- sonderen Belange der KMU und setzt sich nach Mög- chungsvorschläge für die Wirtschaft wie die Einführung lichkeit für eine Entlastung der KMU sowie Ausnahmen einer einheitlichen MwSt.-Erklärung148 und die Ver- für Kleinstunternehmen ein. Siebzehn der in dem Anzeiger besserung des Verfahrens für Bagatellforderungen149 aufgeführten REFIT-Maßnahmen enthalten Ausnahmen wurden von der Kommission bereits in den Gesetzge- für Kleinstunternehmen und Vereinfachungen für KMU. bungsprozess eingebracht.

151 Im Rahmen des REFIT-Programms zurückgezogen wurden Ferner hat die Kommission die Rücknahme von 53 ferner die Vorschläge über die Information der Allgemeinheit Gesetzgebungsvorschlägen nach Konsultation von Par- über medizinische Erzeugnisse, eine Verordnung über lament und Rat förmlich beschlossen, darunter sämtli- europaweite Statistiken über den Schutz vor Straftaten, über den Rechtsschutz von Geschmacksmustern, das che neun REFIT-Initiativen einschließlich der über die Gemeinschaftspatent (wird im Rahmen der verstärkten Vereinfachung von MwSt.-Obligationen, der Satzung Zusammenarbeit weiterverfolgt) und über Führerscheine mit der Europäischen Privatgesellschaft 150 und der zum Fahrerkarte-Funktion. 152 Betroffen waren die Bereiche der Sicherheit und Gesundheit am Arbeitsplatz (Friseure, Erkrankungen des Bewegungsapparats, Passivrauchen, Karzinogene und Mutagene). 153 Zudem Vorschläge über die Einstufung, Verpackung und Kennzeichnung gefährlicher Zubereitungen, die wissenschaftliche Zusammenarbeit im Lebensmittelbereich, Statistiken aus der Stahlbranche, die Zusammenarbeit von Finanzpolizei-Stellen und die Nachrüstung von schweren 147 Von insgesamt 23 Vorschlägen, die die Kommission zur Lastkraftwagen mit Spiegeln. Vereinfachung bzw. zur Senkung von Verwaltungslasten 154 Begleitet werden die Arbeiten von der Hochrangigen Gruppe angekündigt hatte, wurden 2 im Jahr 2013 angenommen, und für bessere Rechtsetzung (der Gesetzgebungs-Experten aus 15 weitere sollen dieses Jahr angenommen werden. den Mitgliedstaaten angehören). Diese Gruppe arbeitet mit der 148 COM(2013) 721. Kommission bei der Evaluierung und Weiterentwicklung der 149 COM(2013)794. besseren Rechtsetzung auf europäischer und nationaler Ebene 150 Der am 9. April 2014 angenommene Vorschlag zur zusammen. Einpersonengesellschaft enthält wesentliche Bestandteile 155 http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/policies/sme/small-business-act/ dieses früheren Vorschlags. think-small-first/ PROGRAMM ZUR GEWÄHRLEISTUNG DER EFFIZIENZ UND LEISTUNGSFÄHIGKEIT DER RECHTSETZUNG (REFIT): BESTANDSAUFNAHME UND AUSBLICK

Zudem wurden die Registrierungs- und Zulassungsgebüh- Vom Gesetzgeber getroffene Maßnahmen ren für Kleinstunternehmen in den Bereichen Chemie, Gesundheit und Verbraucherschutz gesenkt. Seit Oktober 2013 hat der Gesetzgeber (Parlament und Rat) eine Reihe wichtiger Vereinfachungs- und Bürokra- tieabbauvorschläge verabschiedet. Die geänderte Richt- In der REFIT-Mitteilung vom Oktober 2013 wurde aner- linie über die Anerkennung von Berufsabschlüssen wird kannt, dass angesichts der Dauer des Gesetzgebungspro- die Anerkennungsverfahren vereinfachen und den Infor- zesses alle Bemühungen auf Vereinfachungen insbesondere mationszugang erleichtern.160 Der neue Rechtsrahmen für KMU innerhalb des bestehenden Rechtsrahmens ge- für öffentliche Aufträge wird die Auftragsvergabe erleich- richtet werden sollten. So wurde beispielsweise im Bereich tern und den Verwaltungsaufwand senken. Er fördert der Verbraucherangaben auf Lebensmitteln156 verfahren, die elektronischen Vergabeverfahren. Die neue Verord- wo die Unternehmen der Branche und insbesondere die nung über Fahrtenschreiber reduziert den Verwaltungs- KMU nur schwer erkennen können, welche Vorschriften aufwand und verbessert die Rechtsdurchsetzung durch (europäische oder nationale, allgemeine oder für die be- die Einführung „digitaler Fahrtenschreiber“, die direkt treffende Lebensmittelkategorie spezifische) auf ihre je- mit Satelliten-Navigationssystemen und Kontrollbehör- weilige Situation anzuwenden sind. Die Kommission hat den verbunden sind. Um der besonderen Situation von Orientierungshilfen veröffentlicht und arbeitet an einer Handwerkern Rechnung zu tragen, wurden Fahrzeuge Datenbank zu europäischen und nationalen Kennzeich- mit einem zulässigen Gesamtgewicht von weniger als nungspflichten.157 Auf diese Weise sollten die Unterneh- 7,5 Tonnen, die in einem Radius von 100 Kilometern men im Lebensmittelsektor rasch erkennen können, wel- verkehren, von den Sozialbestimmungen und den Fahr- che Vorschriften für sie gelten. 625 tenschreibervorschriften ausgenommen. Zusätzliche Initiativen sollen die Nutzung des Internet Dank dieser Vorschläge sollten KMU erhebliche Einspa- fördern, um die Durchführung von Verwaltungsanfor- rungen erzielen können. Die Verordnung über die Ver- derungen im Interesse von Verwaltungen, Unterneh- einfachung von Prospekt- und Informationspflichten im men und Bürgern zu vereinfachen und zu verbessern. Wertpapier-Binnenmarkt161 dürfte beispielsweise Erspar- Aufbauend auf den Erfahrungen mit der Energiever- nisse um 20% bzw. zwischen 20.000 und 60.000 EUR brauchskennzeichnung, die inzwischen bei Online-Ge- pro Prospekt nach sich ziehen. Die neuen Vorschriften schäften einheitlich dargestellt wird, wird im Bereich der zum Fahrtenschreiber162 dürften Kostensenkungen von Lebensmittelkennzeichnung für Verbraucher Ähnliches insgesamt 20 % oder 415 Mio. EUR zur Folge haben. angestrebt.

Schließlich enthält die Gesetzgebung zur Lebensmittel- kennzeichnung Freistellungen und geringere Anforde- rungen für geringe Mengen und Einzelhändler158 und erlaubt es den Mitgliedstaaten, die Kennzeichnungs- vorschriften an die besonderen Bedürfnisse von KMU anzupassen.159 Darüber hinaus sind ein fester jährlicher Termin für neue Maßnahmen und großzügige Über- gangsregelungen vorgesehen. Diese Maßnahmen sollten eine bessere Rechtsanwendung innerhalb des bestehenden Rechtsrahmens erleichtern.

156 Die Verordnung 1169/2011 gilt seit Dezember 2014, mit Ausnahme der obligatorischen Lebensmittelkennzeichnung, die ab Dezember 2016 verbindlich wird. 157 http://ec.europa.eu/food/food/labellingnutrition/foodlabelling/ proposed_legislation_en.htm 158 Ausnahmen gelten beispielsweise für direkt auf dem 160 Richtlinie 2013/55/EU, veröffentlicht am 28. Dezember 2013 Bauernhof oder von kleinen örtlichen Einzelhändlern verkaufte (ABl.-L354). Lebensmittel. Vereinfachte Regelungen sind für andere 161 Delegierte Verordnung (EU) Nr. 862/2012 der Kommission Fälle in Bezug auf KMU vorgesehen; so kann der Nährgehalt 162 Verordnung (EU) Nr. 165/2014 des Europäischen Parlaments beispielsweise aus allgemein anerkannten Berechnungen und des Rates vom 4. Februar 2014 über Fahrtenschreiber abgeleitet werden, um kostenaufwändige Laboranalysen zu im Straßenverkehr, zur Aufhebung der Verordnung sparen. (EWG) Nr. 3821/85 des Rates über das Kontrollgerät im 159 So können die Mitgliedstaaten u.a. vorsehen, dass Angaben Straßenverkehr und zur Änderung der Verordnung (EG) über Allergieanreger oder Intoleranzen in nicht verpackten Nr. 561/2006 des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates Lebensmitteln und in Restaurants nur mündlich oder auf zur Harmonisierung bestimmter Sozialvorschriften im Anfrage gegeben werden. Straßenverkehr Text von Bedeutung für den EWR. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Kostenaufwand für die Rechtsbefolgung beträchtlich Öffentliches Auftragswesen: reduzieren könnten. Es gibt weitere Fälle, in denen die Im Februar wurden neue Richtlinien zum laufenden Erörterungen im Gesetzgebungsverfahren das öffentlichen Auftragswesen verabschiedet, die mit den Vorschlägen verbundene Sparpotenzial min- ab April 2016 in Kraft treten. Sie fördern die dern könnten. Die mit der Einführung der einheitlichen elektronische Auftragsvergabe und sehen weitere MwSt.-Erklärung verbundenen Einsparungen, die die Maßnahmen zur Senkung der Verwaltungslasten Kommission auf 15 Mrd. EUR jährlich beziffert, könn- und Erleichterung des Zugangs von KMU vor, ten deutlich geringer ausfallen, wenn bestimmte im Rat beispielsweise geringere Anforderungen in Bezug diskutierte Änderungsvorschläge verabschiedet würden. auf die Vorlage von Originalunterlagen und Erleichterung der Unterteilung von Aufträgen. Maßnahmen der Mitgliedstaaten Die Kommission schätzt, dass beispielsweise durch Die Mitgliedstaaten tragen die Verantwortung für die einen verstärkten Rückgriff auf Eigenzertifizierun- rechtzeitige Umsetzung und uneingeschränkte Anwen- gen die Verwaltungslasten für Unternehmen um dung des EU-Rechts. Es ist Sache der Mitgliedstaaten, 163 169 Mio. EUR gesenkt werden könnten. Insge- die im EU-Rechtsakt angebotenen Vereinfachungsoptio- samt könnten durch eine elektronische Auftrags- nen zu verwenden und dafür zu sorgen, dass die EU-Ge- vergabe zwischen 5 % und 20 % der Beschaffungs- setzgebung auf nationaler, regionaler und kommunaler 164 kosten eingespart werden. Ebene so wirksam und effizient wie möglich angewen- 626 det wird. Schätzungsweise bis zu ein Drittel der mit der EU-Gesetzgebung verbundenen Verwaltungslasten geht Allerdings kommt es auch vor, dass die bei der Folgenab- auf einzelstaatliche Umsetzungsmaßnahmen zurück.165 schätzung prognostizierten Einsparungen wegen im Ge- setzgebungsverfahren erfolgter Änderungen wie der Her- stellerregistrierung bei Elektro- und Elektronikabfällen Wie weit die Praxis in den Mitgliedstaaten vonein- ausblieben. Vereinfachungen in Umweltrechts-Vorschlä- ander abweichen kann, lässt sich beispielsweise am gen zur Abfallverbringung und zur Abschätzung von Um- öffentlichen Auftragswesen aufzeigen, wo eine vor weltfolgen wurden vom Gesetzgeber nicht mitgetragen. kurzem erfolgte Evaluierung ergab, dass die Verga- Auch die Bekämpfung des Zahlungsverzugs, die Rech- beverfahren zwischen 11 und 34 Wochen dauern nungslegungspflichten für Unternehmen, die Erhebung und die Personalkosten in Manntagen berechnet von Statistiken , die Koordinierung im MwSt.-Bereich um den Faktor 4 schwanken können.166 Eine sowie die Vereinfachung der MwSt.-Pflichten stellen Umweltverträglichkeitsprüfung kann zwischen Bereiche dar, in denen die Mitgliedstaaten aus Subsidia- 5 und 27 Monaten dauern, und die durchschnitt- ritäts- oder mit innerstaatlichen politischen Gegebenhei- lichen Kosten für Entwickler schwanken zwischen ten zusammenhängenden Gründen einer Senkung von 4000 und 200 000 EUR je Projekt. Verwaltungslasten weniger geneigt waren.

Eine Reihe anderer wichtiger Vereinfachungsvorschlä- Mehrere Vereinfachungsvorschläge in den Bereichen der ge mit beträchtlichem Einsparpotential befinden sich Durchsetzung der Rechte geistigen Eigentums durch noch im Gesetzgebungsverfahren, beispielsweise der die Zollbehörden und der Rücknahme von Elektronik- Vorschlag über gemeinsame Regeln für die Berechnung abfällen traten Anfang 2014 in Kraft. Mit der Verord- der Körperschaftssteuer-Bemessungsgrundlage, wo- nung zur Durchsetzung der Rechte geistigen Eigentums durch die im Binnenmarkt tätigen Unternehmen ihren durch die Zollbehörden167 werden die Verwaltungslasten und -kosten gesenkt und das Risikomanagement sowie 163 Richtlinien 2014/24/EU und 2014/25/EU. Die Bestimmung, die Durchsetzung der Rechte verbessert. Die Richtlinie grundsätzlich die Eigenzertifizierung zu akzeptieren und nur über Elektro- und Elektronik-Altgeräte168 sieht vor, dass dem erfolgreichen Bieter die Vorlage von Originalunterlagen Kleinhändler von der Rücknahmepflicht ausgenom- abzuverlangen, könnte die Verwaltungslasten bei Vergabeverfahren um 80 % senken. Siehe auch die men werden. Es wäre wichtig, dass alle Mitgliedstaaten Folgenabschätzung: http://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/EN/ TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:52011SC1585&from=EN. 164 Auftraggeber bei Behörden und anderen Stellen, die bereits 165 KOM(2009)544; Aktionsprogramm zur Verringerung der auf e-Vergabe umgestellt haben, berichten von Einsparungen Verwaltungslasten in der EU – branchenspezifische Pläne zur zwischen 5 und 20%, die Erfahrung zeigt außerdem, dass die Verringerung der Verwaltungslasten und Maßnahmen für das Investitionskosten rasch wieder hereingeholt werden können. Jahr 2009. Angesichts der Größe des gesamten Vergabemarktes in der 166 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/publicprocurement/docs/ EU könnten je 5 % an Einsparungen etwa 100 Mrd. EUR in die modernising_rules/executive-summary_en.pdf öffentlichen Kassen zurückfließen. (Strategie für die e-Vergabe 167 Verordnung (EG) Nr. 608/2013. – COM(2012)179final) 168 Richtlinie 2012/19/EU. PROGRAMM ZUR GEWÄHRLEISTUNG DER EFFIZIENZ UND LEISTUNGSFÄHIGKEIT DER RECHTSETZUNG (REFIT): BESTANDSAUFNAHME UND AUSBLICK die in diesen Rechtsakten enthaltenen Vereinfachungs- vorangekommenen vorrangigen Maßnahmen173 aus dem und Bürokratieabbaubestimmungen uneingeschränkt Programm zur Senkung der Verwaltungslasten zwischen umsetzen und nutzen. 2007 und 2012 umgesetzt hat.174 Ziel ist es, Erfahrun- gen über die Umsetzung auszutauschen und zu prüfen, Es gibt jedoch einige signifikante Beispiele, in denen im ob der angestrebte Bürokratieabbau vor Ort angekom- EU-Rechtsakt angebotene Vereinfachungsoptionen nicht men ist. Nach ersten Ergebnissen können die anvisier- genutzt oder Belastungen durch einzelstaatliche Regulie- ten Einsparungen in einigen Mitgliedstaaten bestätigt rung in den nicht unmittelbar vom EU-Recht erfassten werden, beispielsweise in den Bereichen Intrastat, Ge- Bereichen hinzugefügt werden. Das gilt beispielsweise meinschaftserhebung über die Produktion von Gütern für den Bereich der Lebensmittelsicherheit, wo optio- und digitaler Fahrtenschreiber. Allerdings konnte nicht nale Entlastungen für kleine Unternehmen nicht immer immer auf ausreichendes und konsistentes Datenmateri- genutzt werden,169 im Bereich des Güterfrachtverkehrs al zurückgegriffen werden, und es wurden bislang relativ auf der Straße, wo in einigen Ländern mit der nicht im wenige Beispiele für eine gute Umsetzungspraxis oder EU-Recht vorgesehenen Pflicht zur Aufzeichnung von weitere Vereinfachungsmöglichkeiten auf nationaler Fahrzeiten auch für leichte Nutzfahrzeuge zusätzlicher Ebene übermittelt. Die Hochrangige Gruppe für bes- Bürokratieaufwand für kleine Unternehmen geschaffen sere Rechtsetzung unterstützt die Zusammenarbeit von wird,170 und im Bereich der Rechnungslegung für Un- Kommission und Mitgliedstaaten bei der Beobachtung ternehmen171. Auch die vollständige Nutzung der in der der Auswirkungen der EU-Gesetzgebung vor Ort nach- Verordnung vorgesehenen Flexibilität bei den Kenn- drücklich. Die Kommission bemüht sich gemeinsam mit zeichnungspflichten gegenüber Verbrauchern könnte beden Mitgliedstaaten und den sonstigen Beteiligten weiter 627 trächtliche Vorteile für die KMU nach sich ziehen. Die um umfassendere, solidere Informationen über die Aus- Kommission wird die Umsetzungspraxis der Mitglied- wirkungen der EU-Gesetzgebung. Die Ergebnisse wer- staaten bei diesem und allen anderen REFIT-Maßnah- den in den nächsten REFIT-Anzeiger einfließen. men beobachten und in ihre Bestandsaufnahme in der nächsten, für 2015 vorgesehenen Ausgabe des Anzeigers, 172 einbeziehen. 173 (1) Ausweitung der vereinfachten Rechnungslegungs-/ Buchprüfungsregeln auf mehr KMU - Richtlinie 2006/46/ EG vom 14. Juni 2006; (2) Möglichkeit, Kleinstunternehmen Die Kommission arbeitet mit den Mitgliedstaaten eng von bestimmten Rechnungslegungspflichten auszunehmen - bei der Umsetzung in sämtlichen Bereichen des Ge- Richtlinie 2012/6/EU vom 14. März 2012; (3) Vereinfachung meinschaftsrechts zusammen. Daneben richtet sie ihren und Straffung des Meldesystems für Abfalltransporte Blick immer mehr auch auf die Beobachtung horizon- - Empfehlungsschreiben der Kommission an die Mitgliedstaaten vom Juli 2010; (4) Beschränkung der Pflicht taler Auswirkungen und die Prüfung der Eignung von zur Vorlage von Originalunterlagen zum Nachweis der Rechtsvorschriften. Im Zuge des Zusatzprogramms zur Auftragsvoraussetzungen auf den erfolgreichen Bieter – Senkung der Verwaltungslasten (ABR+) prüft die Kom- KOM (2011) 896; (5) Verringerung der Erhebungsbasis in mission, wie die Mitgliedstaaten die 12 am weitesten Statistiken über den Handel im Binnenmarkt - Verordnung Nr. 638/2004 vom 31. März 2004; (6) Reduzierung der Berichtspflichten über die industrielle Produktion in der EU – Verordnung Nr. 3924/91 des Rates vom 19. Dezember 1991 und Verordnung Nr. 36/2009 der Kommission vom 11. Juli 2008; (7) Suppressing additional requirements on invoices and enabling wider use of electronic invoicing - Council Directive 2010/45/EU of 13 July 2010; (8) Suppressing in the VAT refund procedure the obligation to fill out paper forms in the language of the Member State of refund – Council Directive 2008/9/EC of 12 February 2008; (9) Digitale Fahrtenschreiber (insbesondere Einführung digitaler Fahrtenschreiber und Vereinfachung ihrer Verwendung mit Blick auf eine künftige 169 Die EU-Gesetzgebung im Bereich der Lebensmittelsicherheit Ausweitung der Freistellungen kleiner Handwerksunternehmen gestattet es den Mitgliedstaaten, bestimmte Investitionen und weitere Vereinfachungen - Verordnung Nr. 3821/85 von Kleinunternehmen im Fleischverarbeitungssektor einer vom 19. Juli 2011; (10) Abschaffung der Meldepflicht von vereinfachten Behandlung zu unterziehen. Beförderungstarifen/Lockerung der Pflicht zur Mitführung von 170 Nach EU-Recht ist eine Aufzeichnung der Fahrtzeiten in Nachweisen an Bord – Verordnung Nr. 569/2008 des Rates leichten Nutzfahrzeugen ab 3,5 t zul. Gesamtgewicht (zur Änderung der Verordnung Nr. 11/60) vom 12. Juli 2008; vorgeschrieben, wobei Nutzfahrzeuge bis 7,5 t lokal (11) Vereinfachung der Verpflichtungen für Güterkraftverkehr tätiger Handwerker ausgenommen werden; in bestimmten und Personenkraftverkehr - Verordnung Nr. 1071/2009 vom Mitgliedstaaten wird eine Aufzeichnung ab 2,8 t 21.10.2009 und Verordnung Nr. 1072/2009 vom 21.10.2009 vorgeschrieben. sowie (12) Vereinfachung der Kennzeichnung von Eiern – 171 Richtlinie 2006/46/EG Verordnung (EU) Nr. 1308/2013 des Europäischen Parlaments 172 Die zusammen mit dieser Mitteilung vorgelegte erste und des Rates vom 17. Dezember 2013. Ausgabe des REFIT-Anzeigers enthält noch keine Angaben zur 174 Siehe den Abschlussbericht des Programms zur Senkung der Umsetzung durch die Mitgliedstaaten. Verwaltungslasten, SWD(2012)423final. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

3. Künftige REFIT-Initiativen Eine neue Architektur für EU-Unternehmensstatistiken: Die Zweckmäßigkeit von EU-Rechtsakten zu gewähr- leisten ist ein kontinuierliches Unterfangen. Deshalb Die Kommission arbeitet an einer Rationalisierung behandelt die Kommission REFIT als ein laufendes Pro- des Referenzrahmens und an einer Vereinfachung gramm und hat ihre Bestandsaufnahme und Prüfung des der Datenerhebung für Unternehmensstatistiken. EU-rechtlichen Besitzstands, die erstmals 2013 durchge- Als Reaktion auf Unternehmensbeschwerden führt wurde, jüngst aktualisiert. Dabei wurden auch die wurde ein Projekt zu Handelsstatistiken innerhalb Bemerkungen und Anregungen der Interessenträger zum der EU (SIMSTAT) gestartet. Damit sollen neue REFIT-Fahrplan berücksichtigt, die die Kommission seit Datenerhebungstechniken getestet werden, die die Oktober 2013 erhalten hat.175 bessere Verwendung statistischer Daten erleichtern soll. So werden die Berichtspflichten von Unter- Auf der Grundlage dieser Analyse hält die Kommission nehmen vereinfacht und verringert. Dieser kosten- neue Initiativen zur Vereinfachung und zum Bürokratie- günstige Ansatz hat das Potenzial zum Einsatz in abbau in mehreren Bereichen für geboten. Dazu zählen anderen statistischen Bereichen (z. B. Statistiken beispielsweise die Vereinfachung der EU-Vorschriften zu multinationalen Unternehmen, internationalem über Ausweis- und Reisedokumente, eine neue umfas- Handel von Dienstleistungen und ausländischen sende Architektur für Unternehmensstatistiken (siehe Direktinvestitionen) und soll bei positiven Ergeb- unten), die Ausweitung des Prinzips zentraler Anlauf- nissen innerhalb der breiteren Rahmenverordnung 628 stellen im MwSt.-Bereich auf alle Geschäftstätigkeiten zur Integration von Unternehmensstatistiken zwischen Unternehmen und Verbrauchern176 und die (FRIBS) Verwendung finden. Entwicklung eines EU-MwSt.-Webportals, bei dem sich Unternehmen über einzelstaatliche und europäische Die Kommission bereitet die Aufhebung von Rechts- MwSt.-Vorschriften informieren können, und schließ- vorschriften in weiteren Bereichen vor: in der Energie- lich die Kodifizierung der Gesetzgebung über Drittlands- 178 177 verbrauchskennzeichnung, bei Frachten und Beför- listen im Visabereich . derungsbedingungen,179der Gemeinsamen Agrarpolitik und im Zusammenhang mit standardisierter Berichter- stattung im Umweltbereich. Ferner prüft die Kommis- sion auch den Besitzstand im Bereich der polizeilichen und justiziellen Zusammenarbeit in Strafsachen, um herauszufinden, welche Rechtsakte im Zusammenhang mit dem in den Verträgen festgelegten Ablauf der Über- gangsbestimmungen aufzuheben sind.180

Die Kommission hält es für gute Verwaltungspraxis, Vorschläge, die im legislativen Verfahren keine Fort- schritte machen, zurückzuziehen, um einen neuen An- lauf zu ermöglichen oder nach Alternativen zu suchen, um den beabsichtigten Zweck zu erreichen. Eine genaue Prüfung aller noch anhängigen Vorschläge hat ergeben, dass einige von ihnen entweder veraltet sind oder von 175 Bei der Kommission sind Stellungnahmen und Anregungen den gesetzgebenden Organen keine Unterstützung er- von Behörden der Mitgliedstaaten (FI, DE, NL, UK), aus halten und deshalb zurückgezogen werden sollten. Dazu der Wirtschaft, von Gewerkschaften und von anderen gehören Vorschläge über Anlegerentschädigungssysteme, Organisationen der Zivilgesellschaft eingegangen. Die Stellungnahme können auf der Webseite der Kommission zur intelligenten Regulierung eingesehen werden: http://ec.europa. eu/smart-regulation/refit/index_en.htm 176 Ziel dieser Initiative ist es, Behinderungen des 178 Energiekennzeichnung von Haushaltskühlgeräten (Richtlinie grenzüberschreitenden Handels abzubauen und die MwSt.- 2003/66), Haushaltsgeschirrspülern (Richtlinie 1999/9) und Einnahmen der Mitgliedstaaten zu wahren, indem das MwSt.- Waschmaschinen (Richtlinie 1995/12) nach der Annahme System einfacher, solider und widerstandsfähiger gemacht neuer Umsetzungsmaßnahmen. wird. 179 Verordnung Nr. 11 des Rates über die Beseitigung 177 Weitere Initiativen wären z.B. eine Überprüfung der von Diskriminierungen auf dem Gebiet der Frachten Gesetzgebung im Kernkraftbereich, ein Vorschlag zur und Beförderungsbedingungen gemäß Artikel 79 Ausstellung von kurzfristigen Reisedokumenten und eine Absatz 3 des Vertrages zur Gründung der Europäischen Überprüfung der Verordnungen über die Einfuhr von Wirtschaftsgemeinschaft vom 16. August 1960. Textilerzeugnissen bzw. von Dual-Use-Gütern. 180 Protokoll Nr. 36 über die Übergangsbestimmungen, Artikel 10. PROGRAMM ZUR GEWÄHRLEISTUNG DER EFFIZIENZ UND LEISTUNGSFÄHIGKEIT DER RECHTSETZUNG (REFIT): BESTANDSAUFNAHME UND AUSBLICK

Flugsicherheitszuschläge, schwangere Arbeitnehmerin- und sein Einsparungspotenzial hin untersucht werden.185 nen181, einen Entschädigungsfonds für Ölverschmut- Bei allen diesen Maßnahmen liegt ein eindeutiger RE- zung und die Befreiung von Kleinstunternehmen von FIT-Aspekt vor. bestimmten Lebensmittelhygienevorschriften, obwohl letztere kleineren Unternehmen bedeutende Vorteile ge- Alle neuen Initiativen sind im Arbeitsdokument der bracht hätten.182 Kommissionsdienststellen enthalten und müssen erst im Arbeitsprogramm der Kommission für 2015 bestätigt Aufgrund von zeitlichen Beschränkungen in Zusammen- werden. hang mit der neuen Legislaturperiode wird sich die derzeit im Amt befindliche Kommission 2014 auf einzelne Schlüsselbereiche konzentrieren. Nach Durchsicht ihres Rechtsvorschriften zu chemischen Stoffen Zeitplans hat sie daher beschlossen, nur die wichtigsten Die Kommission ist der Auffassung, dass weitere Punkte zu berücksichtigen. Bemühungen zur Erleichterung der Umsetzung der Rechtsvorschriften zu chemischen Stoffen, insbe- Ferner plant die Kommission, mittelfristig mehrere neue sondere REACH, sowie eine weitere Vereinfachung Bewertungen und Eignungstests in Bezug auf die Leis- und Verschlankung von Vorschriften auf Ebene der tungsfähigkeit bestehender EU-Rechtsvorschriften und EU, der Mitgliedstaaten und interessierter Kreise die Anwendung des Vertragsrechts durchzuführen. Dazu in Angriff genommen werden sollten. Dabei sind gehören der Verbraucherschutz bei Timeshare-Verträgen, sowohl ein hohes Schutzniveau für Gesundheit 629 verspätete Bezahlung, der rechtliche Rahmen für Vorver- und Umwelt als auch die Aufrechterhaltung von packungen, das Geschmacksmustersystem in der EU, die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Innovation der europä- Richtlinien über Prospekte, die Anwendung des Grund- ischen Industrie in diesem Bereich sowie der freie satzes der gegenseitigen Anerkennung im Hinblick auf Warenverkehr im Binnenmarkt zu berücksichtigen. die Verbesserung seiner Funktionsweise im Binnen- 183 Die Überprüfung von REACH durch die Kom- markt , Abscheidung und Speicherung von Kohlendio- mission im Jahr 2013 ergab zwar einigen Anpas- xid sowie CO2-Emissionen leichter Nutzfahrzeuge und sungsbedarf, kam jedoch zu dem Schluss, dass die PKW, Telekommunikation und die Rechtsvorschriften Rechtsvorschriften gut funktionieren und derzeit über unerlaubte Ein- und Durchreise und unerlaubten 184 nicht geändert werden müssen. Die Kommission Aufenthalt . erkennt an, dass der durch REACH verursachte finanzielle und administrative Aufwand für KMU In anderen Schlüsselbereichen, in denen größere Überar- verringert und die Rechtsanwendung auf allen Ebe- beitungen vorgesehen sind, wie zum Beispiel im digitalen nen verbessert werden muss. Binnenmarkt, müssen die bestehenden Hindernisse festgestellt und der regulatorische Rahmen auf seine Kosten

181 KOM(2008) 600/4. 182 KOM(2007)90 endg. 183 Aufgrund einer Aufforderung des Rates im Dezember 2013, bis Mitte 2015 über die Anwendung des Grundsatzes der gegenseitigen Anerkennung zu berichten (siehe http://www. consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/ intm/139846.pdf). 184 Weitere Bereiche betreffen die Vermarktungsnormen für Kalbfleisch, die Kennzeichnungsregeln für Rindfleisch, das Programm für Gebiete in äußerster Randlage, die Kraftstoffqualitätsrichtlinie (nach ihrer vollständigen Umsetzung), die Erdölvorräte, die Fischereikontrollverordnung, nukleare Sicherheit, Normung, Asbestverschmutzung, Tierversuche, die strategische Umweltprüfung, Überschwemmungsrisiken, flüchtige organische Verbindungen, Versicherungen (nach ausreichenden Erfahrungen mit der 185 Dazu gehört die Prüfung der Rechtsvorschriften zu Online- Umsetzung), Weiterbildung, Qualifikationen und Lizenzen Diensten - Richtlinie 98/84/EG über den rechtlichen im Straßenverkehr, Seeverkehr und Seeverkehrssicherheit, Schutz von zugangskontrollierten Diensten und von Hafenauffangeinrichtungen für Schiffsabfälle, die elektronische Zugangskontrolldiensten und Richtlinie 2000/31/EG Rechnungsstellung für die MwSt und die Miniregelung über bestimmte rechtliche Aspekte der Dienste der für zentrale Anlaufstellen sowie die Bau-, Glas- und Informationsgesellschaft, insbesondere des elektronischen Keramikindustrie. Geschäftsverkehrs, im Binnenmarkt. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

4. Horizontale Maßnahmen Zu diesem Zweck wurde bereits eine Reihe von Abhilfemaßnahmen durchgeführt, darunter auch eine beträchtliche Gebührenverringerung. 2014 REFIT ist Teil der allgemeinen Politik der intelligenten werden weitere Maßnahmen ergriffen: besonde- Regulierung der Kommission, die auch das gesetzge- re Unterstützung für KMU zur Einhaltung der berische Instrumentarium der Folgenabschätzung, der Anmeldefrist für geringe Produktionsmengen im Konsultation von Interessengruppen und der Evaluie- Jahr 2018, Feststellung effizienterer Formen der rung umfasst. Die Kommission ist entschlossen, diese Behandlung von besonders besorgniserregenden Instrumente und andere horizontale Maßnahmen weiter Stoffen sowie der Identifizierung von Alternativen zu stärken, darunter auch die Bewertung der Kosten und Nutzen der Regulierung und der Verringerung adminis- zu gefährlichen Chemikalien, verbesserte Kommu- 186 nikation mit den KMU und Analyse der Aus- trativer Verpflichtungen, z. B. der Berichtspflichten. wirkungen von REACH auf die KMU sowie auf Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Innovation. Mittelfristig Folgenabschätzung werden andere Maßnahmen zur Verbesserung des Das System der Folgenabschätzung (FA) der Kommis- Genehmigungsverfahrens chemischer Stoffe in sion kommt in einem frühen Stadium des Politikzyklus Erwägung gezogen, um es für die Unternehmen (bei der Entwicklung neuer Vorschläge) zum Einsatz, um vorhersagbarer zu machen. Dazu zählen beispiels- eine Grundlage für sachkundige politische Entscheidun- weise die weniger häufige Abänderung der Liste der gen zu schaffen und zu gewährleisten, dass die Grundsätze 630 genehmigungspflichtigen Stoffe, die Vereinfachung der Subsidiarität und der Verhältnismäßigkeit eingehal- des Genehmigungsverfahrens für einige bestimmte ten werden. Seit seiner Einrichtung im Jahr 2002 wurde risikoarme Fälle und eine stärkere Berücksichti- das System beständig gestärkt und verbessert, z. B. durch gung sozioökonomischer Auswirkungen bei der die Veröffentlichung der überarbeiteten Leitlinien 2009 Aufnahme neuer Stoffe in die Genehmigungsliste. und zusätzlicher Anleitungen in verschiedenen Berei- Es ist wichtig, dass die Industrie und die Mit- chen (Wettbewerbsfähigkeit und Kleinstunternehmen, gliedstaaten bei der Umsetzung von REACH eine Grundrechte, soziale und territoriale Auswirkungen). aktive Rolle spielen. Dazu würde beispielsweise der Die Faktengrundlage – bessere Daten und wissenschaft- personelle Ausbau nationaler Anlaufstellen und/ licher Rat – wird im FA-Verfahren beständig gestärkt. oder von Handelskammern zählen, die sowohl Um eine schnelle Feststellung der FA-Ergebnisse (ein- Ratschläge zur Umsetzung von REACH geben als schließlich Kosten und Nutzen) zu ermöglichen, hat die auch eine bessere Koordination der Mitgliedstaaten Kommission 2013 ein zweiseitiges Standard-Übersichts- untereinander gewährleisten. blatt in ihre Folgenabschätzungsberichte aufgenommen. Die Kommission hat sich verpflichtet, ihre FA-Leitlinien 2014 wird ein Maßnahmenpaket im Hinblick auf aufbauend auf ihren Erfahrungen (350 Folgenabschät- die Qualität der Gesetzgebung des Chemiesektors zungen seit 2010) zu aktualisieren. Sie wird dazu im Juni gestartet, das eine Bewertung der kumulativen Kos- 2014 die Öffentlichkeit konsultieren. ten und einen Eignungstest der wichtigsten Rechts- vorschriften zu chemischen Stoffen (ausgenommen Ex-Post Bewertung REACH) einschließt. Durch die systematische Ex-post-Bewertung der Die Schlussfolgerungen aus diesen Arbeiten, EU-Rechtsvorschriften wird überprüft, ob diese Vor- einschließlich der laufenden Beurteilung der Vor- schriften die erwarteten Ergebnisse und Auswirkungen schriften über Sicherheit und Gesundheitsschutz erzielt haben. Die Bewertungsplanung hat sich mit der am Arbeitsplatz und der Ergebnisse einer früheren Veröffentlichung der geplanten Bewertungen auf Euro- Überprüfung von REACH, sollen einen vollständi- pa verbessert.187 Um die Bewertungspolitik und -praxis gen Überblick geben und eine Abschätzung künf- weiter zu konsolidieren, hat die Kommission zwischen tiger Möglichkeiten zur Verbesserung der Qualität November 2013 und Februar 2014 eine öffentliche Kon- der Gesetzgebung ermöglichen. Die Kommission sultation ihrer neuen Bewertungsleitlinien durchgeführt. fordert interessierte Kreise und die Mitgliedstaaten Die Ergebnisse werden in die künftige Überarbeitung der zu einer gemeinsamen Reflexion über diese Fragen und zur Beteiligung an einer für 2016 vorgesehenen Bestandsaufnahme auf.

186 Siehe COM(2012) 746 187 Siehe die Webseite der Kommission zur Politik der intelligenten Regulierung: http://ec.europa.eu/smart-regulation/evaluation/ index_de.htm. PROGRAMM ZUR GEWÄHRLEISTUNG DER EFFIZIENZ UND LEISTUNGSFÄHIGKEIT DER RECHTSETZUNG (REFIT): BESTANDSAUFNAHME UND AUSBLICK

Bewertungsleitlinien einfließen.188 Diese Leitlinien sollen missionsbediensteten mit Blick auf die Verbesserung der auf Eignungstests Bezug nehmen, die 2010 als umfas- Konsultationsqualität zu beraten und zu unterstützen. sende Politikbewertungen zur Beurteilung der Kohärenz Vor der Annahme dieser Leitlinien durch die Kommis- und Einheitlichkeit zwischen den und innerhalb der re- sion wird eine öffentliche Konsultation durchgeführt. gulatorischen Bereiche eingeführt wurden. Es soll auch Darüber hinaus wird die Kommission ihre Bemühun- geprüft werden, ob ein größerer regulatorischer Rahmen gen fortsetzen, mit Rücksicht auf die verfügbaren Haus- für ein ganzes Politikfeld dem Zweck angemessen ist. haltsmittel die Reichweite ihrer Konsultationen durch In mehreren Politikbereichen wurden inzwischen Eig- eine erweiterte sprachliche Zugänglichkeit auszubauen. nungstests durchgeführt; z. B. in den Bereichen Umwelt Sie wird die Nutzung von Konsultationen im Rahmen (EU-Süßwasserpolitik), Beschäftigung und Sozialpolitik von Evaluierungen und Eignungsprüfungen stärken, (Information und Konsultation von Arbeitnehmern), indem bei Konsultationen – wie derzeit bei Folgenab- Industriepolitik (Typengenehmigung von Kraftfahrzeu- schätzungen – Mindeststandards angewandt werden.192 gen) und Verkehr (Luftverkehrsbinnenmarkt)189, und Die Kommission wird empfehlen, dass Agenturen die sie können zu mehreren Legislativvorschlägen zur Ver- Mindeststandards bei der Durchführung von Konsulta- einfachung und zum Abbau des Verwaltungsaufwands tionen anwenden. Darüber hinaus prüft sie, wie öffentli- führen.190 che Konsultationen zu Durchführungs- und delegierten Rechtsakten verbessert werden können. Konsultation der Interessenträger Die Kommission wird Schritte unternehmen, um das Der Dialog mit den Bürgern, Sozialpartnern und ande- Feedbacksystem zu verbessern. Bereits jetzt können In- 631 ren Interessenträgern der Wirtschaft und Zivilgesellschaft teressenträger sowohl zur Konsultationsplanung auf der trägt dazu bei, sicherzustellen, dass die EU-Rechtsetzung Website „Ihre Stimme in Europa“193 als auch zu Fahrplä- transparent, zielführend und kohärent ist. Die Konsul- nen, in denen die Kommission frühzeitig ihre Planungen tation der Sozialpartner und anderer Interessenträger in Bezug auf Rechtsvorschriften veröffentlicht, Stellung ist in den Verträgen verankert und insbesondere bei der nehmen. Vor kurzem wurde ein elektronisches Benach- Ermittlung verhältnismäßigkeits- und subsidiaritätsbe- richtigungssystem eingeführt.194 Es werden Anstren- 191 zogener Schwierigkeiten von wesentlicher Bedeutung. gungen zur Verbesserung der Websites und des Systems Die Kommission führt in jeder Phase des Politikzyklus für Stellungnahmen und Feedback unternommen. Die Konsultationen durch. Um die Qualität, Reichweite und einzelnen von Interessenträgern übermittelten Reaktio- Zielgerichtetheit der Konsultationen weiter zu stärken, nen werden in der Regel innerhalb von 15 Arbeitstagen wird die Kommission ihre Konsultationsplanung ver- nach Abschluss der Konsultation veröffentlicht, und bessern, indem während der Phase der Politikvorberei- ein zusammenfassender Bericht liegt spätestens mit der tung Konsultationsstrategien erarbeitet werden und die Annahme des Vorschlags durch die Kommission vor. Evaluierungsplanung laufend veröffentlicht wird. Die Einige Mitgliedstaaten sammeln außerdem systematisch Kommission wird interne Leitlinien veröffentlichen, um Stellungnahmen und Vorschläge von Interessenträgern, die mit der Durchführung von Konsultationen mit Inte- die einen wertvollen Beitrag zu den Bemühungen der ressenträgern außerhalb der EU-Organe befassten Kom- Kommission um die Effizienz und Leistungsfähigkeit der Rechtsetzung auf europäischer Ebene leisten können. 188 Von Behörden, Interessengruppen und Bürgern sind im Rahmen dieser Konsultation 53 Antworten eingegangen. Sie werden gemeinsam mit einem zusammenfassenden Bericht Darüber hinaus plant die Kommission, Vorschläge für auf der Webseite der Kommission zur Politik der intelligenten eine größere Reichweite in Bezug auf Sozialpartner und Regulierung veröffentlicht: http://ec.europa.eu/smart-regulation/ Interessenträger vorzulegen, insbesondere im Hinblick index_de.htm. auf kleine und mittlere Unternehmen (KMU), die auf 189 Abschlussberichte verfügbar unter http://ec.europa.eu/ smart-regulation/evaluation/documents_de.htm. Konferenzen in den Mitgliedstaaten direkt kontaktiert 190 Das heißt, der Eignungstest zur Information und Konsultation und über europäische und nationale KMU-Verbände von Arbeitnehmern könnte zur Konsolidierung von 3 und das Enterprise Europe Network konsultiert werden Richtlinien führen, wobei die Ergebnisse der Konsultation der sollen. Sozialpartner berücksichtigt werden. Auf den Eignungstest zur Typengenehmigung von Kraftfahrzeugen folgt eine Überarbeitung der Rahmenrichtlinie 2007/46/EG - siehe die vollständigen Angaben im REFIT-Scoreboard. 191 Das Konzept der Konsultation ist in Artikel 11 EUV und 192 Spezifische Konsultationsrahmen gemäß den Verträgen, Protokoll Nr. 2 über die Anwendung der Grundsätze der anderen EU-Vorschriften oder internationalen Vereinbarungen Subsidiarität und der Verhältnismäßigkeit niedergelegt. (z. B. Konsultationen der Sozialpartner) sind ausgenommen. Die Konsultation von Sozialpartnern in sozialpolitischen 193 http://ec.europa.eu/yourvoice/index_de.htm Zusammenhängen erfolgt im Einklang mit den Artikeln 153, 194 Benachrichtigungen können auf folgender Website abonniert 154 und 155 AEUV und bietet außerdem Möglichkeiten zur werden: https://webgate.ec.europa.eu/notifications/homePage. Beteiligung an REFIT. do?locale=de DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Messung von Regulierungskosten und im Gesetzgebungsverfahren Änderungen erfahren.197 Nutzeffekten Darüber hinaus hängt die Genauigkeit der Kosten-Nut- zen-Messung in Folgenabschätzungen und Ex-post-Eva- Die Messung von Regulierungskosten und Nutzeffekten luierungen von der Qualität der von den Mitgliedstaa- ist ein wichtiger Aspekt der intelligenten Regulierung. ten, Sozialpartnern und Interessenträgern übermittelten Die Kommission hat jüngst die Ergebnisse einer extern Daten ab. durchgeführten Studie über Methoden zur Bewertung der Regulierungskosten und Nutzeffekte veröffentlicht, Die Ex-post-Bewertung der tatsächlichen Kosten kann die in die Aktualisierung der für Folgenabschätzungen signifikante Abweichungen gegenüber der Ex-an- geltenden Leitlinien einfließen werden.195 Die Mes- te-Schätzung aufweisen. Sowohl die Kosten als auch die sung von Regulierungskosten und Nutzeffekten ist au- Kosteneinsparungen können zu hoch angesetzt worden ßerdem ein Schwerpunkt in Eignungsprüfungen und sein.198 Im Rahmen ihrer Ex-post-Evaluierungen prüft Ex-post-Evaluierungen. die Kommission zunehmend, inwiefern sich die realen Kosten und Nutzeffekte mit den Schätzungen vorange- Um die verschiedenen in spezifischen Wirtschaftssek- gangener Folgenabschätzungen decken. toren entstehenden Regulierungskosten zu bewerten, nimmt die Kommission Bewertungen der kumulativen Berichtspflichten Kosten vor. Zwei Bewertungen der kumulativen Kosten wurden bereits in der Stahl- bzw. in der Aluminiumindu- Verwaltungslasten lassen sich durch eine Verbesserung 196 632 strie abgeschlossen , und eine Bewertung der kumula- der Effizienz, Kohärenz und Einheitlichkeit und durch tiven Kosten in der Chemieindustrie wurde auf den Weg die Verringerung der Berichtspflichten abbauen.199 Bei gebracht. Weitere Bewertungen sind für die Holz- und der Vorlage neuer Vorschläge strebt die Kommission an, Forstwirtschaft, die Keramik- und Glasindustrie und die Berichtspflichten auf ein Mindestmaß zu verringern den Bausektor geplant. Bewertungen der kumulativen und verschiedene Pflichten anzugleichen. Maßnahmen Kosten ermöglichen eine branchenweite Bewertung ver- zur Straffung und Konsolidierung von Berichtspflich- schiedener wesentlicher Kostenfaktoren. Angesichts der ten sollten in Kooperation mit dem Parlament und dem begrenzten Reichweite dieser Bewertungen und da ihr Rat erarbeitet werden, da die Berichtspflichten häufig Schwerpunkt auf den Regulierungskosten und weniger im Rahmen des Gesetzgebungsverfahrens hinzugefügt auf den Nutzeffekten liegt, können sie jedoch nicht die werden.200 Auf nationaler, regionaler und lokaler Ebe- einzige Grundlage für Politikempfehlungen bilden. Ihre Ergebnisse werden in Evaluierungen, Eignungsprüfun- gen und Folgenabschätzungen Eingang finden. 197 Ein Beispiel, bei dem dies möglicherweise zutrifft, sind die Vorschriften für die Einfuhr von Pflanzen und Die Messung von Regulierungskosten auf EU-Ebene Pflanzenerzeugnissen in die EU, da in diesem Zusammenhang die derzeit im Gesetzgebungsverfahren erörterten Änderungen ist mit besonderen Herausforderungen verbunden, da des Kommissionsvorschlags das Risiko von Kostensteigerungen die geschätzten Kosten von Legislativvorschlägen der für Unternehmen bergen (COM(2013)267 - Vorschlag der Kommission oft infolge der während des Gesetzgebungs- Kommission für eine Verordnung über Maßnahmen zum Schutz verfahrens vorgenommenen Änderungen angepasst vor Pflanzenschädlingen, siehe auch beigefügter Anzeiger). 198 Die ex post festgestellten realen Kosten können infolge des werden müssen und von der Wahl der Art und Weise technologischen Fortschritts, von Unternehmensinnovationen der Umsetzung in den Mitgliedstaaten abhängig sind. und Effizienzsteigerungen von den Ex-ante-Schätzungen Dies bedeutet, dass Parlament und Rat die Kosten-Nut- abweichen. In der Stahlindustrie sind beispielsweise die zen-Bewertung aktualisieren müssen, wenn Vorschläge Umweltschutzkosten je Tonne Erzeugnis in den letzten 20 Jahren stabil geblieben oder gesunken, wenngleich der Sektor seine Umweltbilanz verbessern konnte. (Bewertung der kumulativen Kosten in der Stahlindustrie: http:// ec.europa.eu/enterprise/sectors/metals-minerals/files/ steel-cum-cost-imp_en.pdf) 199 Berichtspflichten sind oft miteinander verbunden, so dass etwa eine Berichtspflicht der Kommission gegenüber dem Rat oder Parlament zusätzliche Berichtspflichten für Behörden, Interessenträger und Unternehmen in den Mitgliedstaaten nach sich ziehen kann. 200 In der Verordnung mit gemeinsamen Bestimmungen zu den 195 Die Studie „Assessing the costs and benefits of regulation“ ist Kohäsionsfonds sind 28 einzelne Berichtspflichten in elf abrufbar unter http://ec.europa.eu/smart-regulation/impact/ Bereichen aufgeführt; in sechs davon ist eine regelmäßige commission_guidelines/docs/131210_cba_study_sg_final.pdf Berichterstattung erforderlich. Die Richtlinie zur Durchsetzung 196 Siehe http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/sectors/metals- der Richtlinie über die Entsendung von Arbeitnehmern minerals/files/steel-cum-cost-imp_en.pdf und http:// enthält zusätzliche Berichtspflichten für Mitgliedstaaten, ec.europa.eu/enterprise/newsroom/cf/itemdetail. die im Gesetzgebungsverfahren hinzugefügt wurden (siehe cfm?item_id=7124&lang=en&title=Final-report REFIT-Anzeiger). PROGRAMM ZUR GEWÄHRLEISTUNG DER EFFIZIENZ UND LEISTUNGSFÄHIGKEIT DER RECHTSETZUNG (REFIT): BESTANDSAUFNAHME UND AUSBLICK ne sollten außerdem Prüfungen durchgeführt werden, vorgenommenen Überprüfung der Rahmenregelungen um Verpflichtungen zu ermitteln, die über die in den berücksichtigt und werden auf der Website der Kom- EU-Vorschriften festgelegten Pflichten hinausgehen. mission zur intelligenten Regulierung veröffentlicht, um weitere gemeinsame Überlegungen, Diskussionen und Was die Berichterstattung an und durch die Kommis- Maßnahmen anzustoßen.206 sion anbelangt, hat die Kommission Prüfungen in den Bereichen Umwelt201 und Gesundheit und Sicherheit Die Kommission begrüßt außerdem, dass Interessenträ- am Arbeitsplatz durchgeführt.202 Zu den Bereichen, in ger aus der Wirtschaft und Zivilgesellschaft bestätigt ha- denen die Berichtspflichten gestrafft wurden, gehören ben, wie notwendig und wichtig die Effizienz und Leis- die Kohäsionspolitik und Energie203. Derartige Bemü- tungsfähigkeit der Rechtsetzung ist. Als Reaktion auf die hungen können 2015 auf andere Bereiche ausgeweitet von manchen Interessenträgern geäußerten Bedenken werden. bekräftigt die Kommission, dass REFIT nicht die bestehenden Politikziele in Frage stellt oder sich negativ auf die Gesundheit und Sicherheit der Bürger, Verbraucher, 5. Effizienz und Arbeitnehmer oder auf die Umwelt auswirken wird. Eine Sensibilisierung ist wichtig, damit allen Interessenträ- Leistungsfähigkeit der gern die Vorteile von REFIT bekannt sind, insbesondere Rechtsetzung - ein die Bestrebungen der Kommission, sicherzustellen, dass Rechtsetzungsmaßnahmen der EU auf wirksame und ef- gemeinsames Ziel fiziente Weise und auf der richtigen Ebene getroffen wer- 633 den, und damit der Mehrwert der EU verdeutlicht wird. Die Kommission begrüßt das Interesse der Mitgliedstaa- ten und Interessenträger an REFIT, und insbesondere die Die Erfahrungen bei der Umsetzung von REFIT haben Unterstützung des Europäischen Rates und des Europäi- 204 gezeigt, dass das Ziel der Effizienz und Leistungsfähigkeit schen Parlaments. der Rechtsetzung nur gemeinsam von den europäischen Organen, den Mitgliedstaaten (nationale, regionale und Seit der Veröffentlichung der REFIT-Agenda der Kom- lokale Ebene) und den Interessenträgern aus der Wirt- mission letztes Jahr im Oktober sind zahlreiche Stellung- schaft und Zivilgesellschaft verwirklicht werden kann. 205 nahmen, Vorschläge und Beiträge von Mitgliedstaaten Der Effizienz und Leistungsfähigkeit der Rechtsetzung und Interessenträgern eingegangen. Diese wurden bei der sollte Priorität eingeräumt werden, und alle EU-Orga- Aktualisierung der im Rahmen von REFIT im Jahr 2014 ne sollten die Folgen ihrer politischen Entscheidungen bewerten, entweder in der Vorbereitungsphase oder im 201 Erhebliche Fortschritte sind bei der Straffung zuvor Gesetzgebungsverfahren. Um Daten zu erheben und zu ungekoppelter Berichtsströme im Bereich der Wasserpolitik bewerten, ob die EU-Vorschriften die erwartete Wir- (Meeresstrategie-Rahmenrichtlinie, Wasserrahmenrichtlinie kung gezeitigt haben, ist eine Zusammenarbeit mit den sowie Habitat-Richtlinie und Vogelschutz-Richtlinie) zu verzeichnen, so dass Daten und Informationen nur einmal Mitgliedstaaten unabdingbar. Darüber hinaus kommt gemeldet werden müssen, um die Anforderungen der den nationalen Parlamenten die Aufgabe zu, der Kom- einzelnen Richtlinien zu erfüllen. Hierdurch verringert sich mission bereits in einem frühen Stadium des politischen der Verwaltungsaufwand beträchtlich. Die Ergebnisse Willensbildungsprozesses Anregungen zu geben und die eines gesonderten Pilotprojekts zur Verringerung der Berichtspflichten im Bereich kommunales Abwasser werden zu Kommissionsvorschläge im Rahmen der Subsidiaritäts- 207 einfacheren und wirksameren Berichtspflichten führen. kontrolle zu prüfen. Auch die Beiträge von Sozialpart- 202 Seit 2007 legen die Mitgliedstaaten der Kommission anstelle nern, Interessenträgern, NRO und der Allgemeinheit von einzelnen Berichten über die praktische Durchführung von sind wichtig, um bei der intelligenten Regulierung die 24 Richtlinien aus dem Bereich Gesundheit und Sicherheit am Arbeitsplatz (Richtlinie 2007/30/EG zur Änderung der Richtlinie Dynamik aufrechtzuerhalten. 89/391/EWG) einen einzigen Bericht vor. 203 Im Jahr 2013 hat die Kommission eine Überprüfung der Die gemeinsamen Anstrengungen wurden in den vergan- Berichtspflichten in den Bereichen Energie und Kohäsionspolitik durchgeführt, um die Pflichten zu vereinfachen und zu straffen. genen Jahren durch Beiträge zur Agenda für intelligente Allein im Energiebereich war es möglich, 43 Berichtspflichten in Regulierung seitens der hochrangigen Gruppe für bessere 14 Pflichten zusammenzuführen. Rechtsetzung und der hochrangigen Gruppe im Bereich 204 Siehe Schlussfolgerungen des Europäischen Rates Verwaltungslasten unterstützt. Die Kommission ist der vom 24./25. Oktober 2013, Schlussfolgerungen des Rates „Wettbewerbsfähigkeit“ vom Dezember 2013 Auffassung, dass diese Unterstützung und Expertise am und Entschließung des Europäischen Parlaments vom 17. April 2014 zu dem „Top-10“-Konsultationsprozess und der Verringerung des EU-Regelungsaufwands für KMU. 206 http://ec.europa.eu/smart-regulation/refit/index_en.htm 205 Insbesondere Finnland, Deutschland, die Niederlande und das (zu prüfen) Vereinigte Königreich haben Beiträge übermittelt. 207 Im Protokoll Nr. 2 zu den Verträgen verankert. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

sinnvollsten in einer Gruppe mit überarbeitetem Man- gibt es kaum Gesetzgeber oder Verwaltungen, die Qua- dat zusammengeführt werden sollte, die die Wirkung litätskontrollen und Prüfungen ähnlichen Umfangs wie von EU-Vorschriften vor Ort in den Mitgliedstaaten be- die Kommission anwenden oder vergleichbaren Verfah- wertet und zu den jährlich im REFIT-Anzeiger bekannt ren unterliegen. Es wurde vorgeschlagen, eine zusätzliche gegebenen Ergebnissen beiträgt. Die Arbeit einer solchen externe Stelle für die Qualitätskontrolle einzurichten. Gruppe könnte auch einen Beitrag zur Ermittlung von Die Kommission ist gegen diese Idee, da dies ihre poli- Bereichen leisten, in denen die Zeit reif für eine Evalu- tische Gestaltungsfunktion und ihre legislativen Aufga- ierung der Vorschriften ist, und in Evaluierungen und ben berühren würde und die Kommission ihre eigenen Eignungsprüfungen zu ausgewählten Schlüsselthemen Folgenabschätzungen durchführen muss, um gute und einfließen. Ein Vorschlag für die Einrichtung einer neu- ausgewogene Vorschläge zu erarbeiten. Sobald die Kom- en hochrangigen Gruppe, die die künftigen Arbeiten mission ihre Folgenabschätzungen veröffentlicht hat, begleiten soll, wird in den nächsten Monaten vorgelegt. sind sie der Öffentlichkeit vollumfänglich zur Prüfung und Stellungnahme zugänglich.

6. Schlussfolgerungen und Drittens: Die Erfahrung zeigt, dass die Quantifizierung der Kosten und Nutzeffekte ein notwendiger Bestandteil Perspektive der Überprüfung der Regelungslage ist. Jedoch müssen auch die Grenzen der Quantifizierung anerkannt wer- Die Kommission hat sich im Dezember 2012 zur Verbes- den. Die Kommission prüft systematisch die Kosten und 634 serung der Effizienz und Leistungsfähigkeit der Rechts- Nutzeffekte in ihren Folgenabschätzungen, in denen auf etzung verpflichtet und entsprechende Maßnahmen integrierte Weise wirtschaftliche, soziale und ökologische ergriffen. In dieser Mitteilung werden die im Rahmen Folgen thematisiert werden. Die Ergebnisse werden nach von REFIT erreichten Ergebnisse dargelegt und Berei- Möglichkeit quantifiziert. Allerdings ist die Berechnung che aufgezeigt, in denen künftig Schwerpunkte gesetzt von Kosten und Nutzeffekten keine exakte Wissenschaft; werden sollten. die benötigten Daten sind häufig nicht verfügbar. In- wieweit die Kosten und Nutzeffekte, die bei der aus der Aus den bisherigen Erfahrungen mit der Umsetzung von Folgenabschätzung resultierenden bevorzugten Option REFIT lassen sich verschiedene Ergebnisse ableiten. erwartet werden, steigen oder sinken, ist von den Ent- scheidungen abhängig, die das Europäische Parlament Erstens: Eine intelligente Regulierung sowie die Gewähr- und der Rat im Legislativverfahren und die Mitgliedstaa- leistung der Effizienz und Leistungsfähigkeit der Rechts- ten bei der Umsetzung treffen. Die tatsächlichen Kosten etzung erfordern politische Entschlossenheit und sind können nur ex post berechnet werden. Folglich sollte mit Strategie- und Verfahrensanpassungen auf allen Ebe- ein Schwerpunkt von REFIT auf der soweit möglichen nen – in der Kommission, in der Zusammenarbeit der Quantifizierung der Kosten und Nutzeffekte während europäischen Organe und in den Mitgliedstaaten – ver- des gesamten Rechtsetzungsprozesses liegen, indem so- bunden. Das Konzept der Effizienz und Leistungsfähig- lide Monitoring- und Evaluierungsrahmen angewandt keit der Rechtsetzung bietet keine schnellen Lösungen und die Ergebnisse bei jeder wesentlichen Überarbeitung und ist auch kein Aspekt, der sich rasch abhaken lässt. Es der Rechtsvorschriften geprüft und angepasst werden, erfordert, dass die Verwaltungen entsprechend manda- so dass gewährleistet ist, dass die für die Bewertung der tiert und ausgestattet sind, um faktengestützte politische realen Kosten und Nutzeffekte erforderlichen Daten ver- Entscheidungen zu treffen und dabei die Sozialpartner fügbar sind. und Interessenträger in allen Phasen des Politikzyklus von der Folgenabschätzung bis zur Ex-post-Evaluierung Viertens: Angesichts der notwendigen Rechtssicher- aktiv beteiligt werden. heit und Vorhersehbarkeit sowie des für Änderungen von EU-Vorschriften erforderlichen Zeitaufwands sind Zweitens: Es besteht Bedarf, die Regulierungsverfahren Schnellschüsse und einfache Vorgaben zur Verringerung genau zu prüfen. Der Ausschuss für Folgenabschätzung von Vorschriften keine Lösung. Jede Änderung ist mit hat sich als wesentliche Instanz der Qualitätskontrolle Kosten verbunden, und die Transitionskosten für Ände- erwiesen. Er wurde durch Verfahrensregeln gestärkt, die rungen werden nicht immer ausreichend berücksichtigt. sichergestellt haben, dass nur von einer soliden Folgen- Die Transitionskosten müssen sorgfältig gegen die Kos- abschätzung begleitete Vorschläge dem Kollegium vor- ten eines Nichttätigwerdens abgewogen werden. gelegt werden können. Das Europäische Parlament und zunehmend auch der Rat bieten eine weitere Kontroll- Fünftens: Eine Ermittlung der unnötigen Verwaltungs- stufe und bewerten, wie solide die Folgenabschätzung lasten und Kosten durch die direkt von den Vorschriften der Kommission ist. Dies ist ein beispielloses System – so Betroffenen kann die quantitative Bewertung sinnvoll PROGRAMM ZUR GEWÄHRLEISTUNG DER EFFIZIENZ UND LEISTUNGSFÄHIGKEIT DER RECHTSETZUNG (REFIT): BESTANDSAUFNAHME UND AUSBLICK ergänzen. Daher sind Konsultationen und Erörterungen Die Zusammenarbeit zwischen der Europäischen Kom- von wesentlicher Bedeutung. mission und den Mitgliedstaaten zur Evaluierung und Bewertung von Regulierungskosten und Nutzeffekten Unter Berücksichtigung dieser Beobachtungen und mit sollte gestärkt werden. Zur Bewertung der Umsetzung Blick auf die Zukunft wird die Kommission der Effizi- von EU-Rechtsvorschriften auf nationaler, regionaler enz und Leistungsfähigkeit der Rechtsetzung nach wie und lokaler Ebene sollten gemeinsame Anstrengungen vor Priorität einräumen und die diesbezügliche Dynamik unternommen werden. aufrechterhalten. Sie wird sich weiterhin auf Bereiche mit signifikantem EU-Mehrwert konzentrieren und die Die neuen, in diesem Jahr beginnenden Mandate des Grundsätze der Verhältnismäßigkeit und Subsidiarität Parlaments und der Kommission bieten allen EU-Orga- einhalten. Die Kommission wird die Vorbereitungen für nen die Möglichkeit, ihr Engagement für die intelligente die Überarbeitung ihrer für Folgenabschätzungen, Kon- Regulierung und die Effizienz und Leistungsfähigkeit der sultationen der Interessenträger und Evaluierungen gel- Rechtsetzung zu stärken. tenden Leitlinien in den kommenden Monaten abschlie- ßen. Sie wird REFIT fest in den Verfahren und Praktiken Die Kommission begrüßt Beiträge, Daten und Fakten der Kommission verankern. von Sozialpartnern und Interessenträgern zum aktuellen Stand und zu den Perspektiven für REFIT im Sinne die- Die Kommission wird weiter eng mit dem Parlament ser Mitteilung und dem begleitenden Arbeitsdokument und dem Rat zusammenarbeiten, um sicherzustellen, der Kommissionsdienststellen. dass die Vorteile der Vereinfachung und Verringerung der 635 Verwaltungslasten im Gesetzgebungsverfahren bestätigt werden, und sie ruft den Gesetzgeber und alle Mitglied- staaten auf, ausreichende Kapazitäten zu entwickeln, um zu diesen Anstrengungen in ihren jeweiligen Bereichen beizutragen und Ex-ante-Folgenabschätzungen für wesentliche Änderungen von Kommissionsvorschlägen im Gesetzgebungsverfahren vorzunehmen.208

Die Kommission wird außerdem weiterhin mit den Mit- gliedstaaten und Interessenträgern zusammenarbeiten, insbesondere im Rahmen des Programms ABR Plus, um Schätzungen für Kosteneinsparungen zu bestätigen, be- währte Verfahrensweisen für die Umsetzung zu ermitteln und die Qualität und Erhebung von Daten zu Regulie- rungskosten und Nutzeffekten zu verbessern, die für die Bewertung der Folgen von EU-Vorschriften vor Ort be- nötigt werden.209

208 Siehe auch Analyse der Änderungen im Rahmen des Gesetzgebungsverfahrens in Bezug auf die Vorschläge zur Vereinfachung und Verringerung der Verwaltungslasten im REFIT-Anzeiger zu dieser Mitteilung. 209 Schätzungen zufolge geht ein Drittel der mit EU-Vorschriften verbundenen Verwaltungslasten auf die nationale Umsetzung zurück. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

636 UNTERSTÜTZUNGSPAKET FÜR DIE UKRAINE

DOKUMENT DER EUROPÄISCHEN KOMMISSION BRÜSSEL, 25. JUNI 2014

In diesem Dokument werden die wichtigsten konkreten Maßnahmen dargelegt, die die Kommission kurz- und Eckpfeiler der Unterstützung: 637 mittelfristig vorschlägt, um die wirtschaftliche und finanzielle Lage in der Ukraine zu stabilisieren, beim • In den kommenden Jahren 3 Mrd. EUR aus Übergang Hilfestellung zu leisten, politische und wirt- dem EU-Haushalt, 1,6 Mrd. EUR Makrofinanz- schaftlichen Reformen zu fördern und eine integrative hilfe-Darlehen und ein Hilfspaket von Entwicklung zum Nutzen aller Ukrainer zu unterstützen. 1,4 Mrd. EUR; Diese Maßnahmen könnten zusätzlich zu den erheblichen Mitteln, die vom IWF und der Weltbank bereitge- • Bis zu 8 Mrd. EUR von der Europäischen Inves- stellt werden, in den kommenden Jahren eine Unterstüt- titionsbank (EIB) und der Europäischen Bank zung in Höhe von insgesamt mindestens 11 Mrd. EUR für Wiederaufbau und Entwicklung (EBWE); aus dem EU-Haushalt und den in der EU niedergelas- • Mögliche 3,5 Mrd. EUR aus der senen internationalen Finanzinstitutionen gewährleisten. Nachbarschaftsinvestitionsfazilität;

Dieses Engagement ist eine Reaktion, mit der ein Bei- • Einrichtung einer trag zur Stabilisierung des Landes geleistet werden soll. Geber-Koordinierungsplattform; Zudem sollen das Reformprogramm unterstützt und • Vorläufige Anwendung der vertieften und die Eigenverantwortung der ukrainischen Behörden ge- umfassenden Freihandelszone bei Unterzeich- stärkt werden. Einige dieser Maßnahmen können rasch nung des Assoziierungsabkommens, erforder- durchgeführt werden, doch andere erfordern eine weitere lichenfalls durch eigenständiges Vorziehen der Planung und Vorbereitung. Viele dieser Maßnahme be- Handelsmaßnahmen; dürfen der dringenden und aktiven Unterstützung des Europäischen Parlaments und des Rates. • Organisierung eines hochrangigen Investitions- forums/einer hochrangigen Taskforce; Diesem Engagement liegt die Absicht zugrunde, der Uk- • Modernisierung des ukrainischen Gastransit- raine dabei zu helfen, die Erwartungen der Bürger und systems und Arbeit an Gaslastflüssen entgegen der Zivilgesellschaft zu erfüllen, die in den vergangenen der Hauptflussrichtung, insbesondere über die Wochen im Zuge der beispiellosen Ereignisse in Kiew Slowakei; und im gesamten Land unmissverständlich zum Aus- druck gekommen sind. • Beschleunigung des Aktionsplans zur Visalibe- ralisierung innerhalb des bestehenden Rahmens; Angebot einer Mobilitätspartnerschaft; • Technische Hilfe in einer Reihe von Bereichen wie Verfassungs- und Justizreform sowie bei der Vorbereitung von Wahlen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

Alle diese Maßnahmen sind als Beitrag der Kommission eine Mission in die Ukraine entsandt, um den Finanzbe- im Rahmen der europäischen und internationalen Be- darf des Landes zu bewerten und die Grundlage für eine strebungen zu sehen, der Ukraine nachhaltig aus ihrer solche MFA vorzubereiten. Dieses Team arbeitet eng mit schwierigen wirtschaftlichen Lage zu helfen und den dem IWF zusammen. wirtschaftlichen und politischen Übergang des Landes zu unterstützen. Dabei ist von entscheidender Bedeutung, ENTWICKLUNGSHILFE: dass die Mitgliedstaaten durch ihre Maßnahmen ergän- zen und aufstocken, was die Kommission selbst mobili- In den nächsten sieben Jahren könnte sich das Entwick- sieren kann. Die Beteiligung der Partnerländer und der lungshilfepaket für die Ukraine in Form von Zuschüssen internationalen Finanzinstitutionen, insbesondere des auf mindestens 1,4 Mrd. EUR belaufen. IWF, der EIB, der EBWE und der Weltbank, ist ganz entscheidend, um eine Hebelwirkung für die von uns Die Kommission arbeitet derzeit ein neues 140 Mio. allen mobilisierten Mittel zu erzielen, unsere kollektiven EUR-schweres Programm für 2014 aus, mit dem die Fi- Maßnahmen sichtbarer zu machen und deren Wirkung nanzkraft der Regierung verbessert und der institutionel- zu verbessern. Alle Elemente und Instrumente müssen le Übergang unterstützt werden sollen, was die prognos- gebündelt werden, um eine wirksame und kohärente Re- tizierten Auswirkungen der MFA untermauern dürfte. aktion der Europäischen Union und auf internationaler Ergänzt werden soll dieses Vorgehen durch Maßnahmen Ebene zu gewährleisten. zur Förderung der Zivilgesellschaft. Das Volumen des Programms könnte auf bis zu 200 Mio. EUR aufgestockt 638 Zu den Bemühungen der EU gehört die Unterstützung werden, wenn das Europäische Nachbarschaftsinstru- der Ukraine auf ihrem Weg zu politischen und wirt- ment (ENI) umgeschichtet werden könnte und die Uk- schaftlichen Reformen, einschließlich derer, die im As- raine vom Rahmenprogramm für rasche Reaktion, das soziierungsabkommen für eine vertiefte und umfassende nach dem Grundsatz „mehr für mehr“ funktioniert, auf Freihandelszone niedergelegt sind, zu dessen Unterzeich- der Grundlage nachweislicher Fortschritte beim Ausbau nung wir bereit stehen. Entscheidend ist auch, die Öf- der Demokratie und der Einhaltung der Menschenrechte fentlichkeit in der Ukraine und in Drittländern für die profitieren könnte. Vorteile und Chancen zu sensibilisieren, die solche Re- formen sowohl für die Ukraine als auch die Region als Für den verbleibenden Zeitraum 2015-2020 ist derzeit Ganzes bieten können. eine jährliche bilaterale Dotation in Höhe von rund 130 Mio. EUR als Teil des ENI vorgesehen mit zusätzlichen 40-50 Mio. EUR jährlich aus dem zuvor genannten WIRTSCHAFTS- UND FINANZHILFE: Rahmenprogramm für rasche Reaktion. Voraussetzung sind wiederum nachweisliche Fortschritte beim Ausbau Die wirtschaftliche Unterstützung erfolgt sowohl in Form der Demokratie und der Einhaltung der Menschenrechte einer makrofinanziellen Hilfe als auch einer Finanzhilfe. und eine weitere erhebliche Mittelbereitstellung aus der Die Kommission erklärt sich bereit, in den kommenden nachfolgend genannten Nachbarschaftsinvestitionsfazili- Jahren rund 3 Mrd. EUR aus dem EU-Haushalt zur Ver- tät (NIF). fügung zu stellen. Voraussetzung ist allerdings, dass ein erheblicher Betrag rasch zur Verfügung gestellt werden Im Rahmen bestehender Programme finanziert die Kom- kann, damit die Ukraine ihren vordringlichen Bedarf de- mission derzeit eine Reihe von laufenden sektorbezoge- cken kann, einschließlich der Stabilisierung der Finanzla- nen Budgethilfeprogrammen und technischen Hilfspro- ge und der Unterstützung der Funktionsweise der neuen grammen, die die neue Regierung in Schlüsselbereichen Verwaltung. unterstützen werden, wie wirtschaftliche Entwicklung, öffentliches Finanzmanagement und Justiz. Das Volu- Makrofinanzhilfe: men beläuft sich auf rund 400 Mio. EUR.

Insgesamt sollen 1,6 Mrd. EUR an Makrofinanzhilfe Darüber hinaus sollen die NIF-Mittel bankfähigen In- (MFA) zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Kurzfristig ist vestitionsprojekten in der Ukraine zu Gute kommen. die Kommission bereit, 610 Mio. EUR an Darlehen Erfahrungen in der Vergangenheit mit der Umsetzung im Rahmen der MFA zu mobilisieren, auf die man sich des NIF in der östlichen Nachbarschaft im früheren bereits verständigt hat. Allerdings hängt diese Mittelbe- Programmzeitraum haben gezeigt, dass mit einem Be- reitstellung von der Unterzeichnung eines Abkommens trag von 200-250 Mio. EUR an Zuschüssen, der für die zwischen der Regierung und dem IWF ab. Die Kommis- Ukraine mittels Mischung verschiedener Finanzierungs- sion ist bereit, eine weitere MFA in Höhe von bis zu 1 formen vorgesehen ist, eine Hebelwirkung in Form der Mrd. EUR vorzuschlagen. Die Kommission hat bereits UNTERSTÜTZUNGSPAKET FÜR DIE UKRAINE

Generierung von Darlehen von bis zu 3,5 Mrd. EUR er- Die Europäische Investitionsbank (EIB) ist die auf die wartet werden kann. Die Beteiligung der Internationalen Förderung bestimmter politischer Maßnahmen ausge- Finanzinstitutionen (IFI) ist für die Entfaltung der He- richtete Bank der EU und hat für die nächsten drei Jahre belwirkung und die Ausschöpfung des vollen Potenzials bereits eine Projektpipeline für die Ukraine im Umfang diesbezüglich von ausschlaggebender Bedeutung. von bis zu 1,5 Mrd. EUR aufgestellt. Dies könnte die EIB noch erheblich aufstocken, ohne Gelder aus ande- Im Rahmen des NIF arbeitet die Kommission derzeit an ren Regionen abzuziehen, wenn adäquate Garantien be- der Möglichkeit der Einrichtung eines speziellen ‚Fens- reitgestellt würden und die politischen und operativen ters‘, um die Umsetzung des Assoziierungsabkommens Bedingungen es erlauben. Die EIB könnte dann Finanz- (AA)/ der Freihandelszone (DCFTA) für die entspre- mittel für langfristige Investitionen von bis zu 3 Mrd. chenden Länder zu unterstützen. Damit hätten unsere EUR für den Zeitraum 2014-2016 zur Unterstützung Partner Zugang zu einer garantierten und spezifischen sowohl des Privatsektors vor Ort als auch der wirtschaft- Dotation, um Investitionen in Sektoren zu unterstüt- lichen und sozialen Infrastrukturen bereitstellen. Nach zen, die für die Modernisierung und die Annahme von der für Ende 2016 geplanten Halbzeitüberprüfung des EU-Standards ausschlaggebend sind 5 (wie z. B. in den EIB-Mandats für eine Darlehenstätigkeit in Drittländern Bereichen Umwelt und Energie). Auch wollen wir auf könnte die EIB ihre Tätigkeit bis 2020 durch die Aktivie- diese Fazilität zurückgreifen, um die Investitionsmög- rung des bereits vorgesehenen fakultativen Mandats von lichkeiten im Privatsektor weiter auszubauen. 3 Mrd. EUR weiter ausdehnen, sofern die Haushaltsbe- hörde einer weiteren Finanzierung zustimmt. Das Instrument für Stabilität und Frieden (IcSP), früher 639 Instrument für Stabilität, könnte für die Durchführung Die EIB arbeitet bei ihren Maßnahmen eng mit ande- dringender Aktionen eingesetzt werden, beispielsweise ren in der Region tätigen IFI zusammen und trägt so zu in den Bereichen Polizeireform und Wahlunterstüt- einem beträchtlichen Hebeleffekt bei. Die Kommission zung. Bis zu 20 Mio. EUR könnten rasch mobilisiert wird auch die Möglichkeit der Zweckbindung und der werden, wenn geeignete Aktionen identifiziert werden; vorgezogenen Finanzierung von einigen der zusätzlichen sie könnten durch weitere 15 Mio. EUR aus dem GS- Garantien für die EIB-Mittel prüfen, die durch FE- VP-Haushalt ergänzt werden, um Maßnahmen im Zu- MIP-Rückflüsse für Darlehen im Zusammenhang mit sammenhang mit der Reform des Sicherheitssektors zu dem Assoziierungsabkommen und der vertieften und unterstützen. umfassenden Freihandelszone besichert werden.

Schließlich ist die Ukraine für die EU das wichtigste Die Europäische Bank für Wiederaufbau und Ent- Land, wenn es um Maßnahmen auf dem Gebiet der nuk- wicklung (EBWE) ist eine internationale Finanzinstitu- learen Sicherheit und Gefahrenabwehr geht. Derzeit wer- tion, in der die EU und die Mitgliedstaaten über eine den im Rahmen des Instruments für Zusammenarbeit Mehrheitsbeteiligung verfügen. Im Rahmen eines ko- im Bereich der nuklearen Sicherheit Projekte mit einem ordinierten Programms zur finanziellen Unterstützung Gesamtumfang von 50 Mio. EUR zur Entsorgung radi- glaubwürdiger struktureller und makroökonomischer oaktiver Abfälle und in Form sozialer Projekte in dem Reformen könnte die EBWE in dem genannten Zeit- betroffenen Gebiet rings um die Sperrzone Tschernobyl raum 5 Mrd. EUR zur Verfügung stellen oder auch einen durchgeführt. Zusätzlich stehen weitere 36,5 Mio. EUR höheren Betrag, wenn die wirtschaftlichen Bedingungen zur Verfügung, die für Aktionen in diesem Bereich sehr dies erlauben. kurzfristig über Verträge vergeben werden können. Die Programmierung für den neuen Finanzierungszeitraum ist im Gange, so dass die EU ihre Bemühungen auf die- MECHANISMUS FÜR sem Gebiet weiter verstärken kann. DIE INTERNATIONALE Die Kommission bekräftigt ihre Bereitschaft, einen GEBERKOORDINIERUNG: EU-Treuhandfonds einzurichten, wenn die Mitglied- staaten eine solche Initiative befürworten. Dadurch wür- Die Kommission bleibt in engem Kontakt sowohl mit de ein Mechanismus geschaffen, der den Mitgliedstaaten dem IWF als auch mit der Weltbank vor Ort und in der die Bereitstellung weiterer umfangreicher Finanzbeiträ- jeweiligen Zentrale. Um die wirksame Bereitstellung der ge ermöglichen, die Sichtbarkeit der EU einschließlich oben beschriebenen Wirtschafts- und Entwicklungshilfe der Mitgliedstaaten erhöhen und einen Beitrag zu einer der EU zu gewährleisten, die Wirkung dieser Hilfe zu wirksamen, raschen und koordinierten Auszahlung von maximieren und auch ihre Sichtbarkeit zu erhöhen, prüft Mitteln leisten würde. die Kommission Wege, um die internationale Geberkoor- dinierung durch Einrichtung - in Zusammenarbeit mit DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

der internationalen Gemeinschaft und den internationa- In der Zwischenzeit ist die Kommission bereit, durch len Finanzinstitutionen - eines Ad-hoc-Koordinierungs- Vorlage eines Vorschlags für eine Verordnung des Rates mechanismus zu verbessern. und des Europäischen Parlaments über die sogenannten „autonomen Handelsmaßnahmen“ die vorgezogene Ein solcher Mechanismus könnte weitere Fortschritte Anwendung der im Abkommen enthaltenen Bestim- auf der Grundlage einer Bedarfsermittlung und des von mungen über die Einfuhr von Waren (d.h. Zollsenkun- den ukrainischen Behörden erstellten Reformprogramms gen und Eröffnung von Zollkontingenten) anzubieten. ermöglichen und einen nachhaltigen Ausweg aus der Durch diese von der EU unilateral angebotenen handel- schwierigen wirtschaftlichen Lage der Ukraine durch spolitischen Übergangsmaßnahmen würden der Ukraine Förderung des wirtschaftlichen und politischen Über- bereits jetzt, d.h. in der Zeit bis zur Unterzeichnung und gangs bieten. vorläufigen Anwendung des Abkommens, viele der mit dem Abkommen verbundenen Vorteile zuteilwerden. Er könnte in Form einer internationalen Plattform mit Die rasche Umsetzung solcher Unterstützungsmaßnah- Sitz in Kiew eingerichtet werden, die regelmäßig zu- men setzt allerdings eine klare Zusage der Rates und des sammentritt, um die Bemühungen der Geber um Be- Europäischen Parlaments voraus, ein beschleunigtes Ge- wältigung der wirtschaftlichen Lage des Landes eng zu nehmigungsverfahren anzuwenden. koordinieren. Die politischen Leitlinien würden auf hochrangigen Koordinierungssitzungen der internatio- Als Teil dieser Bemühungen um Mobilisierung aller Fä- nalen Plattform festgelegt werden. Die Kommission ist higkeiten und Instrumente der EU als Beitrag zur Unter- 640 bereit, die Sitzungen in Brüssel auszurichten. Die Teil- stützung der Ukraine in dieser besonderen Zeit sind die nahme an diesem Mechanismus steht den EU-Mitglied- Hohe Vertreterin und die Kommission außerdem bereit, staaten, dem IWF, der Weltbank, der EBWE, der EIB ein hochrangiges Forum bzw. eine hochrangige Task- und interessierten Drittländern offen. Die EU-Delegati- Force einzuberufen, um Möglichkeiten für Investitionen on wäre vor Ort für die Teilnahme der EU federführend und Kooperationen in der Ukraine auszuloten. Eine sol- zuständig. che Veranstaltung sollte dazu dienen, viele verschiedene private und öffentliche wirtschaftliche Akteure aus der Ukraine und der EU sowie Vertreter der internationa- HANDEL UND INVESTITIONEN: len Finanzinstitutionen und des gastgebenden Landes zusammenzubringen, damit die Wirkung ihrer gemeinsamen Anstrengung maximiert und den Menschen in Wirtschaftliche und finanzielle Unterstützung ist zwar der Ukraine eine nachhaltige, demokratische und pros- unverzichtbar, doch auch Handel und Investitionen sind perierende Zukunft gesichert wird. Sie würde auch eine wichtige Instrumente zur Förderung langfristig nachhal- Gelegenheit bieten, der Ukraine dabei zu helfen, den tiger Verhältnisse in der Ukraine. Das Abkommen mit größtmöglichen Nutzen aus den autonomen Handels- der EU über eine vertiefte und umfassende und Freihan- maßnahmen und dem Assoziierungsabkommen bzw. der delszone bietet allen Bürgern der Ukraine immense Vor- vertieften und umfassenden Handelszone zu ziehen. teile. So werden z.B. ukrainische Ausführer aufgrund der gesenkten EU-Einfuhrzölle jährlich fast eine halbe Milliarde Euro einsparen; der ukrainischen Landwirt- schaft werden Kürzungen der Zölle auf landwirtschaft- ENERGIE UND VERKEHR: liche Erzeugnisse und Verarbeitungserzeugnisse in Höhe von knapp 400 Mio. EUR zugutekommen. Dem unter- Energie, Energiesicherheit und erschwingliche Preise schiedlichen Stand der wirtschaftlichen Entwicklung in sind für die Stabilität und Sicherheit der Ukraine von der EU und der Ukraine wird durch den asymmetrischen grundlegender Bedeutung. Die EU wird mit der neuen Charakter des Abkommens Rechnung getragen. Das Ab- Regierung der Ukraine zusammenarbeiten und diese kommen sieht nämlich vor, dass die Ukraine günstig u. a. finanziell unterstützen, um die Energieversorgung behandelt wird, indem die EU ihre Zölle frühzeitiger ab- langfristig zu diversifizieren und sicherzustellen, dass baut und damit ihre Märkte schneller und umfassender das ukrainische Gasfernleitungsnetz auch weiterhin eine öffnet als dies von der Ukraine verlangt wird. wichtige Transitroute für die Gasversorgung nach Euro- pa bleibt. Die Kommission wird diesbezüglich mit der Die EU steht bereit, rasch zu handeln, damit das Asso- Regierung der Ukraine weiterhin daran arbeiten, parallel ziierungsabkommen mitsamt der Bestimmungen über zu den Reformen des Gassektors gemäß den Verpflich- eine vertiefte und umfassende Freihandelszone vorläufig tungen im Rahmen Energiegemeinschaft das Gastrans- angewandt werden kann, sobald ein Beschluss zur Unter- portsystem in Zusammenarbeit mit der EIB, der EBWE zeichnung des Abkommens gefasst wurde. und der Weltbank zu modernisieren. Unter bestimmten UNTERSTÜTZUNGSPAKET FÜR DIE UKRAINE

Voraussetzungen könnte schon in naher Zukunft ein ers- MOBILITÄT: tes Darlehen bewilligt werden. Die Mobilität ist ein wichtiger Bereich, in dem nach Kurzfristig ist die Kommission bereit, die Ukraine bei Auffassung der Kommission kurzfristig wesentliche der Diversifizierung ihrer Gasversorgungsrouten unter- und sichtbare Maßnahmen ergriffen werden sollten. stützen und insbesondere sicherzustellen, dass beim Gas- Zwar hängen einige Maßnahmen von den politischen handel mit der EU sobald wie möglich der Gastransport Entscheidungen der Mitgliedstaaten ab, doch ist die entgegen der Hauptflussrichtung, insbesondere über die Kommission bereit und entschlossen, proaktiv für eine Slowakei (zusätzlich zu derzeit Polen und Ungarn), in reibungslose und effiziente Koordinierung in diesem Betrieb genommen werden kann. Bereich zu sorgen. Sie erfasst in vollem Umfang die Be- deutung der Mobilität und der direkten persönlichen Die Kommission sollte gemeinsam mit der Slowakei Kontakte für die ukrainischen Bürger und unterstützt sicherstellen, dass die ukrainischen und slowakischen die Bemühungen der Ukraine, den Prozess der Visali- Fernleitungsnetzbetreiber die nötigen Regelungen und beralisierung so rasch wie möglich entsprechend dem Verfahren festlegen, die eine höhere Gasversorgungska- Aktionsplan zur Visaliberalisierung voranzutreiben. Na- pazität von der EU in die Ukraine ermöglichen, um so türlich hängen die Fortschritte davon ab, wie die neue in der Ukraine die Versorgungssicherheit zu erhöhen. Regierung die wichtigsten anstehenden Probleme lösen Im Dezember 2013 wurde dank der Vermittlung der kann. Die Kommission kann und wird allerdings ihr Kommission zwischen den Fernleitungsnetzbetreibern Möglichstes tun, um dabei zu helfen, die noch vorhan- 641 der Slowakei und der Ukraine eine Vereinbarung über denen Probleme zügig anzugehen. Der Abschluss des den Gastransport entgegen der Hauptflussrichtung über Prozesses der Visaliberalisierung wird zur Aufhebung der die ukrainisch-slowakische Pipeline ausgehandelt, jedoch Visumpflicht für ukrainische Bürger führen, die für bis nicht unterzeichnet. Die Kommission ist bereit, sich ge- zu 90 Tage innerhalb eines Zeitraums von 180 Tagen in gebenenfalls für die Unterzeichnung dieser Vereinbarung den Schengen-Raum einreisen möchten. durch die beiden Betreiber einzusetzen. In der Zwischenzeit gilt ein Visaerleichterungsabkom- Sie wird sich auch weiterhin für eine Zusammenarbeit men zwischen der EU und der Ukraine, und die Kom- mit den betroffenen Mitgliedstaaten engagieren, um mission legt den Mitgliedstaaten nahe, dessen Potenzi- über Bulgarien und Rumänien und über Kroatien und al voll auszuschöpfen. Es gibt den Mitgliedstaaten die Ungarn zusätzliche Transportkorridore in Richtung Uk- Möglichkeit, zwischen einer Reihe von Maßnahmen zu raine zu schaffen. wählen, darunter auch der, die Visumgebühren für bestimmte Gruppen von Bürgern aufzuheben. Außerdem Mittelfristig wird die Kommission, sofern die Umstände räumt der Visakodex den Mitgliedstaaten weitere Op- dies erlauben, weiter einen trilateralen Ansatz (zwischen tionen ein, mit denen die Visumgebühren für weitere der EU, Russland und der Ukraine) zum Zweck der Mo- Personengruppen, beispielsweise für Kinder, aufgehoben dernisierung des ukrainischen Gasfernleitungssystems werden. verfolgen. Darüber hinaus beabsichtigt die Kommission der Ukrai- Was das Thema Verkehr anbelangt, so wurde anlässlich ne eine Mobilitätspartnerschaft anzubieten, mit der die des Gipfeltreffens der Östlichen Partnerschaft in Vilnius direkten persönlichen Kontakte und legale Migrations- ein Abkommen zwischen der EU und der Ukraine über möglichkeiten gefördert und ein Rahmen für Zusam- einen gemeinsamen Luftverkehrsraum unterzeichnet. menarbeit und praktische Unterstützung für die ukrai- Im Nachgang zu diesem Abkommen kommt die Kom- nischen Behörden geschaffen wird, der über den Prozess mission gut mit ihren vorbereitenden Arbeiten voran, der Visaliberalisierung hinausgeht. Voraussetzung für und wird so den Weg für einen Beschluss des Rates über eine solche Partnerschaft ist das Einverständnis der Mit- die Unterzeichnung des Abkommens ebnen. Sie ist be- gliedstaaten. Sollte von Seiten der Ukraine Interesse an reit, sich für eine baldige Umsetzung des Abkommens einer solchen Mobilitätspartnerschaft bestehen, könnte einzusetzen. sie sehr rasch eingeführt werden.

Die Kommission ist fest entschlossen, die Verkehrsbezie- hungen zwischen der EU und der Ukraine insbesondere im Rahmen des Verkehrsausschusses für die Östliche Partnerschaft weiter auszubauen. DIE EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION 2004 – 2014 — DOKUMENTE

PERSÖNLICHE KONTAKTE UND Darüber hinaus werden die Kommission und die Hohe Vertreterin gemeinsam mit dem Europarat und der Ve- BILDUNG: nedig-Kommission die Verfassungsreform weiter unter- stützen. Im Rahmen des EU-Ukraine-Dialogs über die Im Rahmen des neuen Programms Erasmus+ bietet die Justizreform wird bereits Unterstützung für die Reform EU neue Möglichkeiten für die Mobilität von Studen- der Staatsanwaltschaft und der Polizei gewährt. Des Wei- ten, die Zusammenarbeit von Hochschulen und den teren wird für den Bereich der Wahlhilfe geprüft, ob Jugendaustausch. Mit diesem Programm wird die kurz- Wahlunterstützung und technische Hilfe (u. a. Wahlbe- fristige Mobilität von Studenten in beiden Richtungen obachtung im Rahmen einer Wahlbeobachtungsmission gefördert: Sie können an der Gasthochschule Prüfungen von OSZE/ODIHR für künftige Wahlen) geleistet wer- ablegen, die dann von der heimischen Hochschule aner- den kann. kannt werden. Schätzungsweise werden über 4 000 junge Ukrainer vom Studentenaustausch im Rahmen von Eras- • Restriktive Maßnahmen: Die EU hat gezeigt, dass sie mus+ profitieren, und über 7 000 werden an Jugendpro- schnell und flexibel reagieren kann, wenn es darum jekten und –austauschprogrammen teilnehmen. Auch geht, die erforderlichen relevanten Rechtsvorschriften die Mobilität von Ausbildern und Lehrern wird geför- zu erlassen. Am Montag, den 24. Februar unterbrei- dert. Ukrainische Studenten und Hochschulen werden tete die Kommission ihren Vorschlag, der kurz vor sich an hochrangigen gemeinsamen Master-Abschlüs- der Annahme durch den Rat steht und an die sich sen beteiligen können, die von Konsortien europäischer ändernden Gegebenheiten vor Ort angepasst wurde, 642 Hochschulen angeboten werden. Hochschulen können damit jetzt das Einfrieren und Wiedereinziehen der an Maßnahmen für den Kompetenzausbau teilnehmen, Vermögenswerte von Personen, die als verantwortlich die sie in die Lage versetzen, Lehrpläne, Lehrmethoden für die Veruntreuung staatlicher Gelder angesehen und Anlagen zu modernisieren und ihre Governance zu werden, im Mittelpunkt steht. Die Kommission verbessern. Mit Erasmus+ wird ferner die Jugendmobili- ist bereit, falls erforderlich, weitere Vorschläge zu tät durch den Jugendaustausch, den Europäischen Frei- unterbreiten. willigendienst und die Mobilität von Jugendbetreuern finanziell unterstützt. • Humanitäre Hilfe und Zivilschutz: Die Kommissi- on hat in Kiew ein Büro eingerichtet, um von dort Die Ukraine wird weiter am eTwinning-Programm für aus die Lage zu beobachten und unter anderem den Schulen teilnehmen, für das sich seit dem Programmstart Mitgliedstaaten über die humanitäre Lage und über im März 2013 bereits 101 Schulen und 280 Lehrer ein- Zivilschutzaspekte zu berichten. Dieses Büro steht getragen haben. Wissenschaftler können sich für Dok- mit allen einschlägigen Hilfsorganisationen in Kon- toranden- oder Postdoktorandenstipendien oder andere takt, um möglicherweise erforderliche Maßnahmen Forschungsbeihilfen im Rahmen der Marie Sklodows- zu koordinieren und bei der Krisenplanung mitzu- ka-Curie-Maßnahmen bewerben. wirken. Die Kommission ist bereit, auf Ersuchen der Ukraine das Land im Rahmen des EU-Verfahrens für den Katastrophenschutz zu unterstützen. Die Kommission hat bereits die an diesem Verfahren WEITERE MASSNAHMEN: beteiligten Staaten Die Kommission wird der Ukraine weiterhin beim Auf- bau von Institutionen helfen, die den Interessen des Staates und der Menschen dienen, indem sie gute Gover- nance, Rechtstaatlichkeit und die Bekämpfung von Kor- ruption fördert. Die Funktionsfähigkeit dieser Institutio- nen zu gewährleisten, ist nicht nur Selbstzweck, sondern auch ein Weg, die wirtschaftliche und soziale Entwick- lung des Landes mittel- und langfristig zu sichern. Die Unterstützung für einen nachhaltigen, wirtschaftlichen und politischen Übergang muss auch Zuschüsse beinhalten, mit denen technisches Know-how für viele der in diesem Papier skizzierten Bereiche zur Verfügung gestellt werden kann. UNTERSTÜTZUNGSPAKET FÜR DIE UKRAINE

UNTERSTÜTZUNG FÜR DIE UKRAINE: INDIKATIVES HILFSPAKET

Quelle UNTERSTÜTZUNG FÜR DIE UKRAINE: INDIKATIVES HILFSPAKET EUROPÄISCHE KOMMISSION (2014-2020) Entwicklungshilfe insgesamt (Zuschüsse) 1,565 Bilateraler Finanzrahmen, davon

=> Jahresaktionsprogramm (JAP) 2014 140-200 140-200

=> JAP (Durchschnitt) für 2015-2020 780 780

=> Rahmenprogramm („mehr für mehr“) für 2015-2020 240-300 240-300 200-250 Nachbarschaftsinvestitionsfazilität 200-250 20 643 Instrument für Stabilität und Frieden (IcSP) 20 15 GASP Makrofinanzhilfe (Kredite) 1,610 EUROPÄISCHE FINANZINSTITUTIONEN (2014-2016)

EIB up to 3,000

EBWE 5000 GESAMTBETRAG €11,175 p.m : vorangegangener Programmplanungszeitraum

JAP für 2013 (gebunden) 199 199

JAP für 2011-2012 (aktuelle Mittel) 201 201

Instrument für Zusammenarbeit im Bereich der nuklearen Sicherheit 50 (i) aktuell 50 36.5 (ii) gebunden 36,5 € 486.5 INSGESAMT

Ein großes Dankeschön allen, die in diesen Jahren der großen Herausforderungen, aber auch der großen Erfolge, mit mir zusammengearbeitet haben!

JMDB

Zusammensetzung der Kommission Barroso I – das Kollegium (in alphabetischer Reihenfolge) Catherine ASHTON (UK) (Hohe Vertreterin/ Vizepräsidentin, ab Dez 2009), Jacques BARROT (FR), Franco FRATTINI (IT, 2004-2008), Siim KALLAS (EE), Antonio TAJANI (IT, 2008-2010), Günter VERHEUGEN (DE), Margot WALLSTRÖM (SE) (Vizepräsidenten)

Joaquín ALMUNIA (ES), Catherine ASHTON (UK, 2008-2010), Joe BORG (MT), Karel DE GUCHT (BE, 2009-2010), Stavros DIMAS (EL), Benita FERRERO-WALDNER (AT), Ján FIGEĽ (SK, 2004-2009), Mariann FISCHER-BOEL (DK), Dalia GRYBAUSKAITĖ (LT, 2004-2009), Danuta HÜBNER (PL, 2004-2009), László KOVÁCS (HU), Neelie KROES (NL), Meglena KUNEVA (BG), Markos KYPRIANOU (CY, 2004-2008), Peter MANDELSON (UK, 2004-2008), Charlie MCCREEVY (IE), Louis MICHEL (BE, 2004-2009), Leonard ORBAN (RO), Andris PIEBALGS (LV), Janez POTOČNIK (SI), Viviane REDING (LU), Olli REHN (FI), Paweł SAMECKI (PL, 2009-2010), Maroš ŠEFČOVIČ (SK, 2009-2010), Algirdas ŠEMETA (LT, 2009-2010), Vladimír ŠPIDLA (CZ), Androulla VASSILIOU (CY, 2008-2010) (Mitglieder)

Zusammensetzung der Kommission Barroso II – das Kollegium (in alphabetischer Reihenfolge) Catherine ASHTON (UK) (Hohe Vertreterin/ Vizepräsidentin), Joaquín Almunia (ES), Siim KALLAS (EE), Neelie KROES (NL), Viviane REDING (LU, 2010- 2014), Olli REHN (FI, 2010-2014), Maroš ŠEFČOVIČ (SK), Antonio TAJANI (IT, 2010-2014) (Vizepräsidenten)

László ANDOR (HU), Michel BARNIER (FR), Tonio BORG (MT, 2012-2014), Dacian CIOLOŞ (RO), John DALLI (MT, 2010-2012), Maria DAMANAKI (EL), Karel DE GUCHT (BE), Jacek DOMINIK (PL, 2014), Štefan FÜLE (CZ), Máire GEOGHEGAN QUINN (IE), Kristalina GEORGIEVA (BG), Johannes HAHN (AT), Connie HEDEGAARD (DK), Jyrki KATAINEN (FI, 2014), Janusz LEWANDOWSKI (PL, 2010-2014), Cecilia MALMSTRÖM (SE), Neven MIMICA (HR), Ferdinando NELLI FEROCI (IT, 2014), Günther OETTINGER (DE), Andris PIEBALGS (LV), Janez POTOČNIK (SI), Martine REICHERTS (LU, 2014), Algirdas ŠEMETA (LT), Androulla VASSILIOU (CY) (Mitglieder) Zusammensetzung der Kommission Barroso I – Kabinett João VALE DE ALMEIDA (Kabinettchef) Johannes LAITENBERGER (Kabinettchef Nov 2009-Feb 2010)

Alexander ITALIANER (Stellvertretender Kabinettchef 2004-2006), Jean-Claude THEBAULT (Stellvertretender Kabinettchef 2006-2009) Fernando FRUTUOSO DE MELO (Stellvertretender Kabinettchef Nov 2009-Feb 2010)

António José CABRAL (Senior Adviser)

Matthew BALDWIN, Alex ELLIS, Bo JENSEN, Clara MARTINEZ ALBEROLA, Ana MARTINHO, Arianna VANNINI, Sabine WEYAND (Berater)

Fernando ANDRESEN GUIMARÃES, Jonas CONDOMINES BERAUD, Pedro CYMBRON, Olivier DANDOY, Henning KLAUS, Johannes LAITENBERGER, João MARQUES DE ALMEIDA, Clara MARTINEZ ALBEROLA, Inês SÉRVULO CORREIA, Hugo MONTEIRO BRILHANTE SOBRAL, Michelle SUTTON (Mitglieder)

António José ALVES DA SILVA, Paulo ANTUNES, Dora ANTUNES DE FIGUEIREDO, Natalino BRAZ, Anabela CARNEIRO LOPES, Odete CARRELO DA CUNHA, Guilhermino José CERQUEIRA LOUSADA, Brigitte CHRISTEY, Hanna CISZEWSKA, Danielle COULONVAL, Pedro GUTIERREZ CUERVO, Sandrine DUPRET, Mojca ERJAVEC, Hervé HOTTAT, José Augusto FAJARDO LOUREIRO, Carlos FERREIRA, Maria Luísa GAIÃO, Kamila KRUPIČKOVÁ, Ritva LUOMALA-JARVI, Rita MAYER, Susana MELO, Corinne NACHI, Simona NICHITEANU, Norberto PAULA, Barbara RAYMAKERS, Fátima ROCHA TRINDADE, Hermínia SOARES, Rita TEIXEIRA MARQUES DE CASTRO DIAS, Oona VAN LANDUYT, Carmen VANDERVORST-GREGORIO, Maria Helena VIEIRA, Uta VON FREITAL, Christine WEHRHEIM (Assistenten) Zusammensetzung der Kommission Barroso II – Kabinett Johannes LAITENBERGER (Kabinettchef)

Fernando FRUTUOSO DE MELO (Stellvertretender Kabinettchef 2010-2012), Hugo MONTEIRO BRILHANTE SOBRAL (Stellvertretender Kabinettchef 2012-2014)

António José CABRAL (Senior Adviser)

Clara MARTINEZ ALBEROLA, Laurence DE RICHEMONT, Arianna VANNINI, Paulo João Lopes Do Rego VIZEU PINHEIRO (Berater)

Fernando ANDRESEN GUIMARÃES, Ricardo BORGES DE CASTRO, Olivier DANDOY, Henning KLAUS, Michael KARNITSCHNIG, Jakub Jerzy KONIECKI, Raquel LUCAS, João MARQUES DE ALMEIDA, Inês SÉRVULO CORREIA, Agnieszka SKURATOWICZ, Michelle SUTTON (Mitglieder)

Kristina BRADAITYTE-ROEKAERTS, Natalino BRAZ, António José ALVES DA SILVA, Paulo ANTUNES, Dora ANTUNES DE FIGUEIREDO, José Duarte CAPELO SILVA, Guilhermino José CERQUEIRA LOUSADA, Brigitte CHRISTEY, Maria Ramona CLIPICI, Danielle COULONVAL, Vasco DA SILVA QUEIRÓZ, Eric DEMOULIN, Sandrine DUPRET, Mojca ERJAVEC, José Augusto FAJARDO LOUREIRO, Maria Luísa GAIÃO, Pedro GUTIERREZ CUERVO, Kristyna HAMŘIKOVÁ, Hervé HOTTAT, Beáta KOVAĽOVÁ, Kamila KRUPIČKOVÁ, Eleonora LATINI, Rita MAYER, Guillaume MOREL, Corinne NACHI, Simona NICHITEANU, Fátima ROCHA TRINDADE, Hermínia SOARES, Katerina TCHOLAKOVA, Rita TEIXEIRA MARQUES DE CASTRO DIAS, Oona VAN LANDUYT, Mafalda VASCONCELOS; Maria Helena VIEIRA, Christine WEHRHEIM (Assistenten) Generalsekretäre der Europäischen Kommission: • David O’SULLIVAN (2000-2005)

• Catherine DAY (2005-heute)

Stellvertretende Generalsekretäre der Europäischen Kommission:

Christian DANIELSSON (2011-2013), Eckart GUTH (2002-2006), Henrik HOLOLEI (2013- heute), Alexander ITALIANER (2006-2010), Hervé JOUANJEAN (2007-2009), Marianne KLINGBEIL (2011-heute), Enzo MOAVERO-MILANESI (2002-2005), Michel SERVOZ (2011-2014), Jean-Claude THEBAULT (2009-2010)

Generaldirektoren des Juristischen Dienstes der Europäischen Kommission: • Michel PETITE (2001-2007)

• Claire-Françoise DURAND (2008-2009)

• Luis ROMERO REQUENA (2009-heute)

Generaldirektoren des Beratergremiums für europäische Politik: • Carlos TAVARES (2004-2005)

• Enzo MOAVERO-MILANESI (2006)

• Vítor GASPAR (stellvertretender Generaldirektor, 2006-2010)

• Jean-Claude THEBAULT (2010 - heute) Sprecherdienst der Europäischen Kommission: • Françoise LE BAIL (2004-2005, Leiterin des Dienstes, Sprecherin der Kommission)

• Johannes LAITENBERGER (2005-2009, Leiter des Dienstes, Sprecher der Kommission)

• Koen DOENS (2010-2014, Leiter des Dienstes)

• Pia AHRENKILDE-HANSEN (2005-2009, Stellvertretende Sprecherin der Kommission; Nov 2009-Feb 2010, Stellvertretende Leiterin des Dienstes; 2009-2014 Sprecherin der Kommission)

• Leonor RIBEIRO DA SILVA (2004-2014, Stellvertretende Sprecherin der Kommission) Die Europäische Kommission 2004-2014 Eine Bilanz des Präsidenten mit ausgewählten Dokumenten José Manuel Durão Barroso

Herausgegeben unter Mithilfe von Koen Doens, Vincent Stuer, Ricardo Borges de Castro, Stéphanie Rhomberg, Dirk Volckaerts, Rita Guerreiro, Maya Angelo- va and Mariana Correa.

Vorwort von J. M. Barroso, Präsident der Europäischen Kommission.

Europäische Kommission Generaldirektion Kommunikation Veröffentlichungen 1049 Brüssel BELGIEN

2014 — 650 S. — 21 × 25,5 cm

Print doi:10.2775/93251 ISBN 978-92-79-39560-4 PDF doi:10.2775/21736 ISBN 978-92-79-39584-0 EPUB doi:10.2775/5809 ISBN 978-92-79-39607-6

Luxemburg: Amt für Veröffentlichungen der Europäischen Union, 2014

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Printed in Belgium

NA-02-14-898-DE-C ISBN 978-92-79-39560-4 doi:10.2775/93251