Il-Kummissjoni Ewropea Testimonjanza Mill-President

Il-Kummissjoni Ewropea 2004 – 2014 Testimonjanza mill-President u dokumenti magħżula

JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO

Il-Kummissjoni Ewropea 2004–2014 Testimonjanza mill-President u dokumenti magħżula

JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO

Werrej

Il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea 2004–14 Stqarrija mill‑President �� 11 Dwar l‑Ewropa: Kunsiderazzjonijiet dwar il‑preżent u l‑ġejjieni tal‑Unjoni Ewropea L‑Università ta’ Humboldt, Berlin, it-8 ta’ Mejju 2014 �� 63

Diskorsi Building a Partnership for Europe: Prosperity, Solidarity,

Security 3 Vote of Approval, European Parliament Strasbourg, 21 July 2004 �� 93 Messina, 50 years on: turning the crisis to our advantage 50th anniversary of the Messina Conference Messina, 4 June 2005 ��101 France and Europe: a shared destiny French National Assembly Paris, 24 January 2006 ��107 Seeing Through The Hallucinations Third Hugo Young Memorial Lecture, Chatham House London, 16 October 2006 ��111 A stronger Europe for a successful globalisation 50th anniversary of the Treaties of Rome Berlin, 25 March 2007 ��121 The Treaty of Lisbon: a treaty for 21st century Europe Signature of the Treaty of Lisbon Lisbon, 13 December 2007 ��123 Political guidelines for the Commission 2009 – 2014 A message to the president of the European parliament Brussels, 3 September 2009 ��127 The creation of a Euro area instrument for coordinated assistance to Greece Statement Brussels, 19 March 2010 ��157 IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Statement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the Euro Area Statement to the European Parliament Brussels, 5 May 2010 ��159 Peoples of yesterday, peoples of tomorrow: 35 years of EU/ China relations Tsinghua University global vision lectures series Beijing, 30 April 2010 ��165 State of the Union Address 2010 European Parliament Strasbourg, 7 September 2010 ��171 Statement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State or Government of the Euro area 4 Press statement Brussels, 20 July 2011 ��183 State of the Union Address 2011 — European renewal European Parliament Strasbourg, 28 September 2011 ��185 The State of Europe DIE EUROPA REDE Berlin, 9 November 2011 ��199 Speech at the opening session of the Rio+20 conference Earth Summit – Rio+20 Rio de Janeiro, 20 June 2012 ��213 State of the Union Address 2012 European Parliament Strasbourg, 12 September 2012 ��219 Speech to the European Union Heads of Delegation Annual Conference of EU Heads of Delegation, EUSR and Chargés d’Affaires Brussels, 4 September 2012 ��235 From war to peace: a European tale Acceptance of the Nobel Peace Prize Award to the European Union Oslo, 10 December 2012 ��245 Europe as Solution: Facts and Myths Ambassadors' seminar Lisbon, 3 January 2013 ��255 The European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean: Global Partners for the 21st Century Editorial by José Manuel Durão Barroso and Herman Van Rompuy EU-Brazil summit 2013, 24 January 2013 ��265 The logic of interdependence and its consequences Building Bridges Conference Brussels, 7 March 2013 ��267 Moving into a Partnership of Choice Russia-European Union – Potential for Partnership conference Moscow, 21 March 2013 ��273 A new era of good feelings Bloomberg & European American Chamber of Commerce Conversation New York, 12 April 2013 ��281 5 The State of the EU in 2013: Heading towards Federalism or Fragmentation? Brussels Think Tank Dialogue Brussels, 22 April 2013 ��287 Statement on the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with U.S. President Barack Obama, the President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy and UK Prime Minister David Cameron, G8 Summit press conference Lough Erne, 17 June 2013 ��295 A united, strong and open Europe Address to European Union Heads of Delegation Brussels, 3 September 2013 ��297 State of the Union Address 2013 European Parliament Strasbourg, 11 September 2013 ��305 Statement at the Eastern Partnership Summit Eastern Partnership Summit Vilnius, 29 November 2013 ��319 Address on a New Narrative for Europe at the Opening of the Milan General Assembly New Narrative for Europe Milan, 9 December 2013 ��323 IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Acceptance Speech for the Charles V European Award European Academy of Yuste Foundation Yuste, 16 January 2014 ��329 Strengthening Europe security and defence sector High-level conference on the European security and defence sector Brussels, 4 March 2014 ��337 Speech at the EU-Africa Summit EU-Africa Summit Brussels, 2 April 2014 ��343 Acceptance speech for the Atlantic Council's Distinguished Leadership Award 2014 Distinguished Leadership Awards Washington DC, 30 April 2014 ��347 6 Let reason prevail over force Jagiellonian University – Conferral of the Plus Ratio Quam Vis Gold Medal Kraków, 10 May 2014 ��351 Paving the way for a European Energy Security Strategy Energy Security Strategy Conference Brussels, 21 May 2014 ��355 Statement at the signing of the Association Agreements with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine European Council Brussels, 27 June 2014 ��363 Komunikazzjonijiet mill-Kummissjoni Ewropea Dokumenti uffiċjali Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona Brussell, it-2 ta' Frar 2005 ��377 The Commission’s contribution to the period of reflection and beyond: Plan‑D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate Brussels, 13 October 2005 ��397 20 għal darbtejn sa l-2020: L‑opportunità dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima għall‑Ewropa Brussel, it-23 ta' Jannar 2008 ��405 EMU@10: suċċessi u sfidi wara 10 snin mill‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja 7 Brussell, is-7 ta' Mejju 2008 ��413 Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku Brussell, is-26 ta' Novembru 2008 ��423 Minn kriżi finanzjarja għal irkupru: Qafas Ewropew għall‑azzjoni Brussell, id-29 ta' Ottubru 2008 ��437 Nixprunaw l‑irkupru Ewropew Brussell, l-4 ta' Marzu 2009 ��443 Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv Brussell, it-3 ta' Marzu 2010 ��457 Proposta għal REGOLAMENT TAL‑KUNSILL li jistabbilixxi mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta' stabbilizzazzjoni finanzjarja Brussell, id-9 ta' Mejju 2010 ��479 It‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika Brussell, it-12 ta' Mejju 2010 ��483 It‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika għall‑istabilità, it‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi — Għodda għal governanza ekonomika tal‑UE isħaħ Brussell, it-30 ta' Ġunju 2010 ��491 IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Baġit għall‑Ewropa 2020 Brussell, id-29 ta' Ġunju 2011 ��499 Inżidu l‑impatt tal‑Politika tal‑UE għall‑Iżvilupp: Aġenda għall‑Bidla Brussell, it-13 ta' Ottubru 2011 ��515 Azzjoni għall-istabbiltà, għat-tkabbir u għall-impjiegi Brussell, it-30 ta' Mejju 2012 ��523 Pjan Direzzjonali lejn Unjoni Bankarja Brussell, it-12 ta' Settembru 2012 ��535 Pjan ta’ azzjoni għal unjoni ekonomika u monetarja profonda u ġenwina: It‑tnedija ta’ Dibattitu Ewropew Brussell, it-28 ta' Novembru 2012 ��541 8 Ħajja diċenti għal kulħadd: Neqirdu l‑faqar u nagħtu lid‑dinja futur sostenibbli Brussell, is-27 ta' Frar 2013 ��565 Lejn settur tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà aktar kompetittiv u effiċjenti Brussell, l-24 ta' Lulju 2013 ��575 Qafas ġdid tal‑UE biex jissaħħaħ l‑Istat tad‑Dritt Brussell, il-11 ta' Marzu 2014 ��589 Programm dwar l‑Idoneità u l‑Prestazzjoni tar‑Regolamentazzjoni (REFIT): Is‑Sitwazzjoni Attwali u l‑Perspettivi Brussell, it-18 ta' Ġunju 2014 ��595 Support package for Ukraine Brussels, 25 June 2014 ��607

Il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea 2004–14 Stqarrija mill‑President

JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO

Fis-26 ta’ Ġunju 2004, l‑eks Kummissarju għall‑Affarijiet Esterni, Chris Patten, 11 f ’intervista tal‑BBC iddeskriva r‑rwol tal‑President tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea bħala “wieħed mill‑aktar karigi diffiċli ‑fid dinja tal‑Punent”. Wara għaxar snin fil‑kariga, naħseb li naqbel miegħu.

Meta dħalt fil‑kwartieri ġenerali tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea fil‑binja Berlaymont f ’Novembru 2004 biex nieħu l‑kariga tiegħi bħala President tal‑Kummissjoni, kont ċertament konxju li kienet se tkun waħda impenjattiva, iżda qatt ma stajt nobsor x’kien ġej għalina. Matul dawn l‑aħħar għaxar snin, l‑UE għaddiet mill‑aktar żminijiet diffiċli‑ fl istorja tagħha, bir‑rifjut tat‑Trattat Kostituzzjonali minn Franza u l‑Olanda, perjodu twil ta’ tkabbir ekonomiku baxx u, f ’diversi Stati Membri, livell għoli ta’ qgħad, il‑kriżi finanzjarja li evolviet fi kriżi tad‑dejn sovran, instabbiltà kostanti f ’bosta gvernijiet u l‑aktar kriżi politika u tas‑sigurtà serja minn tmiem il‑Gwerra Bierda bit‑tfaqqigħ tal‑kunflitt bejn ‑l Ukraina u r‑Russja.

U sadattant, bqajna magħqudin u rnexxilna nikbru. Inkorporajna mod ġdid kif naħdmu wara t‑Trattat ta’ Liżbona. Matul dan id‑deċennju, l‑Unjoni Ewropea kważi rduppjat il‑membri tagħha, minn 15 għal 28, u ż‑żona tal‑euro kibret minn 12 għal 17 u dalwaqt għal 18. Adattajna ruħna biex insiru aktar b’saħħitna u nkunu preparati aħjar biex nindirizzaw l‑isfidi u naħtfu ‑l opportunitajiet li ġġib magħha l‑globalizzazzjoni. Minkejja kull tfixkil, u kontra ‑t tbassir ta’ ħafna, urejna r‑reżiljenza estrema tal‑Unjoni Ewropea, u l‑bżonn ta’ rieda u tmexxija politika bħala promoturi indispensabbli tal‑azzjoni f ’UE aktar politika.

Dan it‑test għadu mhuwiex il‑memorji tiegħi, imma l‑ewwel stqarrija personali li nixtieq naqsam magħkom qabel ma ntemm il‑mandati tiegħi, illustrat u kkomplementat bi wħud mid‑dokumenti ewlenin u b’għadd ta’ diskorsi politiċi IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

li għamilt bħala President tal‑Kummissjoni. Ma għandux jitqies bħala rendikont eżawrjenti tal‑ħidma tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea matul dawn is‑snin iżda jipprova jagħti daqqa t’għajn — għalkemm ovvjament waħda impressjonistika — lejn l‑esperjenzi tiegħi, billi nippreżenta dawn l‑inizjattivi fil‑kuntest politiku tagħhom.

Ovvjament, l‑ebda waħda mill‑kisbiet tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea ma kienet tkun possibbli mingħajr il‑kooperazzjoni mill‑qrib u l‑impenn tal‑kollegi tiegħi fil‑Kulleġġ tal‑Kummissarji u l‑uffiċjali tagħna. Mhux se nsemmihom wieħed wieħed hawnhekk — diġà ppubblikajna “rendikont tal‑kisbiet” biex nuru l‑inzjattivi importanti ta’ dawn is‑snin — iżda nirringrazzjahom ilkoll.

Inħoss li flimkien ħdimna qatigħ u rnexxilnanżommu l‑Ewropa magħquda u miftuħa u għalhekk għamilniha aktar b’saħħitha. Minkejja d‑diffikultajiet

12 kollha, kien deċennju affaxxinanti li jisboq kull sodisfazzjon.

Ewropa magħquda Mit‑tkabbir għall‑immaniġġjar tal‑kriżi ekonomika Meta ħadt il‑kariga tiegħi bħala President tal‑Kummissjoni, l‑aspettattiva dak iż‑żmien kienet li l‑immaniġġjar tal‑konsegwenzi tal‑akbar tkabbir li qatt sar kien se jkun ukoll l‑akbar problema.

Bla dubju, kien hemm il‑fehma li tkabbir minn 15-il membru għal 25, għal 27 u mbagħad għal 28, kien se jwassal biex jiddestabilizza l‑Kulleġġ, jew jifframmentah fuq linji ġeografiċi, ideoloġiċi jew politiċi. Ma ġarax hekk, iżda ftit dak iż‑żmien kienu lesti jaħsbu mod ieħor. Il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea mwessa’ wriet li hi stabbli u effettiva. Jien rajtha bħala wieħed mill‑kompiti ewlenin tiegħi li nissalvagwardja l‑unità, il‑koerenza u l‑effiċjenza tal‑Kummissjoni. Mhux biss bħala prerekwiżit għaliha biex taqdi rwol ewlieni fl‑Ewropa, iżda wkoll bħala simboli tal‑kapaċità tal‑pajjiżi tal‑Ewropa li jgħixu flimkien. Għaliex fil‑qalba tagħha, dik hi l‑unità Ewropea: dar ’il fuq u lil hinn mid‑djar nazzjonali tagħna.

Tabilħaqq saret il‑preokkuppazzjoni, l‑għan u xi drabi anke l‑biża’ ewlenija tiegħi matul dawn is‑snin: li d‑differenzi inevitabbli u l‑frizzjonijiet possibbli bejn il‑membri tal‑Ewropa, bejn it‑Tramuntana u n‑Nofsinhar, bejn is‑sinjuri u l‑fqar, bejn il‑kbar u ż‑żgħar, bejn iċ‑ċentru u l‑periferija — qatt m’għandhom jitħallew jaqsmuna u jifframmentaw il‑proġett komuni tagħna. L‑integrazzjoni Ewropea dejjem kienet mod kif jingħalqu dawn id‑distakki u jingħelbu d‑differenzi, u dan irnexxielha tagħmlu b’suċċess. DAĦLA

L‑Unjoni Ewropea ma tistax timxi ’l quddiem politikament, u lanqas toktor ekonomikament u soċjalment, jekk inħallu d‑diviżjonijiet jirkbuna. Fl‑Ewropa, it‑tmexxija bil‑bini tal‑kunsens biss tista’ tevita l‑frammentazzjoni. M’hemmx mod ieħor kif nimxu ’l quddiem. Dan hu l‑approċċ li ħadt bħala President tal‑Kummissjoni, u l‑istess konvinzjoni dejjem mexxietni fir‑relazzjonijiet mal‑Kunsill u l‑Parlament Ewropew.

Nikbru fid‑daqs, inżommu l‑koerenza

Il‑Kummissjoni tiegħi kienet l‑ewwel waħda ta’ Ewropa mkabbra u maqgħuda mill‑ġdid. Għalhekk ħadt ħsieb li nindirizza wħud mit‑tħassib speċifiku għall‑Istati Membri ġodda, sabiex nevita li nittrattahom sempliċement bħala pajjiżi li waslu tard. Mill‑bidu nett, l‑għażla tal‑portafolli u l‑Viċi Presidenti kienet element wieħed ta’ dan l‑impenn li ħadt. Irreżistejt apposta t‑tentazzjoni li nagħti l‑portafolli l‑aktar importanti lill‑pajjiżi l‑kbar. Ma 13 kienx b’kumbinazzjoni li l‑kummissarji tal‑baġit tiegħi kienu mill‑Istati Membri l‑ġodda u li l‑karigi b’sinifikat politiku ngħataw lil Viċi Presidenti mill‑Istati Membri l‑ġodda. Hu minħabba f ’hekk li impenjajt ruħi mal‑pajjiżi tal‑Visegrad, inkluż il‑parteċipazzjoni tiegħi f ’diversi laqgħat; li l‑Kummissjoni pproponiet il‑Pjan ta’ Interkonnessjoni tas‑Suq tal‑Enerġija tal‑Baltiku u miżuri ewlenin oħra biex issaħħaħ is‑sigurtà tal‑enerġija; li nnominajt rappreżentanti speċjali biex isegwu mill‑qrib il‑kwistjoni ta’ Ċipru; u li tajt attenzjoni speċjali lir‑Rumanija u l‑Bulgarija.

Għalhekk, meta ġie deċiż, fis‑sajf tal-2014, li jintgħażlu bħala mexxejja ġodda tal‑Unjoni Ewropea l‑ħbieb tiegħi Jean‑Claude Juncker bħala President tal‑Kummissjoni u Donald Tusk bħala l‑President tal‑Kunsill Ewropew, ħassejt li l‑investiment tagħna fit‑tkabbir Ewropew kien ġustifikat sew. Hi stampa perfetta ta’ Ewropa li qed tingħaqad flimkien, mill‑pajjiżi fundaturi sa dawk li ngħaqdu aktar reċentement. Min seta’ jobsor, ftit snin ilu, li ‑l President tal‑Kunsill Ewropew kien se jkun mill‑Polonja?

It‑tkabbir tal‑Ewropa ta spinta ġdida billi injetta doża friska ta’ entużjażmu mill‑Istati Membri ġodda fil‑proġett Ewropew, sal‑adeżjoni tal‑Kroazja fl-2013 li hu sinjal għar‑reġjun kollu. It‑tkabbir bl‑ebda mod ma naqqas mid‑determinazzjoni tagħna. Dan ma jfissirx li kienet sitwazzjoni faċli mill‑bidu, jew li kollox kien perfett. Madankollu, wara għaxar snin, jidher ċar ħafna li, b’mod ġenerali, urew l‑appoġġ qawwi tagħhom lejn integrazzjoni Ewropea msaħħa. Din hi waħda mill‑aktar stejjer li rnexxew tal‑Ewropa u li ftit li xejn nitkellmu dwarha, iżda l‑importanza tagħha se toħroġ aktar fid‑dieher IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

maż‑żmien. Kuntent li kkontribwejt għal dan permezz tal‑approċċ tiegħi bħala President tal‑Kummissjoni.

Li nżommu l‑Ewropa magħquda kienet sfida kostanti ‑fl ewwel snin tal‑ewwel mandat tiegħi. Ir‑riskju ta’ qasma kien permanenti, kemm bejn l‑Istati Membri, bejn l‑istituzzjonijiet u kemm fi ħdan il‑Kummissjoni nnifisha.

L‑ewwel Kummissjoni tiegħi malajr kienet konfrontata b’serje ta’ kwistjonijiet li kienu l‑kawża ta’ tensjoni kbira: in‑nuqqas ta’ kredibilità tal‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona 2000 bl‑għan li tagħmel l‑Ewropa l‑aktar ekonomija kompetittiva u dinamika bbażata fuq l‑għarfien fid‑dinja; it‑tlestija tar‑reviżjoni tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir fl-2005; u l‑istaġnar minħabba l‑baġit Ewropew u l‑immaniġġjar ta’ xi biċċiet ta’ leġiżlazzjoni kontroversjali ħafna li kienu ġew adottati mill‑Kummissjoni preċedenti, bħad‑direttiva dwar is‑servizzi

14 Bolkestein. Dan kollu tqanqal mill‑kriżi li rriżultat mir‑referenda negattivi fejn iċ‑ċittadini ta’ żewġ pajjiżi fundaturi, Franza u l‑Olanda, irrifjutaw it‑trattat kostituzzjonali.

Filwaqt li r‑raġunijiet għaż‑żewġ voti kienu differenti, it‑tnejn li huma wrew ir‑rabta fjakka mat‑tħassib taċ‑ċittadini u l‑iskumdità ta’ Ewropa akbar li qed tipprova tadatta għall‑globalizzazzjoni. (L‑istess jista’ b’xi mod jingħad dwar il‑vot negattiv fir‑referendum Irlandiż dwar it‑Trattat ta’ Liżbona fl-2008). Naturalment, ir‑responsabbiltà ewlenija waqgħet fuq l‑Istati Membri biex isibu mezz kif jinżammu l‑aktar partijiet importanti tat‑trattat kostituzzjonali filwaqt li jiġi rifless u rispettat b’mod ċar it‑tħassib espress miċ‑ċittadini f ’żewġ membri fundaturi.

Il‑Kummissjoni mhux biss qdiet ir‑rwol tagħha b’kampanja ta’ konsultazzjoni, il-“Pjan D għad‑demokrazija, id‑djalogu u d‑dibattitu”, iżda kienet ukoll strumentali biex toħloq il‑kundizzjonijiet għal soluzzjoni li kienet qrib it‑trattat oriġinali kemm jista’ jkun. Kien bis‑saħħa ta’ Jean‑Claude Juncker u Josep Borrell, li dak iż‑żmien kienu l‑President b’rotazzjoni tal‑Kunsill u l‑President tal‑Parlament Ewropew rispettivament, fl‑uffiċċju tiegħi qabel ‑il konferenza stampa tagħna, li rnexxilna nilħqu qbil għall‑kooperazzjoni, li mbagħad witta t‑triq għal progress gradwali li ħariġna mis‑sqaq li nħoloq bir‑referenda negattivi dwar it‑trattat kostituzzjonali.

Il‑ħolqien ta’ spinta pożittiva ma kienx faċilitat mill‑fatt li d‑Direttiva Bolkestein, għalkemm kienet approvata b’mod unanimu mill‑Kummissjoni preċedenti, ħolqot tant qasmiet. It‑theddida perċepita tal‑plombier polonais (il‑plammer Pollakk) saret proverbjali, pereżempju fl‑opinjoni pubblika Franċiża. Għall‑kuntrarju ta’ dan, għalkemm dil‑parti tal‑istorja sikwit ma tingħatax DAĦLA

il‑valur li jistħoqqilha, ħareġ sens ta’ għadab qawwi fl‑Istati Membri li kienu għadhom kif ingħaqdu wara għadd ta’ kummenti negattivi dwar il‑konsegwenzi perċepiti tat‑tkabbir li saru mill‑mexxejja tal‑Istati Membri l‑qodma.

U madankollu, minkejja t‑talbiet, biex ma ngħidux it‑theddid, biex nirtiraw il‑proposta, jien iddeċidejt kontra dan. Irraġunajt li jekk nagħmel hekk inkun qed nagħmel ħsara lill‑iżvilupp tas‑suq uniku bħala mutur tal‑impjieg u t‑tkabbir ekonomiku u, għalkemm konna lesti ninnegozjaw tibdil għall‑proposta oriġinali, li naċċettaw ultimatum biex nirtirawha għal kollox kien ikun diżastru għall‑awtorità tal‑Kummissjoni u eventwalment kienet tkun problema akbar għall‑Ewropa. Kont iddeterminat li niżgura li tinżamm l‑awtorità tal‑Kummissjoni bid‑dritt waħdieni tagħha ta’ inizjattiva sabiex ma jintilifx il‑kontroll tat‑tensjonijiet ċentrifugi ovvji bejn l‑Istati Membri.

Ħabbatt wiċċi mal‑istess dilemma bil‑leġiżlazzjoni dwar il‑kimiki msejħa 15 REACH. Din kienet adottata wkoll fl‑aħħar sena tal‑Kummissjoni preċedenti, ħolqot ħafna diviżjonijiet u ħadet sigħat bla għadd biex jinstab kompromess raġonevoli li kien jaqbel mal‑aġenda ambjentali ambizzjuża tagħna b’każ ekonomiku solidu.

Kooperazzjoni, mhux konfrontazzjoni

Il‑mod biex negħlbu dawn il‑kriżijiet irrikjeda li l‑Kummissjoni, il‑Parlament Ewropew u l‑Istati Membri jaħdmu flimkien, mhux bħala avversarji iżda bħala sħab reali fil‑proġett komuni tagħna msejjaħ Ewropa. Id‑demokrazija Ewropea tevolvi abbażi ta’ diskussjoni miftuħa li twassal għal kompromess u kunsens, fir‑rispett tal‑ekwilibriji sottili li huma indispensabbli għall‑governanza fl‑Ewropa, bejn l‑interess nazzjonali u l‑interess Ewropew, bejn il‑ġustizzja soċjali u l‑prestazzjoni ekonomika, ir‑responsabbiltà individwali u s‑solidarjetà kollettiva, kif ukoll il‑bilanċ anke bejn l‑għanijiet u l‑isfidi fil‑livell nazzjonali, Ewropew u globali. Minn dejjem kont konvint mill‑ħtieġa ta’ Kooperationsverhältnis, relazzjoni ta’ kooperazzjoni bejn l‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑Ewropa u l‑istituzzjonijiet nazzjonali li tirrifletti approċċ irfinat ‑fid dawl tal‑għanijiet komuni tagħna.

L‑integrazzjoni Ewropea tirrikjedi “arti tal‑governanza” li hi differenti mill‑politiki nazzjonali, u qajjimt dan il‑punt fid‑diskors Humboldt tiegħi f ’Mejju 2014. Matul il‑mandat tiegħi, kellna niddefendu u nġeddu l‑metodu tal‑komunità. Naturalment, bħala riżultat tal‑ħtiġijiet li ħarġu mill‑kriżi finanzjarja, feġġew approċċi intergovernattivi f ’xi oqsma iżda ‑l Kummissjoni Ewropea, flimkien mal‑Parlament Ewropew, irnexxielha tiddefendi l‑approċċ IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

komunitarju, li hu garanzija għal Unjoni Ewropea bbażata fuq l‑istat tad‑dritt u l‑ugwaljanza tal‑Istati Membri. Anke meta ma kienx hemm unanimità bejn il‑gvernijiet għal soluzzjoni bbażata fuq il‑Komunità — kif kien il‑każ għall‑patt fiskali — fil‑fatt il‑Kummissjoni xorta ngħatalha rwol importanti, u l‑Istati Membri ntrabtu mal‑perspettiva li eventwalment jinkorporawha fil‑qafas Komunitarju.

Il‑pożizzjoni tal‑Parlament Ewropew evolviet bħala riżultat tas‑setgħat li żdidulu u r‑responsabbiltajiet derivati minn dan; xejra partikolarment ċara waqt il‑presidenza ta’ Martin Schulz, iżda li setgħet tiġi nnutata anke qabel, taħt il‑presidenzi ta’ Borrell, Pöttering u Buzek, li magħhom ilkoll irnexxieli nibni relazzjoni ta’ xogħol dejjem aktar produttiva.

Bil‑kontra ta’ min jara l‑UE bħala logħba fejn ħaġa xxejjen lill‑oħra, minn dejjem

16 xtaqt insaħħaħ l‑istituzzjonijiet tagħna mingħajr ma nagħmel ħsara lil ħaddieħor, u ddefendejt viżjoni tal‑Kummissjoni li taħdem mhux f ’konfrontazzjoni iżda f ’kooperazzjoni, skont l‑approċċ komunitarju.

Aspett wieħed ta’ dan hu r‑rwol tal‑parlamenti nazzjonali — li kont ili nisħaq fuqu mill-2006 u li sar magħruf bħala l-“inizjattiva Barroso” li nibagħtu l‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni lill‑parlamenti nazzjonali wkoll. Waħda mill‑isfidi għas‑snin li ġejjin hi kif se tissaħħaħ l‑appartenenza tal‑Ewropa fost ir‑rappreżentanti nazzjonali mingħajr ma nikkumplikaw l‑istrutturi tat‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet sal‑punt li jispiċċaw ma jistgħux jaħdmu.

Huwa f ’dan l‑ispirtu ta’ kooperazzjoni li rnexxielna noħorġu lill‑Ewropa mill‑qagħda ħażina li kienet fiha wara ‑r referenda negattivi. Kont ipproponejt dikjarazzjoni bħala pass intermedju, peress li ovvjament ma kien hemm l‑ebda aptit għal trattat ġdid, li nerġgħu lura għall‑essenzjali u naqblu fuq xi wħud mill‑punti bażiċi li jagħmluna, kif hemm miktub fit‑test famuż, zu unserem Glück vereint (magħqudin għall‑aħjar). U fil‑fatt, fl-2007, mad‑Dikjarazzjoni ta’ Berlin li ċċelebrat il-50 anniversarju tat‑Trattat ta’ Ruma, kien ċar li l‑Ewropa kollha kemm hi kienet lesta għal xrara ġdida biex timxi ’l quddiem. B’involviment Ġermaniż akbar, bdejna diskussjoni kostruttiva dwar dak li eventwalment sar it‑Trattat ta’ Liżbona.

Dawn l‑avvenimenti, li enfasizzaw il‑kumplessità tal‑interazzjoni bejn il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Istati Membri, sawru r‑raġunament tiegħi f ’dawn l‑għaxar snin hekk kif fittixt li naħdem mal‑Istati Membri bħala msieħba minflok avversarji. Saħħew ukoll l‑opinjoni tiegħi li l‑integrazzjoni Ewropea tista’ tirnexxi biss f ’għajnejn iċ‑ċittadini jekk il‑mexxejja nazzjonali jkunu lesti jipproponu l‑Ewropa b’mod pożittiv. Kemm‑il darba rajt li d‑diffikultà ewlenija DAĦLA mhijiex daqstant l‑oppożizzjoni tal‑Ewroxettiċi iżda d‑delużjoni tal‑forzi favur l‑Ewropa, id‑diżappunt tagħhom meta l‑objettivi tagħhom ma jiksbux appoġġ.

L‑impenn tiegħi mal‑Istati Membri, billi huwa fundamentali, ġie bi prezz. Il‑Kummissjoni ġieli ġiet akkużata li tressaq proposti li kienu biss l‑inqas denominatur komuni bejn il‑pożizzjonijiet tal‑Istati Membri, iżda ovvjament, din karikatura. Il‑Kummissjoni mhijiex u m’għandhiex tkun think tank li jqanqal il‑provokazzjoni għal xejn b’xejn, iżda dejjem għandha ssib bilanċ bejn il‑ħtieġa tal‑ambizzjoni u l‑possibilitajiet tal‑adozzjoni. Dan ma jagħmilx lill‑Kummissjoni s‑segretarjat jew il‑qaddejja tal‑Istati Membri, lanqas tal‑Istati membri l‑kbar. Din dejjem fhimtha. Filwaqt li Franza u ‑ l Ġermanja huma neċessarji għall‑integrazzjoni u għall‑Kummissjoni biex tasal għall‑adozzjoni tal‑proposti tagħha, mhumiex biżżejjed. U ma bżajtx innaffar lil dawn ‑l Istati Membri meta rajt li kien hemm sogru għall‑interess Ewropew. Iġġilidt bosta battalji twalu u diffiċli, ma’ Berlin bħal ‑fil każ tal‑karozzi bis‑CO2 u l‑għajnuna 17 għall‑persuni fil‑bżonn, u ma’ Pariġi dwar ir‑relazzjoni bejn iż‑żona tal‑euro u l‑bqija tal‑UE kif ukoll dwar ir‑rispett tad‑drittijiet tar‑Roma. U wara l‑patt ta’ Deauville, kelli diskussjonijiet serji dwar l‑involviment tas‑settur privat sew mal‑Ġermanja sew ma’ Franza.

L‑impenn mal‑Istati Membri ħa dimensjoni ġdida fil‑bidu tat‑tieni mandat tiegħi bil‑ħolqien ta’ Presidenza ġdida fi Brussell, il‑President tal‑Kunsill Ewropew. Niftakar ċar kif dan immedjatament wassal għal mewġa ta’ kummenti, speċjalment fil‑konfini ta’ Brussell, li dan se jwassal biex tiddgħajjef il‑Kummissjoni. Fil‑fatt, din ir‑riforma kienet waħda mill‑innovazzjonijiet appoġġati mill‑Kummissjoni. Kien hemm bżonn kbir ta’ President permanenti għall‑kontinwità u l‑istabilità tal‑ħidma tal‑Kunsill Ewropew. Matul dawn is‑snin, Herman Van Rompuy u jien stabbilixxejna r‑rwoli distinti tagħna u ħloqna relazzjoni ta’ xogħol tajba u effettiva. Kuntent li ‑t tnejn li aħna konna kapaċi nagħtu prova li dawk li ddubitaw ma kellhomx raġun.

Qatt ma nstema’ daqshekk attwali dak li kien qal Jean Monnet dwar li l‑unità Ewropea se tkun il‑prodott ta’ sitwazzjonijiet u soluzzjonijiet ta’ kriżi — L’Europe se fera dans les crises et elle sera la somme des solutions apportées à ces crises — iżda b’kundizzjoni waħda: biss jekk il‑mexxejja jkunu ffukati li jiksbu ‑r riżultati minn dawn il‑mumenti ta’ kriżi. Għaliex jekk hemm ħaġa waħda ċara mis‑snin ta’ esperjenza tiegħi, hi din: huma x’inhuma l‑kuntest u l‑kundizzjonijiet, l‑Ewropa f ’idejna nibnuhiex jew inkissruhiex, u qatt ma nistgħu nagħmluha fatta. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Nwieġbu flimkien għall‑kriżi

Il‑ħtieġa ta’ unità kienet ukoll waħda mir‑raġunijiet għaliex iġġilidt daqshekk, ħafna drabi kontra kull eventwalità, biex il‑Greċja tibqa’ fiż‑żona tal‑euro u b’hekk inżommu l‑integrità tal‑euro. Parti kbira mit‑tieni mandat tiegħi ddedikajtha biex inżomm l‑Unjoni magħquda, u mbuttajt lill‑Istati Membri u l‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑UE biex juru responsabilità u solidarjetà b’mod partikolari meta jwieġbu għall‑kriżi finanzjarja u tad‑dejn sovran.

Din kienet, pereżempju, ir‑raġuni għalfejn il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Fond Monetarju Internazzjonali (FMI), filwaqt li ġeneralment kien hemm relazzjoni tajba u produttiva bejniethom, mhux dejjem qablu dwar kif tista’ tiġi indirizzata l‑kriżi. Il‑persunal tal‑FMI għandu t‑tendenza jaħseb aktar f ’termini tal‑ekonomiji nazzjonali. L‑enfasi tagħhom mhijiex daqstant fuq l‑effetti sistemiċi madwar 18 iż‑żona tal‑euro jew l‑UE — jiġifieri kienu jikkontemplaw aktar faċilment ideat bħall‑ħruġ tal‑Greċja miż‑żona tal‑euro, li għalija kienet anatema. Il‑Kummissjoni baqgħet soda biex tipprova tassisti lill‑Greċja u tirreżisti l‑pressjoni biex din toħroġ, minħabba li dan kien fl‑interess tal‑Greċja stess, u wkoll minħabba li din kienet tkun daqqa ta’ ħarta għall‑proġett tal‑munita unika. Konna partikolarment attenti għall‑effetti kaskata li dan seta’ jikkawża, mhux biss f ’termini ekonomiċi u finanzjarji, iżda f ’termini politiċi. L‑impenn personali tiegħi mal‑mexxejja Ewropej f ’punti ewlenin matul il‑kriżi kien fundamentali biex niżgura li l‑Greċja kellha l‑appoġġ politiku u ekonomiku meħtieġ. Mill‑perspettiva tas‑suq, kien kruċjali li ż‑żona tal‑euro tibqa’ magħquda, u kulħadd kellu għajnejh fuq il‑pożizzjoni Ġermaniża. Għalhekk, il‑fatt li l‑Kanċillier Merkel eventwalment iddeċiediet favur l‑unità taż‑żona tal‑euro, li aħna dejjem sostnejna, kien ċertament determinanti. Konna sodi wkoll biex nikkonvinċu lit‑tmexxija Griega li kellhom jagħmlu l‑parti tagħhom biex jipprovdu l‑istabilità politika meħtieġa biex jimbuttaw ir‑riformi meħtieġa li jistgħu jiggarantixxu r‑responsabbiltà tagħhom. Mill‑bidu tal‑kriżi, tkellimt kontinwament mal‑Prim Ministri Papandreou, Papademos u Pikrammenos u mal‑President Papoulias, u kien sodisfazzjon li nara li mis‑sajf tal-2012 taħt il‑Prim Ministru Samaras il‑kundizzjonijiet kienu propizji għar‑ritorn tal‑fiduċja.

Is‑salvagwardja tal‑unità tal‑UE u ż‑żona tal‑euro kienu l‑motto konsistenti tiegħi fil‑Kunsill Ewropew, fil‑laqgħat ta’ kriżi f ’formati differenti.

Qattajt sigħat twal fuq it‑telefown u f ’laqgħat nitkellem mal‑mexxejja u nikkonvinċihom b’dawn l‑opinjonijiet, mgħammar b’materjal sod mis‑servizzi tal‑Kummissjoni u ggwidat mill‑konvinzjonijiet politiċi tiegħi, mhux biss fil‑laqgħat tal‑Kunsill Ewropew u summits taż‑żona tal‑euro, iżda DAĦLA wkoll f ’formati differenti bħall-“Grupp ta’ Frankfurt”, flimkien mal‑mexxejja tal‑Kunsill Ewropew, il‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew (BĊE), il‑Grupp tal‑Euro, ta’ Franza u l‑Ġermanja u xi drabi l‑FMI. Niftakar mumenti drammatiċi ħafna, bħal‑laqgħat kritiċi fil‑marġini tal‑G20 f ’Cannes fl-2011, fejn kellna nittrattaw il‑kriżi Griega fl‑aqwa tagħha filwaqt li kienet qed tiżdied il‑pressjoni fuq l‑Italja u Spanja. Illum, issa li din il‑fażi ta’ kriżi għaddiet, diffiċli li wieħed jimmaġina kemm ħolqu mumenti ta’ tensjoni wħud minn dawn il‑laqgħat, u l‑isforzi politiċi u l‑enerġija li rrikjedew — ħafna drabi taħt pressjoni qawwija, biex jiġu evitati diżastri diretti — u biex inġibu l‑pożizzjonijiet diverġenti eqreb lejn xulxin għal għan komuni. Ħafna mill‑ħidma esperta u politika tal‑Kummissjoni kienet diskreta u mhux pubbliċizzata, preċiżament minħabba s‑sensittività tagħha għas‑swieq finanzjarji. Mhux dejjem ġabitilna ħafna viżibbiltà fil‑mezzi tax‑xandir, iżda flimkien mal‑isforzi ta’ oħrajn kienet effettiva.

It‑taqlib u ż‑żmien tad‑deċiżjonijiet Ewropej ukoll, xi kultant, iġġeneraw nuqqas 19 ta’ paċenzja internazzjonalment u mhux dejjem ġew miftiehma sew mis‑sħab strateġiċi. Kellna skambji sinċieri dwar dan, pereżempju mal‑President tal‑Istati Uniti u mat‑tmexxija Ċiniża, u ma’ msieħba bħall‑Ġappun jew il‑Brażil, biex nispjegawlhom li ma kien hemm l‑ebda mudell lest minn qabel — konna tabilħaqq qed “nibnu dgħajsa f ’nofs maltempata” — iżda ridna ngħidulhom li ma kellhomx għalfejn ikollhom dubji dwar id‑determinazzjoni tal‑Unjoni Ewropea u l‑Istati Membri tagħha biex jagħmlu dak li hu meħtieġ biex jingħelbu l‑problemi li konna qed inħabbtu wiċċna magħhom.

It‑tħassib l‑ieħor li kelli f ’dan il‑qasam kien il‑ħtieġa li ngħaqqdu l‑approfondiment meħtieġ taż‑żona tal‑euro filwaqt li nżommu ‑l integrità tal‑Unjoni Ewropea kollha kemm hi. Dan se jibqa’ kritiku fil‑futur qrib minħabba l‑hekk imsejħa “kwistjoni tar‑Renju Unit”. Dan il‑prinċipju issa stabbilit sew mill‑Kummissjoni Ewropea — stabbilixxejna l‑prinċipji fil‑pjan ta’ azzjoni għal unjoni ekonomika u monetarja profonda u ġenwina –– u nispera li dan hu aċċettat b’mod ġenerali fost il‑mexxejja politiċi Ewropej. Iżda s‑sitwazzjoni mhux dejjem kienet daqshekk ovvja. Pereżempju, huwa magħruf sew li xi wħud kienu favur it‑twaqqif ta’ istituzzjonijiet kompletament differenti għaż‑żona tal‑euro. Dejjem bqajt konvint li kooperazzjoni msaħħa sostnuta b’ritmi differenti ‑fl Ewropa taf issir neċessità, iżda Ewropa bi klassijiet differenti kienet — u għandha dejjem tkun — evitata akkost ta’ kollox. Filwaqt li hemm bżonn li mmorru lil hinn fl‑approfondiment speċjalment fiż‑żona tal‑euro, dan jista’ u għandu jsir b’mod li ma joħloqx diviżjonijiet. U evidenza ċara li dan il‑prinċipju ġie aċċettat b’mod ġenerali huwa l‑fatt li issa kien deċiż li l‑President tal‑Kunsill Ewropew, minn pajjiż li għadu mhuwiex membru taż‑żona tal‑euro, se jippresjedi wkoll is‑summits taż‑żona tal‑euro. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Ewropa Miftuħa Mill‑benefiċċji tal‑globalizzazzjoni ekonomika sal‑ħtieġa ta’ relazzjonijiet esterni attivi Il‑ħtieġa li nkunu miftuħin għad‑dinja kienet it‑tema ewlenija l‑oħra matul dawn l‑għaxar snin. L‑integrazzjoni Ewropea minn dejjem kienet immexxija kemm minn fatturi esterni kif ukoll minn dawk interni, u speċjalment f ’dan is‑seklu. Wara t‑Tieni Gwerra Dinjija, meta r‑rikonċiljazzjoni bejn Franza u l‑Ġermanja pprovdiet it‑tema u l‑għan ewlenin tal‑ideat ta’ personalitajiet prominenti bħal Monnet, Schuman, De Gasperi, Adenauer u Spaak, l‑integrazzjoni ekonomika kienet meqjusa bħala mezz biex tintlaħaq politika tajba għal pajjiżhom u għodda li tagħmel il‑gwerra impossibbli, saħansitra inkonċepibbli. Flimkien ma’ dawn ir‑raġunijiet intra‑Ewropej, ir‑raġuni 20 fundamentali għall‑Ewropa fis‑seklu 21 trid tkun waħda globali, fis‑sens li l‑pajjiżi tagħna waħedhom sempliċement m’għadhomx jistgħu jkomplu jissodisfaw l‑aspettattivi taċ‑ċittadini tagħhom, jipproteġu l‑interessi tagħhom u jippromwovu l‑valuri li jiddefendu. Anke Stati Membri akbar huma nieqsa mill‑massa kritika meħtieġa biex ikollhom relazzjoni bbilanċjata ma’ ġganti bħall‑Istati Uniti jew iċ‑Ċina jekk l‑azzjonijiet tagħhom ma jiġux miftiehma flimkien u l‑interessi tagħhom ma jkunux magħquda sfiq f ’qafas Ewropew.

Insawru l‑globalizzazzjoni

L‑Ewropa teħtieġ tħaddan il‑globalizzazzjoni, kemm bħala opportunità ekonomika u wkoll bħala sors ta’ għarfien u innovazzjoni, bħala parti mill‑bażi ta’ soċjetajiet miftuħin u kulturalment b’saħħithom. Fil‑fatt, għall‑kuntrarju tal‑perċezzjonijiet popolari f ’ċerti oqsma, l‑Ewropa inġenerali ħarġet rebbieħa mill‑globalizzazzjoni, kif juru ċ‑ċifri tal‑kummerċ tagħna. Hemm ħafna aktar gwadann milli telf mill‑globalizzazzjoni, iżda dan biss jekk inkunu verament impenjati li nsawruha u nuru tmexxija politika.

It‑theddidiet, madankollu, kienu inkontestabbilment preżenti ħafna matul dawn is‑snin u partikolarment eżatt wara l‑kriżi finanzjarja. Il‑ħtieġa li UE tibqa’ miftuħa u tmexxi rispons globali, jiġifieri billi kollettivament nirreżistu l‑pressjonijiet tal‑protezzjoniżmu, kienet aktar importanti minn qatt qabel. U kien fuq inizjattiva tal‑UE li d‑dinja aġixxiet kontra l‑kriżi b’mod konvinċenti u magħqud. Niftakar ċar lill‑President Sarkozy, li dak iż‑żmien kellu l‑Presidenza b’rotazzjoni tal‑Kunsill u jien miegħu fi triqitna lejn Camp David f ’Ottubru 2008 biex nippruvaw nikkonvinċu lill‑President George W. Bush biex jingħaqad magħna għal azzjoni globali. Dan wassal għall‑G20 fil‑forma DAĦLA attwali tiegħu, fil‑livell tal‑kapijiet ta’ stat jew gvern, u l‑isforz estremament importanti biex nigglobalizzaw it‑tweġiba għall‑kriżi f ’dak l‑istadju. Minkejja li l‑Istati Uniti fil‑bidu qagħdu lura milli jaġixxu b’mod koordinat, eventwalment aċċettaw il‑ħtieġa għal azzjoni globali. Huma wkoll tgħallmu mill‑esperjenzi tad‑Dipressjoni l‑Kbira tas‑snin tletin, u irnexxilna norganizzaw l‑ewwel laqgħa f ’Washington f ’Novembru 2008. Erba’ xhur wara kull ma għaddew sat‑tieni summit f ’Londra, u minn dakinhar, il‑G20 sar il‑forum ewlieni għall‑koordinazzjoni ta’ politiki ekonomiċi bejn il‑membri tiegħu, billi jagħti forma konkreta għal bosta kunċetti li l‑UE ressqet fuq il‑mejda, pereżempju dwar qafas għal tkabbir ekonomiku bilanċjat u sostenibbli, dwar ir‑regolazzjoni u s‑superviżjoni finanzjarja, dwar ‑l azzjoni kontra l‑evażjoni tat‑taxxa u l‑frodi. L‑iżvilupp tal‑G20 huwa wieħed mill‑aktar trasformazzjonijiet sinifikanti tas‑sistema globali u l‑ħolqien tiegħu ċertament għen biex jiġu evitati xenarji ħafna aktar negattivi li setgħu ġraw mingħajru. 21 Ewropa miftuħa teħtieġ aġenda kummerċjali attiva, u ‑ l Kummissjoni segwiet dan ukoll. Il‑ftehimiet kummerċjali tagħna jippermettulna naħsdu l‑opportunitajiet offruti minn swieq miftuħin u emerġenti band’oħra. Li ninnegozjaw u niffirmaw ftehimiet kummerċjali u ta’ investiment li jiftħu s‑swieq, jistimolaw it‑tkabbir ekonomiku u joħolqu l‑impjiegi għall‑Ewropa kien prijorità. Dan l‑impenn lejn kummerċ miftuħ ma waqqafniex milli nużaw mekkaniżmi ta’ difiża kummerċjali kull meta u fejn kull kien hemm bżonn, kif urejna fit‑tilwimiet dwar iż‑żraben importati mill‑Ażja jew bil‑każ kbir li ftaħna dwar il‑pannelli solari anke quddiem l‑oppożizzjoni ta’ xi gvernijiet. Fil‑fatt il‑kummerċ miftuħ imur id f ’id mas‑sistema bbażata fuq ir‑regoli u l‑istess kundizzjonijiet għan‑nazzjonijiet u l‑operaturi ekonomiċi kollha. Il‑verità hija li, minkejja l‑impenn u l‑isforzi tagħna fin‑negozjati multilaterali u fis‑sistema tal‑Organizzazzjoni Dinjija tal‑Kummerċ (WTO), li tibqa’ b’saħħitha, iċ‑ċiklu ta’ Doha kompla bl‑intoppi minħabba differenzi bejn atturi prinċipali oħra. Għalhekk iddeċidejna li nissoktaw l‑isforzi tagħna biex naħtfu l‑opportunitajiet li jġibu magħhom il‑ftehimiet kummerċjali bilaterali. U r‑riżultati jitkellmu waħedhom. Matul l‑aħħar ħames snin, konna kapaċi nikkonkludu ġenerazzjoni ġdida ta’ ftehimiet mal‑Korea t’Isfel, Singapor, il‑Kolombja, il‑Perù, l‑Amerika Ċentrali, u l‑Kanada; iffinalizzajna ftehimiet ta’ sħubija ekonomika fl‑Afrika, l‑Afrika tal‑Punent u l‑Komunità għall‑Iżvilupp tan‑Nofsinhar tal‑Afrika (SADC); issoktajna bin‑negozjati mas‑Suq Komuni tan‑Nofsinhar (MERCOSUR); varajna negozjati importanti dwar ftehimiet ta’ kummerċ ħieles mal‑Ġappun, l‑Indja, il‑Vjetnam u t‑Tajlandja, u dwar ftehim ta’ investiment maċ‑Ċina. U ħadna l‑pass bla preċedent biex nibdew negozjati mal‑Istati Uniti tal‑Amerika dwar Sħubija Trans‑Atlantika ta’ Kummerċ u ta’ Investiment (TTIP). IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Niffaċċjaw it‑trasformazzjoni ġeopolitika

Ir‑reġjonaliżmu miftuħ irid ikun il‑mudell tal‑integrazzjoni tagħna: Ewropa li hi miftuħa u taġixxi bħala pont minflok fortizza. Bdejt ħidmieti bħala President b’dik il‑viżjoni miftuħa tad‑dinja f ’moħħi, wara li kont involut fir‑relazzjonijiet barranin b’xi mod jew ieħor matul parti kbira minn ħajti. L‑investiment tal‑Kummissjoni fir‑relazzjonijiet esterni, kemm fi żminijiet tajbin u ħżiena, qatt ma kien daqshekk importanti, mill‑impenji globali tagħna dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑iżvilupp sal‑aġenda tagħna dwar l‑istabbiltà ekonomika globali u l‑ftuħ, mill‑G20 u l‑G8 (li aktar tard reġa’ lura għall‑G7 oriġinal, wara l‑annessjoni illegali mir‑Russja tal‑Krimea), sal‑appoġġ tagħna għall‑multilateraliżmu kkaratterizzat fin‑Nazzjonijiet Uniti. Matul dawn is‑snin, żviluppajt relazzjonijiet sodi mas‑Segretarji Ġenerali, l‑ewwel ma’ Kofi Annan u mbagħad ma’ Ban Ki‑moon. Jien grat għall‑appoġġ li taw lir‑rwol aktar 22 importanti tal‑Unjoni Ewropea fir‑relazzjonijiet tagħha man‑NU. Il‑politika barranija għandha titqies bħala taħlita ta’ azzjoni politika u ekonomika, u l‑azzjoni ekonomika għandha titqiegħed fl‑ispettru ġeopolitiku usa’ tagħha. Hu għalhekk li ma nistgħux nirtiraw mid‑dinja. Id‑dinja teħtieġ Ewropa miftuħa u l‑Ewropa teħtieġ li tpoġġi ruħha fil‑bqija tad‑dinja. L‑interdipendenza llum hi realtà, iżda l‑interdipendenza trid tiġi mmaniġġjata wkoll, inkella nirriskjaw li nbatu minnha minflok ma nieħdu vantaġġ minnha. Huwa għalhekk li involvejna ruħna b’mod attiv ħafna ma’ sħab u organizzazzjonijiet internazzjonali ewlenin.

L‑eżempju l‑aktar reċenti li juri d‑daqs tal‑isfidi fil‑qasam tar‑relazzjonijiet esterni ġie bit‑theddida tal‑komunità globali u tan‑nazzjonijiet u ċertament tal‑interessi u l‑valuri Ewropej minħabba l‑imġiba inaċċettabbli tar‑Russja fir‑rigward tal‑Ukraina. L‑iżviluppi huma magħrufa sew, mill‑pressjoni biex din ma tiffirmax ‑il ftehim ta’ assoċjazzjoni li kienet innegozjat mal‑Unjoni Ewropea sal‑annessjoni illegali tal‑Krimea u l‑instabilità fir‑reġjuni tal‑lvant tal‑Ukraina. L‑Unjoni Ewropea kontinwament ħadet pożizzjoni ta’ prinċipju. Is‑soluzzjoni politika u paċifika tal‑kunflitt baqgħet ‑l ewwel prijorità tagħna. Mhux kwalunkwe soluzzjoni, iżda waħda li tiggarantixxi s‑sovranità, l‑indipendenza u l‑unità tal‑Ukraina. Fakkarnihom bħal dejjem li r‑relazzjonijiet tagħna mal‑ġirien tagħna tal‑lvant ma jagħmlux ħsara lir‑relazzjonijiet tagħhom mal‑ġirien l‑oħra tagħhom. Qatt ma ridna l‑esklussività fir‑relazzjonijiet tagħna. Fil‑fatt l‑Unjoni Ewropea investiet ħafna fi sħubijiet strateġiċi mal‑Federazzjoni Russa, konvinta li huwa fl‑interess komuni tagħna li nikkooperaw. Iżda l‑UE qatt mhi se tilleġittima dak li qatt ma jista’ jkun leġittimu. Ma stajniex naċċettaw ir‑ritorn ta’ sferi ta’ influwenza jew sovranità limitata għall‑kontinent Ewropew. Kellna nuru l‑appoġġ tagħna lill‑Ukraina, u hekk għamilna. Ma nagħmlu l‑ebda apoloġija għad‑deċiżjoni li jiġi rispettat id‑dritt demokratiku li pajjiż terz jibni DAĦLA relazzjoni eqreb mal‑Unjoni Ewropea. Konna nkunu moralment falluti kieku rrifjutajna din it‑talba tal‑poplu Ukranjan. U kellna nippreżentaw lir‑Russja bil‑konsegwenzi tal‑aġir tagħha. L‑iżviluppi għadhom qed iseħħu. L‑Unjoni Ewropea tibqa’ taħdem għal soluzzjoni politika negozjata. Il‑Kummissjoni ma ħliet l‑ebda sforz f ’dan ir‑rigward billi ħadet it‑tmun f ’idejha fil‑promozzjoni ta’ taħditiet trilaterali fi kwistjonijiet sensittivi bħall‑kummerċ u l‑enerġija, u jien f ’kuntatt kostanti mal‑Presidenti Poroshenko u Putin, biex naslu għal soluzzjoni negozjata għal dawn il‑kwistjonijiet kollha. Dan xi drabi jagħtini sentiment ta’ déjà vu għall‑kriżi tal‑gass tal-2008-09, meta jien bqajt ukoll f ’kuntatt mat‑tmexxija Ukraina u Russa. Kieku l‑UE ma rreaġixxietx b’mod sod, kienet tkun f ’riskju mhux biss l‑indipendenza tal‑Ukraina iżda wkoll is‑sostenibbiltà u l‑kredibilità ta’ ordni multilaterali bbażat fuq il‑valuri, l‑ugwaljanza u l‑istat tad‑dritt.

Id‑determinazzjoni tagħna ma kinitx ittestjata biss fl‑inħawi tal‑lvant. 23 L‑avveniment fin‑nofsinhar tal‑Mediterran kienu daqstant ieħor drammatiċi u storiċi. Il-”Qawmien Għarbi” irrappreżenta waħda mill‑aktar tibdiliet impressjonanti fl‑istorja reċenti. Ħadd ma kien qed jistenniha. Il‑waqgħa tar‑reġimi awtoritarji kienet konsegwenza tax‑xewqa tal‑poplu għal aktar demokrazija u ħajja b’aktar dinjità. Magħhom, għamilna mħatra dwar id‑demokrazija, bil‑konsapevolezza li l‑perspettivi ta’ demokrazija vibranti u sostenibbli f ’pajjiżi mingħajr tradizzjoni ta’ stat tad‑dritt jew pluraliżmu, xi wħud saħansitra mingħajr stat modern li jiffunzjona bħal‑Libja, kienu sfida kbira. Ir‑riskji kienu kbar, iżda x’alternattiva kellna? Kellna nibqgħu idejna fuq żaqqna, jew kellna ma nappoġġawx il‑miljuni ta’ nies, ħafna drabi żgħażagħ, jesprimu ruħhom favur il‑bidla u d‑demokrazija? L‑Unjoni Ewropea sempliċement kellha tieħu r‑riskju dwar id‑demokrazija minħabba, b’varjazzjoni politika tal‑imħatra ta’ Pascal, li rrealizzajna li anke jekk ma nirbħux, xorta jkun utli li nagħmlu dan. Dan hu dak li għamilna bis‑sħubija għad‑demokrazija u l‑prosperità kondiviża ippreżentata mill‑Kummissjoni Ewropea fl-2011 wara dawn ir‑rivoluzzjonijiet.

Iżda lkoll nafu mill‑esperjenzi tagħna fl‑Ewropa, li l‑bini ta’ demokraziji maturi u stabbli hu aktar diffiċli mill‑waqgħa tad‑dittatorjati. Dan hu proċess għaż‑żmien fit‑tul. Irridu nibqgħu impenjati biex nevitaw li forzi estremi b’aġendi differenti jiksbu kontroll fuq dawn il‑proċessi. L‑instabilità politika u l‑vojt li hemm bħalissa fis‑sigurtà qed jalimentaw lill‑gruppi radikali u l‑fundamentalisti reliġjużi fi wħud minn dawn il‑pajjiżi. L-“Istat Iżlamiku” illum jirrrappreżenta l‑akbar theddida liċ‑ċiviltà għall‑mudell tas‑soċjetà tagħna. L‑Ewropa teħtieġ li tkun parti mill‑isforzi internazzjonali biex tegħlbu u teqirdu.

Għall‑UE, l‑Istati Uniti huma sieħeb mill‑aktar importanti. Fil‑fatt, tajna rilevanza u impetu ġodda għal din ir‑relazzjoni permezz tal‑iżviluppi bilaterali IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

li wasslu għall‑ftuħ tat‑taħditiet tas‑Sħubija Trans‑Atlantika ta’ Kummerċ u ta’ Investiment (TTIP), li nedejt mal‑President Obama f ’Lough Erne, l‑Irlanda ta’ Fuq, fir‑rebbiegħa tal-2013. Dan kien għan li konna ilna biex nilħquh. Għal ħafna snin, bosta nies kienu ppruvaw iżda r‑reżistenzi u d‑diffikultajiet dejjem kienu aktar qawwija. Matul il‑Kummissjonijiet tiegħi rnexxielna ngħelbu d‑diffikultajiet u nikkonċentraw fuq‑ il ħidma lejn ftehim li, wieħed jittama, jista’ jġib il‑kisbiet importanti ekonomiċi iżda anke politiċi u ġeostrateġiċi.

Qasam ieħor ta’ azzjoni fejn bqajt personalment impenjat kien l‑Afrika. Is‑sitt snin tiegħi bħala segretarju tal‑istat tal‑Portugall għar‑relazzjonijiet esterni u l‑iżvilupp, fejn ġejt inkarigat speċifikament biex nittratta ma’ pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw, tawni interess speċjali fil‑kontinent ġar tal‑Ewropa. L‑Afrika kienet perċepita bħala kontinent problematiku biss, bħala żona ta’ instabilità u kunflitt, u bħala sors ta’ migrazzjoni illegali. U madankollu, huwa wkoll, u fuq 24 kollox, kontinent emerġenti li tul l‑aħħar deċennju ra tkabbir ekonomiku ta’ aktar minn 5 % fis‑sena. L‑espansjoni demografika tiegħu tagħmilha ‑l aktar kontinent żagħżugħ fid‑dinja, li ssaħħaħ il‑potenzjal enormi tiegħu. Għandna ħafna prijoritajiet komuni, mill‑iżvilupp ekonomiku sostenibbli sal‑indirizzar tat‑tibdil fil‑klima. Għalhekk l‑Afrika jeħtieġ li tkun prijorità għall‑Ewropa. Permezz tas‑summits UE–Afrika, nedejna strateġija konġunta u sħubija vera bejn partijiet ugwali. U saħħaħna aktar ir‑relazzjoni permezz ta’ konsultazzjoni permanenti bejn il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Unjoni Afrikana, b’laqgħat regolari fil‑livell politiku bejn il‑Kulleġġ tal‑Kummissarji Ewropej u l‑Kummissjoni tal‑Unjoni Afrikana.

Tajna wkoll appoġġ immedjat lill‑pajjiżi li kellhom l‑aktar bżonn jew li kienu mhedda, pereżempju assistejna lil Mali biex jikkonsolida l‑istrutturi tal‑istat tiegħu u jimplimenta l‑istrateġija tiegħu għat‑tranżizzjoni, permezz tal‑konferenza internazzjonali li l‑President François Hollande u jien miegħu kkopresidejna, fejn għaqqadna flimkien lill‑mexxejja tas‑Saħel u l‑Afrika tal‑Punent. Jew pereżempju permezz tal‑azzjoni tagħna fir‑rigward tas‑Somalja fejn flimkien mar‑Rappreżentant Għoli u s‑Servizz Ewropew għall‑Azzjoni Esterna (SEAE) żviluppajna strateġija tabilħaqq komprensiva li għenet biex teqred il‑piraterija mal‑kosta u ppromwoviet l‑iżvilupp fuq l‑art.

L‑Amerika Latina wkoll għaddiet minn bidliet kbar fl‑aħħar deċennju. Għalhekk investejt ħafna biex insaħħaħ ir‑relazzjoni tagħna permezz ta’ djalogu bireġjonali jew f ’format bilaterali. Waħda mill‑inizjattivi tiegħi kienet li nagħti status ta’ sieħeb strateġiku lill‑Brażil iżda lill‑Messiku wkoll li miegħu għandna ftehim globali. Kien jidher stramb f ’għajnejja li sejjaħna uffiċjalment lil sħabna mill‑Amerika ta’ Fuq sal‑Ażja ta’ importanza “strateġika” iżda ma offrejniex dak l‑istatus lill‑Brażil, issa s‑sitt ekonomija l‑aktar importanti fid‑dinja. Flimkien DAĦLA

mal‑Presidenza Portugiża, organizzajna l‑ewwel Summit UE–Brażil f ’Liżbona fl-2007. Żort u ppromovejt ukoll relazzjonijiet ma’ għadd ta’ msieħba oħra fir‑reġjun, bħaċ‑Ċili, il‑Perù u l‑Kolombja, u lħaqna l‑ewwel ftehim ta’ kummerċ bireġjonali mal‑pajjiżi tal‑Amerika Ċentrali.

Waħda mill‑aktar trasformazzjonijiet impressjonanti f ’dan il‑perjodu kien il‑qawmien ekonomiku u politiku tal‑Ażja, li weġibna għalih permezz tal‑intensifikazzjoni tar‑relazzjonijiet tagħna mal‑kontinent kollu. Ingħatat attenzjoni speċjali lill‑imsieħba strateġiċi tagħna fir‑reġjun, iċ‑Ċina, l‑Indja, il‑Ġappun u l‑Korea t’Isfel. Maċ‑Ċina fl-2014 iċċelebrajna ‑l għaxar anniversarju tas‑sħubija strateġika b’pakkett ta’ kooperazzjoni fit‑terminu twil u nedejna negozjati dwar trattati ta’ investiment. Minħabba l‑iskala tagħha, il‑bidla fiċ‑Ċina qed taffettwa lid‑dinja kollha. L‑Ewropa għandha tkompli tkun fi sħab maċ‑Ċina biex tiggwida dawn ir‑riformi. Mal‑Indja nedejna n‑negozjati dwar FTA fl-2007 bl‑għan li nisfruttaw il‑potenzjal kollu tar‑relazzjoni tagħna. Mal‑Ġappun, bi 25 tweġiba għal interess imġedded biex napprofondixxu r‑relazzjoni, nedejna negozjati ta’ ftehim kwadru u FTA fl-2013, u issa qed naraw aktar dinamiżmu f ’din is‑sħubija. U mal‑Korea t’Isfel ikkonkludejna l‑ewwel ġenerazzjoni ġdida ta’ FTA fl-2011 kif ukoll Ftehim Kwadru li wassal ir‑relazzjoni tagħna f ’livell ġdid. U b’mod attiv qed nappoġġaw l‑integrazzjoni reġjonali, ir‑riżoluzzjoni paċifika tat‑tilwim u s‑sħubija aktar politika u strateġika mal‑pajjiżi tal‑Ażja tax‑Xlokk, permezz tal‑impenn bilaterali tagħna mal‑Assoċjazzjoni tan‑Nazzjonijiet tax‑Xlokk tal‑Asja (ASEAN). It‑tranżizzjoni fil‑Mjanmar, pajjiż li żort fl-2012 u li qed nappoġġaw ħafna, hi waħda mill‑iżviluppi pożittivi ta’ dawn l‑aħħar snin.

L‑effettività u l‑valuri Ewropej

It‑tiswir tal‑globalizzazzjoni fisser ukoll li hemm bżonn li tittejjeb l‑istruttura tagħna stess biex nittrattaw ir‑relazzjonijiet esterni. Kif semmejt hawn fuq, stabbilixxejna forma tajba ta’ kooperazzjoni u qsim tax‑xogħol ma’ Herman Van Rompuy bħala l‑President tal‑Kunsill Ewropew, b’rispett sħiħ tal‑kompetenzi stipulati fit‑Trattat. L‑aktar importanti, kien hemm il‑ħatra ta’ Rappreżentant Għoli li hu wkoll Viċi President tal‑Kummissjoni, u l‑ħolqien u l‑iżvilupp tas‑SEAE, li jien dejjem appoġġajt. Bħala eks ministru tal‑affarijiet barranin, dejjem kont konxju sew tal‑ħtieġa ta’ forom ta’ koordinazzjoni bejn il‑politiki u s‑servizzi diplomatiċi tal‑pajjiżi li jmorru lil hinn mill‑ambitu tal‑azzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea. Għal dik ir‑raġuni lqajt l‑idea ta’ Rappreżentant Għoli. Ma’ Catherine Ashton, li kont nafha sew, ippruvajna noħolqu ‑l kundizzjonijiet it‑tajbin biex jiġi evitat tilwim dwar ir‑responsabbiltajiet fejn setgħu tipikament jinqalgħu u biex noħolqu relazzjoni li tiffunzjona bejn is‑servizzi. Għadd ta’ IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

pajjiżi kienu inqas konvinti mill‑valur miżjud tas‑SEAE, u s‑sostenn tagħhom ma kienx daqshekk konvinċenti, billi żammew il‑mezzi meħtieġa, finanzjarji jew ta’ xort’oħra, biex ikun jista’ jiffunzjona tajjeb kif suppost.

Is‑sinerġiji potenzjali bejn id‑diplomazija, il‑politika barranija u ta’ sigurtà komuni u l‑istrumenti tal‑komunità bħall‑politika tat‑tkabbir intwerew sew fil‑ftehim li ntlaħaq bejn is‑Serbja u l‑Kosovo (1), medjat mir‑Rappreżentant Għoli. Indikazzjoni aħjar tas‑setgħa ta’ attrazzjoni tal‑Ewropa u l‑importanza kritika tal‑politika tat‑tkabbir attenta u impenjata tagħna diffiċli tinstab.

L‑Unjoni Ewropea kellha bżonn ukoll issaħħaħ l‑influwenza tagħha fil‑qasam tad‑difiża, u tlabt għal dan f ’kull diskors tiegħi tal‑Istat tal‑Unjoni. Għandna bżonn insaħħu l‑politika barranija u tas‑sigurtà komuni tagħna u approċċ komuni lejn kwistjonijiet tad‑difiża, għaliex flimkien biss għandna s‑setgħa u l‑kobor

26 biex insawru d‑dinja f ’waħda aktar ġusta, ibbażata fuq ir‑regoli li tirrispetta d‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem. Il‑politika ta’ sigurtà u ta’ difiża komuni għandha tkompli tiġi żviluppata f ’komplementarjetà sħiħa man‑NATO, iżda billi tiġi rispettata l‑awtonomija tat‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet ta’ kull organizzazzjoni. F’dawn l‑aħħar snin is‑sħubija strateġika man‑NATO kienet konsolidata u dan inħass sew hekk kif flimkien mal‑President tal‑Kunsill Ewropew, kont mistieden u attendejt għas‑summits kollha tan‑NATO mill-2007 u kif is‑Segretarju Ġenerali tan‑NATO attenda wkoll il‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Diċembru 2013 iddedikat għad‑difiża. Il‑Kummissjoni kkontribwixxiet għal din l‑attenzjoni dwar il‑kwistjonijiet tad‑difiża fi ħdan‑ l oqsma ta’ kompetenza speċifiċi tagħha, pereżempju permezz tal‑komunikazzjoni “Lejn settur tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà aktar kompetittiv u effiċjenti”. ‑Id difiża għandha prezz iżda s‑sigurtà tagħna m’hemmx prezzha.

Fl‑aħħar nett, Ewropa miftuħa hija Ewropa li ġġib il‑valur tagħha tas‑solidarjetà fix‑xena dinjija.

L‑impenn tal‑Ewropa lejn il‑pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw baqa’ sod, anke fi snin ta’ kriżi. Flimkien mal‑Istati Membri, nibqgħu l‑akbar fornitur ta’ għajnuna uffiċjali għall‑iżvilupp, u nieħdu r‑responsabbiltà tagħna meta jkun hemm bżonn, bħal meta faqqgħet il‑kriżi globali tal‑ikel fl-2007–08 u l‑Kummissjoni Ewropea tat biljun euro (1 000 miljun) f ’finanzjament ta’ emerġenza permezz tal‑Faċilità tal‑Ikel. Ħabbarna wkoll għadd ta’ inizjattivi oħra, bħall‑Inizjattiva tal‑Għanijiet ta’ Żvilupp tal‑Millennju tal‑Unjoni Ewropea (MDG), imnedija fl-2010 fis‑summit dwar l‑MDG fi New York, fejn ipprovdejna biljun euro biex inrawmu progress aktar rapidu lejn l‑MDGs. Ħloqna l‑Faċilità Afrikana

(1) Din it‑tismija hija bla preġudizzju għal pożizzjonijiet dwar l‑istatus u hija konformi ma’ UNSCR 1244/99 u mal‑opinjoni tal‑Qorti Internazzjonali tal‑Ġustizzja dwar id‑dikjarazzjoni tal‑indipendenza tal‑Kosovo. DAĦLA

għall‑Paċi, peress li ma hemm l‑ebda żvilupp mingħajr sigurtà, iżda mingħajr is‑sigurtà m’hemm l‑ebda żvilupp. Adattajna l‑politika ta’ żvilupp tagħna għar‑realtajiet ġodda ta’ dinja globalizzata permezz tal‑Aġenda għall‑bidla. U konna fuq quddiem nett tal‑azzjoni umanitarja — it‑titjib, nagħtu każ, tal‑mod kif inwasllu l‑għajnuna fl‑Ewropa u lil hinn minn bis‑saħħa tat‑twaqqif ta’ Ċentru għal Rispons ta’ Emerġenza (ERCC) tant li ksibna rikonoxximent minn sħabna madwar id‑dinja.

Anke f ’mumenti ta’ kriżi ekonomika, żammejna l‑impenn tagħna għall‑iżvilupp għax dik hi l‑Ewropa: solidarjetà ġewwa u barra. Mhux biss hu tajjeb politikament u moralment iżda hu wkoll fl‑interess strateġiku tagħna stess.

L‑interazzjoni tagħna mas‑settur privat u ma’ organizzazzjonijiet bħal ONE ta’ Bono u Bob Geldof, jew il‑Fondazzjoni Bill and Melinda Gates kienet kritika

għal dan. Niftakarni niddiskuti magħhom, mhux biss ‑l aħjar mod kif nagħtu 27 spinta lil dawn il‑kwistjonijiet globali iżda wkoll kif nistgħu nikkonvinċu l‑gvernijiet ikunu aktar ġenerużi.

L‑Unjoni Ewropea dejjem baqgħet soda biex turi atti konkreti ta’ solidarjetà meta u kull fejn kien meħtieġ — internament u internazzjonalment. Rajt dan b’għajnejja matul il‑ħafna żjajjar f ’żoni milquta minn diżastru, ġewwa jew barra l‑UE: mill‑Indoneżja milquta mit‑tsunami sat‑tbatija tar‑refuġjati f ’Darfur jew fil‑kamp Zaatari fil‑Ġordan; miż‑żoni milquta mill‑għargħar fis‑Serbja san‑nirien fil‑foresta qrib il‑fdalijiet ta’ Olimpja jew il‑ħerba provokata mit‑terremot f ’L’Aquila.

Ewropa aktar b’saħħitha Mir‑riforma ekonomika u istituzzjonali għal azzjoni dwar l‑enerġija u l‑klima

Il‑leimotif tal‑aħħar għaxar snin kienet li nżommu l‑Ewropa magħquda u miftuħa għad‑dinja, u biex l‑Ewropa tkun tista’ toħroġ aktar b’saħħitha u mħejjija aħjar għat‑talbiet tal‑globalizzazzjoni.

Fis‑snin bikrin tal‑ewwel mandat tiegħi, lura fl-2005, hekk kif is‑sena diffiċli kienet waslet lejn tmiemha, żewġ avvenimenti ewlenin wittew it‑triq għal sens ġdid ta’ enerġija fl‑Ewropa, fejn il‑Kummissjoni kellha rwol ċentrali permezz tal‑approċċ “Ewropa li Tikseb ir‑Riżultati”: notevolment bi ftehim dwar il‑baġit tal‑UE għall-2007–13 u r‑riżultat tal‑Kunsill Ewropew informali f ’Hampton Court dwar il‑futur tal‑Ewropa u l‑isfidi tal‑globalizzazzjoni. Il‑ftehimiet ħolqu appoġġ imġedded fost l‑Istati Membri, li ppermettewlhom jingħaqdu madwar IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

għanijiet komuni u biddlu l‑burdata tal‑Unjoni Ewropea wara d‑depressjoni kkawżata mir‑referenda negattivi dwar it‑trattat kostituzzjonali. L‑aktar ħaġa importanti kienet li ż‑żewġ ftehimiet irrappreżentaw kisbiet kbar li wrew li ‑l UE kienet kapaċi tasal għad‑deċiżjonijiet anke fl‑aktar ċirkustanzi diffiċli. ‑Il pakkett dwar il‑klima u l‑enerġija li segwa minn dan il‑momentum jista’ jitqies bħala wieħed ta’ importanza storika u strateġika. Ilħaqna dawn il‑ftehimiet mhux permezz ta’ denominatur komuni baxx, iżda billi injettajna aktar ambizzjoni fi ftehim fejn żewġ elementi ġew magħquda, ‑il politika ambjentali u l‑politika tal‑enerġija, biex ikun jista’ jintlaħaq kunsens.

In‑negozjat ta’ baġit Ewropew

Minbarra li ħdimna fuq trattat ġdid u sibna grad ta’ kunsens imġedded biex l‑Ewropa tiffunzjona f ’dawk is‑snin bikrin tal‑ewwel mandat tiegħi, kellna 28 naslu għal ftehim dwar baġit ġdid ukoll. Id‑dibattitu dwar il‑qafas finanzjarju multiannwali jew MFF lura fl-2005 kien estremament diffiċli tant li ħafna ma kinux ċerti li konna se naslu għal wieħed.

Kont naf mill‑esperjenza preċedenti li n‑negozjati tal‑baġit mhuwiex l‑aqwa mument tal‑Ewropa. Ħafna gvernijiet iġibu magħhom loġika purament nazzjonali tal‑juste retour. Il‑kontributuri netti jippruvaw jimmassimizzaw ir‑redditu tagħhom, b’enfasi fuq partijiet speċifiċi tal‑baġit f ’oqsma li jikkonċernawhom, filwaqt li ‑r riċevituri netti jagħmlu minn kollox biex jimmassimizzaw id‑dħul tagħhom biex jippreżentawh quddiem l‑opinjoni pubblika tagħhom b’ċifra impressjonanti, u mhux dejjem jagħtu l‑attenzjoni meħtieġa għall‑kwalità tal‑finanzjament. Dawn il‑pożizzjonijiet dojoq normalment itawlu d‑dibattit u jgħajjew lill‑partijiet kollha.

Sa mill‑bidu. il‑proposta tal‑baġit li kienet tqiegħdet fuq il‑mejda taħt il‑predeċessur tiegħi kienet ikkunsidrata bħala waħda mhux realistika minn ħafna mill‑gvernijiet. Niftakar sew, meta kont il‑Prim Ministru tal‑Portugall, l‑akkoljenza bierda li l‑kollegi tiegħi fil‑Kunsill Ewropew taw għall‑proposta. Għalhekk il‑problema kienet li l‑Kummissjoni l‑ġdida ma setgħetx tmexxi n‑negozjati kif suppost. Dawn seħħew prinċipalment taħt il‑Presidenza tal‑Lussemburgu u l‑fatt li Jean‑Claude Juncker, bl‑esperjenza kbira tiegħu, kien qed jippresjedi, ħoloq ftit tama li minkejja kollox kien se jinstab kompromess. Iżda eventwalment dan kien impossibbli, għax il‑proposta sempliċement ma kinitx aċċettata bħala bażi xierqa u realistika għan‑negozjati.

Kienet x’kienet ir‑raġuni, il‑fatt li ma ntlaħaqx ftehim ħoloq sens ta’ frustrazzjoni ħarxa u l‑piż u l‑ħtija tqiegħdu direttament fuq il‑Presidenza li kien imiss, dik DAĦLA

Brittanika, fit‑tieni nofs tal-2005. Li r‑Renju Unit issa kellu l‑kompitu li jilħaq ftehim kien meqjus minn perspettivi kontradittorji. Minn naħa, ir‑Renju Unit ma kienx tassew ħabib tal‑baġit Ewropew. Il‑memorja ta’ “I want my money back” għadha ħajja fl‑imħuħ ta’ ħafna nies fl‑istituzzjonijiet Ewropej. Iżda fuq in‑naħa l‑oħra, pajjiż kbir bħar‑Renju Unit ma setax jonqos milli eventwalment iwassal kompromess, ċertament mhux wara li ġie akkużat li wassal għal nuqqas ta’ ftehim aktar kmieni.

Kien f ’dan l‑ispirtu li dħalt għan‑negozjati. Kienu x’kienu l‑ħsibijiet tagħhom dwar il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni, il‑Presidenza Brittanika fehmet li l‑Kummissjoni bħala istituzzjoni kienet indispensabbli li tkun qribha waqt in‑negozjati. Pereżempju, il‑Prim Ministru Blair talabni nkun assoċjat fl‑aktar laqgħat bilaterali relevanti dwar il‑baġit mal‑kapijiet tal‑istat jew tal‑gvern, fejn il‑Kummissjoni normalment ma tkunx rappreżentata, u saħansitra l‑kap tal‑kabinett tiegħi ġie mistieden mill‑Prim Ministru biex jattendi ħafna 29 mill‑kuntatti bilaterali tiegħu. Fl‑aħħar, intlaħaq ftehim li kien jinkludi żieda ta’ fondi meta mqabbel ma’ baġits preċedenti. Il‑Kummissjoni ssieltet ħafna għal baġit ambizzjuż, flimkien mal‑Parlament Ewropew. Id‑diffikultà kienet kif tegħleb il‑mod sempliċistiku li bih xi gvernijiet raw il‑politiki l-“antiki” bħall‑finanzjament tal‑koeżjoni minflok il‑politiki l-“ġodda” bħar‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni. Ridna — u fil‑fatt irnexxielna — nevitaw id‑dikotomija bejn l‑antik u l‑ġdid, permezz ta’ kunċetti ġodda bħar‑riforma tal‑politika agrikola komuni u tal‑politika ta’ koeżjoni, billi orjentajniha lejn ir‑riformi ekonomiċi u l‑kompetittività biex b’hekk nagħmluha strument modern għall‑appoġġ ekonomiku.

Il‑Presidenza Britannika kellha tkun imrażżna milli tqiegħed l‑akbar enfasi fuq il‑prijoritajiet tal‑pajjiżi aktar sinjuri għad‑detriment ta’ dawk inqas għonja. F’ċertu punt saħansitra rrimarkajt li Tony Blair kien qed jissogra li jkun speċi ta’ “Robin Hood bil‑maqlub” billi jieħu mill‑foqra biex jgħati lill‑għonja. Il‑Prim Ministru Brittanniku ħadha bil‑pulit, u rnexxielu jikseb ftehim f ’ċirkustanzi diffiċli ħafna.

Is‑sinifikat storiku ta’ dan ‑l ewwel pass biex jimla l‑lakuni u jsolvi l‑istaġnar politiku billi jimmodernizza u jewropeizza l‑baġit m’għandux jiġi sottovalutat.

Ir‑rwol tal‑Kummissjoni kien strumentali wkoll fil‑ħolqien tal‑ftehim. Wassalna f ’dawn in‑negozjati dak li jien spiss sejjaħt il-“kariżma teknika” tal‑Kummissjoni: l‑effiċjenza tas‑servizzi f ’kull livell biex toħroġ b’kompromessi bħala soluzzjonijiet jew formula li taħdem. Iżda ġibna wkoll l‑influwenza politika u l‑għarfien tagħna biex inġibu ‑l politiki kif suppost, biex nibnu l‑alleanzi t‑tajba u nilħqu l‑għanijiet tagħna. Dan ir‑rwol politiku mhuwiex importanti biss fih IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

innifsu. F’dawk il‑mumenti diffiċli fl-2005, kien ukoll kruċjali biex tiżdied il‑kredibbiltà tal‑Kummissjoni mal‑Parlament Ewropew u mal‑Istati Membri l‑ġodda li joqgħodu fuq il‑Kummissjoni biex taġixxi bħala sensar onest ma’ Stati Membri kbar.

L‑istess kien evidenti fin‑negozjati tal‑baġit pluriennali li kien imiss -fl 2013, għas‑snin li jwasslu sal-2020. Dawn kienu aktar diffiċli mill‑ewwel darba, jekk biss minħabba l‑impatt li l‑kriżi finanzjarja kellha fuq il‑baġits nazzjonali.

Huwa inkontestabbli li l‑gvern f ’Londra kien saħansitra aktar imxekkel mill‑parlament nazzjonali tiegħu minn dak ta’ qablu u t‑talba tiegħu li l‑livell ġenerali tal‑QFP kellu jitnaqqas kienet, minħabba l‑ħtieġa ta’ unanimità fil‑Kunsill biex tgħaddi, kienet impossibbli li tiġi injorata. Ir‑Renju Unit kien ukoll ferm inqas iżolat min‑negozjati tal‑baġit tal‑imgħoddi. Dawn in‑negozjati

30 seħħew waqt li l‑effetti tal‑kriżi ekonomika kienu qed jolqtu bwiet in‑nies. L‑Istati Membri kienu ħerqana biex juru l‑opinjoni pubblika tagħhom li l‑UE, ukoll, kellha bżonn doża ta’ dik il‑mediċina — tipikament, il‑Pajjiżi l‑Baxxi kienu wieħed minn dawn l‑Istati, iżda l‑Ġermanja wkoll ħarġet pjuttost viċin mal‑pożizzjoni tar‑Renju Unit. Ikunu xi jkunu l‑merti ta’ dawn l‑argumenti, l‑għan tal‑Kummissjoni kien dejjem li toħroġ b’bażi għal negozjati li jkollhom livell ta’ ambizzjoni mhux milħuq mill‑Istati Membri iżda minkejja dan li tressaq struttura u għadd ta’ innovazzjonijiet li jżommu tul in‑negozjati.

Ħsieb ulterjuri dwar il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni pereżempju kien essenzjali. Jien stess ġejt ikkritikat talli ħadt sehem f ’diversi summits informali tal‑pajjiżi ta’ koeżjoni — inizjattiva li ġiet appoġġjata mill‑Prim Ministri Donald Tusk u Passos Coelho (interessanti li dawn jiġu minn partijiet ġeografiċi differenti tal‑Ewropa) — iżda ħassejt li kien jeħtieġ li nuru l‑impenn tagħna u l‑prijorità li l‑Kummissjoni kompliet tagħti lill‑politika ta’ koeżjoni f ’mument meta, f ’xi kapitali, kien daqshekk popolari li jattakkawha. Irbatna l‑koeżjoni mal‑ispeċjalizzazzjoni intelliġenti u mal‑miri tal‑klima u tal‑enerġija u, aktar fundamentalment, biddilna dik li kienet tissejjaħ “kultura ta’ intitolament” — fejn il‑gvernijiet jiffokaw biss fuq iċ‑ċifra globali tal‑pakkett nazzjonali tagħhom — biex nagħtu prijorità lil programmi u proġetti li wasslu għal innovazzjoni, ekonomija aktar ekoloġika u objettivi oħra tal‑Istrateġija Ewropa 2020. Apparti minn hekk, il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni ġiet aktar assoċjata mal‑prestazzjoni ekonomika ġenerali tal‑pajjiżi benefiċjarji. Dan il‑metodu wassal għal ftehimiet ta’ sħubija ma’ kull Stat Membru u l‑loġika tal‑kuntratti se tiġi segwita fl‑implimentazzjoni, u b’hekk tittejjeb il‑kwalità ta’ finanzjament.

L‑istess rabta mal‑prinċipju ta’ solidarjetà, li mingħajrha l‑UE ma tistax teżisti, enfasizzat wkoll l‑approċċ tagħna lejn reġjuni ultraperiferiċi u pajjiżi DAĦLA u territorji barranin u fil‑politika reġjonali tagħna, li ilna nirrevedu flimkien mal‑prijoritajiet għall‑UE kollha kemm hi iżda bl‑attenzjoni speċjali meħtieġa għar‑reġjuni aktar dgħajfa. Eżempju ċar tal‑importanza politika reġjonali tagħna huwa l‑fatt li, meta ltqajt mal‑mibki Ian Paisely u ma’ Martin McGuinness, il‑kapijiet tal‑gvern ġdid u inklussiv tal‑Irlanda ta’ Fuq, fl-2007 — kont ‑l ewwel mexxej internazzjonali li ltaqa’ magħhom — qaluli li wieħed mill‑ftit djalogi transkomunitarji li kienu baqgħu attivi matul is‑snin kien preċiżament dak ibbażat fuq l‑appoġġ reġjonali tal‑Ewropa. Għalhekk komplejna bil‑programm uniku ta’ suċċess PEACE u waqqafna t‑Task Force għall‑Irlanda ta’ Fuq sabiex tgħin lil dan ir‑reġjun jimpenja ruħu aħjar u jibbenefika aktar mit‑tfassil tal‑politika Ewropea li tikkontribwixxi għall‑isforzi biex tiġi restawrata l‑paċi dejjiema u l‑iżvilupp ekonomiku, it‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi.

Il‑Faċilità Nikkollegaw l‑Ewropa kienet innovazzjoni oħra, b’enfasi fuq il‑kunċett ta’ netwerks trans‑Ewropej fis‑setturi tat‑trasport, tal‑enerġija 31 u wkoll fis‑settur diġitali. Din uriet b’mod ċar il‑valur miżjud li l‑baġit tal‑UE jista’ jwassal għall‑indirizzar ta’ nuqqasijiet importanti f ’netwerks li l‑baġits nazzjonali ma jiffinanzjawx. Galileo huwa eżempju importanti ieħor ta’ dak li jistgħu jiksbu l‑isforzi konġunti tal‑UE u l‑Istati Membri. U, anki jekk fil‑qasam diġitali — l‑importanza ta’ dan il‑qasam kienet enfasizzat fid‑deċiżjoni tiegħi li toħloq post għal Viċi President separat għall‑aġenda diġitali — sfortunatament ma kienx hemm biżżejjed ambizzjoni f ’termini ta’ finanzjament meħtieġa, huwa importanti li wieħed jinnota li l‑kunċett qed jinfirex ‑fl Ewropa llum.

Minkejja l‑kundizzjonijiet finanzjarji diffiċli, kien ukoll possibbli li nressqu‑ l Istati Membri eqreb lejn l‑għanijiet għar‑riċerka, b’żieda ta’ 30 % matul il‑programm tar‑riċerka l‑ġdid Orizzont 2020 — madwar €80 biljun, li jagħmilha llum wieħed mill‑aktar proġetti ta’ finanzjament xjentifiku importanti ‑fid dinja — kif ukoll magħna għal żieda għall‑programm Ewropa Kreattiva, li tinkludi l‑programm imsaħħaħ Erasmus, Erasmus+, u Media, biex b’hekk tajna tifsira konkreta lill‑prijorità ddikjarata tagħna għal ekonomija tal‑għarfien skont Ewropa 2020. Qasam ewlieni li tajtu ħafna attenzjoni personali kien dak tax‑xjenza u r‑riċerka, il‑ħolqien tal‑Istitut Ewropew tal‑Innovazzjoni u t‑Teknoloġija għall‑appoġġ ta’ strumenti ġodda bħall‑Kunsill Ewropew tar‑Riċerka li tant huwa rrispettat u l‑parteċipazzjoni Ewropea fi proġetti bħar‑Reattur Termonukleari Sperimentali Internazzjonali (ITER).

Kwistjoni li kienet partikolarment diffiċli għall‑atmosfera ġenerali tan‑negozjati kienet il‑pressjoni minn xi kapitali li argumentaw favur li l‑ekonomiji jdgħajfu b’mod drammatiku l‑kundizzjonijiet tas‑servizz ċivili Ewropew. Stajna nifhmu t‑talba li nibżgħu għall‑flus u fil‑fatt konna pproponejna iffrankar sostanzjali sa mill-2004. Iżda rreżistejt l‑attentati kollha mill‑kapitali għal bidla fir‑regoli IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

tal‑istaff tal‑UE f ’aspetti li kienu jdgħajfu l‑kapaċità tal‑istituzzjonijiet li jilħqu l‑objettivi tagħhom. Saħansitra l‑gvernijiet b’xi ftit simpatija għall‑pożizzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea kellhom jiffukaw ‑l attenzjoni fuq il‑kwistjonijiet nazzjonali tagħhom stess u evitaw l‑infiq ta’ kapital ta’ negozjar fid‑difiża tal‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑UE. Għalhekk kelli nkun jien li nargumenta, ħafna drabi f ’dibattiti mqanqla sew, biex ma nissugrawx il‑kwalità u l‑effettività tal‑istituzzjonijiet Ewropej li qegħdin jiffaċċjaw dejjem aktar kompiti.

Nemmen li għad jgħaddi ż‑żmien u l‑modernizzar tal‑baġit Ewropew ikun meqjus bħala innovazzjoni importanti. Bħala volum, il‑baġit Ewropew huwa qatra fl‑oċean tal‑baġits nazzjonali, u nittama li jiżdied maż‑żmien. Iżda miż‑żewġ rawnds ta’ negozjati matul il‑mandat tiegħi nistgħu ngħidu li dawwarnieh f ’baġit modern ta’ investiment, li jimmira għat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi u li jikkumplimenta sew il‑baġits nazzjonali b’enfasi fuq id‑dimensjoni Ewropea 32 aktar milli bħala sostitut għall‑infiq tal‑baġit nazzjonali.

Il‑kriżi finanzjarja u tad‑dejn sovran

Huwa ovvju li s‑saħħa tal‑Ewropa ġiet ittestjata b’mod sever fl‑aħħar ħames snin mill‑kriżi finanzjarja, ekonomika u soċjali.

Iżda ejja ma ninsewx li konna qed inħabbtu wiċċna ma’ livelli baxxi ta’ tkabbir anke qabel il‑kriżi. L‑ewwel programm li ssottomettejt bħala l‑President tal‑Kummissjoni fil‑bidu tal-2005 kien diġà mibni madwar prijorità fuq it‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi, b’enfasi qawwija fuq il‑ħtieġa għal riforma ekonomika.

Dan wassal għar‑reviżjoni tal‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona, li kienet tilfet ħafna mill‑attrazzjoni oriġinali tagħha u sofriet minn kredibilità mdgħajfa, minħabba miri u problemi ta’ governanza wisq numerużi — nuqqasijiet li kienu diġà ġew indikati fir‑Rapport Kok fil‑ħarifa tal-2004. Kien għalhekk li ħriġna bi strateġija ta’ Liżbona mġedda, u eventwalment fit‑tieni mandat tiegħi bl‑Istrateġija Ewropa 2020 biex nibnu tkabbir sostenibbli, intelliġenti u inklużiv. Hija aktar iffukata f ’termini ta’ miri ekonomiċi u aktar xierqa biex toħloq sens ta’ sjieda fl‑Istati Membri. U offriet punt ta’ referenza għal ħafna politiki oħra, bħalma huma l‑mod li bih nimpennjaw il‑baġit tal‑UE, jew id‑deċiżjoni tagħna li nimmodernizzaw il‑politiki tagħna bħala parti minn fehma ħolistika dwar it‑tkabbir, bħar‑riforma tal‑politika tas‑sajd tradizzjonali f ’politika marittima aġġornata.

Il‑pressjonijiet tremendi u l‑emerġenzi li rriżultaw mill‑kriżi finanzjarja u tad‑dejn sovran sa ċertu punt ġibdu l‑attenzjoni politika u tal‑mezzi tax‑xandir DAĦLA lil hinn mill‑ħtieġa għal riforma strutturali u tal‑kompetittività, avolja kien hemm enfasi kostanti fuq dan mill‑Kummissjoni u oħrajn, notevolment l‑OECD. Iżda fil‑fatt issa qed naraw li leitmotif Ewropew ta’ tkabbir u impjiegi permezz tar‑riformi kien dejjem preżenti u, bi gradi differenti ta’ impenn, naraw li l‑gvernijiet adottaw ħafna minn dawn ir‑riformi, bħal kif muri fl‑istħarriġ dwar ir‑riformi ekonomiċi, li ġie ppubblikat dan l‑aħħar mill‑Kummissjoni Ewropea. Permezz ta’ rakomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi u diskussjonijiet regolari anki fil‑Kunsill Ewropew, kiber aktar l‑għarfien għar‑riformi strutturali, u b’mod partikolari għall‑kompetittività tal‑prezzijiet fl‑Ewropa. Għalkemm għadu kmieni wisq biex inkejlu l‑effetti, u anki jekk il‑progress jibqa’ ċertament żbilanċjat, indikaturi mikro‑ekonomiċi juru l‑effettività tar‑riformi, li jinsabu l‑aktar fl‑Istati Membri. Eżempji jinkludu suq tax‑xogħol dejjem aktar flessibbli; reformi fis‑sistema tal‑pensjoni, spiss bl‑inklużjoni ta’ żieda fl‑età tal‑irtirar; titjib tal‑proporzjon tal‑adegwatezza tal‑kapital tal‑banek; bidla lejn taxxi favorevoli għat‑tkabbir; u tnaqqis fiż‑żmien biex jinbeda negozju. Riformi 33 fl‑amministrazzjoni pubblika, it‑tassazzjoni u s‑swieq tal‑prodotti jinsabu fi stat avvanzat. Minkejja l‑progress li sar, ir‑riforma ekonomika fl‑UE għadha mhux lesta u għaldaqstant għandha tkompli għaddejja.

Aġenda ta’ riforma ma ġietx segwita biss fil‑livell nazzjonali iżda wkoll fil‑livell Ewropew, permezz ta’ aktar integrazzjoni tas‑suq intern mal‑Atti I u II dwar is‑suq uniku. Dawn ir‑riformi ma tantx kienu evidenti. Speċjalment f ’nofs il‑kriżi, kellna nirreżistu l‑pressjoni mill‑Istati Membri biex idgħajfu l‑prinċipji tas‑suq intern u l‑kompetizzjoni ġusta. Iżda l‑Kummissjoni żammet il‑kompetizzjoni u r‑regoli tal‑għajnuna tal‑Istat, u stiednet lil Mario Monti jipprovdi rapport dwar it‑triq ’il quddiem. Dan għinna nagħtu spinta ġdida lis‑suq uniku.

U pass loġiku ta’ dik l‑evoluzzjoni kien enfasi aktar qawwija fuq l‑aspetti soċjali tar‑riforma. Indikazzjoni tal‑impenn soċjali tal‑Kummissjoni kien l‑Fond għal Għajnuna Ewropea għall‑Persuni l‑Aktar fil‑Bżonn li pproponejna fl-2012 bħala s‑suċċessur tal‑programm ta’ tqassim tal‑ikel lill‑Persuni l‑Aktar fil‑Bżonn fil‑Komunità. Dan intlaqat b’reżistenza minn xi kapitali li argumentaw kontra l‑Fond f ’termini ta’ sussidjarjetà, u jien indikajt bosta drabi lill‑kapijiet tal‑istat u tal‑gvern li kienu aktar ġenerużi fl‑għoti lill‑Kummissjoni ta’ setgħat ta’ dixxiplina aktar milli għodod ta’ solidarjetà.

Ir‑reżistenza għal dawn l‑inizjattivi soċjali kienet ċara wkoll meta pproponejna Fond ta’ Aġġustament għall‑Globalizzazzjoni għal dawk li jsibuha diffiċli biex ilaħħqu mar‑ristrutturar meħtieġ bħala riżultat tal‑kummerċ globali. L‑attenzjoni li tajna lill‑ġlieda kontra l‑qgħad fost iż‑żgħażagħ u r‑rwol tat‑taħriġ vokazzjonali huma eżempji oħra tas‑sensittività tagħna f ’dan il‑qasam. U wara ż‑żjarat tiegħi IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

f ’xi wħud minn dawn il‑proġetti, inkluż fl‑Awstrija, wieħed mill‑pajjiżi li l‑aktar sejjer tajjeb f ’dal il‑qasam, flimkien mal‑Kanċillier Faymann, aktar sirt konvint.

Iddedikajt ħafna ħin u attenzjoni lill‑imsieħba soċjali, mis‑summits tripartiċi normali għal ħafna laqgħat informali fil‑Kummissjoni, u f ’Mejju 2013 l‑imsieħba soċjali Ewropej ġew mistiedna jattendu laqgħa tal‑Kulleġġ regolari għall‑ewwel darba. Anki meta l‑pożizzjonijiet bejn l‑impjegati u l‑unjins ikunu differenti ħafna, il‑ħaġa li jaqsmu bejniethom hija impenn għall‑Ewropa. Minn John Monks sa Bernadette Ségol u Candido Mendez sa Ignacio Fernández Toxo fil‑Konferenza Ewropea tat‑Trade Unions (ETUC), minn Philippe de Buck sa Emma Marcegaglia f ’BusinessEurope, aħna xxurtjati li għandna rappreżentanti tal‑imsieħba soċjali li huma ispirati mill‑ideal Ewropew.

Biex nużaw frażi li tintuża ħafna, ma ħallejniex “kriżi tajba tinħela fix‑xejn”.

34 L‑ewwel reazzjoni tagħna, immedjatament wara l‑bidu tal‑kriżi, u mniżżla fir‑rispons makroekonomiku globali promossa mill‑G20, kien il‑pjan ewropew ta’ rkupru ekonomiku li ppropona, bħala kwistjoni ta’ urġenza, li l‑Istati Membri u l‑UE jaqblu fuq stimolu baġitarju immedjat li jammonta għal €200 biljun (1.5 % tal‑PDG), biex jagħti spinta lid‑domanda. Għamilnih f ’waqtu, immirat u temporanju, anki jekk mhux il‑gvernijiet kollha ħaduh bħala mmirat u temporanju. Kien importanti bħala parti mir‑rispons komprensiv u kontroċikliku għat‑tnaqqis fir‑ritmu ekonomiku. Kien ukoll mod biex nirrispettaw ir‑regoli fiskali tagħna fil‑Patt rivedut ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir, filwaqt li nirrikonoxxu li qed ngħixu f ’ċirkostanzi eċċezzjonali, meta xi gvernijiet sempliċement riedu jarmu dawk ir‑regoli. L‑iskartar tal‑qafas fiskali komuni kien ikun diżastru fi żmien meta ‑l interdipendenza tal‑ekonomiji tagħna kienet enfasizzat aktar minn qatt qabel.

Dan ġie evitat, u saħansitra l‑Unjoni Ewropea ħarġet aktar integrata f ’termini ta’ governanza ekonomika u sorveljanza baġitarja, bankarja u regolamentazzjoni finanzjarja. Il‑perjodu mill-2009 sal-2013 jista’ jiġi karatterizzat l‑aħjar bħala sensiela ta’ passi ’il quddiem li, meħuda flimkien, jirrappreżentaw l‑akbar progress fl‑integrazzjoni Ewropea mill‑ħolqien tal‑euro. Ir‑riformi biddlu l‑mod kif l‑ekonomiji differenti u s‑settur finanzjarju fl‑Ewropa jkunu leġiżlati, sorveljati u regolati.

Il‑kriżi kienet kixfet problemi fundamentali u xejriet mhux sostenibbli f ’ħafna pajjiżi Ewropej, il‑vulnerabbiltà tagħhom bħala riżultat tal‑livelli għoljin ta’ dejn pubbliku li kellhom u l‑akkumulazzjoni ta’ żbilanċi makroekonomiċi sinifikattivi, u l‑effetti kollaterali tagħhom f ’oħrajn. DAĦLA

Kien għalhekk li dawn il‑kwistjonijiet kellhom jiġu indirizzati deċiżivament. U l‑UE għamlet dan b’azzjoni bbażata fuq tliet blokok prinċipali: il‑ħolqien ta’ mekkanżmi finanzjarji li jissalvagwardjaw ‑l istabilità finanzjarja fiż‑żona tal‑euro; riforma fil‑fond u t‑twessigħ tal‑governanza ekonomika; u t‑teħid ta’ azzjoni biex tissewwa s‑sistema finanzjarja.

F’kull wieħed minn dawn it‑tliet oqsma, il‑Kummissjoni kellha rwol kruċjali, tressaq proposti li kienu ta’ spiss “fuq quddiem”, mhux biss tindirizza kwistjonijiet urġenti li kellhom jiġu solvuti iżda tesponi l‑viżjoni tagħha għat‑terminu medju, anki jekk l‑Istati Membri ma kinux għadhom lesti jagħmlu dawn il‑passi. Spiss ħeġġiġt lill‑Istati Membri aktar għonja biex ikunu aktar solidali mal‑pajjiżi l‑aktar vulnerabbli (pereżempju, billi argumentajt favur maturitajiet itwal u rati tal‑imgħax aktar baxxi għall‑Greċja, l‑Irlanda u l‑Portugall) kif ukoll billi tlabt għal passi aktar kuraġġużi f ’reazzjoni komprensiva, anki jekk kont konxju li n‑natura tat‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet fl‑UE 35 ikkundannatna għal approċċ grawdali u inkrementali. Meta għamlet hekk, il‑Kummissjoni kkontribwiet b’mod deċiżiv biex tevita li ż‑żona tal‑euro u l‑UE “jaqgħu lura” f ’reazzjoni għall‑kriżi finanzjarja. F’bosta stadji tal‑kriżi finanzjarja u ekonomika, sehem il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea kien vitali, anki jekk dak iż‑żmien ma tantx qgħadna niftaħru dwarha ‑l ħaġa: kellna nuru responsabbiltà minħabba l‑volatilità tas‑swieq li kienu qed jesaġeraw fir‑reazzjoni tagħhom għal geġwiġija ta’ ilħna li sikwit kienet ittarrax.

Il‑Ħadd 9 ta’ Mejju 2010 il‑Kummissjoni adottat proposta għall‑ħolqien ta’ mekkaniżmu msejjaħ il‑Mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta’ Stabbilità Finanzjarja (EFSM), li jipprovdi għajnuna finanzjarja lill‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro li jkunu f ’diffikultà, appoġġjat mill‑baġit tal‑UE. Dan wasal wara d‑diskussjonijiet drammatiċi li kelli mal‑mexxejja tal‑pajjiżi taż‑żona tal‑euro waqt ikla twila il‑Ġimgħa ta’ qabel, u l‑impenn li għamilna “biex niżguraw l‑istabilità, l‑unità u l‑integrità taż‑żona tal‑euro” u li “l‑istituzzjonijiet kollha taż‑żona tal‑euro (il‑Kunsill, il‑Kummissjoni, il‑BĊE) kif ukoll l‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro jaqblu li jużaw il‑firxa sħiħa tal‑mezz li għandhom” biex jagħmlu dan. Il‑Kunsill tal‑Ecofin iddiskuta ‑l proposta dakinhar, fid-9 ta’ Mejju, wara nofsinhar, u ddeċieda li joħloq żewġ mekkaniżmi ta’ assistenza finanzjarja għall‑pajjiżi taż‑Żona tal‑Euro: l‑EFSM, ta’ natura komunitarja, li seta’ juża’ l‑marġini kollha possibbli tal‑qafas finanzjarju pluriennali, stmat €60 biljun dak iż‑żmien, u wieħed intergovernattiv imsejjaħ il‑Faċilità Ewropea ta’ Stabbiltà Finanzjarja jew EFSF, ibbażata fuq il‑garanziji tal‑pajjiżi taż‑żona tal‑euro li ammontaw għal €440 biljun. L‑EFSM u l‑EFSF malajr ġew fil‑bżonn: l‑ewwel biex jipprovdu għajnuna finanzjarja għall‑Irlanda f ’Novembru ta’ dik is‑sena u għall‑Portugal fir‑Rebbiegħa tal-2011. Kemm l‑EFSM u l‑EFSF kienu ta’ natura temporanja. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Tliet snin wara, bl‑appoġġ tal‑Kummissjoni, ġew issostitwiti bil‑Mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta’ Stabbiltà (MES), il‑mekkaniżmu permanenti ta’ riżoluzzjoni tal‑kriżijiet b’qawwa ta’ €500 biljun, ibbażat fuq il‑prinċipji li jinsabu fil‑proposta oriġinali tal‑Kummissjoni.

Iżda l‑ħolqien ta’ salvagwardji finanzjarji kien fih innifsu mhux biżżejjed.Kien meħtieġ li ssir reviżjoni tas‑sistema ta’ governanza ekonomika biex tiġi evitata ripetizzjoni tal‑kriżi fil‑ġejjieni. Fit-12 ta’ Mejju 2010, jiġifieri tliet ijiem wara l‑proposta seminali għas‑salvagwardji finanzjarji, il‑Kummissjoni adottat komunikazzjoni dwar it‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika u fit- 30 ta’ Mejju komunikazzjoni oħra dwar it‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika għall‑istabilità, it‑tkabbir u l‑għodda tal‑impjiegi għal governanza ekonomik tal‑UE aktar b’saħħitha. Dawn iż‑żewġ komunikazzjonijiet stipulaw il‑prinċipji ta’ dawk li kellhom isiru l‑pakkett ta’ sitt leġiżlazzjonijiet, li 36 flimkien mal‑pakkett ta’ żewġ proposti li l‑Kummissjoni għamlet f ’Novembru 2011, jifformaw is‑sistema attwali tal‑governanza ekonomika tal‑UE, b’mod partikolari għaż‑żona tal‑euro: isaħħu l‑fergħa preventiva tal‑Patt ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir, iħaffu ‑l fergħa korrettiva fi proċess ta’ teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet kważi awtomatiku, iwessgħu is‑sorveljanza lejn dominji mhux baġitarji permezz tal‑ħolqien ta’ proċedura dwar żbilanċi makroekonomiċi u jsaħħu s‑sorveljanza baġitarja fiż‑żona tal‑euro.

Dwar ir‑regolament finanzjarju, diġà f ’Mejju 2008, ir‑rapport EMU@10 tagħna kien wissa dwar “ineffiċjenza ‑fil qafas għas‑superviżjoni u l‑ġestjoni tal‑kriżi finanzjarja, li jimplika ‑l potenzjal għal reazzjoni inadegwata għal riskji ta’ kontaġju f ’sistema finanzjarja integrata.” Iżda ma kienx hemm rieda li tittieħed azzjoni f ’dawk iż‑żminijiet. Għalhekk meta f ’Ottubru 2008 kellna l‑problemi, ħadna passi immedjati biex nipproteġu t‑tfaddil tan‑nies, nevitaw l‑assalti bankarji u nżommu regoli komuni dwar appoġġ lill‑banek u nmantnu kompetizzjoni ġusta fis‑suq intern tagħna. Il‑kriżi bankarja wriet li madwar id‑dinja, il‑mod kif il‑banek kienu regolati u sorveljati ma laħħaqx ma’ swieq kapitali dejjem aktar integrati. Fl‑Ewropa, is‑suq uniku u l‑munita unika tagħna, kienet tfisser li aħna konna saħansitra aktar interkonnessi minn oħrajn. Iżda s‑superviżjoni tal‑banek u l‑falliment tal‑immaniġġjar tal‑banek kienu għadhom fil‑biċċa l‑kbira kompetenza nazzjonali. Din hija r‑raġuni għaliex il‑kriżi bankarja wasslet għal kriżi sovrana. Iżda jien ridt ukoll rispons strutturali. Għalhekk, appellajt ma’ Jacques de Larosière biex jippresjedi grupp ta’ livell għoli bil‑kompitu li jagħti ħarsa mill‑qrib lejn għaliex dan kien ġara u biex jidentifika l‑lakuni fir‑regolamentazzjoni u s‑sorveljanza li l‑kriżijiet kienu esponew. Kif stabbilixxa b’mod ċar il‑mandat li tajt lill‑grupp, “biex l‑integrazzjoni finanzjarja tkun effiċjenti f ’termini tas‑salvagwardjar tal‑istabbiltà sistemika kif ukoll DAĦLA fit‑twassil ta’ spejjeż aktar baxxi u kompetizzjoni akbar, huwa essenzjali li nħaffu r‑riforma tas‑superviżjoni kontinwa. Għaldaqstant il‑grupp mitlub jagħmel proposti biex jissaħħu l‑arranġamenti superviżorji Ewropej li jkopru s‑setturi finanzjarji kollha, bil‑għan li tiġi stabbilita sistema ta’ superviżjoni Ewropea aktar effiċjenti, integrata u sostenibbli.”

Minn dak iż‑żmien, ħdimna ħafna biex nagħlqu dawn il‑lakuni, b’serje ta’ aktar minn 40 liġi li jagħmlu l‑kotba tal‑bilanċ tal‑banek aktar sodi; biex jiġi żgurat li l‑atturi ewlenin bħal fondi spekulattivi u l‑aġenziji ta’ klassifikazzjoni kif ukoll l‑infrastrutturi kritiċi bħall‑kontropartijiet ċentrali jinġiebu fl‑ambitu ta’ sorveljanza regolatorja; li jinxtegħel dawl fuq prattiki kummerċjali kumplessi; u li jissaħħaħ il‑ħarsien tal‑konsumatur. Ħafna minn dawn il‑proposti ġew adottati f ’liġi fi żmien rekord.

Xtaqt li mmorru lil hinn u naħtfu dan l‑impetu billi niddeskrivu dak li 37 kien meħtieġ għal unjoni bankarja reali. U fil‑fatt, il‑Kummissjoni diġà użat it‑terminu “unjoni bankarja” fil‑komunikazzjoni tagħna tat-30 ta’ Mejju 2012, filwaqt li kien għad hemm min jew jopponi ‑l idea stess jew seta’ biss jaċċetta l‑aktar l‑aktar “qafas għal stabbiltà finanzjarja” vag. Kif għidt fil‑Financial Times dak iż‑żmien — l‑edizzjoni bl‑intestatura “Barroso pushes EU banking union” (it-12 ta’ Ġunju 2012) — “il‑proġett Ewropew minn dejjem għamel progress pass pass. Għandna nkomplu pass pass, imma issa għandna bżonn ta’ pass kbir ħafna. Jew l‑Ewropa tagħmel pass ’il quddiem jew hemm ir‑riskju ta’ frammentazzjoni.” Immobilizzajna appoġġ politiku għal metodu aktar dettaljat, u bosta drabi wassalna proposti leġiżlattivi biex dan iseħħ.

Aspett li ħareġ fid‑deher minħabba l‑kriżi kien l‑eżistenza ta’ nuqqasijiet f ’sistema ta’ governanza li tinżamm f ’livell nazzjonali li kellha bżonn li tkunu fuq livell Ewropew, f ’konformità mal‑interdipendenza evidenti tagħna. Sa minn Diċembru 2004, pereżempju, il‑Kummissjoni kienet adottat komunikazzjoni dwar l‑istatistika tal‑gvern ġenerali wara li irriżulta li b’mod sistematiku fir‑rapporti tagħha l‑Greċja kienet uriet ċifri ħżiena tad‑defiċit u d‑dejn nazzjonali tagħha, u l‑Eurostat lanqas biss kellu s‑setgħa jidentifikah. Il‑Kummissjoni waslet bi proposti li sussegwentement ġew imdewma u mdgħajfa mill‑Kunsill. Kien tmien snin biss aktar tard, wara li effettivament faqqgħet il‑bużżieqa Griega, li l‑Istati Membri kienu lesti jaqblu mal‑proposti tagħna għal tisħiħ sostanzjali tas‑setgħat tal‑Eurostat f ’Diċembru 2012.

Rajna l‑istess dinamika wkoll fil‑politiki li jwasslu għat‑tkabbir. L‑istrateġija inizjali ta’ Liżbona malajr saret tfisser Unjoni Ewropea li tipproduċi bosta karti u biżibilju, meta fir‑realtà l‑Istati Membri ma jagħmlux wisq. Diġà fil‑bidu tal- 2005, kont ipproponejt “bidu ġdid għall‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona”. Kif spjegajt IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

qabel, kont konvint li l‑kuntest politiku fil‑bidu tal‑mandat tiegħi kien ifisser li l‑Kummissjoni kellha tkun serja dwar ir‑riżultati. Jekk ma nirfinawx ‑l attenzjoni u nsaħħu l‑impenn tagħna lejn l‑għanijiet ta’ Liżbona, ma tkunx il‑kredibilità tagħna biss li tiġi taħt pressjoni iżda wkoll il‑mudell soċjoekonomiku. Fhimna b’mod ċar li jekk ridna nżommu l‑mudell tas‑suq soċjali tagħna, kellna bżonn li ssirlu riforma. Sar progress sinifikanti għalkemm mhux ekwilibrat, iżda minħabba nuqqas ta’ appoġġ mill‑biċċa l‑kbira tal‑Istati Membri, il‑progress ġenerali kellu jistenna sa wara l‑kriżi, meta tiżwiqa tal‑Istrateġija Ewropa 2020 u r‑riformi ta’ governanza sistemika ta’ UEM approfondita rnexxielhom jagħtu lill‑metodu ekonomiku tagħna s‑snien u l‑enfasi li ma kellux qabel. Għall‑Kummissjoni, kien ovvju waqt il‑kriżi li l‑konsolidazzjoni fiskali, ir‑riformi strutturali kif ukoll l‑investiment immirat kienu lkoll kruċjali għal kontra l‑isfidi tal‑Ewropa u li kellhom imorru id f ’id. Il‑Kummissjoni insistiet mal‑Istati Membri biex jikkombinaw il‑konsolidazzjoni u l‑investiment billi jiffokaw fuq il‑kwalità 38 tal‑infiq filwaqt li jirrispettaw ‑ir regoli fiskali. Ħriġna bi proposta għal baġit pluriennali ambizzjuż u bbażat fuq it‑tkabbir, u pproponejna li nesploraw l‑istrumenti kollha possibbli li kellna għad‑dispożizzjoni tagħna, kif ukoll noħolqu l‑ġodda. Kif spjegajt fid‑diskors tiegħi dwar l‑Istat tal‑Unjoni ta’ Settembru 2011, il‑gvernijiet għandhom jappoġġjaw proposti tal‑Kummissjoni għal “bonds tal‑proġett tal‑UE u l‑implimentazzjoni permezz ta’ proġetti pilota” u “r‑rinfunzar tar‑riżorsi tal‑BEI u l‑bażi ta’ kapital biex ikun jista’ jislef lill‑ekonomija reali”. Ħadet iż‑żmien il‑ħaġa, imma eventwalment l‑Istati Membri approvawhom dawn il‑proposti. Ripetutament, il‑Kummissjoni tat sehemha bħala l‑impetu tal‑politika Ewropea. Iżda ma tistax tgħaddi mingħajr l‑appoġġ u l‑azzjoni assertiva ta’ atturi Ewropej oħra biex il‑proposti tagħha jimxu ’l quddiem. Dan dejjem kien il‑każ, u speċjalment fis‑snin reċenti. Ejja nisperaw li l‑kundizzjonijiet issa qed jinħolqu sabiex tkun tista’ tingħeleb ir‑reżistenza li sibna meta ppreżentajna l‑proposti tagħna.

Ir‑relazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni mal‑imsieħba prinċipali ħarġet aktar b’saħħitha, speċjalment mal‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew. F’kull punt prinċipali tal‑kriżi matul l‑aħħar ħames snin, il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew żammew ma’ xulxin, bażikament qasmu l‑istess analiżi u rrispettaw ir‑rwoli distinti ta’ xulxin. Bħal Jean‑Claude Trichet and Mario Draghi, dejjem emmint li politika monetarja orjentata fuq l‑istabilità tal‑prezzijiet teħtieġ tiżwiqa xierqa ta’ konsolidazzjoni fiskali u reformi strutturali. Insistejt ripetutament, kontra l‑opinjoni ta’ xi kapijiet ta’ Stat u ta’ Gvern, li l‑indipendenza tal‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew għandha tiġi rispettata. Il‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew għandu jirċievi r‑rikonoxximent mistħoqqlu talli għen lill‑Ewropa terġa’ tikseb l‑istabbiltà permezz tal‑istabbiliment tal‑programm għas‑swieq tat‑titoli f ’Mejju 2010, aktar tard meta afferma li “jagħmel kull ma jkun hemm bżonn” f ’Lulju 2012 DAĦLA u mbagħad mill‑ewwel ħabbar il‑possibbiltà tal‑użu ta’ transazzjonijiet monetarji definittivi. Iżda kien kapaċi jieħu dawk id‑deċiżjonijiet indipendenti minħabba li l‑kundizzjonijiet kienu lesti għalihom. Sabiex ikunu possibbli, is‑sistema tal‑governanza ekonomika kellha tkun implimentata biex tiggarantixxi li l‑Istati Membri jagħmlu x‑xogħol iebes li jirranġaw il‑baġits tagħhom sabiex jiġu indirizzati l‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi tagħhom, iżidu l‑kompetittività tagħhom permezz ta’ riformi, u l‑istrumenti biex tgħin lill‑pajjiżi f ’diffikultà kienu ġew stabbiliti u kienu qed jinkisbu riżultati mill‑programmi ta’ aġġustament sussegwenti. Tul il‑kriżi, il‑Kummissjoni ilha tinsisti għal konsolidazzjoni fiskali u riformi strutturali, kif ukoll għal investiment immirat u li kollox għandu jkun ibbażat fuq riforma fit‑tmexxija taż‑żona tal‑euro. U ħadt gost ninnota li l‑BĊE kien insistenti daqsna meta ġejna biex ngħidu lill‑Istati Membri jegħlbu it‑tħassib tagħhom u jwasslu dawn it‑tliet punti.

Filwaqt li l‑BĊE huwa indipendenti, ma jagħmilx id‑deċiżjonijiet tiegħu 39 f ’vakwu iżda bħala parti minn sistema: is‑sistema tat‑tfassil ta’ politika tal‑euro. Jista’ jkun li Mario Draghi ma kienx ikun kapaċi jagħmel l‑istqarrija notevoli tiegħu f ’Lulju 2012 kieku ma kienx hemm il‑governanza estensiva u r‑riformi politiki, u summit taż‑żona tal‑euro ix‑xahar ta’ qabel fejn il‑kapijiet tal‑istat jew gvern — wara dibattitu twil u intens — kienu affermaw “l‑impenn qawwi tagħhom li jagħmlu dak li kien hemm bżonn biex jiżguraw l‑istabilità finanzjarja taż‑żona tal‑euro, b’mod partikolari bl‑użu tal‑istrumenti eżistenti tal‑EFSF/ ESM b’mod flessibbli u effiċjenti sabiex jistabilizzaw is‑swieq għall‑Istati Membri li jirrispettaw ir‑rakomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiż, skont is‑Semestru Ewropew, il‑Patt ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir u l‑Proċedura ta’ Żbilanċi Makroekonomiċi”. Il‑BĊE spiss kien attakkat, l‑aktar minn ċerti setturi “ortodossi” li ma fehmux il‑ħtieġa ta’ tweġiba b’metodi mhux konvenzjonali għal ċirkostanzi eċċezzjonali għall‑aħħar. Kelli niddefendi r‑rwol tal‑BĊE bosta drabi, nagħtu każ fid‑diskors tal‑Istat tal‑Unjoni tiegħi ta’ Settembru 2012 quddiem il‑Parlament Ewropew: “Is‑sikurezza tal‑istabilità taż‑żona tal‑euro hija r‑responsabbiltà konġunta tal‑Istati Membri u l‑Istituzzjonijiet tal‑Komunità. Il‑BĊE ma jistax u mhuwiex se jiffinanzja‑ l gvernijiet. Iżda meta l‑mezzi tal‑politika monetarja ma jaħdmux sew, il‑Kummissjoni temmen li huwa parti mill‑mandat tal‑BĊE li jieħu l‑azzjonijiet meħtieġa, pereżempju fis‑swieq sekondarji tad‑dejn sovran. Fil‑fatt il‑BĊE għandu mhux id‑dritt biss iżda wkoll id‑dmir li jirrestawra l‑integrità tal‑politika monetarja.”

Wieħed mill‑aktar effetti rilevanti tal‑kriżi kien preċiżament it‑tisħiħ ta’ din is‑sistema ħafna mhux biss permezz ta’ leġiżlazzjoni ġdida iżda wkoll permezz tal‑proċess tat‑tfassil tal‑politika fejn pożizzjonijiet meħuda mill‑BĊE u l‑Kummissjoni flimkien kienu deċiżivi biex jinbena ‑l kunsens meħtieġ. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Eżempju notevoli huwa l‑proċess ta’ elaborazzjoni tal‑hekk imsejjaħ Rapport tal‑Erba’ Presidenti li eventwalment wassal biex is‑summit taż‑żona tal‑euro jitlob lill‑President tal‑Kunsill Ewropew, f ’assoċjazzjoni mill‑qrib mal‑Presidenti tal‑Kummissjoni, tal‑Grupp tal‑euro u l‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew, biex jiżviluppaw pjan direzzjonali speċifiku u marbut biż‑żmien għall‑kisba ta’ unjoni ekonomika u monetarja ġenwina. U kuntent ninnota li, kull meta l‑President tal‑BĊE kien mistieden fil‑Kunsill Ewropew, il‑messaġġi tagħhom urew appoġġ sħiħ għall‑approċċ globali suġġerit mill‑Kummissjoni.

Meta nħares lura lejn dawn l‑aħħar 5 snin tal‑mandat tiegħi, nosserva kemm huma konsiderevoli s‑setgħat u l‑kompiti l‑ġodda li l‑Kummissjoni Ewropea kisbet fl‑oqsma ekonomiċi, baġitarji u s‑sorveljanza finanzjarja. Il‑ħtieġa li nġibu dawn is‑setgħat għal‑livell Ewropew kienu saru evidenti, peress li l‑kriżi wriet l‑interdipendenza tal‑Istati Membri. L‑effetti sekondarji kienu ċari u dan 40 għinna nagħmlu l‑każ favur sistema aktar integrata ta’ governanza ekonomika, fejn il‑Kummissjoni bħala istituzzjoni indipendenti mill‑gvernijiet tista’ tiggarantixxi politika ekonomika huwa tabilħaqq meqjus bħala kwistjoni ta’ interess komuni.

Nemmen sinċerament li l‑Unjoni Ewropea ħierġa mill‑kriżi aktar b’saħħitha milli kienet qabel. Dan jista’ jidher ma jagħmilx sens, fi żmien meta ċerti partijiet tal‑opinjoni pubblika u tal‑Parlament Ewropew huma b’mod aktar ċar u aktar qawwi Ewroxettiċi. Iżda rridu naraw il‑film kollu, u mhux biss ritratt, qabel ma naslu għall‑konklużjonijiet. Bil‑kapaċità tal‑UE u r‑riżorsi fil‑ġestjoni tal‑kriżi ksibna r‑rispett minn kullimkien. Din hija bidla kbira meta mqabbla max‑xettiċiżmu verament immarkat tal‑bidu li kemm jien u kemm il‑kollegi Ewropej tiegħi, kellha nħabbtu wiċċna miegħu fil‑fażijiet aktar bikrija tal‑kriżi meta, f ’laqgħat tal‑G20, għadd ta’ pajjiżi terzi, inklużi xi wħud li kellhom dgħjufijiet ekonomiċi u soċjali tagħhom stess, ma setgħux jirreżistu ‑t tentazzjoni li jippriedkawlna dwar r‑rispons tagħna għall‑kriżi.

Fuq quddiem dwar il‑klima u l‑enerġija

U mbagħad kien hemm il‑punt fokali maġġuri l‑ieħor tal‑impetu politiku mġedded fl‑Ewropa: il‑pakkett tal‑klima u l‑enerġija.

Is‑sett ta’ proposti li ġbarna fl-2007 dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑enerġija kien immedjatament ipperċepit, u issa huwa rikonoxxut sew, bħala l‑aktar kontribuzzjoni importanti fil‑ġlieda kontra t‑tibdil fil‑klima. Kien importanti f ’termini ġeo‑strateġiċi, iżda wkoll fil‑mod kif poġġejna l‑Lvant u l‑Punent flimkien u biddilna l‑mod kif jiġi ttrattat l‑ambjent bħala kwistjoni DAĦLA politika. Ħeġġiġna lill‑ambjentalisti jaraw il‑każ ekonomiku għal bidla, u insistejna li l‑industrija tirrikonoxxi l‑vantaġġ ekonomiku ta’ ġid għall‑ambjent u l‑investiment. Il‑pakkett tagħna poġġa wkoll lill‑UE fil‑pożizzjoni ta’ mexxejja globali f ’dan is‑suġġett, u aħna fil‑Kummissjoni ħloqna l‑kundizzjonijiet li eventwalment wasslu għall‑miri ambizzjużi 20-20-20 tal‑Ewropa. Dan kien possibbli billi twessa’ l‑kamp ta’ applikazzjoni, ingħaqdu l‑objettivi ambjentali immedjati tagħna mas‑sensittivitajiet ta’ dawk l‑Istati Membri li kienu ogħla mill‑bqija kkonċernati bis‑sigurtà tal‑enerġija minħabba d‑dipendenza tagħhom fuq ir‑Russja. L‑ewwel kriżi tal‑gass tal‑Ukraina tal-2006–07 wriet x’kien għadu ġej. Inizjattivi bħall‑kuritur tal‑gass tan‑nofsinhar — li għalih jiena insistejt bil‑kbir permezz tal‑iffirmar tad‑dikjarazzjoni fl‑Azerbajġan, flimkien mal‑President Aliyev, f ’Jannar 2011 u minn dawk iż‑żmien ’l hawn — kisbu ħafna aktar trazzjoni u ħadu dimensjoni strateġika ta’ veru. U l‑problemi reċenti dwar is‑sigurtà politika u militari tagħna jagħtuhom aktar impetu, sabiex il‑każ għas‑sigurtà tal‑enerġija jsaħħaħ l‑aġenda globali tagħna għal azzjoni dwar 41 il‑klima aktar minn qatt qabel.

Kien ukoll wieħed mill‑oqsma fejn il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea setgħet tkun fl‑aqwa tagħha, preċiżament minħabba l‑oqsma ta’ politika differenti kkonċernati, mill‑ambjent għall‑enerġija u l‑konsegwenzi ekonomiċi u l‑vijabbiltà tal‑alternattivi ta’ politika, u l‑esperjenza u n‑negozjar politiku. Il‑fatt li l‑Presidenza Britannika ta’ dak iż‑żmien appoġġjatna kien ta’ importanza kritika biex il‑ftehim iseħħ. Dan juri wkoll li ‑l importanza li nagħti lil metodu bbażat fuq ix‑xjenza u l‑benefiċċji li jrendi tali metodu. Għall‑pakkett tal‑klima u l‑enerġija ħloqt il‑Grupp ta’ Konsulenti tiegħu dwar l‑Enerġija u t‑Tibdil fil‑Klima b’esperti ta’ fama mondjali bħal Nicholas Stern li jagħtu l‑azzjonijiet tagħna bażi ċara f ’dejta xjentifika. Fil‑fatt, fl‑attivitajiet tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea, fejn ninsabu kkonfrontati b’deċiżjonijiet ta’ kumplessità teknika xi kultant estremi, naħseb li ħila xjentifika indipendenti tajba, hija meħtieġa u għandha tintuża aktar sistematikament. F’dak l‑ispirtu ħloqt ukoll il‑kariga ta’ Kap Konsulent Xjentifiku għall‑President. U peress li l‑iżvilupp tax‑xjenza xi kultat iqajjem mistoqsijiet jew saħansitra tħassib f ’termini ta’ etika, il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea tieħu konsulenza mingħand il‑Grupp Ewropew dwar l‑Etika fix‑Xjenza u t‑Teknoloġiji l‑Ġodda, entità indipendenti, pluralista u multidixxiplinarja bi rwol stabbilit sew.

L‑azzjoni tal‑Ewropa ntlaqgħet minn dawk kollha involuti fil‑kwistjoni. Il‑minoranza żgħira ta’ persuni li jiċħdu l‑bidla fil‑klima kienu l‑eċċezzjoni li ppruvat ir‑regola. Madankollu, sfortunatament, dak iż‑żmien l‑ambizzjoni tagħna ma qablitx mar‑realtà tal‑aktar żewġ pajjiżi li jniġġsu, l‑Istati Uniti u ċ‑Ċina, li ma kienux lesti jaċċettaw ftehim li jorbot. Filwaqt li ‑l opinjoni IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

pubblika fl‑Ewropa aċċettat il‑miri tal-20-20-20 sas‑sena 2020, avolja kienu konxji mid‑diffikultajiet‑ fl implimentazzjoni tagħhom, kienu qed jistennew lill‑oħrajn jagħmlu l‑istess — u ħassewhom diżappuntati meta dan ma seħħx. Is‑summit ta’ Kopenħagen tal-2009 ħoloq sens profond ta’ frustrazzjoni. De facto, sibna alleanza a minima bejn iċ‑Ċina u l‑Istati Uniti. Il‑President Obama, biex inkunu ġusti, dejjem qalilna li mhux se jkun biżżejjed biex nimxu ’l quddiem jekk jirriżulta li l‑ekonomiji emerġenti ma jagħmlux l‑istess. Qsamt xi ftit mill‑frustrazzjoni tiegħi u bħala r‑rappreżentant tal‑UE, flimkien mal‑Prim Ministru Reinfeldt, li kien qed jippresjedi l‑Kunsill, konna pjuttost espliċiti fl‑analiżi tagħna tar‑riżultati. Il‑verità hija li huwa relattivament faċli li jinstab qbil jekk wieħed ikun lest jaċċetta riżultat bla ambizzjoni. Jeħtieġ aktar kuraġġ biex wieħed ikompli jiġġieled għal għan aktar għoli. Ċertament ma ħadniex dak li ridna iżda kellna raġun avolja rridu nirrikonoxxu li, realistikament, il‑kundizzjonijiet sempliċiment ma kinux lesti dak iż‑żmien. L‑iżviluppi ta’ 42 wara wrew li d‑dibattitu ma setax jiġi injorat. U anke fiċ‑Ċina u fl‑Istati Uniti l‑bidla fil‑klima kellha tingħata attenzjoni mill‑ġdid.

Bid‑diskussjoni attwali dwar il‑qafas tal‑azzjoni dwar l‑enerġija u l‑klima għall-2030, u bil‑ġbir flimkien ta’ oqsma ta’ politika differenti ‑fil proposti dwar l‑effiċjenza tar‑riżorsi tagħna, l‑Ewropa tkompli tkun fuq qiddiem fl‑isforzi globali. Kemm it‑tibdil fil‑klima kif ukoll is‑sikurezza tal‑enerġija huwa fuq nett fil‑lista ta’ prijoritajiet tagħna iktar minn qatt qabel. Meta nħarsu lura, nistgħu naraw b’mod aktar ċar għalfejn dan kien daqstant importanti u bidla tassew sinifikanti kemm għall‑Istati Membri qodma kif ukoll dawk ġodda, u din il‑bidla se ddum. Minn din id‑diviżjoni, kemm fl‑Unjoni Ewropea kif ukoll internazzjonalment, irrevoluzzjonajna l‑ħsieb u d‑dibattitu fil‑qasam tal‑politika tal‑klima u tal‑enerġija.

Il‑pakkett dwar l‑enerġija u t‑tibdil fil‑klima b’mod konkret l‑aspetti prinċipali tal‑metodu tiegħi fil‑politiki Ewropej: Kummissjoni li tħares lejn il‑kwistjonijiet strateġiċi importanti u toħroġ bi proposti politiċi li huma kemm ambizzjużi kif ukoll jistgħu jirnexxu, u li jippermettu l‑Unjoni Ewropea tkun magħquda, miftuħa u b’saħħitha.

Iż‑żamma tal‑istat tad‑dritt

L‑Ewropa hija ħafna aktar minn suq — hija komunità ta’ valuri, msejsa fuq id‑dinjità, il‑libertà, l‑ugwaljanza u s‑solidarjetà tal‑bniedem. Ewropa b’saħħitha trid tkun ibbażata sew fuq l‑istat tad‑dritt, kunċett li huwa fil‑qalba tal‑Unjoni Ewropea. Għaldaqstant tul l‑aħħar deċennju, il‑Kummissjoni stinkat DAĦLA fil‑qasam tal‑ġustizzja u l‑affarijiet interni, u l‑impatt ta’ dan l‑impenn se jkollu konsegwenzi fit‑tul għall‑Unjoni tul id‑deċennji li ġejjin.

Fil‑bidu nett tal‑mandat tiegħi fil‑Kummissjoni, ħadna d‑deċiżjoni li nikkontrollaw il‑proposti leġiżlattivi kollha kontra l‑Karta tad‑Drittijiet Fundamentali, li dak iż‑żmien kienet għadha mhijiex parti sħiħa tat‑Trattati kif inhi llum. It‑Trattat ta’ Liżbona impenja lill‑UE biex tingħaqad mal‑Konvenzjoni Ewropea dwar id‑Drittijiet tal‑Bniedem, u l‑Kummissjoni mexxiet in‑negozjati bi progress konsiderevoli. Il‑promozzjoni tad‑drittijiet taċ‑ċittadini kienet ukoll ir‑raġuni wara proposti dwar, pereżempju, id‑drittijiet tal‑konsumaturi u l‑ħarsien tad‑dejta, fejn kemm fl‑UE u fir‑relazzjoni tagħna ma’ pajjiżi terzi u b’mod partikolari mal‑Istati Uniti, il‑Kummissjoni ressqet ’il quddiem riformi li jiżguraw l‑ogħla livelli ta’ protezzjoni għall‑privatezza tal‑individwu.

Iżda dawn l‑aħħar snin rajna xi okkorrenzi ta’ żviluppi problematiċi f ’ċerti 43 pajjiżi, f ’oqsma bħat‑trattament ta’ minoritajiet bħar‑Roma, l‑indipendenza tal‑ġudikatura jew il‑pluraliżmu tal‑midja. Il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea qatt ma żammet lura milli taġixxi fil‑każijiet fejn intalbet tissorvelja u tiddefendi l‑istat tad‑dritt, u fejn xieraq taħdem b’kooperazzjoni mill‑qrib mal‑Kunsill tal‑Ewropa u s‑Segretarju Ġenerali tiegħu Jagland.

Id‑dibattiti varji dwar it‑theddid fuq il‑valuri tal‑Unjoni u b’mod partikolari l‑istat tad‑dritt f ’ċerti Stati Membri urew b’mod ċar li f ’dawn is‑sitwazzjonijiet hemm limiti fl‑effettività tal‑metodi bejn il‑pari, u opinjonijiet li spiss ikunu passjonali u diverġenti fost il‑partijiet involuti dwar l‑opportunità tal‑azzjoni. Il‑valur miżjud tal‑Kummissjoni bħala arbitru objettiv u indipendenti għalhekk huwa aċċettat ħafna.

Eżempju tajjeb kien meta fil‑Kunsill Ewropew, il‑Prim Ministru Ungeriż Viktor Orbán iddikjara espliċitament li ma setax jaċċetta kritika bilaterali minn Prim Ministri oħrajn madwar il‑mejda imma kien lest li jaċċetta l‑pożizzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea għax dik żgur li kellha tkun ġusta u objettiva, u tirrifletti ‑l valuri kondiviżi tal‑UE.

Hawnhekk forsi aktar minn fi kwalunkwe qasam ieħor, naraw il‑limiti tal‑metodi intergovernattivi li qatt ma jistgħu jassiguraw lill‑gvernijiet kollha li huma l‑ekwità u l‑objettività u mhux il‑poter u l‑influwenza li jiddettaw il‑valutazzjoni. Il‑Kummissjoni biss, bl‑esperjenza fl‑applikazzjoni tal‑liġi Komunitarja, għandha l‑forza neċessarja li tikseb kunsens dwar kwistjonijiet ta’ natura ferm sensittiva. Huwa għalhekk li f ’dawn is‑sitwazzjonijiet il‑gvernijiet kollha u anki l‑Parlament Ewropew dejjem jikkonsultaw il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Lejn tmiem il‑mandat tiegħi, il‑Kummissjoni adottat qafas li jissalvagwardja l‑istat tad‑dritt fl‑Unjoni,li jistipola kif il‑Kummissjoni għandha tintervjeni kmieni u b’mod trasparenti fil‑każijiet ta’ theddid serju u sistematiku għall‑istat tad‑dritt fi Stat Membru permezz ta’ proċess sekwenzjat ta’ valutazzjoni, djalogu, u rakomandazzjonijiet biex tevita l‑eskalar ta’ kwalunkwe theddid. Dan jikkomplimenta d‑dritt tal‑Kummissjoni li tniedi proċeduri ta’ ksur u fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar l‑Artikolu 7 tat‑Trattat dwar l‑Unjoni Ewropea jintuża biss meta ma jkun hemmx alternattiva oħra biex isolvi xi kriżi u jiżgura l‑konformità mal‑valuri tal‑UE.

Illum, aktar u aktar ċittadini u negozji Ewropej qed jeżerċitaw drittijiethom li jaħdmu, jgħixu, u jagħmlu n‑negozju mingħajr ma jagħtu kas il‑fruntieri nazzjonali. Dawn id‑drittjiet u opportunitajiet li jużaw għal benefiċċji individwali u kummerċjali qatt m’għandhom jitqiesu daqslikieku xejn mhu xejn. 44 Tul l‑aħħar 10 snin, il‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni ħolqu żona ta’ ġustizzja Ewropea sabiex iċ‑ċittadini u n‑negozji jkunu ċerti li jkollhom aċċess effettiv għall‑ġustizzja kulfejn ikunu fl‑Unjoni. Ġew adottati aktar minn għoxrin strument leġiżlattiv li flimkien jiżguraw li ‑l qrati nazzjonali jikkooperaw aħjar flimkien biex isolvu mistoqsijiet transkonfinali li jaffettwaw kemm liċ‑ċittadini kif ukoll lin‑negozji.

Fejn jidħol il‑moviment ħieles, il‑Kummissjoni stinkat biex tkun possibbli l‑eliminazzjoni ta’ kontrolli fuq il‑fruntieri interni f ’disa’ Stati Membri oħra f ’Diċembru 2007. Illum, aktar minn 400 miljun persuna tgħix fiż‑żona Schengen. Il‑biċċa l‑kbira taċ‑ċittadini Ewropej imorru fi Stat Membru ieħor biex jaħdmu jew jistudjaw, imma huwa importanti li ma jkun hemm ebda dubju dwar dan id‑dritt importanti — essenzjali għas‑suq uniku u meqjus miċ‑ċittadini bħala wieħed mill‑akbar kisbiet tal‑UE. Huwa għalhekk li l‑Kummissjoni qed tgħin ukoll l‑Istati Membri kontra xi abbużi potenzjali.

Eżempju ieħor interessanti tar‑rwol tal‑Kummissjoni bħala sensara onesta kien meta tfaċċaw il‑problemi bejn il‑gvernijiet tar‑Renju Unit u ta’ Spanja dwar il‑moviment ħieles tal‑persuni u l‑oġġetti minn Ġibiltà. Il‑Prim Ministru Cameron sejjaħli u permezz tal‑kuntatti tagħna maż‑żewġ gvernijiet — tkellimt ukoll mal‑Prim Ministru Rajoy — u permezz tar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet tagħna ħriġna b’soluzzjonijiet prattiċi bir‑rispett sħiħ tal‑liġi komunitarja.

Il‑libertà tal‑moviment fl‑Ewropa lanqas m’għandha tqiegħed f ’sogru drittijiet fundamentali oħra, u għalhekk il‑Kummissjoni ħadet aktar miżuri biex tiżgura li s‑sikurezza pubblika ma tiġix kompromessa, billi tiżgura li l‑pulizija u l‑awtoritajiet tal‑ġustizzja kriminali madwar l‑Ewropa jaħdmu DAĦLA

flimkien b’mod effettiv. ‑Il mandat ta’ arrest Ewropew għal reati kriminali serji huwa eżempju ta’ progress, li jissostitwixxi l‑għanqbuta kumplessa ta’ arranġamenti twal ta’ estradizzjoni bejn l‑Istati Membri. Eżempju ieħor huwa l‑integrazzjoni tal‑kooperazzjoni intergovernattiva Prüm fil‑qafas tal‑Komunità biex jippermetti lill‑pulizija jiċċekkjaw l‑informazzjoni tad‑DNA u l‑marki tas‑swaba’ miżmuma f ’pajjiżi oħra biex tgħin fis‑sejba u l‑prevenzjoni ta’ reati serji u attakki terroristiċi bħall‑isplużjonijiet traġiċi f ’Madrid u Londra fl-2004- 05. Qed nissieltu kontra t‑traffikar tal‑bniedem u l‑abbuż sesswali tat‑tfal b’qafas legali msaħħaħ u aġġornat għad‑dinja diġitali tal‑preżent. U pproponejna li jitwaqqaf Uffiċċju tal‑Prosekutur Pubbliku Ewropew biex niżguraw li kull każ suspett ta’ frodi kontra l‑baġit tal‑UE jiġi investigat bir‑reqqa.

U l‑Kummissjoni pproponiet standards komuni ta’ kontroll tal‑fruntieri esterni u l‑Aġenzija Ewropea għall‑Ġestjoni ta’ Koperazzjoni Operazzjonali fil‑Fruntieri Esterni tal‑Istati Membri tal‑Unjoni Ewropea (Frontex) 45 b’aktar saħħa biex tappoġġja l‑gvernijiet fil‑ġestjoni tal‑funtieri esterni biex jikkonfrontaw l‑isfida ewlenija tal‑migrazzjoni irregolari u b’mod partikolari s‑sitwazzjoni fil‑Mediterran. L‑avvenimenti traġiċi ta’ Lampedusa f ’Ottubru 2013, il‑mewt ta’ aktar minn 350 persuna li ppruvaw jilħqu l‑Ewropa bit‑tama ta’ ħajja ġdida u aħjar, issenjalaw u ssimbolizzaw id‑diffikultà tal‑gvernijiet individwali biex jittrattaw il‑kwistjonijiet kumplessi tal‑migrazzjoni f ’dinja globalizzata — u tefgħetna lkoll lejn sforz imġedded f ’dan il‑qasam. Ħriġna bi strateġija ħolistika biex tindirizza dawn il‑problemi billi rrakkomandajna azzjonijiet konkreti dwar il‑kooperazzjoni ma’ pajjiżi terzi; dwar il‑protezzjoni reġjonali, is‑sistemazzjoni mill‑ġdid u migrazzjoni legali msaħħa; dwar il‑ġlieda kontra l‑kuntrabandu tal‑bnedmin u l‑kriminalità organizzata; dwar ġestjoni xierqa u sorveljanza aħjar tal‑fruntieri tal‑baħar; u dwar is‑solidarjetà mal‑Istati Membri li qed jesperjenzaw pressjonijiet tal‑migrazzjoni eċċezzjonalment għolja. Sfortunatament avvenimenti reċenti fil‑pajjiżi ġirien tan‑Nofsinhar tagħna jfissru li ‑l fluss ta’ persuni li jissograw u ħafna drabi jitilfu ħajjithom biex jaqsmu l‑Mediterran għadha għaddejja, u dan jibqa’ eżami ta’ solidarjetà fost il‑pajjiżi fis‑snin li ġejjin.

Matul dawn l‑avvenimenti diffiċli u politikament sensittivi,‑ l impenn tal‑Kummissjoni lejn ir‑rispett ta’ drittijiet fundamentali baqa’ sod.

Regolazzjoni mill‑ġdid

Li nirreaġixxu bil‑kbir għal affarijiet kbar hija naturali, iżda mhux daqstant faċli li nkunu żgħar fuq affarijiet iżgħar. Matul il‑mandati tiegħi, ippruvajt niffoka ‑l enerġija tal‑Kummissjoni fuq il‑prijoritajiet strateġiċi IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

u sfidi għall‑Ewropa. Fl‑istess ħin, il‑Kummissjoni ħadmet ukoll qatigħ biex tnaqqas il‑piż amministrattiv billi jkollna regolamentazzjoni inqas iżda aħjar. L‑UE hija ta’ spiss diffiċli biex tinqara u tinħass intrusiva wisq. Mhux dejjem tagħmel il‑ħajja eħfef għan‑negozji u mhux dejjem tagħmel lilha nfisha popolari fost iċ‑ċittadini. Minn dejjem kont naf li ma huwa xejn faċli li wieħed jippruva jdawwar supertanker, awtomatikament ipprogrammat biex jipproduċi leġiżlazzjoni ġdida. Iżda l‑kuntest politiku fl-2004, li ddeskrivejt aktar kmieni, ikkonvinċieni li hemm bżonn ta’ azzjoni dwar dan. Il‑kummenti tiegħi f ’dan il‑qasam inizjalment intlaqgħu b’mod pjuttost biered. Dan kien il‑każ fil‑Parlament Ewropew, fejn ħafna partijiet u gruppi huma naturalment inklinati lejn aktar leġiżlazzjoni, peress li jħossu li dan huwa mezz biex iżidu l‑influwenza tagħhom. Dan kien minnu wkoll fil‑Kummissjoni stess, fejn kien hemm Direttur Ġenerali anzjan qalli bil‑pulit iżda ċar u tond, li dan se jpoġġi lill‑Kummissjoni f ’sitwazzjoni ta’ chômage technique (qgħad tekniku). 46 F’oqsma differenti tal‑politika Ewropea, f ’xi strutturi informali, gruppi ta’ interess jew NGOs madwar l‑istituzzjonijiet Ewropej, dan ġie injorat bħala aġenda għal “inqas ambizzjoni għall‑Ewropa”, bħallikieku aktar ma nipproduċu leġiżlazzjoni, aktar ma nsiru Ewropej. Ma naqbilx. Għaldaqstant fl-2007 ddeċidejt li noħloq il‑Grupp Stoiber dwar il‑piżijiet amministrattivi u żgurajt li l‑Kummissjoni segwiet il‑konklużjonijiet tiegħu bit‑tnedija ta’ bosta inizjattivi matul is‑snin biex tiġi evitat, imnaqqsa jew maqtugħa l‑burokrazija. Fil‑ħames snin ta’ qabel, ġew revokati kważi 6 000 biċċa leġiżlazzjoni. U meta naqqasna l‑burokrazija żejda ffrankajna €41 biljun għan‑negozji tal‑UE. Issa nistgħu ngħidu li dan sar għerf komuni fl‑Ewropa. Bil‑programm dwar l‑idoneità u l‑prestazzjoni tar‑regolamentazzjoni (REFIT) tagħna, dan ħadnieh f ’dimensjoni ġdida. Konsistentament nikkunsidraw mill‑ġdid l‑effetti amministrattivi ta’ dak li nwettqu, nagħtu prijorità lit‑tfittix tal‑aħjar mod kif nagħmlu l‑affarijiet, u sistematikament niskrinjaw leġiżlazzjoni eżistenti.

L‑Istati Membri għoġbithom l‑idea, iżda spiss għamlu l‑iżball li jaħsbu li tapplika biss għall‑Ewropa, mhux għalihom. Il‑gvern Britanniku suċċessiv ċertament żamm mal‑aġenda ta’ “inqas burokrazija żejda”, xi drabi b’mod li kien meqjus li ġej aktar minn fehma kontra l‑Ewropa, filwaqt li jien ħassejt li kien sforz kollettiv fil‑livelli kollha ta’ gvern, inkluż iżda ċertament mhux esklużivament il‑livell Ewropew. Dan għamilha aktar importanti li l‑UE u l‑Kummissjoni jieħdu l‑inizjattiva ta’ riforma, sabiex ma jagħtux l‑impressjoni li l‑UE kienet biss reattiva, u toqgħod lura milli tieħu l‑punt, jew li tħalli lill‑Ewroxettiċi jinqdew biha.

Illum, l‑ironija hija li xi wħud mill‑forzi Ewropej li ma appoġġjawx l‑aġenda dak iż‑żmien issa qed jagħmluha mantra li jagħżlu regolamentazzjoni eħfef, DAĦLA

aktar sempliċi, inqas għalja. Ir‑realtà hija li, apparti xi forzi politiċi fuq il‑lemin tal‑ispettru politiku, prattikament dawk kollha fiċ‑ċentru opponew dawn l‑isforzi għas‑simplifikazzjoni matul il‑maġġoranza tas‑snin tal‑mandat tiegħi. Għalhekk jiena kuntent meta nara li l‑idea, imressqa fid‑diskors tiegħi tal-2013 dwar l‑Istat tal‑Unjoni, li l‑Ewropa teħtieġ li tkun “kbira fir‑rigward ta’ affarijiet kbar, u żgħira fir‑rigward ta’ affarijiet żgħar” qed issir parti mill‑kunsens ġenerali. Għall‑inqas fit‑teorija. Irridu noqgħodu attenti dwar x’jiġri fil‑prattika fis‑snin li ġejjin. Iżda għal darb’ oħra, inħoss li hija aġenda dejjiema, u ma hemmx dubju li għamlet l‑Ewropa aktar b’saħħitha. Għalhekk ninsab grat għall‑isforzi mhux biss ta’ mexxejja bħal Cameron u Merkel iżda wkoll l‑impenn ta’ xi Prim Ministri li kienu l‑aktar attivi fuq l‑aġenda ta’ riforma, minn Rutte sa Reinfeldt, u Ansip sa Katainen, fost oħrajn.

Konklużjoni 47 Waqt li riesaq lejn l‑aħħar jiem tiegħi fit-13-il sular tal‑bini Berlaymont u nipprepara biex nagħti din il‑missjoni sabiħa lil Jean‑Claude Juncker, nemmen bis‑sħiħ li l‑Ewropa hija aktar kapaċi tittratta l‑isfidi ta’ dan is‑seklu minn kif kienet qabel.

Biex inkiseb dan waqt li konna għaddejjin minn l‑akbar espansjoni li qatt rat l‑Unjoni, waqt kriżi kostituzzjonali u l‑aktar kriżi finanzjarja u ekonomika serja, huwa xhieda tad‑determinazzjoni tagħna biex ningħaqdu flimkien bħala kontinent.

Ngħożż aktar minn qatt qabel il‑kwalità unika tal‑proġett Ewropew, u ngħożż aktar minn qatt qabel l‑importanza ta’ dawk li huma favur l‑Ewropa, li jqumu u jiddefenduha. L‑Ewropa ma ssirx bil‑piki ta’ strutturi differenti kontra xulxin, iżda billi żżomm magħquda. Żammejna l‑istat tad‑dritt u aġixxejna b’mod aktar magħqud fir‑relazzjonijiet esterni tagħna. Istituzzjonalment, ekonomikament u politikament ninsabu aktar b’saħħitna. U jekk il‑prospetti għall‑ġejjieni jibqgħu dejjem miftuħin, u jekk ikun hemm dubju bħala riżultat tal‑ilħna ewrokritiċi jew ewroxettiċi, għandna narawh bħala opportunità, u ta’ okkażjoni għall‑ġenerazzjonijiet futuri ta’ politiċi, ħassieba u protagonisti oħra Ewropej, li jiġġieldu għal dak li jemmnu fih u jikkonvinċu lill‑oħrajn dwar il‑fehmiet tagħhom. In‑Narrattiva Ġdida għall‑Ewropa, inizjattiva li varajt flimkien mal‑Parlament Ewropew u persuni intellettwali u kreattivi biex inwieġbu l‑mistoqsijiet u nimlew dan id‑distakk, iddiskriviet lill‑Ewropa bħala “responsabbiltà morali u politika li trid titwettaq mhux biss mill‑istituzzjonijiet u l‑politiċi, iżda minn kull Ewropew u Ewropea.” Jekk għandha tibqa qawwija IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

u ħajja, l‑Ewropa teħtieġ li tingasta l‑qawwa istituzzjonali u ekonomika tagħha fit‑tenaċità intellettwali u popolari wkoll. Għax l‑Ewropa hija wkoll proġett kulturali. Anki jekk hemm min bla dubju jaraha purament f ’termini ekonomiċi ta’ interess personali, oħrajn jemmnu fiha bl‑emozzjoni u l‑passjoni. L‑impenn intensiv tiegħi mal‑imsieħba kulturali kien mod kif nirrikonoxxi li s‑sisien kulturali u d‑diversità intellettwali — anki jekk mhux kompetenzi ewlenin tal‑Kummissjoni — isawru l‑qalba tal‑Ewropa, u dik li Jacques Delors sejjaħ Ruħ l‑Ewropa.

Wara dawn is‑snin kollha, stajt nara kif il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea tieħu pożizzjoni unika fil‑qalba tal‑kumplessità istituzzjonali tal‑Ewropa. Mhijiex biss il‑magna tal‑Ewropa iżda għandha — u dejjem se jkollha — rwol indispensabbli, li tqabbel kuxjenza akuta tad‑diversità fost l‑Istati Membri ma’ għarfien espert bla paragun tal‑politiki Ewropej u l‑implimentazzjoni tagħhom. Żammet id‑dritt 48 ta’ inizjattiva tagħha — u m’għandi l‑ebda dubju li dan se tkompli tagħmlu — u anki jekk forsi għandha aktar diskrezzjoni minn oħrajn, għandha s‑setgħa b’dak li jiena nsejjaħ “kariżma teknika” biex issuq b’mod espert lil din il‑komunità ta’ destin li hija l‑Unjoni Ewropea fi kwalunkwe maltemp li tista’ tiltaqa’ miegħu.

Bħala l‑President tal‑Kummissjoni, għaddejt minn mumenti ta’ diqa kbira, bħaż‑żjara f ’Lampedusa ftit wara ‑t traġedja, flimkien mal‑Prim Ministru Letta, kif ukoll mumenti drammatiċi kbar, bħall‑aktar fażijiet akuti fil‑kriżi finanzjarja, meta d‑destin finanzjarju ta’ wħud mill‑pajjiżi tagħna kif ukoll il‑munita unika tagħna kienu jinsabu mdendla. Kelli mumenti ta’ emozzjonijiet qawwija, bħal meta mort inżur il‑kampijiet tar‑refuġjati fejn stajt nara b’għajnejja stess kif il‑kontribuzzjoni tagħna verament għamlet differenza, jew meta mort Darfur, fejn il‑kuraġġ taż‑żgħażagħ Ewropej li jaħdmu mal‑NGOs żammew l‑ispirtu tas‑solidarjetà ħaj f ’ċirkustanzi estremament perikolużi. Inżomm f ’qalbi dawk il‑mumenti ta’ kburija, bħal meta ffirmajna‑ t Trattat ta’ Liżbona, u meta Stati Membri ġodda daħlu fl‑Unjoni Ewropea jew fiż‑żona tal‑euro. U qatt ma se ninsa l‑ġurnata speċjali ħafna meta flimkien mal‑President tal‑Kunsill Ewropew Herman Van Rompuy u l‑President tal‑Parlament Ewropew Martin Schultz, kelli l‑unur naċċetta, f ’isem l‑Unjoni Ewropea, il‑Premju Nobel għall‑Paċi, konferma meraviljuża li l‑Unjoni Ewropea, proġett ta’ paċi, tista’ tkun, u tabilħaqq hi, ispirazzjoni qawwija għal bosta madwar id‑dinja.

Ejja nkunu ċari: il‑kostruzzjoni Ewropea qatt ma tista’ titqies daqslikieku xejn mhu xejn. Niżbaljaw jekk naħsbu li s‑soluzzjonijiet jimponu ruħhom awtomatikament, mingħajr impenn politiku u mingħajr pressjoni jew appoġġ mill‑pubbliku. Fl‑aktar mumenti diffiċli li għaddejna minnhom, għamilt‑ l appell b’kemm qawwa stajt, li qatt ma ninsew l‑etika tar‑responsabbiltajiet tal‑Ewropa. F’dak is‑sens, l‑agħar mumenti, notevolment il‑kriżi Griega, kienu wkoll l‑aktar DAĦLA mumenti illuminanti. Peress li jiena Portugiż, kont sensittiv ħafna għas‑sagrifiċji li kellhom jagħmlu n‑nies f ’xi pajjiżi. Aktar minn darba, taħt ċirkostanzi drammatiċi, ħassejt — u jiena ċertament ma kontx l‑uniku wieħed — li konna qed inħarsu fl‑abbiss u li ċerti deċiżjonijiet politiċi, jew in‑nuqqas tagħhom, kien se jwaddbuna għal isfel. Sempliċement kellna nsegwu t‑triq it‑tajba, kellna nieħdu r‑responsabbiltà. Dan juri li l‑politika, irridu jew ma rridux, tgħodd ħafna! Id‑deċiżjonijiet politiċi dejjem ikollhom il‑konsegwenzi. Rajna dan spiss f ’kundizzjonijiet estremi. Nittama li l‑esperjenza ta’ dan il‑perjodu fhimnihom u tgħallimnihom bizzejjed. L‑agħar xenarji qatt ma jistgħu jiġu esklużi. Il‑futur jista’ joffrielna sfidi differenti, u jista’ jikkonfrontana b’għażliet daqstant diffiċli. L‑Ewropa hija avventura kostanti.

Matul l‑aħħar 10 snin, mhux dejjem jew mill‑ewwel għamilna l‑għażliet it‑tajbin, iżda tajna t‑tweġiba x‑xierqa lil min bassar id‑diżastru. Bil‑kontra tad‑diżintegrazzjoni taż‑żona tal‑euro u l‑frammentazzjoni tal‑UE, urejna 49 r‑reżiljenza straordinarja tal‑Unjoni tagħna u kkonfermajna li jibqgħu jipprevalu l‑forsi tal‑integrazzjoni.

Nistgħu nittraxxendu lilna nfusna, u issa għandna Ewropa li hija aktar magħquda, aktar miftuħa u aktar b’saħħitha.

Ewropa lesta għall‑ġejjieni.

Brussell, il-15 ta' Settembru 2014

José Manuel Durão Barroso IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Il-firma tat-Trattat ta’ Liżbona: tmiem proċess twil iżda l-bidu ta’ Ewropa ġdida wkoll. Mument ma jintesiex: naċċetta l-Premju Nobel għall-Paċi f’isem l-Unjoni Ewropea flimkien ma’ Herman Van Rompuy u Martin Schulz fl-2012. Jaqgħu l-fruntieri: niċċelebraw it-tkabbir taż-żona Schengen fil-belt ta’ Zittau, fuq il-fruntiera bejn il-Ġermanja, il-Polonja u r-Repubblika Ċeka. 51

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Impenn fl-Ewropa: mal-eks Prim Ministru Brittanniku Tony Blair Laqgħa mal-mexxejja inklussivi ġodda tal-gvern tal-Irlanda ta’ Fuq, il-mibki Ian Paisley u Martin McGuinness. Mal-Prim Ministru Enda Kenny: l-Irlanda kienet l-ewwel pajjiż, u warajha l-Portugall minnufih, li rnexxielu jgħaddi mill-programm ta’ aġġustament. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Angela Merkel taf li jgħodd li tisma’ daqskemm li titkellem (fis-Summit drammatiku tal-G20 f’Cannes, 2011) Lesti biex nibdew mill-ġdid: id-Dikjarazzjoni ta’ Berlin biex jitfakkru l-50 sena mill-unità Ewropea Fjuri għal Angela Merkel: tribut għal Presidenza ta’ suċċess tal-Kunsill Ewropew 53

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Naħdmu flimkien għall-Ewropa: mal-President tal-Kunsill Ewropew Herman Van Rompuy — dejjem koordinazzjoni tajba ħafna fid-difiża tal-pożizzjonijiet tal-UE fuq livell globali. Inkellem lill-istampa mal-wasla tiegħi għall-Kunsill Ewropew Informali fi Brussell fl-2009. Id-diskors tal-Istat tal-Unjoni fil-Parlament Ewropew fi Strażburgu fl-2013. Ma tlaqniex mill-ewwel fuq is-sieq it-tajba, iżda eventwalment żviluppajt kooperazzjoni mill-qrib ħafna, ma’ Martin Schulz, President tal-Parlament Ewropew (Ċentru Nobel għall-Paċi f’Oslo, 2012) IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Il-Portugall dejjem f’moħħi: mal-President tar-Repubblika Aníbal Cavaco Silva u mal-Prim Ministru Pedro Passos Coelho ’Porreiro, pá!’ – Tal-ġenn!’: Il-Prime Ministru José Sócrates ipespisli f’widnejja — u fil-mikrofonu — meta fl-aħħar ilħaqna ftehim dwar it-Trattat ta’ Liżbona. 55

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Stampa perfetta tal-Ewropa qed tingħaqad: Donald Tusk, il- Prim Ministru Pollakk, il-President futur tal-Kunsill Ewropew. Mument emozzjonali meta għall-ewwel darba tittella’ l-bandiera Ewropea fil-Kastell ta’ Praga — mal-President Ċek Miloš Zeman. Laqgħa mal-Pajjiżi tal-Visegrad, u ċ-ċerimonja tal-konsenja tal-Ftehim dwar is-Sħubija f’Tallinn mal-mexxejja Baltiċi. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Tnejn minn sħabi Nordiċi: mal-Prim Ministri Andrus Ansip mill-Estonja u Jyrki Katainen mill-Finlandja. Naqsmu flimkien l-analiżi tagħna qabel il-Kunsill Ewropew: mal-President Nicos Anastasiades ta’ Ċipru, il-Prim Ministru Fredrik Reinfeldt tal-Iżvezja u l-Prim Ministru Alenka Bratušek tas-Slovenja. L-Università ta’ Kopenħagen, mal-Prim Ministru Daniża Helle Thorning-Schmidt fl-2012. 57

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Opportunitajiet għaż-żgħażagħ tal-Ewropa: żjara lil programm ta’ taħriġ vokazzjonali mal-Kanċillier Awtsrijakk Werner Faymann. Mal-Prim Ministru Antonis Samaras: dejjem fuq in-naħa tal-Greċja. Mal-Prim Ministru Matteo Renzi: enerġija ġdida għall-Italja IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Ġirien u kollegi: mal-Prim Ministru Mariano Rajoy ta’ Spanja, u mal-predeċessur tiegħu, il-Prim Ministru José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, waqt li qed nirċievi s-Salib tal-Ordni Rjali u Distinta ta’ Karlu III ta’ Spanja Mument Iberiku — mal-Prim Ministru tal-Portugall Pedro Passos Coelho u l-kontroparti Spanjol tiegħu Mariano Rajoy. 59 © EPA/Julien Warnand

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Ir-Re Philippe iżur il-Kummissjoni Ewropea meta kien għadu l-Prinċep Werriet tal-Belġju, u mar-Re Albert II fl-okkażjoni tal-2000 laqgħa ta’ kull ġimgħa tal-Kulleġġ tal-Kummissarji. Nilqa’ lill-Prinċep Felipe ta’ Spanja (issa r-Re Felipe VI) fil-Kummissjoni Ewropea fl-2008. Nilqa’ lir-Reġina Beatriċe tal-Pajjiżi l-Baxxi fil-Kummissjoni Ewropea fl-2010. Mal-eks Re ta’ Spanja Juan Carlos — ħabib ta’ veru. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Jacque Delors: umoriżmu, mhux għerf biss. Erba’ Presidenti tal-Kummissjoni: ma’ François-Xavier Ortoli, Romano Prodi u Jacques Delors. Bħall-aħwa: fl-uffiċċju tiegħi ma’ Jean-Claude Juncker eżatt wara n-nomina tiegħu mill-Kunsill Ewropew. 61

Il-valur tal-ħidma f’tim: l-ewwel u t-tieni Kummissjoni tiegħi.

Dwar l‑Ewropa: Kunsiderazzjonijiet dwar il‑preżent u l‑ġejjieni tal‑Unjoni Ewropea

DISKORS TAL‑PRESIDENT TAL‑KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA, JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO L‑UNIVERSITÀ TA’ HUMBOLDT, BERLIN, IT-8 TA’ MEJJU 2014

‘Nós estamos na Europa e é na Europa que nós nos salvamos ou nos perdemos todos.’(2) - Eduardo Lourenço

63 ‑ewwel nett, xtaqt nirringrazzjakom ħafna talli stedintuni hawn, f ’din l‑istituzzjoni Ġermaniża u Ewropea tant kbira u importanti li hi l‑Università ta’ Humboldt. L Inħossni veru eċitat li ninsab fl‑università ta’ Hegel, ta’ Max Planck u ta’ Albert Einstein. U nirringrazzjakom ukoll talli tajtuni din l‑opportunità biex inwasslilkom dan id‑diskors tiegħi dwar l‑Ewropa. Dan id‑diskors m’għamiltux qabel għaliex deherli li kien xieraq li nagħmlu bħala diskors li jiġbor dak li se nħalli warajja issa li se nkun għaddejt l‑għaxar snin ta’ esperjenza tiegħi fil‑Kummissjoni Ewropea. U anki minħabba li tarrfuli li l‑istudenti ta’ din l‑università huma mdorrijin jattendu klassijiet ta’ tul ta’ siegħa u nofs. Jien se nipprova nikkonkludi d‑diskors tiegħi fi ftit ħin inqas minn hekk. Iżda nemmen li dan huwa l‑mument, u li din hija l‑istituzzjoni fejn nista’ niddeskrivi, f ’termini diretti ħafna, l‑esperjenza tiegħi u l‑proposti tiegħi għall‑futur tal‑Ewropa.

Sinjuri,

Ili involut fil‑proċess tal‑integrazzjoni Ewropea b’mod attiv għal dawn l‑aħħar 30 sena. U dan mhux biss tul dawn l‑aħħar għaxar snin bħala President tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea, iżda wkoll bħala Ministru tal‑Affarijiet Barranin u bħala Prim Ministru ta’ pajjiżi, il‑Portugall. Inħoss li huwa d‑dmir tiegħi li, qabel inħalli l‑kariga tiegħi bħala President tal‑Kummissjoni, naqsam l‑esperjenzi u l‑ħsibijiet tiegħi dwar kif nistgħu nkomplu nibnu fuq dak li ksibna s’issa, u nibqgħu mexjin ‘il quddiem.

Jiena din ir‑responsabbiltà nħossha — iżda fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar din mhijiex biss responsabbiltà: jien inqisha bħala passjoni, għaliex jiena tassew għandi passjoni għall‑Ewropa. U naħseb li dan huwa mument tajjeb biex naħsbu u niddeċiedu dwar il‑futur tal‑kontinent tagħna.

L‑iżviluppi li għaddejna minnhom tul dawn l‑aħħar għaxar snin, kemm dawk pożittivi kif ukoll dawk negattivi, kienu ta’ importanza kbira.

(2) Aħna lkoll parti mill-Ewropa, u huwa fl-Ewropa li nistgħu nsalvaw lilna nfusna jew nintilfu lkoll. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

L‑aħħar għaxar snin ta’ integrazzjoni Ewropea kienu tabilħaqq immarkati minn kisbiet storiċi, ibda mit‑tkabbir ta’ wara l-2004, li involva l‑Istati tal‑Ewropa Ċentrali u tal‑Lvant, kif ukoll pajjiżi oħra tal‑Mediterran. Iżda kienu wkoll għaxar snin li raw ukoll kriżijiet li qatt ma rajna bħalhom qabel. L‑ewwel nett, insemmu l‑kriżi li bdiet fl-2005 bħala riżultat tal‑fatt li t‑Trattat Kostituzzjonali ma setax jiġi ratifikat. Din is‑sitwazzjoni setgħet titranġa biss fl-2009, wara li ddaħħal fis‑seħħ it‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona. Barra minn hekk, fl-2008 rajna ‑l iżvilupp ta’ kriżi finanzjarja li evolviet f ’maltempata grotteska, u li komplew jikkontribwixxu għaliha l‑kriżi tad‑dejn sovran, il‑kriżi ekonomika u dik soċjali. Dan kien test tal‑istress importanti ħafna, li ttestja s‑saħħa u s‑solidità tal‑Unjoni Ewropea u, b’mod partikolari, tal‑munita unika. Biex nindirizzawh kellna nirrikorru għal miżuri eċċezzjonali, inkluż billi noħolqu strumenti għalkollox ġodda.

Apparti hekk, issa qed inħabbtu wiċċna ma’ sfidi ġodda bħala riżultat tal‑iżviluppi li seħħew dan l‑aħħar fl‑Ukraina u fir‑Russja - din probabbilment hija l‑ikbar sfida għas‑sigurtà u l‑paċi fl‑Ewropa minn żmien il‑waqgħa tal‑Purtiera tal‑Ħadid u tal‑Ħajt ta’ Berlin. 64 Il‑lezzjonijiet li tgħallimna matul dawn l‑aħħar għaxar snin se jagħtu perspettiva qawwija lid‑dibattitu dwar il‑futur tal‑Unjoni Ewropea, u huwa għalhekk li nixtieq nistimola dan id‑dibattitu permezz tal‑kunsiderazzjonijiet li ġejjin.

Jien qiegħed insejħilhom kunsiderazzjonijiet dwar il‑preżent u l‑ġejjieni tal‑Unjoni Ewropea minħabba li ninsab konvint li l‑Unjoni Ewropea għandha bżonn tiżviluppa aktar, u li żvilupp f ’din id‑direzzjoni għandu jkun wieħed ta’ tip organiku, u mhux wieħed li jsir f ’daqqa.

Riformi, mhux rivoluzzjoni.

Evoluzzjoni, mhux antirivoluzzjoni.

Sinjuri,

L‑istorja ma twittix triqitha f ’linja dritta, nieqsa mill‑kumplikazzjonijiet. Fil‑pass tagħha hija ssegwi perkors kollu tidwir u dawrien. U, kultant żmien, taraha saħansitra tgħaġġel il‑pass mingħajr ebda twissija ta’ xejn. Bħalissa għaddejjin minn żmien ikkaratterizzat minn żviluppi dejjem aktar mgħaġġla, li diversi Stati u atturi oħra, kemm fl‑Ewropa kif ukoll fix‑xena internazzjonali, qed jitħabtu biex ilaħħqu magħhom.

Sa mill‑bidu, l‑integrazzjoni Ewropea dejjem kienet mod biex dawn il‑bidliet jiġu indirizzati, jiġifieri mod kif ‑l Istati jiġu megħjuna jadattaw għall‑isfidi storiċi li jafu jegħlbu s‑setgħa individwali tagħhom.

Għal darb’oħra, l‑avvenimenti li seħħew tul dawn l‑aħħar għaxar snin huma xhieda tal‑adattabilità u l‑flessibilità straordinarji tal‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑Unjoni Ewropea. Din ir‑reżiljenza nistgħu forsi nsejħulha l-’plastiċità’ tagħhom: huma jaġġustaw u jadattaw il‑forma tagħhom mingħajr ma jitilfu s‑sustanza.

Mela allura x’inhi s‑sustanza, jew aħjar, l‑essenza tal‑proġett Ewropew? DWAR L‑EWROPA: KUNSIDERAZZJONIJIET DWAR IL‑PREŻENT U L‑ĠEJJIENI TAL‑UNJONI EWROPEA

Fl‑ewwel fażi tiegħu, li nistgħu nsejħulha “Ewropa 1.0”, u li ġiet imfassla wara t‑Tieni Gwerra Dinjija, il‑proġett Ewropew kien iffukat fuq is‑salvagwardja tal‑paċi u l‑prosperità fil‑parti ħielsa tal‑Ewropa permezz tal‑integrazzjoni ekonomika, u fuq il‑bażi ta’ rikonċiljazzjoni bejn Franza u l‑Ġermanja.

Dak li nistgħu nirreferu għalih bħala l‑proġett “Ewropa 2.0”, li ġie mfassal mill‑ġdid wara l‑waqgħa tal‑Purtiera tal‑Ħadid u wara l‑waqgħa tal‑Ħajt ta’ Berlin, kien iffukat fuq l‑estensjoni tal‑benefiċċji tas‑swieq miftuħa u tas‑soċjetajiet miftuħa għal Ewropa mkabbra u magħquda mill‑ġdid.

Wara li nħassu l‑effetti tal‑kriżi finanzjarja u ekonomika, u wara li rajna‑ d dinja taqbad it‑triq lejn sitwazzjoni politika bbażata fuq ir‑relazzjonijiet multipolari tal‑globalizzazzjoni, għaddejna għat‑tielet fażi tal‑integrazzjoni Ewropea. Il‑pass li jmiss hu li naġġornaw il‑miri tagħna skont din il‑fażi l‑ġdida, li nistgħu nsejħulha “Ewropa 3.0”.

Kull pass f ’dan il‑proċess wassal għal Unjoni Ewropea aktar interattiva u aktar kumplessa, u kull pass kellu impatt iktar profond minħabba li l‑isfidi kienu akbar u aktar diffiċli biex 65 tiddefinixxihom, u kienu jeħtieġu forom aktar elaborati ta’ kooperazzjoni biex wieħed jindirizzahom.

Issa, it‑tielet fażi tikkonċerna primarjament – jew għandha tikkonċerna primarjament – is‑is‑setgħa u l‑influwenza meħtieġa biex il‑paċi u l‑prosperità tal‑Ewropa jiġu salvagwardjati fil‑kuntest tal‑kundizzjonijiet tal‑globalizzazzjoni. Il‑kriżi ekonomika u finanzjarja wriet, b’mod partikolari, li ‑t titjib fil‑governanza taż‑Żona tal‑Euro kien indispensabbli għas‑sostenibbiltà fit‑tul tal‑munita unika. Hemm possibbiltà li jistgħu jsiru indispensabbli wkoll passi istituzzjonali ulterjuri ta’ natura aktar politika. Naturalment, l‑isfida tikkonsisti f ’li nsibu kif infassluhom u nimplimentawhom b’mod li jippreżerva l‑integrità kemm tas‑suq intern, kif ukoll tal‑Unjoni tagħna kollha kemm hi. Jista’ jkun li se niġi bżonn ta’ kooperazzjoni Ewropea aktar b’saħħitha, waħda sostnuta minn ritmidifferenti. Iżda dejjem evitajna li jkollna, u tassew dejjem għandna nevitaw li jkollna, Ewropa ta’ klassijiet differenti - u dan akkost ta’ kollox. Jiġifieri: flessibbiltà iva, stratifikazzjoni le.

Qabel nidħlu iktar fid‑dettall dwar dawn l‑isfidi istituzzjonali, u speċjalment dwar il‑kwistjoni tas‑setgħa u l‑influwenza tal‑Ewropa fix‑xena dinjija, għandna nfakkru lilna nfusna li l‑għanijiet ewlenin li l‑Ewropa ħaddnet minn mindu nħolqu l‑Komunitajiet Ewropej - jiġifieri ‑l paċi u l‑prosperità - għadhom ta’ importanza kardinali għalina anki llum il‑ġurnata. Prova ta’ dan huma l‑iżviluppi li seħħew dan l‑aħħar.

Il‑paċi u l‑istabbiltà, minħabba li t‑theddidiet għas‑sisien ekonomiċi tal‑Ewropa wasslu biex jipperikolaw il‑kunfidenza tagħna fina nfusna, u wasslu għal paniku kważi surreali u li kien kapaċi jkattar lilu nnifsu sal‑punt li qiegħed f ’periklu xejn inqas mit‑tessut stess tal‑unità Ewropea. Il‑prospett li jisfaxxa l‑euro beda jitqies bħala sinjal tal‑bidu tal‑isfaxxar tal‑Ewropa. Li kieku din il‑possibbiltà saret realtà, żgur li kienet twassal biex l‑Ewropa terġa’ tinqasam f ’ekonomija tal‑ewwel klassi u f ’ekonomija tat‑tieni klassi, u b’hekk, f ’żewġ soċjetajiet ta’ klassi differenti. Huwa żgur ukoll li kienet twassal biex tintemm il‑viżjoni ta’ kontinent ta’ Stati ndaqs, magħquda f ’unjoni dejjem aktar unifikata. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Issa qed naraw li tassew tfaċċaw tensjonijiet bejn it‑Tramuntana u n‑Nofsinhar, bejn is‑sinjuri u l‑foqra, bejn il‑pajjiżi debituri u l‑pajjiżi kredituri u bejn iċ‑ċentru u l‑periferija. Iżda m’aħniex se nippermettu li dawn it‑tensjonijiet jifframmentaw l‑Ewropa. Għall‑kuntrarju, aħna ninsabu fi triqitna, aktar minn qatt qabel ‑fl istorja reċenti, lejn approfondiment tal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja tagħna, filwaqt li niddefendu l‑prinċipji li jippreżervaw l‑integrità tal‑Unjoni Ewropea b’mod ġenerali. Tant hu hekk li l‑kompetenzi u s‑setgħat tal‑Istituzzjonijiet tal‑Unjoni Ewropea, mill‑Kummissjoni Ewropea sal‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew, komplew jissaħħew. Xi wħud minn dawn il‑kompetenzi kienu inkonċepibbli ftit tas‑snin ilu, qabel il‑kriżi. Ir‑rilevanza tal‑livell Ewropew kompliet żdiedet. Rigward is‑sustanza ekonomika, din kienet l‑akbar trasformazzjoni istituzzjonali minn meta nħoloq l‑euro.

Min qal li l‑narrattiva tal‑paċi għall‑integrazzjoni Ewropea hija xi ħaġa tal‑passat, jeħtieġlu biss iħares lejn l‑Ukraina. Il‑paċi mhix garanzija, mhix ċertezza assoluta. Il‑paċi trid tintrebaħ mill‑ġdid permezz tal‑ġenerazzjonijiet ġodda, permezz tal‑Unità Ewropea, permezz ta’ azzjonijiet uniti min‑naħa tal‑Ewropa fir‑reġjun usa’ u fil‑livell 66 internazzjonali. L‑idea tal‑paċi hija aktar importanti minn qatt qabel għall‑integrazzjoni Ewropea.

Waqt il‑kriżi finanzjarja u ekonomika ġiet mhedda wkoll il‑prosperità, dik li sa mill‑bidu tal‑integrazzjoni Ewropea għamlet mill‑Unjoni Ewropea proġett tant attraenti. Din kienet kriżi ta’ mudelli tat‑tkabbir, li fiha nkixfu tentattivi biex it‑tkabbir ekonomiku jintefaħ artifiċjalment permezz ta’ illużjonijiet finanzjarji u biex ‑it tkabbir jiġi appoġġjat permezz tad‑dejn pubbliku jew privat, kif kien hemm min qed jipprova jagħmel fl‑ekonomija tal‑Amerika u tal‑Ewropa rispettivament.

Issa erġajna ġejna f ’tagħna u qed nirrikorru għall‑metodu ferm inqas ħafif, jiġifieri dak ibbażat fuq l‑innovazzjoni u r‑riformi strutturali għall‑kompetittività globali. Il‑pajjiżi l‑aktar milquta qed jirreaġixxu b’mod pożittiv ħafna. L‑Irlanda, Spanja u l‑Portugall qed jagħmlu progress tajjeb. Din il‑ġimgħa stess, pajjiżi, jiġifieri ‑l Portugall, ħabbar li se joħroġ mill‑programm mingħajr ma jitlob assistenza ulterjuri mill‑Unjoni Ewropea. Minkejja d‑diffikultajiet kollha li qed jiffaċċjaw, anki‑ l Greċja u Ċipru jinsabu fit‑triq it‑tajba. B’mod kuntrarju għal dak li ġie mbassar, mhux biss ħadd ma ħareġ miż‑Żona tal‑Euro, iżda ssieħbet fiha ‑l Latvja wara li għamlet sforzi impressjonanti. Il‑pajjiżi Ewropej qed japplikaw il‑lezzjonijiet meħuda mill‑kriżi biex jindirizzaw id‑dejn u l‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi. L‑ekonomiji qed jiffurmaw ruħhom mill‑ġdid, avolja wħud minnhom, inkluż xi wħud mill‑ekonomiji l‑kbar, għandhom bżonn jgħaġġlu l‑pass. Inżid ngħid li dawn l‑isforzi m’għadhomx ta’ natura individwali, iżda qed jiġu addattati dejjem aktar għall‑politiki u għall‑effetti osservati bejn il‑fruntieri.

L‑Ewropa teħtieġ leġittimazzjoni bħal din permezz tal‑ksib ta’ riżultati, u dawn jistgħu jinkisbu biss billi titqiegħed enfażi kontinwa fuq ir‑riformi: ir‑riformi fl‑istrutturi ekonomiċi tagħna, fl‑amministrazzjonijiet pubbliċi, fis‑swieq tax‑xogħol, fis‑suq intern, fil‑politiki tal‑enerġija u tal‑klima, u l‑bqija. Il‑ksib ta’ dawn ir‑riżultati jiddependi mill‑approċċ komuni li ma nistgħux ngħaddu mingħajru.

Ovvjament, xi wħud minn dawn l‑aġġustamenti kienu ta’ skumdità kbira. U rajna sitwazzjoni ta’ emerġenza soċjali fi wħud mill‑pajjiżi tagħna. Iżda huwa importanti DWAR L‑EWROPA: KUNSIDERAZZJONIJIET DWAR IL‑PREŻENT U L‑ĠEJJIENI TAL‑UNJONI EWROPEA wkoll li wieħed jinnota li dawk l‑aġġustamenti xorta waħda kellhom iseħħu, bil‑euro jew mingħajru, u bl‑Unjoni Ewropea jew mingħajrha. Irridu ngħidu wkoll li d‑diffikultajiet ma ġewx ikkawżati mill‑euro jew mill‑Unjoni Ewropea. Fil‑fatt l‑Ewropa ma kenitx il‑kawża tal‑problema - l‑Ewropa hija parti mis‑soluzzjoni.

L‑ekonomija tas‑suq soċjali Ewropew hija bbażata fuq mudell soċjali uniku. Anki b’varjazzjonijiet nazzjonali, is‑sistema soċjali tagħna tiddistingwina mill‑ekonomiji u mis‑soċjetajiet ewlenin kollha l‑oħra, mill‑ekonomiji żviluppati sal‑ekonomiji emerġenti. Iċ‑ċittadini tagħna jqisuha prezzjuża. Hija mudell li jinkorpora l‑valuri li jħaddnu dawn l‑istess ċittadini - il‑kombinament uniku ta’ responsabbiltà għall‑individwu nnifsu u s‑solidarjetà mas‑soċjetà u fost il‑ġenerazzjonijiet. Mudell li jikseb l‑għanijiet li jixtiequ jiksbu - bħas‑sigurtà fix‑xjuħija u fiż‑żminijiet diffiċli. U huwa biss permezz tal‑kooperazzjoni u tal‑adattament li se nissalvagwardjaw l‑ekonomija tas‑suq soċjali tagħna.

Iżda mmorru lura għall‑kwistjoni prinċipali ta’ dik li sejjaħnielha t‑tielet fażi ta’ integrazzjoni Ewropea, jiġifieri ‑l kwistjoni tal‑influwenza u s‑setgħa. F’dan ir‑rigward 67 irridu nagħrfu sew illi sabiex nissalvagwardjaw il‑paċi u l‑prosperità fl‑Ewropa għandna bżonn Unjoni Ewropea li hija ħafna aktar lesta li twassal dik is‑setgħa u influwenza fid‑dinja. Matul il‑kriżi, il‑fiduċja ‑fl influwenza globali tal‑Ewropa ddgħajfet b’mod gravi fil‑livell internazzjonali. Globalment, il‑mudell ekonomiku Ewropew ma baqax attraenti daqs qabel, anki jekk biss temporanjament. U ma’ din tqajmu dubji anki dwar il‑valuri u l‑awtorità tagħna bħala attur globali. Issa għandna bżonn nerġgħu nqumu fuq saqajna u niksbu mill‑ġdid ir‑rwol u l‑influwenza tagħna. L‑isfida tal‑globalizzazzjoni tinvolvi aktar aspetti minn dik tal‑ekonomija. Jeħtieġ li l‑istrateġija diplomatika tagħna tiġi fformulata mill‑ġdid. Jeħtieġ li l‑kapaċitajiet tagħna ta’ difiża jinġabru flimkien. Jeħtieġ li niddefendu l‑valuri tagħna aktar minn qatt qabel.

Is‑sistema dinjija qed tadatta ruħha wkoll, billi toħloq ordni dinji ġdid. Jekk ma nagħtux kontribuzzjoni lejn l‑iffurmar mill‑ġdid tagħha nkunu qed nonqsu milli ninvestu fil‑futur. Anki f ’dan il‑każ, l‑iżviluppi li qed iseħħu b’rabta mal‑Ukraina qed juru li jeħtieġ li nibqgħu attenti ħafna, u qed jindikawlna li hemm bżonn li nibqgħu magħquda. L‑Ewropa jew se timxi ‘l quddiem fil‑koerenza u fir‑rieda tagħha li twassal is‑setgħa u l‑influwenza tagħha, jew inkella tirriskja li ssir irrilevanti.

Dan jeħtieġ li nsaħħu l‑istat intern tal‑Unjoni Ewropea b’mod li jkun aktar stabbli.

Għandna bżonn nindirizzaw tliet tipi ta’ distakki. Hemm distakk fil‑governanza, minħabba li l‑Istati Membri weħidhom m’għadx għandhom dak li jeħtieġu biex iċ‑ċittadini jingħataw dak li għandhom bżonn, filwaqt li ‑l istituzzjonijiet Ewropej għad m’għandhomx it‑tagħmir kollu meħtieġ biex jagħmlu dan. Hemm distakk fil‑leġittimità, minħabba li ċ‑ċittadini għandhom il‑perċezzjoni li d‑deċiżjonijiet jittieħdu f ’livell li qiegħed wisq ‘il bogħod minnhom. U jeżisti wkoll distakk fl‑aspettattivi, minħabba li li mis‑sistema politika n‑nies jistennew ħafna aktar minn dak li fil‑fatt tista’ tagħti. M’hemm l‑ebda awtomatiċità biex l‑Istati Membri jiftiehmu dwar ‑l għodod meħtieġa biex dawn id‑distakki jiġu rimedjati fil‑livell Ewropew. B’hekk hemm ħtieġa ċara li tiġi definita ‑l komunalità li nixtiequ, u li fuqha jiddependi r‑rwol tagħna fid‑dinja. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

L‑istabbiltà se tinkiseb biss permezz ta’ ekwilibriju ġdid stabbilit fuq livell ogħla ta’ komunalità.

Sinjuri,

Madankollu, ħadd qatt ma qal li l‑aġġustament għal sitwazzjonijiet ġodda huwa ħaġa faċli - anki jekk ma jkun hemm ebda dubju li huwa meħtieġ.

Il‑bidliet profondi huma partikolarment ta’ sfida għall‑pajjiżi Ewropej li, bħala demokraziji, għandhom bżonn jaħsbu mhux biss dwar dak li għandhom bżonn jagħmlu, iżda wkoll dwar kif għandhom jagħmlu dan. Mhuwiex biżżejjed li nikkonformaw mar‑realtajiet il‑ġodda - jeħtieġ li dawn ir‑realtajiet il‑ġodda nħaddnuhom b’mod deċiż, u li niżguraw li huma ta’ benefiċċju għal kulħadd. Qed niftakar ‑fil laqgħat tal‑Kunsill Ewropew, fejn kont nisma’ lill‑Prim Ministri jgħidu: “Aħna nafu x’għandna nagħmlu. L‑unika problema hi li jekk nagħmlu hekk, nitilfu l‑elezzjonijiet li jmiss.”

68 Din ma tistax tintuża bħala skuża biex ma jsirx dak li hemm bżonn isir, biex ma jsirx ix‑xogħol iebes li r‑raġuni stess tinkoraġġina nagħmluh. Il‑kunċett ta’ ‘rendre possible ce qui est nécessaire’ huwa l‑kondizzjoni għal governanza responsabbli.

Dan mhuwiex prova għall‑Unjoni Ewropea biss. Il‑gvernijiet ta’ diversi pajjiżi tad‑dinja qed jiffaċċjaw sfidi simili bħalissa, anki jekk forsi f ’modi differenti. Għal darb’oħra, id‑demokrazija qed turi li hija l‑aħjar mod, u l‑aktar mod stabbli biex dawn l‑isfidi jiġu indirizzati. Iżda fl‑istess ħin id‑demokrazija teħtieġ ħila politika u tmexxija kuraġġuża, u dan aktar minn kull sistema oħra.

L‑ispinta għall‑fażijiet preċedenti ta’ integrazzjoni Ewropea - b’mod kuntrarju għall‑perċezzjoni li hija popolari f ’ċerti oqsma - dejjem imxiet kemm minn isfel għal fuq kif ukoll minn fuq għal isfel.

Dan seħħ fil‑każ tal‑movimenti ta’ reżistenza, tat‑trejdjunjins u tal‑intraprendituri li ngħaqdu flimkien wara ‑l kruhat tal‑gwerra. U seħħ ukoll fil‑każ taż‑żgħażagħ Ġermaniżi u Franċiżi li tant kienu ħerqana li jaqsmu l‑fruntieri psikoloġiċi u fiżiċi fil‑ħamsinijiet. Dan seħħ fil‑każ tal‑Griegi, tal‑Portugiżi u tal‑Ispanjoli li fis‑snin sebgħin ħelsu lilhom infushom mid‑dittatorjati sabiex iħossuhom parti mill‑Ewropa, li raw li r‑reġimi li fihom kienu qed jgħixu ma setgħux u ma ridux jadattaw għal realtà ġdida filwaqt li d‑dinja kienet għaddejja ddur mingħajrhom. Dan seħħ fil‑każ tal‑popli tal‑Ewropa Ċentrali u tal‑Ewropa tal‑Lvant, mis‑Solidarność fil‑Polonja sar‑Rivoluzzjoni tal‑Bellus fi Praga, mill‑movimenti Baltiċi għall‑indipendenza sal‑Ungeriżi li kienu l‑ewwel li fetħu l‑Purtiera tal‑Ħadid fit‑tmeninijiet u fid‑disgħinijiet. Mill‑biċċa l‑kbira, huma raw ir‑ritorn għad‑demokrazija bħala ekwivalenti ma’ appartenenza fl‑Unjoni Ewropea. Il‑ġenerazzjoni tiegħi fil‑Portugall ħasset li xi ġenerazzjonijiet ġarrbu l‑istess ħaġa fil‑partijiet tal‑Ewropa Ċentrali u tal‑Lvant aktar tard. Kienu jafu li, bħalma qal Vaclav Havel, «l‑Ewropa hija l‑patrija tal‑patriji tagħna».

F’diskors li ta f ’Londra fl-1951, Konrad Adenauer semma’ kif għarfien wiesa’ dwar il‑kwistjonijiet involuti għamel mill‑Ġermanja attur daqshekk determinat fil‑fażijiet bikrin tal‑integrazzjoni Ewropea. Huwa kien stqarr: «Mhijiex biss biża’ mill‑Bolxeviżmu DWAR L‑EWROPA: KUNSIDERAZZJONIJIET DWAR IL‑PREŻENT U L‑ĠEJJIENI TAL‑UNJONI EWROPEA li ġġegħelna nieħdu azzjoni, iżda wkoll l‑għarfien... li ‑l problemi li rridu niffaċċjaw f ’dawn iż‑żminijiet, jiġifieri ‑l preżervazzjoni tal‑paċi u l‑ħarsien tal‑libertà, nistgħu nsolvuhom biss f ’dik il‑komunità akbar. Il‑parti l‑kbira tal‑poplu Ġermaniż hija tal‑istess fehma... F’dan ir‑rigward, ippermettuli ngħid li fis-26 ta’ Lulju 1950, il‑Bundestag Ġermaniż iddikjara l‑pożizzjoni unanima tiegħu favur il‑ħolqien ta’ Federazzjoni Ewropea.»

Illum, appoġġ politiku u soċjali wiesa’ ta’ dan it‑tip huwa essenzjali daqs kemm kien qatt qabel. Ma nistgħux nimxu ‘l quddiem mingħajr momentum. Ma nistgħux, u m’għandniex, ninfluwenzaw ‑l opinjoni pubblika billi nisfurzawha. Iżda nistgħu nippruvaw insawru l‑kunsens li għandna bżonn. U hawn niġu għall‑kwistjoni tat‑tmexxija politika. It‑tmexxija tinvolvi t‑teħid tar‑responsabbiltà. It‑tmexxija mhijiex ibbażata fuq li wieħed isegwi xejriet popolari jew populisti. Għaliex l‑Unjoni Ewropea m’għadhiex li kienet. Issa kibret u evolviet f ’sistema demokratika ta’ governanza aktar sħiħa, l‑aktar permezz tat‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona - f ’sistema demokratika li l‑impatt tagħha fuq il‑ħajja tan‑nies hu ferm aktar mifrux minn dak ta’ verżjonijiet preċedenti. Tabilħaqq, konna u għadna qed nibnu dik it‑tip ta’ unjoni li qabel ma kienet xejn ħlief aspirazzjoni. 69 B’riżultat ta’ dan, id‑deliberazzjoni burokratika, id‑deliberazzjoni teknokratika u d‑deliberazzjoni diplomatika weħidhom m’għadhomx biżżejjed. Anki s‑samits donnhom laħqu l‑limiti tagħhom. Għandna bżonn dibattitu ġdid, djalogu ġdid biex inkomplu niżviluppaw din l‑idea – sens reali ta’ appartenenza fil‑proġett Ewropew kemm f ’livell nazzjonali kif ukoll f ’livell transnazzjonali.

Dan huwa proprju l‑qalba tal‑kwistjoni: il‑politika u l‑proċessi ta’ governanza jistgħu jiffunzjonaw sew biss jekk ikun hemm kunsens dwar il‑komunalità miftiehma, u dwar il‑mod kif għandna naslu s’hemm.

Il‑karattru sui generis u ‘ta’ xogħol fl‑idejn’ tal‑proġett Ewropew huwa rifless f ’serje ta’ diskussjonijiet dwar it‑trattati minn żmien it‑trattat ta’ Maastricht sal‑lum, u li okkupaw pożizzjoni ewlenija fid‑dibattitu. Minn dak iż‑żmien, il‑kriżi finanzjarja u ekonomika reġgħet qajmet serje ta’ kwistjonijiet relatati mat‑trattati. Intlaħaq qbil dwar il‑kwistjoni kostituzzjonali għall‑Ewropa.

Min‑naħa tiegħi, jiena ngħid li ma hemmx risposta definittiva għal din il‑kwistjoni, jew għall‑inqas waħda li tista’ tingħata bħalissa.

Dawk li jsegwu mudell ultra‑integrazzjonista ma jistgħux jinjoraw il‑fatt li l‑biċċa l‑kbira tan‑nies ma jridux li l‑unità Ewropea tikiseb għad‑detriment tal‑istat nazzjon. Dawk li għandhom perspettiva purament nazzjonali jew intergovernattiva ma jistgħux jinjoraw il‑fatt li l‑istati nazzjon m’għadhomx biżżejjed biex joffru liċ‑ċittadini dak li jistennew. Huwa inutli li nippruvaw nidentifikaw punt aħħari kunċettwali għall‑integrazzjoni Ewropea - nippruvaw kemm nippruvaw.

Il‑mod l‑aktar raġonevoli u li għandna nsegwu huwa ieħor. F’kull fażi, l‑integrazzjoni Ewropea kienet ibbażata fuq sens ċar ta’ skop, idea ċara tal‑ħtieġa għall‑Ewropa. Il‑mezzi biex dan ikun jista’ jsir, jiġifieri ‑t trattati u l‑istituzzjonijiet, dejjem segwew ir‑rieda politika. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Mela issa, qabel niddiskutu d‑dettalji tekniċi ta’ trattat ieħor, irridu nsibu risposta għal din id‑domanda: liema tip ta’ komunalità nistgħu nirrikonoxxu bħala meħtieġa, indispensabbli u inevitabbli bejn il‑bliet kapitali u Brussell? Liema huma l‑affarijiet li rridu nqisu bħala affarijiet li rridu niddeċiedu li nagħmlu flimkien, jiġri x’jiġri? X’inhu l‑għan miftiehem, kostanti u konġunt tal‑Unjoni tagħna? Sa liema punt għandna ngħaqqdu flimkien id‑destini tagħna, b’mod irrevokabbli u bis‑sħiħ? Fi ftit kliem: x’inhi l‑viżjoni tagħna?

Il‑kriżi wasslet biex iż‑żmien tal-»kunsens impliċitu» jintemm - din kienet in‑natura kważi intwittiva tal‑integrazzjoni Ewropea. Issa jeħtieġ li l‑kunsens isir espliċitu. Issa huwa l‑ħin li jsir dibattitu politiku u soċjali dwar liema tip ta’ komunalità rridu fl‑UE; dwar kemm irridu li l‑integrazzjoni tmur ‘il bogħod u fil‑fond; dwar min irid jipparteċipa, u fiex; u għal liema għan.

Sinjuri,

70 ippermettuli niddeskrivi l‑politika, il‑prinċipji u l‑oqsma ta’ politika li jiena nemmen li għandna nqiegħdu fil‑qalba tal‑isforzi tagħna biex nibnu kunsens bħal dan.

F’April 1978, Roy Jenkins, li dak iż‑żmien kien il‑President tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea, sab ruħu f ’pożizzjoni li jien stess spiċċajt sibt ruħi fiha għexur ta’ snin wara.

Huwa kien qal li «L‑ekonomija tal‑Komunità tinvolvi lill‑impjiegi u lill‑industriji li sejrin lura, l‑istabbiltà monetarja, il‑politika reġjonali u l‑għażliet ta’ enerġija. Dawn kollha huma s‑sustanza tal‑politika, u mhux tal‑burokrazija.»

U għalkemm deher li kien qed jistqarr idea ovvja, wasal għal konklużjoni interessanti: «għalkemm jista’ jkun hemm xi wħud li jemmnu l‑kontra, l‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑Komunità ġew mibnija b’attenzjoni, u tabilħaqq ġew adattati maż‑żmien, biex jippermettu li jkun hemm interazzjoni bejn l‑argumenti u r‑riżoluzzjoni tagħhom, kemm f ’livell tekniku kif ukoll f ’livell politiku. Mhumiex perfetti... iżda l‑qafas għad‑deċiżjonijiet qiegħed hemm.»

Tabilħaqq, ħafna drabi feġġet it‑tentazzjoni li d‑diskussjoni dwar il-»qafas għat‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet» tingħata prijorità fuq dik li Roy Jenkins sejħilha s-»sustanza tal‑politika».

Iżda ta’ spiss jiġri li d‑dibattiti Ewropej dwar il‑politiki jsiru biss f ’termini istituzzjonali jew kostituzzjonali. Fissazzjoni fuq il‑proċessi ta’ governanza wasslet biex l‑attenzjoni ġiet iddevjata mill‑politiki u mill‑politika li kellhom bżonn. Minflok nieħdu ‑d deċiżjonijiet, sirna niddiskutu kif għandhom jittieħdu d‑deċiżjonijiet, u min għandu joħodhom.

Illum xtaqt inwissi kontra din il‑prassi, proprju kif għamel Jenkins madwar erbgħin sena ilu.

L‑isfidi li għandna quddiemna f ’din it‑tielet fażi tal‑integrazzjoni Ewropea għandhom l‑ewwel u qabel kollox jiġu eżaminati mill‑perspettiva tal‑politika meħtieġa; it‑tieni, DWAR L‑EWROPA: KUNSIDERAZZJONIJIET DWAR IL‑PREŻENT U L‑ĠEJJIENI TAL‑UNJONI EWROPEA il‑politiki meħtieġa, u t‑tielet, il‑proċessi ta’ governanza meħtieġa biex jinkisbu l‑ewwel żewġ elementi li semmejt. U dan irridu nagħmluh f ’din l‑ordni.

Dan ifisser li ‑d dibattitu dwar il‑futur tal‑Ewropa għandu l‑ewwel nett ikun dibattitu dwar il‑politika u l‑politiki, u mhux dibattitu dwar l‑istituzzjonijiet u t‑trattati. Dan għandu jkun dibattitu dwar dak li rridu nagħmlu flimkien, u dwar ir‑raġunijiet għal dan l‑isforz. Mingħajr kunsens f ’dan ir‑rigward, nistgħu niddibattu mingħajr waqfien dwar il‑klawżoli tas‑sussidjarjetà u dwar l‑esklużjonijiet fakultattivi mingħajr ma nikkonvinċu jew nissodisfaw lil ħadd. Irridu niddeċiedu, kemm f ’livell individwali kif ukoll b’mod kollettiv, dwar dak li rridu nagħmlu flimkien - u dwar dak li m’għandniex bżonn, jew li ma rridux, nagħmlu flimkien.

Il‑qafas għad‑deċiżjonijiet fl‑Unjoni Ewropea kompla jevolvi bil‑kbir matul is‑snin, mhux biss minn żmien il‑Kummissjoni ta’ Jenkins, iżda anki illum, fi żmieni. Meta tqabbel fejn konna għoxrin sena ilu ma’ fejn ninsabu llum, tara li l‑evoluzzjoni li seħħet hija waħda impressjonanti. 71 U dan mhux qed ngħidu biss f ’termini ta’ kompetenzi, iżda prinċipalment fir‑rigward tal‑modi u d‑dinamiki tal‑proċess tat‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet. Jiena kelli l‑privileġġ li nieħu sehem fil‑laqgħat tal‑Kunsill mill-1987 ‘l quddiem, u fil‑laqgħat tal‑Kunsill Ewropew mill-1992 sal-1995. U nista’ nixhed li dawn id‑differenzi huma importanti ħafna. F’ċerti każijiet il‑kultura tal‑istituzzjonijiet stess kellha tgħaddi minn bidliet ta’ natura fundamentali.

Fil‑bidu tas‑snin disgħin, il‑Komunità Ewropea kienet għadha tqis il‑Kunsill bħala ċ‑ċentru tagħha. Veru - il‑Kummissjoni kellha d‑dritt ta’ inizjattiva, iżda l‑biċċa l‑kbira tas‑setgħat ta’ teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet kienu f ’idejn l‑Istati Membri. Minn dak iż‑żmien ‘l hawn, is‑sistema u l‑proċess tagħna inbidlu b’mod deċiżiv.

U dan seħħ, fuq kollox, permezz ta’ żieda fis‑setgħa tal‑Parlament Ewropew,’il bogħod minn assemblea konsultattiva għall‑koleġiżlatur indispensabbli. Anki jekk il‑Parlament innifsu ta’ spiss għadu juri li jbati minn element ta’ eżitazzjoni bejn ir-”rôle tribunitien” tiegħu, b’kuntrast mar-”rôle décisionnel” l‑ieħor tiegħu. Il‑tentazzjoni li jsiru talbiet mingħajr ma titqies il‑fattibbiltà - jiġifieri ‑l valutazzjoni żbaljata tal‑kondizzjonijiet politiċi għal ċerti deċiżjonijiet - mhijiex qed tiġi megħluba bis‑sħiħ mill‑atturi kollha fil‑Parlament Ewropew. U rajna li xi wħud jippreferu funzjoni ta’ protesta, jew saħansitra waħda li tmur kontra s‑sistema, minflok rwol li hu aktar konformi mal‑ħtieġa li jinkisbu riżultati prammatiċi flimkien ma’ istituzzjonijiet oħra. Dan probabbilment iseħħ ukoll minħabba li l‑Parlament ma jgawdix minn dritt ta’ inizjattiva. Iżda għandna nirrikonoxxu li, f ’livell ġenerali, il‑kontribuzzjoni tal‑Parlament kienet waħda kostruttiva. Fl‑aħħar, matul l‑aħħar għaxar snin, il‑Parlament aġixxa b’mod li juri li fil‑mira tiegħu kellu għanijiet kbar, iżda anki li fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar lagħab il‑logħba li kellu jilgħab - mill‑adozzjoni tal‑baġit tal‑Unjoni Ewropea sal‑konklużjoni tal‑Unjoni Bankarja.

Ir‑relazzjonijiet bejn l‑Istati Membri huma wkoll differenti ħafna b’riżultat tad‑dinamika differenti li teżisti llum bejn 28 Stat Membru, meta mqabbel ma’ dik li kienet teżisti bejn 12-il Stat Membru fl-1992 jew fl-1994. Għall‑kuntrarju tal‑mit li jeżisti dwar Brussell, din ma tantx hija kwistjoni ta’ daqs u setgħa. Hija kwistjoni ta’ viżjoni u ta’ aġenda. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Nista’ nqabbel id‑dinamika tal‑Kunsill Ewropew kif kienet fl-1992 jew fl-1994, meta konna 12-il membru u meta l‑ministri għall‑affarijiet barranin kienu jieħdu sehem f ’dawk il‑laqgħat, mad‑dinamika tal‑lum. Niftakar sew il‑preżenza ta’ Helmut Kohl, ta’ François Mitterrand u ta’ Felipe González waqt dawk il‑laqgħat. B’hekk inħossni kapaċi li nistabbilixxi d‑differenza bejn id‑dinamika tal‑Kunsilli Ewropej ta’ dak iż‑żmien u d‑dinamika ta’ dawk tal‑lum.

Hemm ċertu gvernijiet li jressqu l‑opinjonijiet tagħhom billi jadottaw approċċ difensiv. Stati Membri oħra jressqu biss kwistjonijiet individwali, filwaqt li oħrajn iressqu l‑opinjonijiet tagħhom mingħajr ma juru interess evidenti u li jinħass. Huwa biss għadd żgħir ta’ mexxejja li joħorġu b’viżjoni li tinkludi kollox, jiġifieri b’metodu komprensiv. Dawn juru li jħossu grad ta’ responsabbiltà għall‑Ewropa. Iżda mhux kulħadd iħoss l‑istess grad ta’ responsabbiltà. U hija tabilħaqq din ir‑responsabbiltà li tagħti l‑vantaġġ fi proċess politiku bħal dak tal‑UE.

Għaldaqstant, iċ‑ċentru tal‑gravità fuq in‑naħa tal‑Kunsill inbidel ħafna wkoll. 72 Fil‑passat, bħala parti mill‑kunċett tat‑trattat, il‑Kunsill tal‑Affarijiet Ġenerali magħmul mill‑Ministri tal‑Affarijiet Barranin kien meqjus bħala ‑l quċċata politika tan‑naħa tal‑Kunsill. Din il‑perċezzjoni issa ċċaqilqet bis‑sħiħ lejn in‑naħa tal‑Kunsill Ewropew. L‑Ewropa saret “Chefsache”. Il‑korp li jgħaqqad flimkien lill‑kapijiet nazzjonali, jiġifieri l‑Kunsill Ewropew, kien beda jiżdied fl‑importanza saħansitra qabel ma t‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona għamlu aktar operattiv u stabbli permezz tal‑ħolqien tal‑kariga tal‑President permanenti tiegħu. Huwa veru li xi wħud mid‑dinamiċi tal‑Kunsill Ewropew huma dovuti għall‑ispeċifiċità tal‑kriżi ekonomika u finanzjarja: il‑ħtieġa li jiġu mobilizzati malajr mezzi finanzjarji li ‑l Istati Membri biss jistgħu jikkmandaw. Jista’ jkun li dan jonqos biż‑żmien. Il‑Kapijiet ta’ Stat u ta’ Gvern se jkollhom iqisu r‑rwol tagħhom mhux biss bħala wieħed f ’livell nazzjonali, iżda wkoll bħala rwol f ’livell Ewropew.

Madankollu, ix‑xaqliba mill‑Kunsill lejn il‑Kunsill Ewropew ġabet magħha ċertu distakk fl‑implimentazzjoni. Pereżempju, il‑volontarjat inizjali ta’ talbiet ripetuti għal Kunsilli Ewropej jew għal samits taż‑Żona tal‑Euro għal kull żvilupp ġdid individwali li wassal għal sensiela ta’ samits, u li kellu l‑vantaġġ li setgħet titqiegħed pressjoni fuq il‑mexxejja biex dawn jieħdu d‑deċiżjonijiet li kellhom jittieħdu. Iżda dan waqqa’ lis‑samits f ’livell ta’ banalità, u saħħaħ il‑perċezzjoni li d‑deċiżjonijiet kienu dejjem ftit wisq, u li l‑implimentazzjoni kienet qed isseħħ dejjem tard wisq ukoll. Dan minħabba li spiss id‑deċiżjonijiet meħuda mill‑Kapijiet ta’ Stat u ta’ Gvern ma ġewx segwiti kif xieraq f ’livell nazzjonali. Kien hemm livell eċċessiv ta’ pressjoni, kif ukoll nuqqas ta’ preċiżjoni.

Minn dan kollu, il‑Kummissjoni toħroġ bħala l‑punt fokali indispensabbli u msaħħaħ. Id‑dritt tal‑Kummissjoni għall‑inizjattiva inżamm tul il‑kriżi kollha. U t‑talent tagħha għall‑inizjattiva, jekk nista’ ngħid hekk, kif inbeda minn Walter Hallstein u kif ġie żviluppat minn Jacques Delors, qatt ma naqas u kien tassew l‑oriġini tal‑kunċetti deċiżivi: mill‑ħolqien tal‑EFSM, tal‑EFSF u aktar tard tal‑MES, li finalment kienu bbażati fuq il‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni, sal‑Unjoni Bankarja3; mill‑inizjattiva biex tniedi bonds tal‑proġetti sal‑proposti leġiżlattivi tal‑Kummissjoni dwar ir‑riforma tal‑governanza

(3) Il‑Komunikazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni “Azzjoni għall‑istabbiltà, għat‑tkabbir u għall‑impjiegi”, it-30 ta’ Mejju 2012 DWAR L‑EWROPA: KUNSIDERAZZJONIJIET DWAR IL‑PREŻENT U L‑ĠEJJIENI TAL‑UNJONI EWROPEA ekonomika, inkluż patt ġdid ta’ stabbiltà u tkabbir. Il‑Kummissjoni dejjem segwiet approċċ purament Ewropew kull darba li eżerċitat id‑dritt tagħha ta’ inizjattiva.

Hija osservazzjoni interessanti li l‑aqwa eżempju tal‑inevitabilità tar‑rwol tal‑Kummissjoni huwa t‑Trattat Fiskali intergovernattiv. Matul il‑proċess tagħha ta’ negozjar, il‑Kummissjoni wriet li kienet sors indispensabbli ta’ għarfien u ta’ tekniki leġiżlattivi kreattivi madwar il‑mejda. U fl‑aħħar, anki f ’dan il‑kuntest, jiġifieri ‑l kuntest intergovernattiv, kienet il‑Kummissjoni li sabet ruħha fuq quddiem nett meta kien hemm bżonn ta’ garanzija ta’ implimentazzjoni qawwija. Il‑fatt li l‑Kummissjoni kultant tagħżel li ma tiħux il‑mertu kollu ma għandux jiġi interpretat bħala li r‑rwol tagħha qed jonqos fl‑importanza. Fil‑fatt, hija tagħmel biex tara li tikseb ir‑riżultati mixtieqa. M’hemm ebda post ieħor fl‑Unjoni li jġib flimkien il‑perspettiva orizzontali, jiġifieri l‑għarfien dwar il‑pluralità tas‑sitwazzjonijiet tal‑Istati Membri, u l‑perspettiva vertikali, jiġifieri ‑l kompetenza tal‑politiki Ewropej.

Iżda sabiex wieħed jifhem bis‑sħiħ dak li ġara bejn dak iż‑żmien u llum, wieħed irid jagħti wkoll ħarsa lejn l‑iskrutinju tal‑midja. Din saret aktar profonda, aktar mgħaġġla, 73 u ħafna aktar komprensiva u kritika. Is‑samits u d‑diskorsi tal‑mexxejja l‑kbar tilfu mill‑glorja tagħhom. Is‑suċċess illum sar jitkejjel skont ir‑riżultati li jinkisbu - u ħafna drabi skont riżultati immedjati. Jekk dawn ma jirnexxilhomx jibqgħu sħaħ u kredibbli wara d‑dissett tal‑midja, donnhom jisfaw fix‑xejn, bħalma ġara darba jew darbtejn b’mod pubbliku ħafna waqt il‑kriżi. Dan jispjega wkoll sa ċertu punt il-”proċess ta’ tlaqliq”, jiġifieri ‑n natura sinkopata tar‑reazzjoni għall‑kriżi.

Din hija waħda mir‑raġunijiet għaliex il‑bini tal‑Unjoni Ewropea ġie mqabbel ma’ scaffolding, jew struttura ta’ pontijiet għall‑bennejja. L‑Unjoni donnha entità li tinsab il‑ħin kollu fi stat ta’ kostruzzjoni u ta’ tiswija, iżda ‑l pontijiet għall‑bennejja ta’ spiss jgħattu l-’ġmiel’ tal‑bini proprju li jinsab warajhom.

Tabilħaqq, nissuġġerixxi li jkun fin‑natura stess tal‑proġett Ewropew li dan jibqa’ jixbah sitwazzjoni fejn ix‑xogħol jibqa’ għaddej b’mod permanenti. U jkun aħjar li kieku dawk li jinsabu mħassba dwar in‑nuqqas ta’ koerenza u simetrija jadattaw ruħhom għal kunċett ta’ arkitettura li, jekk verament jixtieq jikseb funzjonijiet ġodda, jeħtieġ jiżviluppa forom u disinji ġodda. Ġeneralment, “l’èsprit de système” ma tantx jiffunzjona sew ‑fl UE.

Nistgħu ngħidu li l‑proċess ta’ integrazzjoni ssupera t‑test taż‑żmien u t‑tensjoni tal‑kriżijiet minħabba li dejjem kien hemm ‘obligation de résultat’ marbuta ma’ riżultati effettivi. Aħna żviluppajna ‑l arti tal‑governanza b’mod li lħaqna livell ta’ maturità li jippermettilna naslu għal deċiżjonijiet ibbażati fuq kunsens wiesa’. Dak li rajna, u dak li naraw fuq kollox, hu li t‑tmexxija tgħodd.

Għaliex huwa biss permezz ta’ tmexxija bbażata fuq il‑bini tal‑kunsens li tista’ tiġi evitata l‑frammentazzjoni.

Huwa għalhekk li żgurajt li l‑Kummissjonijiet li mexxejt fir‑rwol tiegħi ta’ President dejjem ħadu r‑responsabbiltà għad‑deċiżjonijiet tagħhom b’mod kollettiv. Il‑President tal‑Kummissjoni huwa l‑garanti tal‑kolleġjalità, li tevita li jkun hemm ‘mentalità sajlo’ u viżjoni ristretta. Bħala regola, bdejna b’differenzi ‑fl opinjonijiet li ħassejniehom f ’livell IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

ġenwin, kif ukoll b’dibattiti reali. Iżda fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar, kważi d‑deċiżjonijiet kollha li ttieħdu f ’dawn l‑għaxar snin ittieħdu fuq il‑bażi ta’ kunsens. Eżekuttiv politiku mhuwiex verżjoni ta’ parlament fuq skala żgħira. U bħala entità eżekuttiva, il‑Kummissjoni għandha tieħu r‑responsabbiltà tagħha għall‑inizjattivi li tqis li huma meħtieġa f ’livell kollettiv. Huwa għalhekk li, skont it‑trattati, it‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet fil‑Kummissjoni huwa ta’ natura kolleġjali u mhux ta’ natura individwali. Huwa possibbli li kulleġġ ta’ 28 membru jiffunzjona sew. Fuq kollox, din hija kwistjoni ta’ kultura Komunitarja ġenwina, kif ukoll ta’ ġestjoni effiċjenti tal‑istituzzjoni.

Minħabba li l‑bidu tat‑terminu tal‑ewwel Kummissjoni tiegħi kważi ħabat mal‑akbar tkabbir li qatt seħħ fl‑Unjoni Ewropea, jiġifieri dak tal-2004, kont partikolarment konxju tal‑ħtieġa li tiġi evitata kwalunkwe frammentazzjoni fuq il‑bażi ta’ linji ġeografiċi, ideoloġiċi jew ta’ tip ieħor. Jiena nemmen bis‑sħiħ li filwaqt li huwa importanti li wieħed jagħraf il‑karattru politiku tal‑Kummissjoni, daqstant ieħor huwa importanti li jiġi evitat li l‑Kummissjoni tingħata natura partiġġjana.

74 Il‑Kummissjoni ma taqdix biss funzjonijiet politiċi, iżda wkoll funzjonijiet amministrattivi u dawk li nħobb insejħilhom funzjonijiet “kważi ġuriżdizzjonali”. Dan jeħtieġ għerf u bilanċ kbir fil‑livell tat‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet, sabiex il‑kredibilità tal‑Kummissjoni, fir‑rwoli differenti tagħha, ma tiġix mhedda, u sabiex ‑l indipendenza u l‑professjonaliżmu tagħha ma jitqiegħdux fil‑periklu.

Tul dawn l‑aħħar żewġ deċennji, l‑Unjoni Ewropea mxiet lejn livell ħafna ogħla ta’ maturità politika u istituzzjonali. U dan huwa l‑qafas politiku li sibna l‑għajnuna tiegħu waqt il‑kriżi. Iżda dak li għandna llum irid jiġi konsolidat, jekk irridu li jibqa’ magħna għat‑tul.

Huwa l‑mod li bih għandna nikkonsolidaw u nimxu ‘l quddiem li għandu jiġi diskuss illum. Dan minħabba li dan id‑dibattitu huwa l‑kondizzjoni meħtieġa għal dak li għandna bżonn niksbu: tkabbir u impjiegi permezz tal‑iffurmar ulterjuri tas‑suq intern u tal‑munita komuni tagħna, tal‑kummerċ tagħna, tal‑enerġija u tal‑klima tagħna, tal‑infrastruttura, tax‑xjenza u tal‑innovazzjoni tagħna, tal‑industrija tagħna, u tal‑politiki tagħna dwar l‑ekonomija diġitali. irridu niksbu l‑libertà u s‑sigurtà permezz tal‑politika barranija u ta’ sigurtà komuni tagħna, u permezz dik tal‑ġustizzja u tal‑affarijiet interni komuni tagħna; irridu niksbu ‑l benesseri soċjali tagħna permezz ta’ sforzi konġunti fl‑oqsma tal‑edukazzjoni, tal‑kultura u taż‑żgħażagħ, u billi nindirizzaw l‑isfidi komuni tas‑sistemi demografiċi u tas‑sigurtà soċjali tagħna.

Sinjuri,

Jekk il‑qafas għat‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet hu stabbilit, irridu nirrikonoxxu wkoll li fil‑politika Ewropea jeżistu għadd ta’ elementi li ma jiffunzjonawx tajjeb u li jfixklu l‑kapaċità tagħna li nagħmlu użu minn dan il‑qafas.

Din hija problema kbira għad‑demokrazija tal‑Ewropa.

Hemm nuqqas ta’ sjieda fil‑politika Ewropea, li l‑aġġustamenti istituzzjonali qatt ma jistgħu jirrimedjawhom. DWAR L‑EWROPA: KUNSIDERAZZJONIJIET DWAR IL‑PREŻENT U L‑ĠEJJIENI TAL‑UNJONI EWROPEA

Kull darba li l‑persuni li jieħdu d‑deċiżjonijiet jirrifjutaw li jirrikonoxxu, jiddefendu u japprovaw id‑deċiżjonijiet komuni tagħhom, il‑leġittimità Ewropea tbati.

Aktar iva milli le, il‑kontroversji politiċi jitqiesu bħala nuqqasijiet sistemiċi. Minflok nillimitaw dibattitu strettament għas‑suġġett - jista’ jkun li hemm soluzzjoni aħjar, pereżempju, għall‑kwistjoni dwar il‑bozoz jew dwar il‑laned taż‑żejt taż‑żebbuġa? - ir‑riżultati kontroversjali jiġu ppreżentati bħala r‑riżultat assurd u inevitabbli tas‑sistema difettuża ta’ “Brussell”. Dan minkejja l‑fatt li kemm id‑dibattiti kif ukoll ir‑riżultati jkunu simili, jekk mhux identiċi, li kieku kellhom isiru f ’livell nazzjonali. Mhuwiex primarjament iċ-”ċentraliżmu ta’ Brussell” waħdu li joħloq il‑ħtieġa li twassal għal regolamentazzjoni ta’ kwistjonijiet relatati mas‑saħħa, mal‑istandards tal‑prodotti, mad‑drittijiet tal‑ħaddiema, mar‑regoli dwar l‑ambjent jew mas‑sigurtà tat‑trasport - f ’dan kollu għandhom rwol ukoll id‑dibattitu soċjali, u l‑appelli min‑naħa taċ‑ċittadini biex tittieħed azzjoni dwar il‑kwistjonijiet li jħassbuhom. Bħala regola, l‑inizjattivi regolatorji ma jibdewx Brussell. Dawn jibdew bl‑interessi soċjali, l‑interessi tan‑negozju jew tal‑ħaddiema, bid‑dibattiti pubbliċi u bi proċessi politiċi. Pereżempju, l‑ideat dwar ir‑regolamentazzjoni tal‑bozoz u tal‑laned taż‑żejt taż‑żebbuġa kienu ideat li 75 nħolqu f ’livell nazzjonali. Fil‑fatt, imxejna mal‑idea tal‑bozoz għaliex l‑effiċjenza‑ fl użu tal‑enerġija tagħmel sens. Iżda ma komplejniex bl‑inizjattiva tar‑regolamentazzjoni tal‑laned taż‑żejt taż‑żebbuġa, għaliex nemmnu li din il‑kwistjoni ma teħtieġx soluzzjoni f ’livell Ewropew.

U hemm ukoll nuqqas ta’ simetrija bejn id‑djalettika politika nazzjonali u d‑djalettika politika Ewropea. Fil‑livell nazzjonali, teżisti loġika tat‑tip “il‑gvern kontra l‑oppożizzjoni”, hekk li f ’kull kwistjoni ssib li hemm “partit kontra” u “partit favur”. Din it‑tip ta’ loġika mhijiex preżenti fil‑livell tal‑Ewropa, u b’hekk m’inti se ssib ebda “partit favur” dak kollu li tagħmel l‑Ewropa. Hija prinċipalment il‑Kummissjoni, li nħolqot bis‑saħħa tat‑trattati sabiex tkun l‑entità li tiddefendi l‑interess ġenerali Ewropew, dik mistennija li tiddefendi u tinforza d‑deċiżjonijiet kollettivi li jkun sar ftehim dwarhom. Iżda l‑Kummissjoni ta’ spiss titħalla mingħajr appoġġ effettiv minn sistema li fiha kulħadd jista’ jippermetti lilu nnifsu li jopera ftit min‑naħa tal‑gvern, u ftit bħala oppożizzjoni.

Dan ifisser li hemm “dissonanza konjittiva” bejn il‑proċessi politiċi fil‑livelli nazzjonali u Ewropej. U dan iwassal għall‑ħolqien ta’ mġiba politika kważi skiżofrenika. Fil‑livell Ewropew, il‑politiċi nazzjonali jistgħu jitolbu għal ħafna aktar milli jistgħu jitolbu f ’pajjiżhom, mingħajr il‑bżonn li jieħdu r‑responsabbiltà għall‑adozzjoni u għall‑implimentazzjoni sussegwenti. It‑tentazzjonijiet u l‑opportunitajiet biex wieħed jiskansa r‑responsabbiltajiet tiegħu huma ħafna. U mill‑esperjenza tiegħi, nista’ ngħidilkom li huwa komuni li wieħed jara l‑istess partit jistqarr xi ħaġa fil‑kapitali ta’ pajjiżu biex imbagħad jgħid eżattament l‑oppost, u mhux ħaġa biss ftit differenti, fil‑Parlament Ewropew fi Strasburgu.

U, fl‑aħħar, is‑sanzjonijiet politiċi għall‑atturi kollha jibqgħu fid‑dinamika elettorali nazzjonali. M’hemm ebda sanzjoni politika pan‑Ewropea reali, separata mil‑livell nazzjonali, li tingħata fuq il‑merti tagħha stess.

Fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar, il‑problema hija din: il‑pajjiżi kollha jixtiequ jaraw l‑Ewropa bħala projezzjoni tal‑aspirazzjonijiet tagħhom stess fuq skrin kbir, u huma lesti jgħidu li IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

“l‑Ewropa” għandha problema meta ħaddieħor ma jsegwix l‑inizjattivi tagħhom. Ħafna mill‑Istati Membri jittamaw jew jippretendu li eventwalment l‑Ewropa ssir verżjoni akbar tagħhom stess - iżda dan qatt mhu se jkun il‑każ.

Bl‑istess mod, ħafna politiċi jgħożżu l‑mikroregolamentazzjoni tagħhom stess, filwaqt li jmaqdru l‑ħidma ta’ ħaddieħor li jkun qed jagħmel l‑istess u jgħodduha mhux ġustifikata u żejda. Xejn ma jagħmel aktar ħsara lill‑Unjoni tagħna minn dawk li jwaħħlu fin- ”nuqqasijiet tal‑Ewropa” għan‑nuqqas ta’ suċċess tagħhom, u dan minflok jaċċettaw li l‑problema hi n‑nuqqas fil‑kapaċità tagħhom li jassiguraw maġġoranza għall‑ideat tagħhom. U dan jgħaddina għad‑dilemma ħarxa li tinsab fil‑qalba tad‑diskussjoni dwar il‑futur: meta l‑poplu ma togħġbux deċiżjoni nazzjonali, jivvota kontra min jieħu d‑deċiżjonijiet. Jekk ma togħġobhomx deċiżjoni Ewropea, għandhom tendenza li jduru kontra l‑Ewropa stess.

Il‑kwistjoni politika hija tabilħaqq dik li għandha tiġi indirizzata l‑ewwel. Min jistaqsini “mela x’inhi l‑problema proprja?”, jiena ngħidlu “It’s the politics, stupid!” 76 Fl‑istati nazzjon, fil‑prinċipju l‑kwistjoni tal‑leġittimità hija solvuta. Normalment, in‑nuqqas ta’ qbil dwr xi politika ma jinbidilx fi sfida għall‑proċessi ta’ governanza, għas‑sistema politika. Iżda fl‑Unjoni Ewropea l‑leġittimità għadha tiddependi fuq il‑ksib ta’ riżultati konkreti. Dan jispjega għaliex, filwaqt li ‑n nuqqas ta’ appoġġ lill‑istituzzjonijiet nazzjonali jew lill‑partiti politiċi b’mod ġenerali ma jsirx theddida għall‑unità nazzjonali, in‑nuqqas ta’ appoġġ lill‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑Unjoni jista’ jsir theddida għall‑integrazzjoni Ewropea nnifisha. Fil‑fatt, kull proġett politiku jeħtieġ imqar livell minimu ta’ appoġġ sostnut, kemm jekk espliċitu kif ukoll jekk impliċitu. Lil hinn mill-”Angst” jew mis‑sens ta’ dubju ġenerali taċ‑ċittadini komuni fir‑rigward tal‑perċezzjonijiet tagħhom dwar ħafna mill‑istituzzjonijiet u mill‑elit fi żmien il‑globalizzazzjoni, l‑isfida speċifika li‑ l Unjoni Ewropea qed tiffaċċja dan ‑l aħħar hija din: wara li kellhom iħabbtu wiċċhom ma’ numru dejjem akbar ta’ ilħna li jippromwovu l‑ewroxettiċiżmu u saħansitra l‑ewrofobija, kien hemm forzi politiċi dominanti li waslu biex internalizzaw l‑argumenti populisti minflok irribattewhom. Jiena ngħid li ‑l forzi u l‑atturi politiċi, kemm dawk taċ‑ċentru xellug kif ukoll dawk taċ‑ċentru lemin, iridu joħorġu mill‑fosdqa. Minflok jabbandunaw id‑dibattitu għalkollox, imisshom jerġgħu jibdew jieħdu l‑inizjattiva. Għandhom jippromwovuaġenda pożittiva għall‑Ewropa, kemm f ’livell ta’ Unjoni kif ukoll f ’livell nazzjonali.

Ebda bidla fit‑trattati, u ebda inġinerija istituzzjonali, ma tista’ tissostitwixxi r‑rieda politika għall‑Ewropa. Ninsab kuntent ħafna mill‑fatt li din l‑idea diġà bdiet miexja. Kif kien qal Friedrich Hölderlin: ‘Wo die Gefahr ist, wächst das Rettende auch.’

Jeħtieġ li diffikultajiet politiċi bħal dawn jiġu indirizzati,‑ l aktar sabiex jiġu msaħħa kemm il‑leġittimità kif ukoll l‑effettività tal‑Ewropa.

Biex din is‑sitwazzjoni titranġa għandna bżonn ta’ tmexxija, azzjoni u sjieda tal‑proġett tal‑Unjoni Ewropea, mifhum bħala parti mill‑komponenti li jsawru l‑politika u s‑soċjetà tal‑Istati Membri tagħha. Jeħtieġ li nifhmu li ‑l politiki Ewropej m’għadhomx politiki barranin. Illum, il‑politika Ewropea hija politika interna fl‑Istati Membri tagħna. DWAR L‑EWROPA: KUNSIDERAZZJONIJIET DWAR IL‑PREŻENT U L‑ĠEJJIENI TAL‑UNJONI EWROPEA

Għandna bżonn niżviluppaw relazzjoni ġdida ta’ kooperazzjoni, jew aħjar ‘Kooperationsverhältnis’ bejn l‑Unjoni, l‑istituzzjonijiet tagħha u l‑Istati Membri. B’”relazzjoni ta’ kooperazzjoni” rrid infisser prinċipju li bih ‑l istituzzjonijiet u l‑Istati Membri jmorru lil hinn mill‑kooperazzjoni leali li diġà tinsab imnaqqxa fit‑trattati, b’mod partikolari fl‑Artikolu 4 tat‑Trattat UE, u jaħdmu b’mod li jżid kemm jista’ jkun il‑livell tal‑kompatibbiltà tad‑deċiżjonijiet li jittieħdu f ’livelli differenti.

Għal ħafna żmien, l‑aspettattiva - għall‑inqas fl‑isfera ta’ Brussell - kienet li l‑istituzzjonijiet Ewropej kienu dejjem se jagħmlu aktar milli t‑trattati kienu jippermettulhom li jagħmlu, filwaqt li ‑l aspettattiva fost l‑Istati Membri kienet li jimbuttawhom lura sabiex jagħmlu inqas. Din l‑imġiba immatura trid tiġi megħluba.

Għandna bżonn immaniġġjar b’mod matur ta’ mandati ċari lill‑atturi differenti u lil‑livelli differenti tal‑Unjoni tagħna, mill‑ambitu lokali sa dak reġjonali, u mill‑ambitu nazzjonali sa dak Ewropew. Mandati li kemm l‑estensjoni kif ukoll il‑limiti tagħhom jiġu rispettati bis‑sħiħ minn kulħadd. 77 Biex inkunu nistgħu nimxu minn approċċ kompetittiv għal approċċ kooperattiv bejn l‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑Unjoni u bejn l‑istituzzjonijiet Ewropej u l‑Istati Membri, jeħtieġ li r‑rwol tal‑partiti politiċi fil‑livell tal‑Unjoni jiġi msaħħaħ u dan sabiex jitlaqqgħu flimkien ‑l interessi politiċi, jiġu strutturati l‑prijoritajiet politiċi u jiġi żgurat li jkun hemm koerenza politika tul il‑proċessi kollha.

Huwa għalhekk li jista’ jkun li d‑dinamika elettorali li nħolqot bħala riżultat tan‑nominazzjoni ta’ ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ tal‑partiti politiċi għall‑kariga ta’ President tal‑Kummissjoni huwa pass fid‑direzzjoni t‑tajba.

Filwaqt li nirrikonoxxu l‑limiti tal‑eżerċizzju li għaddej bħalissa, nemmen li dan jista’ jsaħħaħ in‑natura Ewropea ta’ dawn l‑elezzjonijiet. Huwa mod kif tingħata għajnuna lill‑partiti li jixtiequ jadottawh sabiex jiffurmaw sfera pubblika Ewropea b’mod progressiv. Hija ħaġa stramba - jew forsi mhijiex, wara kollox - li l‑forzi politiċi li ilhom jikkritikaw il‑fatt li hemm nuqqas ta’ responsabbiltà demokratika fl‑Ewropa issa qed jirrifjutaw il‑miżuri l‑ġodda li ġew maħsuba proprju biex isaħħu din ir‑responsabbiltà. Bla ebda dubju, id‑demokrazija nazzjonali hija essenzjali għal‑leġittimità tal‑Unjoni Ewropea, iżda nkunu qed niżbaljaw jekk infixklu ‑l progress tad‑demokrazija Ewropea. Veru, din hija sistema li għadha qed tiġi żviluppata, iżda jekk nippruvaw inwaqqfuha nistgħu biss immorru lura.

Din id‑dinamika għandha tiġi segwita minn fehim postelettorali mhux biss fir‑rigward tal‑personalitajiet, iżda anki fir‑rigward tal‑prijoritajiet politiċi. Mhux biss f ’kull istituzzjoni. Iżda anki bejn l‑istituzzjonijiet. F’livell aktar konkret, dan ifisser ftehim bejn il‑Parlament, il‑Kunsill u l‑Kummissjoni dwar il‑prijoritajiet, kemm pożittivi kif ukoll negattivi, ta’ leġiżlatura ġdida. Dan jista’ jiġi segwit ukoll minn ftehim interistituzzjonali ġdid dwar regolamentazzjoni aħjar, sabiex jitrażżnu l‑piżijiet amministrattivi żejda.

Inkella qatt mhu se jkollna ftehim konvinċenti u kredibbli dwar il‑kwistjonijiet li fihom l‑Unjoni trid bilfors tieħu l‑passi li hemm bżonn, u l‑kwistjonijiet li dwarhom l‑Unjoni għandha tintervjeni mill‑inqas. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Sinjuri,

Huwa fuq din il‑bażi li jista’ jsir aktar mill‑adattamenti kirurġiċi inevitabbli li jridu jsiru fil‑qafas legali attwali tal‑Unjoni.

Ma nemminx li fil‑futur prevedibbli se jkun hemm xi “konvenzjoni ta’ Filadelfja” Ewropea, fejn se noħolqu kostituzzjoni mill‑ġdid. Il‑metodu ta’ żvilupp tal‑Unjoni se jkompli jkun dak ta’ “riforma permanenti” aktar milli wieħed ta’ “rivoluzzjoni permanenti”.

Fil‑fehma tiegħi, biex din ir‑riforma permanenti tirnexxi, u biex kull pass ikun konformi mal‑viżjoni globali warajh, jeħtieġ li jiġu rispettati dawn il‑prinċipji:

L‑ewwel nett, kwalunkwe żvilupp ieħor fl‑Unjoni għandu jkun ibbażat fuq it‑trattati eżistenti u fuq il‑metodu Komunitarju, peress li t‑tbegħid minn dan il‑qafas jista’ jwassal għal frammentazzjoni, għal strutturi li jirkbu fuq oħrajn u finalment għal Unjoni inkoerenti u li ma tiksibx ir‑riżultati mixtieqa. 78 It‑tieni nett, qabel ma jsiru żidiet oħra jeħtieġ li l‑kumplessitajiet żejda fit‑trattati jiġu eliminati, kif għandhom jiġu eliminati wkoll il‑kontradizzjonijiet bejn it‑trattati u strumenti oħra eżistenti. Bażikament, dan ifisser li ‑l istrumenti intergovernattivi bħall‑Mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta’ Stabbiltà u t‑Trattat Fiskali għandhom jiġu integrati fit‑trattati mill‑aktar fis possibbli.

It‑tielet, soluzzjonijiet intergovernattivi ġodda għandhom jiġu kkunsidrati fuq bażi eċċezzjonali u tranżitorja biss, sabiex jiġi evitat li jinħolqu problemi relatati mar‑responsabbiltà u mal‑koerenza.

Ir‑raba’, illum l‑Unjoni għandu dejjem ikollha quddiemha l‑għan li tevolvi kemm jista’ jkun bħala entità sħiħa, bi 28 Stat Membru. Fejn tkun meħtieġa b’mod indispensabbli integrazzjoni aktar profonda f ’formazzjonijiet oħra, jiġifieri bejn il‑membri attwali tal‑munita unika u dawk li se jingħaqdu fiha fil‑ġejjieni, din għandha tibqa’ miftuħa għal dawk kollha li huma lesti li jieħdu sehem. Il‑metodu ta’ għażla għal integrazzjoni aktar magħquda fost grupp ta’ Stati Membri huwa dak tal‑kooperazzjoni msaħħa kif stipulata fit‑trattati.

Il‑ħames, kull żvilupp ulterjuri tal‑Unjoni għandu jkun ibbażat fuq sistema ċara ta’ eliminazzjoni u introduzzjoni gradwali u ta’ sekwenzjar, li permezz tagħha l‑azzjonijiet li jinħolqu primarjament permezz tal‑użu tal‑possibbiltajiet kollha offruti mit‑trattati kif inhuma bħalissa, mingħajr riżervi mhux previsti minn dawn it‑trattati, b’mod li l‑bidliet fit‑trattati jsiru biss meta l‑leġiżlazzjoni sekondarja ma tkunx stipulata mit‑trattati.

Is‑sitt prinċipju jispjega li l‑pass tal‑iżvilupp m’għandux jiġi ddettat minn dawk li huma l‑aktar retiċenti. Ir‑ritmu li bih timxi l‑Ewropa m’għandux ikun dak ta’ min jimxi l‑aktar bil‑mod.

U s‑seba’, meta jiġi deċiż li hemm bżonn li ssir xi bidla fi trattat, il‑każ favur il‑bidla għandu jiġi spjegat u diskuss b’mod sħiħ u eżawrjenti, inkluż fl‑isfera pubblika, qabel ma jkun jista’ jiġi nnegozjat u ppreżentat biex jiġi ratifikat. DWAR L‑EWROPA: KUNSIDERAZZJONIJIET DWAR IL‑PREŻENT U L‑ĠEJJIENI TAL‑UNJONI EWROPEA

Bħalissa, huwa tassew veru li qed niffaċċjaw sfida partikolari meta niġu għar‑relazzjoni bejn il‑munita unika, iż‑Żona tal‑Euro u l‑UE kollha kemm hi. Iżda nemmen li l‑loġika tat‑trattati toffri gwida utli f ’dan ir‑rigward.

Skont it‑trattati, il‑munita unika hija maħsuba għall‑Istati Membri kollha, ħlief għal dawk li għażlu li jibqgħu barra miż‑Żona tal‑Ewro fuq bażi permanenti. U l‑verità hi li Stat Membru wieħed biss, jiġifieri ‑r Renju Unit, għażel esklużjoni fakultattiva ta’ dan it‑tip.

Anki l‑istatus tad‑Danimarka jista’ jiġi deskritt aħjar bħala wieħed bil‑possibbiltà ta’ “inklużjoni fakultattiva” aktar milli bħala wieħed ta’ esklużjoni fakultattiva fuq bażi permanenti. L‑oħrajn kollha impenjaw ruħhom li jissieħbu fl‑euro. Dan se jieħu ż‑żmien, u żgur li se jeħtieġ aktar tħejjija bir‑reqqa milli kien hemm bżonn fil‑passat.

Iżda nkunu qed niżbaljaw jekk niżviluppaw loġika ta’ konverġenza fi struttura ta’ diverġenza. U dan aktar u aktar minħabba li l‑esperjenza prattika miksuba matul l‑iżvilupp tar‑rispons għall‑kriżi wriet li l‑linji ta’ diviżjoni fid‑diskussjonijiet ma 79 jinsabux bejn il‑membri attwali tal‑euro u dawk li mistennija jissieħbu fiż‑Żona tal‑euro fil‑ġejjieni. Mill‑Patt Euro Plus sal‑Patt Fiskali, mill‑Mekkaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku sal‑Mekkaniżmu Uniku ta’ Riżoluzzjoni: kull meta s-17 jew it-18 bdew jaħdmu fuq proġett aktar ambizzjuż, kważi l‑Istati kollha l‑oħra tħajru u effettivament ħadu sehem u kkontribwixxew. Jidher li, tabilħaqq, il‑forzi ċentripeti huma aktar b’saħħithom mill‑forzi ċentrifugi.

It‑tendenza li wħud minna għandhom li joħolmu dwar fondazzjoni mill‑ġdid tal‑Unjoni permezz ta’ Żona tal‑Euro iżgħar u aktar limitata mill‑UE ta’ 28 mhijiex reazzjoni għal nuqqasijiet sistematiċi jew għal nuqqas ta’ potenzjal fost it-28. Hija l‑espressjoni ta’ sens ta’ nostalġija għal arranġament aktar komdu, għal ritorn lejn il‑kumdità, jew għall‑inqas għal dik li b’mod żbaljat hija pperċepita bħala kumdità, taż‑żminijiet iżgħar, inqas diffiċli u allegatament aktar koerenti ta’ integrazzjoni aktar intima. Iżda ż‑żmien ma jistenna lil ħadd, u l‑istorja kompliet timxi ‘l quddiem. Il‑paragunar ta’ xi Kerneuropa ma’ xi periphery jista’ biss idgħajjef lit‑tnejn.

Naħseb li dan hu mument tajjeb biex nikkummenta dwar ir‑relazzjonijiet bejn l‑Unjoni Ewropea u r‑Renju Unit. Jiena nemmen b’qalbi kollha li l‑Ewropa hija aktar b’saħħitha bir‑Renju Unit fost il‑membri tagħha, u nemmen ukoll li r‑Renju Unit huwa aktar b’saħħtu bħala membru tal‑Unjoni Ewropea milli waħdu. Iżda nirrikonoxxi l‑fatt li, minħabba raġunijiet storiċi, ġeopolitiċi u ekonomiċi, il‑każ tar‑Renju Unit jista’ jitqies bħala wieħed speċjali. Huwa preċiżament minħabba din is‑sitwazzjoni li jkun żball li eċċezzjoni għar‑Renju Unit tiġi ttrasformata f ’regola għall‑bqija tal‑Istati Membri. Aħna nistgħu, u għandna, insibu modi kif nissodisfaw u naqdu l‑ispeċifiċità tar‑Renju Unit, ovvjament sal‑punt fejn ma tinħoloqx theddida għall‑koerenza globali tal‑Unjoni.

Iżda ma nistgħux inħawdu din l‑ispeċifiċità - anki jekk f ’ċerti kwistjonijiet din kultant tinqasam fost diversi gvernijiet - mas‑sitwazzjoni ġenerali tal‑Unjoni.

Sinjuri, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Fuq il‑bażi ta’ dawn il‑prinċipji, jispikkaw għadd ta’ oqsma politiċi li jeħtieġ b’mod partikolari li jsir dibattitu dwarhom, u li jittieħdu azzjonijiet u deċiżjonijiet b’konnessjoni magħhom fil‑kuntest ta’ titjib istituzzjonali konkret fis‑snin li ġejjin: (1) L‑approfondiment tal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja, b’konformità mal‑pjan ta’ azzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni; (2) Rappreżentanza esterna tal‑Unjoni aktar effettiva; (3) It‑tisħiħ tal‑valuri tal‑Unjoni u t‑tisħiħ taċ‑ċittadinanza; (4) Diviżjoni regolatorja aħjar tax‑xogħol; u (5), Il‑ħtieġa li nipperfezzjonaw l‑unjoni politika tagħna.

Il‑Pjan ta’ Azzjoni għal Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja profonda u ġenwina tal‑Kummissjoni għadu jirrappreżenta l‑viżjoni valida għall‑approfondiment tal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja. Din tgħaqqad flimkien ambizzjoni sostanzjali u sekwenzjar xieraq. L‑ewwel, jeħtieġ li l‑governanza ekonomika riformata tiġi implimentata bis‑sħiħ. Ladarba din tinkiseb, għandu jiġi kkontemplat l‑iżvilupp gradwali ta’ kapaċità fiskali fil‑livell taż‑Żona tal‑Euro, flimkien ma’ aktar koordinazzjoni tal‑politika fiskali u tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol. Żvilupp ta’ dan it‑tip, li finalment se jġib miegħu bidliet fit‑trattati, għandu jiġi akkumpanjat minn leġittimità demokratika u minn responsabbiltà xierqa. 80 Approċċ aktar “fiskali‑federali” fiż‑Żona tal‑Euro m’għandux jinvolvi biss lill‑membri attwali tal‑munita unika. Dan għandu jibqa’ miftuħ għall‑membri futuri u għall‑membri potenzjali kollha filwaqt li jirrispetta ‑l integrità tas‑suq uniku u tal‑politiki mmexxija mill‑Unjoni kollha kemm hi.

Rappreżentanza esterna aktar effettiva teħtieġ tqassim kooperattiv tax‑xogħol bejn l‑individwi li jwettqu l‑karigi tagħhom f ’livell tal‑Unjoni u dawk li jwettqu l‑karigi tagħhom f ’livell tal‑Istati Membri. L‑istorja attwali ta’ kooperazzjoni bejn il‑President tal‑Kummissjoni u l‑President tal‑Kunsill Ewropew tipprovdi gwida utli f ’dan ir‑rigward. Ir‑Rappreżentant Għoli/Viċi President tal‑Kummissjoni għandu jiġi pprovdut b’deputati politiċi effettivi kemm mill‑Kummissjoni kif ukoll mill‑Kunsill. Għandu jsir użu sħiħ mill‑potenzjal ta’ rappreżentanza esterna konġunta kif prevista skont it‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona. Il‑kombinament tal‑politika barranija mal‑aspetti esterni tal‑politiki interni jipprovdi lill‑Unjoni b’ingranaġġ siewi fix‑xena dinjija. Jippermetti li jkun hemm qsim aktar effiċjenti tal‑piżijiet bejn l‑Unjoni u l‑Istati Membri tagħha. Huwa essenzjali li l‑ewwel passi li jittieħdu fid‑direzzjoni ta’ politika tas‑sigurtà u tad‑difiża aktar magħquda jingħataw segwitu. U, b’mod rilevanti ħafna, il‑kisba ta’ rappreżentanza esterna aktar koerenti taż‑Żona tal‑Euro fl‑istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji internazzjonali hija wkoll parti minn dan l‑isforz.

It‑tisħiħ tal‑valuri u taċ‑ċittadinanza tal‑Unjoni jirrikjedi li l‑istat tad‑dritt, id‑drittijiet, kif ukoll il‑garanziji u l‑libertajiet tal‑Unjoni jiġu rispettati u implimentati bis‑sħiħ. Strumenti bħal‑lista ta’ kontroll tad‑drittijiet fundamentali fil‑valutazzjonijiet tal‑impatti leġiżlattivi u s-”salvagwardja tal‑qafas tal‑istat tad‑dritt” tal‑Kummissjoni għandhom bżonn jiġu kkonsolidati. Il‑ġlieda kontra l‑abbuż tad‑drittijiet konferiti mill‑Unjoni, u b’mod partikolari d‑dritt għall‑moviment liberu, tista’ u għandha tiġi indirizzata permezz ta’ leġiżlazzjoni sekondarja, u mhux billi jitqiegħed f ’diskussjoni l‑prinċipju.

Rigward id‑diviżjoni regolatorja tax‑xogħol, il‑punt tat‑tluq għandu jkun ir‑rikonoxximent tal‑fatt li l‑Istati Membri tal‑Unjoni mhumiex inqas regolati mill‑Unjoni stess. Filwaqt li bla dubju għadhom iseħħu każijiet ta’ kunfidenza eċċessiva f ’livell istituzzjonali, anki fil‑każ tal‑Kummissjoni, ma rridux ninsew li l‑forza motriċi DWAR L‑EWROPA: KUNSIDERAZZJONIJIET DWAR IL‑PREŻENT U L‑ĠEJJIENI TAL‑UNJONI EWROPEA proprja tar‑regolamentazzjoni tal‑Unjoni hija l‑ħtieġa li r‑regolamenti dettaljati tat-28 Stat Membru isiru kompatibbli ma’ xulxin. B’hekk, il‑kwistjoni ta’ kif għandna nkunu kbar fir‑rigward ta’ affarijiet kbar, u żgħar fir‑rigward ta’ affarijiet żgħar mhijiex tant waħda ta’ listi negattivi jew pożittivi għal oqsma ta’ azzjoni, iżda waħda ta’ intensità u ta’ indħil fir‑rigward ta’ inizjattivi speċifiċi. L‑aqwa mod biex nindirizzaw din il‑kwistjoni huwa permezz ta’ ftehim interistituzzjonali ġdid dwar kif il‑liġijiet jistgħu jitfasslu aħjar, ftehim li jkun jestendi ‑l miżuri ta’ kontroll tal‑idoneità regolatorja, ta’ valutazzjoni tal‑impatt u tat‑tnaqqis tal‑burokrazija li diġà ttieħdu mill‑Kummissjoni matul il‑proċess leġiżlattiv kollu. Fl‑aħħarnett, din hija kwistjoni ta’ reviżjoni perjodika tal‑kunsens politiku dwar il‑prijoritajiet politiċi, li tista’ tiġi megħjuna permezz tal‑introduzzjoni ta’ klawżoli ta’ terminazzjoni awtomatika, jew permezz tal‑introduzzjoni ta’ prinċipju ta’ diskontinwità leġiżlattiva fi żmien meta jkun qed jinbidel il‑Parlament Ewropew.

Rigward il‑ħtieġa li nipperfezzjonaw l‑unjoni politika tagħna u li ntejbu l‑leġittimità demokratika li fuqha għandha tissejjes dik li qed insejħilha l‑fażi Ewropa 3.0, din għandha tkun ibbażata fuq il‑metodu Komunitarju li jikkonsisti mis‑sistema ta’ kontrolli, bilanċi u ekwità bejn l‑istituzzjonijiet u l‑Istati Membri li joffri ‑l aqwa punt 81 tat‑tluq għal demokrazija supranazzjonali ulterjuri. Demokrazija supranazzjonali bħal din m’għandhiex tkun mibnija bħala kombinament fuq diversi livelli ta’ veto, iżda pjuttost bħala sistema ta’ responsabbiltà fil‑livell fejn jittieħdu d‑deċiżjonijiet eżekuttivi. Minħabba li d‑deċiżjonijiet eżekuttivi jittieħdu mill‑eżekuttivi Ewropej, u b’mod partikolari mill‑Kummissjoni, huwa l‑leġiżlatur Ewropew, jiġifieri ‑l Parlament Ewropew u, fil‑funzjonijiet leġiżlattivi tiegħu, il‑Kunsill, li għandhom jiżguraw li jkun hemm leġittimità u responsabbiltà demokratika. Min‑naħa l‑oħra, huma l‑parlamenti nazzjonali li għandhom ir‑responsabbiltà li jiżguraw il‑leġittimità u r‑responsabbiltà tad‑deċiżjonijiet li jittieħdu fil‑livell tal‑Istati Membri, anki fir‑rigward tal‑azzjonijiet tal‑Istati Membri fi ħdan il‑Kunsill. Anki r‑relazzjonijiet bejn il‑parlamenti nazzjonali u l‑Parlament Ewropew għandhom ikunu parti privileġġjata tal-”Kooperationsverhältnis” li tant jien favuriha.

L‑iżvilupp futur għandu jsegwi d‑direzzjoni ta’ din il‑loġika, u għandu jimxi ‘l quddiem bl‑għan li jikkostitwixxi Kummissjoni riformata bħala eżekuttiv tal‑Unjoni, bl‑inklużjoni tal‑funzjoni tal‑Unjoni bħala teżor. Tkun qed taqdi leġiżlatura bikamerali, magħmula mill‑Parlament Ewropew u mill‑Kunsill bħala ż‑żewġ kmamar. Sabiex jiġi żgurat li jkun hemm bilanċ tajjeb bejn il‑ħolqien politiku u l‑indipendenza funzjonali tal‑Kummissjoni, il‑metodu attwali ta’ ċensura negattiva fir‑rigward tal‑Kummissjoni għandu jiġi sostitwit b’mekkaniżmu ta’ ċensura kostruttiva, li permezz tiegħu l‑Kummissjoni Ewropea taqa’ biss f ’każ li l‑maġġoranza assoluta tal‑Parlament Ewropew tipproponi President ġdid għat‑tmexxija tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea.

U, fl‑aħħar nett, sabiex jiġi żgurat li jkun hemm koerenza u effiċjenza sħiħa bejn ‑ir rwoli eżekuttivi differenti f ’livell tal‑Unjoni u sabiex ikun hemm leġittimità u responsabbiltà demokratika bejniethom jistgħu wkoll jiġu kkunsidrati innovazzjonijiet ulterjuri. Fit‑terminu medju, l‑uffiċċju tal‑Viċi President tal‑Kummissjoni responsabbli għall‑affarijiet ekonomiċi u monetarji u għall‑euro għandu jista’ jingħaqad mal‑uffiċċju tal‑President tal‑Grupp tal‑euro. Innovazzjoni aktar radikali, bħal dik fejn l‑uffiċċju tal‑President tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea jingħaqad mal‑uffiċċju tal‑President tal‑Kunsill Ewropew, żgur li tista’ tiġi kkunsidrata fuq terminu twil. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Iżda flimkien mal‑prospettiva tal‑evoluzzjoni probabbli tal‑integrazzjoni Ewropea, jiġifieri fiż‑Żona tal‑Euro, din il‑fużjoni tagħmel sens minħabba li ssaħħaħ il‑koerenza u l‑viżibbiltà tas‑sistema politika tal‑Unjoni Ewropea, kemm fid‑dimensjoni interna kif ukoll fid‑dimensjoni esterna tagħha. Huma possibbli wkoll fażijiet tranżitorji u soluzzjonijiet intermedji. Madankollu, huwa importanti li wieħed jinnota li dawn l‑iżviluppi istituzzjonali jistgħu jirnexxu biss jekk l‑ewwel jinkiseb il‑progress indispensabbli fil‑qasam tal‑politika u fil‑qasam tal‑konverġenza tal‑politiki.

Għal darb’oħra: It’s the politics, stupid!

Hija l‑politika li tista’ tagħmilha possibbli jew impossibbli. F’dan ir‑rigward, l‑iżviluppi istituzzjonali jsegwu l‑politika, u mhux il‑kontra.

Sinjuri, wasalt biex nikkonkludi.

L‑integrazzjoni Ewropea dejjem se tkun proċess li jsir pass wara pass. Dan konna nafuh 82 sa mill‑bidu nett: Fid‑dikjarazzjoni ta’ Schuman insibu dan il‑kliem li ġej: “L’Europe ne se fera pas d’un coup, ni dans une construction d’ensemble”.

Approċċ prammatiku bħal dan qatt ma mar kontra l‑ħidma diretta biex titwettaq viżjoni. L‑ambizzjoni, anzi, il‑ħolma tagħna – dik li l‑filosfu Ġermaniż Sloterdijk sejħilha “ħolma luċida”.

L‑integrazzjoni Ewropea għadha l‑aktar proġett ta’ viżjoni fl‑istorja reċenti. Proġett enerġetiku u attraenti b’mod impressjonanti. L‑adattabilità tiegħu tisboq lil dik ta’ proġetti preċedenti. Iżda dan jista’ jsir biss jekk jiġu ssodisfati ċerti kundizzjonijiet: meta t‑tmexxija ma tkunx ambigwa, meta l‑kooperazzjoni tilħaq livelli ġodda ta’ maturità, u meta l‑politika tal‑Ewropa tiffoka aktar fuq pożizzjonijiet proattivi.

Dan kollu se jiddependi mill‑elezzjonijiet Ewropej li jmiss: dawn huma l‑aħjar mument possibbli biex niddefendu dak kollu li ksibna, biex nibnu kunsens madwar dak li jeħtieġ li jsir, u biex insemmgħu leħinna favur l‑Ewropa kif verament hi filwaqt li nippromwovu viżjoni ta’ dak kollu li l‑Ewropa tista’ fil‑fatt tkun.

Dawn l‑elezzjonijiet huma importanti ħafna!

Fl‑għaxar snin tiegħi bħala kap tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea, ippruvajt inkompli nżid fuq is‑sisien ta’ Unjoni Ewropea prammatika, koerenti u reżiljenti. Avolja jista’ jkun li r‑rispons tal‑Unjoni Ewropea ma rnexxilux dejjem jasal fejn xtaqitu jasal l‑ambizzjoni tagħna, nemmen li l‑Kummissjoni dejjem kellha, u se jkompli jkollha, rwol essenzjali.

Għamilna ħilitna biex nippreżervaw l‑unità tal‑Ewropa, biex inżommuha miftuħa u biex insaħħuha. Kellna nagħmlu sforz biex insaħħuha minħabba li l‑ekonomiji tal‑Istati Membri qed isiru dejjem aktar kompetittivi sabiex ikunu jistgħu jiffaċċjaw il‑kompetizzjoni f ’livell globali. U semmejt it‑tisħiħ tal‑unità tal‑Ewropa anki għaliex il‑governanza ekonomika u finanzjarja tagħna ġiet imsaħħa b’mod liema bħalu. DWAR L‑EWROPA: KUNSIDERAZZJONIJIET DWAR IL‑PREŻENT U L‑ĠEJJIENI TAL‑UNJONI EWROPEA

Għad baqa’ ħafna x’nibnu. Dan hu proġett uniku. Proġett li hemm bżonnu. Proġett li għandna nkunu kburin bih.

Kelli l‑privileġġ li nkun hemm biex nikkontribwixxi fir‑rispons għal xi wħud mill‑aktar avvenimenti ta’ theddid fl‑istorja tal‑Unjoni Ewropea, u nħossni onorat li stajt nagħti bidu għal riformi li kienu bbażati fuq il‑lezzjonijiet meħuda minn dik l‑esperjenza. Iżda dawk kollha involuti se jingħataw il‑premju veru li ħaqqhom mhux billi jibdew jagħmlu l‑isforzi meħtieġa, iżda wara li jikkonkluduhom.

Mela ejjew inkomplu naħdmu.

Ejjew inwettqu ‘la réforme de tous les jours’ flimkien.

Ejjew inkomplu bil‑ħidma tagħna mogħnija b’dik li wieħed mill‑predeċessuri tiegħi, François‑Xavier Ortoli, iddefinixxa bħala ‘le courage de chaque jour’.

U għal min bħali - u, nispera, bħalkom - iħoss din il‑passjoni, din l‑imħabba għall‑Ewropa, 83 ejjew inwettqu l‑ħidma tagħna bl‑għan li noħolqu l‑kundizzjonijiet biex kulħadd fl‑Ewropa jkun jista’ jgħix bħala parti minn soċjetà deċenti. Għaliex fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar, dan kollu mhuwiex dwar il‑kunċetti, dwar iċ‑ċifri, jew dwar l‑ekonomija - huwa dwar il‑valuri. U jiena nemmen bis‑sħiħ li l‑Ewropa tirrappreżenta l‑valuri tal‑paċi, tal‑libertà u tas‑solidarjetà.

Nirringrazzjakom tal‑attenzjoni tagħkom. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Diskors waqt l-Assemblea Ġenerali tan-NU: wara t-Trattat ta’ Liżbona, rwol aktar qawwi tal-UE fin-Nazzjonijiet Uniti. Is-Segretarji Ġenerali tan-NU Ban Ki-Moon u Kofi Annan: ħbieb kbar tal-UE fin-Nazzjonijiet Uniti. 85

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Nipperswadi lill-President George W. Bush biex niffaċċjaw il- kriżi flimkien - f’Camp David mal-President Franċiż Nicolas Sarkozy f’Ottubru 2008. Ma’ marti Margarida u l-koppja Obama fis-Summit tal-G20 f’Pittsburgh fl-2010. Mal-President Barack Obama fis-Summit tan-NATO ta’ Liżbona fl-2010 u waqt il-G8 f’Camp David fl-2012. Invaraw it-TTIP waqt il-GB f’Lough Erne, l-Irlanda ta’ Fuq, fl-2013. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Ġgant emerġenti, relazzjonijiet akbar: mal-Premier Ċiniż Wen Jiabao u s-suċċessur tiegħu Li Keqiang. Xi Jinping iżur il-Kummissjoni - l-ewwel żjara minn President taċ-Ċina. 87

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] L-importanza strateġika tal-Brażil dehritli naturali - mal- Presidenti Lula da Silva u Dilma Rousseff. Ma’ sħabna tal-Amerika Latina f’Lima. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Għajta għall-appoġġ li l-UE ma tistax tinjoraha: mal-President Ukrajn Petro Poroshenko. Is-sigurtà tal-enerġija fl-Ewropa: mal-President Ilham Aliyev f’Baku wara l-iffirmar tal-Memorandum ta’ Ftehim dwar il-Kuritur tal-Gass tan-Nofsinhar fl-2011. Ma’ Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Prim Ministru u issa l-President tat-Turkija, sieħeb importanti tal-UE. Mal-President Tomislav Nikolić tas-Serbja u maċ-Chairman tal- Presidenza tal-Bożnija u l-Ħerżegovina, Bakir Izetbegović: inżommu l-Unjoni tagħna miftuħa għall-Balkani. 89

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Inqawwu r-relazzjonijiet mal-Ġappun: mal-Imperatur Ġappuniż Akihito, u mal-Prim Ministru Shinzō Abe. Ambizzjonijiet komuni: OK għall-Ftehim dwar il- Kummerċ Ħieles mal-Prim Ministru tal-Kanada Stephen Harper. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Ir-relazzjonijiet ma’ Vladimir Putin spiss kienu kkargati bit-tensjoni...

iżda mhux dejjem... IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Diskorsi

Building a Partnership for Europe: Prosperity, Solidarity, Security

VOTE OF APPROVAL, EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 21 JULY 2004

Mr President, Honourable Members of the European Parliament 93

feel privileged to stand here before the first democratically elected Parliament of an enlarged European Union. You are the representatives of 450 million Europe- I ans. Your election brings an end to half a century of division. This assembly symbolises the renaissance of freedom and democracy – spreading to every corner of our continent from the Mediterranean to the Baltic Sea.

We are united in our rich diversity - national, regional, cultural, linguistic and political.

Never before has there been an experiment like ours: to forge, democratically, a union out of the diverse nations of Europe.

Over fifty years we have designed a new and unique way of working together. We have pooled limited parts of our sovereignty to face common challenges. We have shown that our Nation-states are stronger when we act together in areas where Europe delivers the best results.

Let us never underestimate this great European achievement. We must be optimistic, visionary and courageous for the future.

Our vision of integration provides an example for other regions. As Jean Monnet has said:, « la Communauté n’est qu’une étape vers les formes d’organisation du monde de demain. »

The 1st of May was an event of historic proportions with the accession of ten new Member States. But now we have to work to ensure that the success of a reunited Europe, in order to guarantee prosperity, solidarity and security of our continent. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Mr President, Honourable Members,

I come from a small country which has known the transition from dictatorship to democracy; a country on the edge of our continent, but with its heart in the centre.

I stand for the basic values that underpin our Union:

• Freedom

• Respect for Human Rights

• The Rule of Law

• Equality of Opportunity

• Solidarity and social justice 94 I have seen the benefits of the Union in my country. But I have also seen that the accession of Portugal has enriched our Union.

My values and my experiences will allow me, if I receive your endorsement, to build bridges across the Union. This is why I believe I received the unanimous support of the European Council.

I am conscious that one of the main tasks of the President of the Commission is to manage the dynamic consensus that Europe needs. Our Union must more than ever have a strong and independent Commission. Only then can we create results that translate into concrete benefits for our citizens.

Mobilising Europe: Meeting expectations

Mr President, Honourable Members,

It is these beliefs, these convictions that lead me today to launch a challenge.

I would like us – together with Member States, the Social Partners, businesses and citizens across the Union - to build a Partnership for Europe. A Partnership for prosperity, solidarity and security in our Continent.

We must build our Europe together. Words must be transformed into actions. We must argue every day the case for our Union. And the best argument is our results.

We must show to our citizens that Europe can deliver what it promises. Effectively, efficiently, transparently. But we must also be aware of the level at which things are best done - European, national or regional, in full respect of the principle of subsidiarity. What we do we must do well. This means we must concentrate on questions that are most important to our citizens. BUILDING A PARTNERSHIP FOR EUROPE: PROSPERITY, SOLIDARITY, SECURITY

Mr President, Honourable Members,

In building our Partnership for Europe, we must recognise that the biggest challenge we face is not the Euro-scepticism of the few, but the Euro-apathy of the many.

We must listen to those that voted in last month’s European elections.

But we must also hear the silence of those, who for whatever reason, chose not to vote.

Our goals are prosperity, solidarity and security. And for that we must show concrete results.

• The euro – delivering monetary stability and investment.

• A single market - fuelling growth, competition and jobs.

• A unique social model - protecting the weakest in our society and helping people 95 adapt to changing circumstances.

• Quality public services – offering affordable access for all.

• A sustainable approach to the environment.

• And – perhaps of greatest importance - peace and stability in our region and beyond.

Last month, we put the final touches to our Constitutional Treaty. This is also Europe in practice – delivering a vision and adapting to change.

That Treaty consolidates and simplifies the Union. It strengthens our democratic base, by extending this Parliament’s powers, and by finding innovative ways to give a greater voice to national Parliaments and to Europe’s citizens.

It will make us more effective in tackling areas where common action is needed.

The challenge now is ratification.

It will be a crucial moment and lead to a broad discussion on the kind of Europe that people want.

The new Commission, this Parliament and the Member States must be ready with answers. We must make the case for Europe and this will be a huge communication challenge. To win that debate we should not have a technocratic approach. We need instead political leadership and courage.

Mr President, Honourable Members

The partnership I propose must, therefore, respond to the concerns of our citizens. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Today is not the moment to unveil a detailed programme. If I receive your backing, I first want to discuss policy ideas within the College and then with you and with the Council.

The new Constitutional Treaty already foresees that we must set our objectives together. If confirmed, I would bring before you and the Council early in 2005 proposals for the overall strategic priorities to guide our work for the years ahead.

Such an agenda – an agenda of prosperity, solidarity and security - must deal with the most pressing challenges for our peoples today:

• Europe and the world are changing and we need to change too. Reforms are needed. If we want Europe to work, we must give people jobs. But employment will only be created if we get the right environment for enterprise. And, at the same time, we must invest more in skills and training.

96 • We must put growth centre stage. Our social ambition must be fuelled by economic success. Wealth creation is the key to our model of social solidarity and sustainability. This is at the core of the Lisbon agenda. Entrepreneurship and innovation must be harnessed to deliver a better quality of life.

• We must never forget the economy is there to serve the people, and not the other way round. This is the spirit in which we must also interpret the stability and growth pact. This means ensuring the flexibility needed to keep us on the path to growth and employment, whilst preserving monetary stability.

• We must meet the challenges of globalisation. This means facing up to competition in open, global markets. It also means spreading prosperity and opportunity around the world.

• The Union needs to match its political ambition with its financial resources. You cannot have more Europe for less money, especially if we want a similar level of solidarity towards the new Member States as we have shown to the less developed regions in the past. However we must also be able to show to taxpayers that the money they entrust to Europe is prudently spent.

• We need to ensure that we foster stability and invest for growth. This means sound public finances but also twenty-first century networks and strong services of general interest to knit our economies and continent together.

• Health and social protection systems need to prepare for an ageing population. And together with education, these services must be more than just a safety net.

• Our future success will depend on our willingness to take risks, be ready for change and to introduce reforms. Our scientists, universities and companies should keep us at the cutting edge of technology. BUILDING A PARTNERSHIP FOR EUROPE: PROSPERITY, SOLIDARITY, SECURITY

• We must ensure that understandable public fears about new science are properly and democratically addressed.

• We must deliver a better quality of life. This means taking decisions now to create the right incentives for cleaner energy and cleaner transport. We must live up to our international agreements in Kyoto and make sure that our partners do the same.

• We must balance decisions today against their impact on growth, jobs and the environment tomorrow if we are to offer coming generations a truly sustainable future.

• The construction of anarea of freedom, security and justice remains one of our most important strategic objectives. The Commission should remain a driving force, helping to create the conditions needed for the removal of internal borders, and the strengthening of the Union external borders.

• Taking forward policies on immigration, asylum and on the integration of immigrants in our society are other key elements. In addition we must implement the 97 Counter-Terrorism Action Plan. Terrorism is the biggest threat today to freedom in Europe and in the World.

• On the world stage, we must spread peace and stability. This applies as much to our nearest neighbours as to the support that we give to the role of international institutions such as the United Nations. We must keep the spotlight on conflict prevention and on the eradication of poverty and disease, particularly in Africa.

These are some of the issues that will provide a policy backdrop for our action.

In all of these, our challenge is one of changing attitudes, not changing values.

What sort of Commission does Europe need?

Mr President, Honourable Members

The European Union represents a bold and unprecedented experiment. The Commis- sion is a unique institutional innovation in our European journey.

A strong Commission must be open. It must consult and listen through a permanent dialogue with civil society, the Social Partners and the regions.

To do all this, the Commission depends on the quality and independence of the Commissioners and on the ability and dedication of its officials.

I can assure you today that I am determined to lead a Commission that acts as a team and combines the very best of national traditions, diverse skills and talents; a Com- mission that must adhere to the highest standards of public life. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

I want the next Commission to have a higher proportion of women Commissioners than any previous Commission, but to achieve this I will need your help. We make this clear to the Council, which shares with me the responsibility for drawing up the list of nominees.

I will make full use of my powers under the Treaty in selecting nominee Commis- sioners, in allocating portfolios at the start and during our term, and in steering the work of the College.

Underpinning all this is the importance of collegiality within a College and of ensuring that a 25 Member College can act quickly, coherently and effectively.

But let me make one thing clear:

There will be no first and second class Commissioners in my Commission.

98 Partnership with the Parliament

We need a close positive relationship between the Commission and the Parliament, while respecting their respective roles and responsibilities.

I therefore give you a firm commitment to work closely and in a transparent manner with the Parliament and always to take your views into account, even if there will be times where we do not agree.

I would like to make three specific promises:

• First, if a Commissioner clearly underperforms or fails in his or her duties under the Treaty, I will not hesitate to ask them to resign.

• Second, I recognise the importance of the democratic oversight role of this Parlia- ment. I will work to provide full and timely information on matters needed for you to exercise that control. I also commit to provide the Parliament with information about documents sent to other institutions, as well as information concerning the consultative bodies which provide expertise to the Commission.

• Third, I will continue a regular dialogue with this Parliament. In addition to coming to the first Plenary Session each year to set out the State of the Union, I will meet at regular intervals with the Conference of the Presidents of the Political Groups.

Conclusion

Mr President, Honourable Members,

The Commission is most effective and Europe comes out on top whenever it has your active engagement and support. BUILDING A PARTNERSHIP FOR EUROPE: PROSPERITY, SOLIDARITY, SECURITY

You are the voice of the peoples of Europe.

I need your strong endorsement.

My promise is to actively work to build a Europe that is much more than just a simple market place. I want a Europe with a social and cultural dimension; a Europe where everyone can find their place.

Let turn together a new page in European integration and send a strong signal of our joint will to work in the interest of Europe’s citizens.

We must not fear the future; the future is in our hands.

Messina, 50 years on: turning the crisis to our advantage

50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE MESSINA CONFERENCE MESSINA, 4 JUNE 2005

Cari Messinesi, miei carissimi europei, Ladies and Gentlemen, 101

t is an honour for me to speak to you here today, just as I did ten years ago as the Portuguese Minister for Foreign Affairs, to celebrate the 40th anniversary of the I Messina conference. This time, however, I come in rather unusual circumstances. The French have rejected a major European treaty with a resounding "non". The newspaper headlines declared Europe to be "in crisis". Politicians called for calm. But that was in 1955, on the eve of the Messina conference.

Mark Twain once said: "History doesn't repeat itself, but it does rhyme". Well, for the 50th anniversary of this conference, history has composed rhymes even Dante would be proud of. Once again, some voices in the press are predicting catastrophe for Europe. This time, France was accompanied by the Netherlands in its rejection of the European Constitution.

How should we react to the French "non" and the Dutch "nee"? What can we learn in this difficult period from the Messina Conference, the anniversary of which we celebrate today?

First of all, I must admit that my first reaction to the rejection of the Constitution by two founding members of the European Union was one of sadness. A negative vote is the sign of a worrying lack of confidence among European citizens. It suggests that some of us fear the future, are resistant to change and no longer believe that the EU can provide solutions to the challenges which we all face today.

Of course, we must take heart from the fact that the concerns of citizens have been expressed by a democratic vote, following a very lively debate. This is positive in itself and we must respect the people's will. However, this debate has often been tied to national issues and, let's be clear, the arguments put forward in the two campaigns often had little to do with the European Constitution. Setting aside purely national considerations, the truth is that the Constitution has become the scapegoat for citi- IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

zens' fears. Fear of losing the social model. Fear of "relocations". Fear that Europe will go too fast and too far. Fear of the euro or fear of globalisation.

But the vote was not about these matters. It was not concerned with past or future enlargements. It was not about the single market and its four freedoms – the free movement of goods, services, persons and capital – which are as old as the Treaty which resulted from the Messina Conference fifty years ago. All too often during the campaign, this was not made sufficiently clear. One thing which was clearly confirmed, however, was that it is difficult during a referendum campaign to avoid the issue at hand from being tainted by other matters, even when they are not directly linked to the consultation.

Let's take a look at the main issues during the referendum campaigns.

Some are concerned by the erosion of the European social model. And yet, the draft Constitution protects this model. An explicit "social clause" (Article III-117) requires 102 the Union to take into account, in defining its policies, social aspects such as the promotion of a high level of employment, the guarantee of adequate social protection and the fight against social exclusion. Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Many express concern over a lack of democracy within the European institutions. And yet the draft Constitution makes a substantial contribution towards reducing the democratic deficit. It gives the European Parliament a much bigger role in the decision-making process, granting it the power to amend and approve almost all new legislation. The doors of the Council, in its role as legislator, will also be wide open to the public, allowing citizens and national parliaments to become more familiar with the positions of the governments. Indeed, participative democracy is gaining constitutional status, with an entire title of the Constitution (Title VI) dedicated to "The democratic life of the Union". Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Others fear that "Europe" is an elitist project, imposed on citizens despite their convictions. And yet the draft Constitution brings Europe closer to both citizens and the national parliaments. It gives citizens the right to ask the Commission to present proposals on appropriate matters, if they manage to collect one million signatures in a significant number of Member States. And it gives the national parliaments significant new competences in order to put subsidiarity into practice. They will be informed of all new legislative proposals of the Commission and will be able to refer them back to the Commission for review. Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Still others are worried by globalisation and by possible threats to the role of Europe. And yet the draft Constitution strengthens the European Union's influence in the world, and the visibility, coherence and efficiency of its actions. Do we really want to give up on these principles?

Citizens generally fear that Europe is too distant and too complex, with its sometimes protracted procedures which can disconcert even the experts. And yet the draft Con- stitution would bring about considerable simplification. It makes one legible text out MESSINA, 50 YEARS ON: TURNING THE CRISIS TO OUR ADVANTAGE of a confusing collection of overlapping treaties. Almost 36 different types of legal instruments are replaced by only six. Do we really want to give up on such a move?

Have these aspects of the draft Constitution often been discussed? As the President of the European Parliament, the President of the Council and I myself said in our joint declaration last Sunday, following the French referendum:

"National and European policy-makers must do more to explain the true magnitude of what is at stake and the nature of the solutions which only Europe can provide … Each and every one of us must think about our role – national governments, Europe- an institutions, civil society – in helping to improve the understanding of this project, whose legitimacy depends on citizens' views being taken into account."

So what are we going to do now? Must we give up on Europe just fifty years after the courageous visionaries of Messina started it off on a new policy of stability and prosperity? Or should we fight to find a new political consensus and use this difficult time as a chance to revive Europe? 103

First of all, it should be made quite clear that the ratifications are above all a matter for the Member States. It is up to them to decide when and how to ratify and whether they wish to continue with the commitment they undertook, or change their position. Nevertheless, what I consider to be important today is for the Member States to react together and for us to avoid unilateral, disorganised action. That is why I asked them to wait for the European Council of 16 and 17 June to adopt their position. It is important for the Council to discuss ratification and to send a clear message to all Eu- ropeans. I am convinced that a message of consensus is possible and desirable. While it is true that we will have to consider the implications of the French and Dutch "no" in due time, we owe it to the Constitution and democracy to allow each Member State to express its opinion. All Member States have the same rights and they must all have the chance to set out their position. We must not forget that ten Member States, representing half of Europeans, have already said "yes" to the Constitution. And Italy is one of them. By ratifying the Constitution, the parliament of Italy, a founding country, sent a strong signal to Europe. Italy must continue to play its traditional role in encouraging the integration process.

At the same time, I have difficulty seeing how we could re-open negotiations with a view to revising the Constitution. Its text is a very delicate compromise which took several years to achieve. It is hard to imagine how a new compromise, noticeably different from the current one, could be approved. And if we tried to take account of the fears of those who voted no, which "no" should we focus on? The Dutch and French who voted "no" had very different reasons for doing so. We must recognise that the "no" in these two countries clearly constitutes opposition to the proposal presented to them, but does not take the form of support for an alternative project.

It is in times like this that we can learn from the events which led to the Messina Con- ference. All too easily, we forget that, until1954, the French National Assembly voted "no" to the European Defence Community. The shock experienced by the European IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

leaders at the time was comparable to what we are feeling today, faced with the French and Dutch "no" votes.

Yet European leaders did not give up on their European ideals. On the contrary. There was a widespread belief that we need a strong, rapid response. Paul-Henri Spaak, who became Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs, therefore suggested convening a conference to prepare a relaunch plan. The initiative was well received by Johan Willem Beyen, Dutch Minister for Foreign Affairs, who wanted to go even further, towards "general economic integration". The conference, following a proposal by the Italian Minister Gaetano Martino, took place in Messina and resulted, as we all know, in the European Economic Community and the European Atomic Energy Community.

In 1954, a crisis led to the relaunch and strengthening of Europe. Rather than bringing everything to a sudden halt, European leaders redoubled their efforts to offer a solution tailored to the concerns of their fellow citizens, namely peace and prosperity. It is interesting today to see that, faced with the institutional crisis at the time, the 104 chosen approach was to look for a solution by means of economic integration.

It is therefore our responsibility to keep moving forward. We must show our fellow citizens, who are sometimes a little sceptical, that the European Union is now more than ever able to offer an effective response to their concerns. This week's referendum results are a setback, yes, but Europe is more than ever firmly established; we have to remember that there is life beyond the constitutional debate.

The Commission is continuing, and will continue, to make important decisions which offer real advantages to all European citizens. We have a programme to put into action, a programme supported unanimously by the European Council and the European Parliament, a partnership which specifically responds to citizens' concerns by focusing on prosperity, solidarity and security. Indeed, all the European institutions must be united in their aim to forge ahead in implementing the programme and thus to solve the problems causing concern. We aim to create more and better jobs, foster economic growth and sustainable development, preserve and modernise the European social model and guarantee greater security for citizens. That is how we will restore their trust in Europe and in its institutions.

The first major test will perhaps be to reach an agreement on financial perspectives for the period 2007-2013. The European Union needs a new budgetary framework to finance the policies and activities of the Union, and there is no reason to postpone negotiations. On the contrary, everything prompts us now to show that Europe can act with determination. The Commission will do its utmost to achieve a result which conveys our desire to create a more competitive, solidarity-based Europe.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

As the six Ministers for Foreign Affairs in Messina fifty years ago knew only too well, the construction of Europe is a complex exercise, exposed to occasional crises. How- MESSINA, 50 YEARS ON: TURNING THE CRISIS TO OUR ADVANTAGE ever, it was by demonstrating true leadership that they transformed the crisis into an opportunity, and allowed a stronger, improved Europe to emerge, a Europe ready to meet the new challenges and assume its responsibilities.

The fate of the Constitution is now in the hands of the Member States. The ball is in their court. In Rome, just over six months ago, the 25 governments of the Member States signed the constitutional treaty. Now it is crucial for the 25 to analyse the situation together and agree on which path to take. The time has come, once again, to show the Messina spirit, and refuse to baulk at difficulties or abandon the values and principles underpinning our project.

It is vital for us to seize this opportunity to forge a new political consensus. As I see it, the Commission's role is to facilitate consensus and avoid a clash between the various models or perceptions of Europe. Without this new consensus, which is now vital, compromise and solutions will be more difficult.

At the same time, however, there are two dangerous traps which must be avoided. 105

The first would be to become entrenched in ideological divisions. Divisions based around the two political doctrines of the market and the State are not in Europe's best interests. Neither of the two will solve all the problems, and any attempt to impose one of the two in Europe is destined to fail. What we need now is an effective combination of market and State which can help Europe to win, rather than lose, in the face of globalisation.

The second trap would be to engage in the "blame game", i.e. in useless and dangerous accusations, and in particular to transform the European institutions on the basis of the difficulties encountered either at national level or in the context of global challenges. Admittedly, the European institutions are not perfect. Who is? It is because we acknowledged that certain problems exist that, since taking up office six months ago, my Commission decided to prepare initiatives for better communication and improved legislative quality (the "better regulation" initiative). Indeed, we know that we can do better in terms of trust, transparency and responsibility between citizens and the European institutions, and that they can do more to ensure respect for the principle of subsidiarity and for the simplification of its decisions, when it comes to relationships with citizens and businesses. But the temptation to attribute unpopular decisions to Brussels has caused serious harm in the past, and continues to do so. This is the case when we perceive meetings in Brussels as battles in which the winners and losers confront each other every day, rather than seeing them as opportunities to debate, achieve consensus and find compromises in difficult but shared problems.

If we attack "Brussels" six days a week, from Monday to Saturday, can we hope for a complete reversal of opinion the next day, and expect citizens to support Europe on Sunday?

If today's Heads of State and Government show the same sense of responsibility as the political leaders fifty years ago in Messina, and avoid these two traps, I think that the future looks promising and that we can turn this crisis to our advantage. That is IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

why, here in Messina, I wish to launch a call to rally around European values, the civilisation and soul of Europe, to strive to find the support which will allow us to achieve a dynamic consensus for a Europe capable of adapting to the new challenges of globalisation. Perhaps then, when the European leaders of tomorrow meet here to celebrate the centenary of the Conference of Messina, they will also remember the crisis in 2005 which was transformed into opportunity, and from which a stronger, better Europe emerged.

Thank you for your attention.

106 France and Europe: a shared destiny

FRENCH NATIONAL ASSEMBLY PARIS, 24 JANUARY 2006

Mr President, Ministers, Honourable Members, 107

am particularly honoured to speak to you today, in this prestigious house, and to respond to the invitation from Mr Jean-Louis Debré, President of your Assembly, I whom I wish to warmly thank for this opportunity to engage in discussion with the French national representatives. I am here today to talk to you about the development of Europe of course, but also to look back at a situation which needs to be recalled with strength and conviction, just after the lively, passionate debates in your country. I want to talk about the unshakeable link which creates a far-reaching shared destiny between France and Europe.

I do not need to remind you, the elected representatives of the French people, of the eminent role played by France in the construction of Europe. Europe would not have been created or grown without France and its audacious policy, guided by a bold and generous vision underpinned by solidarity, and driven by men and women who so successfully embodied its spirit.

But France has also been able to count on Europe. Europe has been the melting pot for its economic and cultural influence over recent decades. The challenges which it must face today are common to all European countries, and no one country can meet them alone without the support of Europe. The main flagship projects on which our future competitiveness hinges would not be viable without European cooperation. Without our combined efforts, Galileo would not have come into being and Iter would be in Asia today, not in Cadarache, in the Marseilles region.

The year 2005, which has just ended, marked a turning point. We have of course experienced difficulties but we managed to overcome them together, as shown by the constructive review of the Hampton Court summit and the positive conclusion of the European Council of December, in which I see sound proof of Europe's vitality. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Does our shared history not show that, in times of tension, Europe has always managed to unite, to relaunch its project and reinvent itself, with the unfailing support of France, a founding country and the driving force behind Europe?

It is from the viewpoint of this extraordinary capacity to recover that I see the recent debate which took place in France on the occasion of the referendum. In the French decision, which was reached democratically, I do not see a rejection of Europe but rather the will of citizens to be heard and to shape their shared destiny.

The French debate raised real questions, which require us to provide real answers. Citizens have the feeling that they are not listened to or heard enough regarding the European project. They urge us all – national political leaders and European institutions – to provide specific answers for their concerns, and urge us to shoulder our common responsibility in this respect.

That is why I am calling on politicians, men and women, the active population, 108 French intellectuals: engage in Europe, discuss Europe, explain Europe! We must stop allowing people to believe that Europe does not concern them, that it refers to Brussels. We are all Europe! We are all stakeholders in the construction of Europe!

Some of our citizens fear the future because they fear globalisation. Yet the history of France has always been one of openness to the world and not of withdrawal! The universal values of humanism which quite rightly have been the pride of your country would not have had such influence if France, the country of their birth, had remained closed to the rest of the world!

We have no reason to fear the future. I myself and the European Commission are entirely confident: Europe has the means to impact world developments thanks to our considerable assets.

In view of globalisation, the European dimension is the only one able to make the difference and allow us stay on top of this process. Think about the energy challenges, development aid particularly in Africa, or the fight against crime and terrorism. In all these fields, we need more input from Europe because not even the larger Member States are able today to deal with these issues on their own.

If we prepare to optimise the benefits of globalisation, the global opening of markets and the growth of new technologies – a source of business and therefore of employment – can become a powerful and positive driving force for the economy, social well-being, security and culture.

Now it is time for results. To restore the confidence and support of citizens, we must endeavour to meet their three priority concerns, which we have made our own - prosperity, solidarity and security.

By giving a new boost to growth through innovation, entrepreneurship and research, by supporting in particular small- and medium-sized businesses in order to create more and better quality jobs, we will be fostering the prosperity so essential to the FRANCE AND EUROPE: A SHARED DESTINY blossoming of our European project. And this campaign for competitiveness will also be waged in partnership with the regions of Europe. The Commission thus welcomes the adoption by the European Council of its regional policy proposals which will make it possible to support development in the regions of metropolitan France and the overseas departments.

By strengthening the social dimension of job-creation through the promotion of equal opportunities and the anticipation of problems linked to restructuring and the management of an ageing population, we will be giving substance to the principle of solidarity, which is at the very heart of the European project.

By improving health and food safety, consumer protection, access to justice, border control and the fight against terrorism, we will be ensuring the safety to which our citizens are entitled.

After the European Council of December cleared our budget horizon, we can now translate the "renewed Lisbon Strategy" into reality. To preserve and strengthen our 109 common values, we urgently need to modernise our policies and reform our economies.

We are all the more determined since the informal summit at Hampton Court last October made it possible to achieve a very strong convergence of opinions on urgent dossiers, on the basis of the Commission proposals and spurred on by France – universities and research, demography, energy, security. Beyond political divisions, we have been able to find consensus and a sense of direction in the common interest of Europe, because we have no time to lose and we want a successful Europe!

I am also convinced that public support for the modernisation of the institutions provided for in the draft constitutional treaty will come in time, when the conditions have been met and confidence restored.

Yes, we need to reform our institutions and equip ourselves with the necessary means to effectively meet the challenges of the 21st century.

But I am convinced that political impetus will give momentum to institutional change, rather than the other way round.

So let's create that political impetus. In 2006, let's stop talking and start achieving results, real results. I have no doubt that France will fully assume its role in the fulfil- ment of our shared ambitions.

As an avid reader of your national press, I see here and there that France apparently suffers from melancholy, or even malaise. I wonder whether the country of Molière is not falling into the mindset of the "Imaginary Invalid"...

I, on the other hand, think that France has every reason to be confident! IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

In Europe and throughout the world, France has a voice which is heeded, a voice which counts.

France, a major exporter, is also a leading industrial force and a global player in the services sector, the birthplace of outstanding success stories in the high-tech sector and a hub for international investment. How could we forget resounding world successes like Airbus and Ariane, which owe so much to French initiative?

The choice of being open to the world is therefore a winning choice for France and for Europe.

In order to progress, Europe needs France.

To progress, France must lean on Europe, a Europe determined to promote our common values at global level.

110 In the joint effort to which we must all contribute, your Assembly, like all national parliaments, has a role and a special responsibility. It is also through you, and with you, that the legitimacy of Europe will be reinforced.

So let's join forces, for the sake of our citizens. Together, we will succeed!

Mr President, Honourable Members,

As Jean Monnet said so appositely: "the roots of the Community are strong now, and they are firmly planted in Europe. They have survived bad seasons, and can survive others. On the surface, appearances change and it is normal that the images of the past fade, that the balance of the world is renewed. Yet when we see the persistence of European sentiment in this evolving context, we cannot doubt the strength of this fundamental movement, which is so in keeping with the various periods in history".

In conclusion, it is a great honour for me to assure you today, in my own name and on behalf of the European Commission, of our attachment and loyalty to the principles and values which were handed down to us by the "founding fathers", the most prominent of whom are your fellow countrymen Jean Monnet and Robert Schuman.

Peace, freedom, democracy and solidarity are more than ever at the heart of the Euro- pean project, a lucid dream which we wish to transform into reality.

Thank you for your attention. Seeing Through The Hallucinations

THIRD HUGO YOUNG MEMORIAL LECTURE, CHATHAM HOUSE LONDON, 16 OCTOBER 2006

Ladies and gentlemen, 111

et me start by saying what an honour it is to be the first non-Briton to be invited to give the Hugo Young Lecture. The first non-Briton but not, I hope, the L first European. And Britain’s place in Europe is what I would like to explore today. I will argue that we must set aside what Hugo Young called ‘the hallucinations, both positive and negative, that have driven the British debate for so long’. The time has come to recast the whole framework of this debate to take account of the new realities of the 21st century.

////

Europe’s raison d’être was crystal clear from the beginning. It was not the common market. It was not the CAP. It was certainly not some plot ‘blessed’ or not, created by foreigners for the sole purpose of eroding the sovereignty of the United Kingdom, or indeed any other country.

No. Its fundamental raison d’être was a noble one, and Robert Schuman, in his declaration of 9 May 1950, made sure everyone knew it. It’s there in the very first sentence: ‘World peace cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it.’

The words ‘peace’ and ‘peaceful’ appear no less than five times in this historic declaration of a mere few hundred words. This was not some vague aspiration, an empty declaration. This was a pragmatic, muscular, concrete peace. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Schuman said that pooling the production of coal and steel – the raw materials of war – under a supranational authority, ‘will make it plain that any war between France and Germany becomes not merely unthinkable, but materially impossible.’

Schuman, Jean Monnet and the other founding fathers were right, and their plan worked. Today, the success of this strategy is self-evident. Not only has war between France and Germany indeed become unimaginable, but thanks to successive enlargements we have spread peace, stability and prosperity across the European continent.

Those enlargements reinforced another rationale for Europe – freedom. That is an argument for Europe which is easily forgotten, but very important to me personally. When I started university in Portugal, I could not buy the books I wanted, or listen to the music I liked. To buy a copy of “Je t´aime” was a prohibited act; not by the police of political correctness but by the government authorities.

Like many of my age, I rebelled against this dull authoritarianism. My generation 112 saw Europe as an inspiration, a destination for those who wanted freedom and democracy. To my generation in Portugal, to those living in the dictatorships of central and southern Europe which the magnetic power of the European Union helped to overthrow, Europe meant, and still means, freedom.

But, for all its triumphs, the European Union has become the victim of its own success.

60 years of peace has meant that the image of Europe as a bastion against war is losing its resonance. 30 years of pluralist democracy in southern Europe is doing the same to the idea of Europe as a source of freedom.

Equally, the freedoms that Europe offers to its citizens – to travel, to study, to work and to live in any EU Member State are now taken for granted; which is understandable, but perhaps unwise. What the member states of the European Union have created, they can easily destroy. To take fundamental freedoms for granted is to put them at risk. We only have to look at what is happening today to freedom of expression and thought to realise that those dangers are there.

So let me turn to the political landscape of today’s Europe. It is one characterised by a basic tension between those who fear the future, who fear the world, and want protection from it, and those who reach out to it. In truth, that is a tension which exists inside each one of us. That tension is played out at a European level in the reactions to the extraordinary changes going on in the world. Should we close, or should we open, our doors to the people, the products, the ideas that come from outside?

My answer is clear. We must have an open Europe. A Europe which is open to each other and to the rest of the world. A Europe which is engaging with the rest of the world, promoting its interests, its ideas and its values beyond its borders. A Europe which is confident enough to promote change in order to sustain its values, its interests, its ambitions. SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS

To achieve an open Europe, we must find a path through two extremes. On one side, ‘market fundamentalists’ reject any European political action as unnecessary med- dling in the business of the nation state or individuals. On the other, ‘statist fundamentalists’ whip up fear of change and see a plot behind every economic action.

Both are wrong. As Hugo Young described in “This Blessed Plot” the European Un- ion was never just a political project or just an economic project. The two go hand- in-hand.

First, Europe needs a strong and open economy to underpin its political ambitions. That is why this Commission’s agenda of jobs and growth is an essential element of a strong Europe, not a distraction from it.

Second, Europe needs a strong political dimension to nurture and sustain its economic achievements. The economic dynamism which this Commission is fighting for will not happen on its own; it needs strong institutions to make it happen. To create, defend and extend the single market, you need the European Commission and the 113 European Court of Justice. You cannot do this without them. If you want an open Europe, you need a political Europe. You will not get one without the other.

But, as I have argued, the European Union needs new foundations. A new core purpose. One which looks forward, recognises new realities, that draws inspiration from but does not depend upon the achievements of the past. One in which, as I said in my first speech as Commission President elect, everyone can find themselves.

And as chance would have it, our purpose is staring us in the face.

In 1950, the challenge was securing a lasting peace. But look at the challenges facing Europe today. Climate change. Growing competition from China and India. Global pandemics. Mass migration. International terrorism. Demographic change. Energy security.

These challenges are shared by all Europeans, from London to Lisbon and Ljubljana. They are also challenges which no nation state can hope to tackle successfully alone. The smaller member states know that. The larger ones may not feel this as strongly. But I think it is true for all EU members, large and small. Size is relative. The United Kingdom looks big next to Ireland. It looks small next to China.

The fact is, the European Union is a uniquely effective instrument for helping the United Kingdom and other European countries to develop solutions to these new, cross-border challenges.

And surely this is the EU’s raison d’être for the 21st century: to help Europeans prosper in a globalised world.

There are those who claim that in our interconnected age, it is grassroots politics that matters. That globalisation has liberated the local. There’s a lot in this. But there are those who then argue that the EU is rendered irrelevant in this globalised world. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

They are wrong. The opposite is true. Globalisation makes the case for the European Union.

Because size matters in the globalised world. The actors of globalisation; the United States, China, India, dwarf any single member of the EU in terms of population, and in some cases in terms of economic size and security strength. The EU has that size; 500 million people, the biggest single market in the world, the biggest exporter in the world, the biggest aid donor in the world.

Yes, countries like the UK will have special relationships with India or China, and it is to the EU’s benefit that they do. But one of the reasons that these countries want to keep good relations with the UK is precisely because it is an influential member of the EU. Lose that influence, and you lose some of that interest.

You also lose the leverage which size brings. Let me take a topical example. On Friday Tony Blair, myself and other EU leaders will sit with President Putin to discuss energy 114 policy. There are common energy challenges which all the EU’s members face, and which the Commission will address with a package of proposals in January. The UK’s influence in tackling those challenges is increased, literally tenfold, by being part of a united European bloc when sitting down with the president of Russia.

In other words, globalisation has reduced the ability of the nation state alone to provide solutions, while failing to provide a realistic alternative at the global level. Europe – with its weight, wealth, shared values, diversity of expertise and unique range of instruments - fills that gap.

This is not to deny an important truth; the nation state is and will, I think, remain the principal source of political power, because it is to the nation state that most Eu- ropeans feel greatest allegiance. But in an era when the challenges facing nation states are global, governments can best deliver for their citizens by leveraging our common strength as Europe.

Let me look at what some of those challenges are.

• Tackling climate change and promoting energy security.

• Fighting global poverty, especially in Africa.

• Boosting Europe’s security.

• Increasing Europe’s ability to compete.

The European balance sheet in all these areas is encouraging.

Take climate change. The EU was the prime mover in the Kyoto Protocol negotiations. It was EU leadership which secured the final agreement on multilateral action to tackle climate change. SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS

Today, the EU Emissions Trading Scheme is a vital instrument to reduce greenhouse gas emissions in a cost effective way. The European Commission designed and proposed the EU Emissions Trading Scheme. We will develop it further. It is exactly the sort of market-based mechanism that British political leaders, across the spectrum, are calling for.

Take energy. The problems faced by the UK - high energy prices, ageing infrastructure, increasing dependency on imported hydrocarbons - are European problems. Having 27 energy mini-markets will get us nowhere.

European problems require European solutions, and as the largest importer and second largest consumer of energy in the world, the EU is well placed to find them. European leaders recognised this at Hampton Court last year when they gave the go ahead to the Commission to develop a common approach to energy policy – a classic example of demand-driven integration.

So the Commission will drive forward consumer choice and competitiveness with 115 a new legislative package to strengthen the energy single market next year. We will build up co-operation with strategically important transit and supply countries. We will extend the principles of the internal energy market beyond the EU’s borders. We will adopt this week an ambitious plan to increase Europe’s energy efficiency. We will invest more in research in renewable and other forms of low carbon energy. Through all this we will encourage greater diversity - of energy sources, of country of origin, of country of transit. It is through energy diversity that we will get energy security.

Now, take Africa and the fight against poverty. Trade is essential to help the poor get out of poverty. It is at the heart of our development strategy. The European Union is the most open market in the world for the poorest countries, and their largest trading partner.

Those who like to complain about Europe’s agricultural policies might be surprised to learn that the European Union buys 85 per cent of all Africa’s agriculture exports. In fact, it imports more goods from Africa than all the other G8 countries combined (you can throw in Australia and New Zealand as well, if you like). By 2009, the 50 poorest countries in the world will be able to export all their goods, apart from arms, duty and quota free. No other major trading bloc can match this.

Collectively, the EU also accounts for 55 per cent of all official development aid spent worldwide – a figure projected to rise to 63 per cent by 2010. It has agreed to double aid by 2010, and to provide 80 per cent of the 50 billion dollars pledged to Africa at the G8 Summit in Gleneagles last year.

In all these areas, our aim is to accelerate Africa’s progress towards meeting the Mil- lennium Development Goals, and keep development at the centre of global concerns. Where it belongs.

There is a human element to this as well. I was in Darfur last week, on my way to co-chair the first ever meeting of the European Commission outside Europe, in Addis IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Ababa – the home of the Commission of the Africa Union. I am amazed at what I have seen in these young people that travel so far to help the people of Africa. I am proud of this Europe, I feel proud to feel European.

Let us look at security. There is a rising demand for a European role in external crises. And the EU is responding. It has doubled the number of peace and security missions in recent years. It is playing a central role in conflict prevention and resolution from Darfur to Palestine, from the Congo to Lebanon.

It is an effective actor because of the range of instruments at its disposal. In Darfur, for example, it is the biggest contributor to humanitarian aid, the main supporter of the African peacekeepers there, and playing a political role in pushing the Sudanese government to avoid another humanitarian catastrophe. The same is true in Congo, further from the eyes of the world’s media. So too in Palestine, or in Indonesia, Acheh or closer to home in Kosovo and Bosnia. This work is raising Europe’s credibility as a stabilizing force, and raising expectations for even greater commitment. It is happen- 116 ing without a great fanfare. But it is happening. It is a major development in Europe’s role. It is a responsibility we shouldn’t duck.

Finally, helping Europe compete. We must unleash the full potential of the single market to generate growth and jobs. That is why this European Commission will defend, extend and modernise the single market.

We have an ambitious agenda. Financial services, health services, postal services, cop- yright levies, and defence procurement are some of the areas that will come under the spotlight in the months to come.

This is important because a competitive single market is a vital ground for sharpening Europe’s industries; to enable them to compete not just in Europe but in the global marketplace. So this Commission will fight hard to ensure that Community law is respected, and that this important playing field remains an open, fair and level one, for all our companies.

Of course, some talk of economic nationalism and patriotism. But I ask you to look at the facts before listening to the comments. European markets are opening up. Energy cross border mergers notified to the Commission are up 75% since 2000. The Com- mission has already looked at ten cross-border energy mergers this year, three more than in the whole of 2005. The rhetoric about protectionism may point one way, but the reality points the other. And, in fact, this rhetoric is resistance. There is resistance because of movement.

So Europe’s agenda, this Commission’s agenda, is not some alien construction; it is one which responds to the challenges being addressed by the UK and by others in Europe.

Let me put it another way. If the United Kingdom wants to tackle climate change; if it wants to fight poverty in Africa; if it wants to deliver greater external security, if it SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS wants a more open, competitive environment, then the United Kingdom needs the European Union.

But, ladies and gentlemen, let us recognise another very important truth. That the EU needs the United Kingdom.

Because what is striking is that in all these policy areas, Britain is a lead player in Europe.

On climate change, for example, the UK’s support was vital for putting the emissions trading scheme in place as quickly as it was. And it will be equally important in its further development.

On energy, the UK is leading the drive for more open markets, more sustainability and greater security.

On security and defence, the UK was there from the beginning, thanks to the An- 117 glo-French St Malo Declaration. Last year you were the biggest contributor of troops to European Security and Defence Policy operations. The British play a significant role within the EU’s military structures. The next head of the EU’s military staff will be British.

On Africa, Prime Minister Blair has shown a clear commitment, making it a priority of the British Presidency of the EU and the G8. Moreover, Britons have taken a lead on Africa at the grassroots level, too. The Make Poverty History campaign was a driving force behind global efforts by civil society to tackle poverty.

Finally, on open economies and competitiveness, the UK was a driving force for the creation of the single market and for the Lisbon agenda, and has been a leader in pushing for open trade; to the benefit of the EU and? I would suggest, the UK.

So the UK is playing a central role. That is good for the EU; and I think good for the UK. The world has changed. Europe has changed too. And the UK now finds itself at the centre of efforts to build a successful, open and global Europe.

Why? Not out of altruism, or because of a vague notion of “influence”, but because you judge that it is in your interest to do so. To pursue British objectives of an open, secure and just world, you need the European Union.

The UK’s role in developing Europe is a vital role and the UK can take pride in its contribution. And yet it sometimes seems reluctant to do so. This may be because of your native modesty. But it will never work as a means of convincing the British public of the need for Europe. You will never persuade people to support an organisation which sometimes you pretend does not exist.

The UK will always have influence in Europe. Its size, its economic power and its international networks will ensure that. So the question is: does the UK want to shape a positive agenda which reflects its own agenda, or be dragged along as a reluctant IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

partner? Does the United Kingdom want to continue to drive from the centre; or return to sulking from the periphery?

The choice is yours.

I spoke a few minutes ago about the role of the UK in the launch of the single market. It is an instructive example. It may seem strange to bring Margaret Thatcher into the Hugo Young lecture about Europe, although he wrote excellent books on both sub- jects. But she accepted, in the Single European Act, the need for effective institutions to drive an ambitious policy agenda. And what was true then remains true now. Eu- rope cannot fight climate change, poverty, threats to security, economic nationalism, without effective institutions. My experience shows that without strong institutions at the centre, even the internal market will be put into question. If you want these ends, then you must have the means to deliver them.

So talk of fulfilling Europe’s new core purpose will come to nothing unless the EU 118 is able to adapt to the new rules of the game. Becoming an effective, global Europe requires improving Europe’s capacity to act. That is why institutional reform is necessary.

The Constitution would have helped. But perhaps the grand finality of the word ‘constitution’ set it up as a hostage to fortune, both to intergovernmentalists who felt it went too far, and to federalists, who felt it did not go far enough. Let us be clear about the label which should be attached to further institutional reform. What Eu- rope needs is a Capacity to Act.

Of course, there is a lot we can do, and have been doing, on the basis of the existing treaties. I do not subscribe to the view that Europe is stuck. I hope the agenda I have just described to you is evidence of that. And I doubt that many will be convinced of the argument that Europe isn’t working, so we need more of it.

But the fact remains that the current set-up is less than optimal. In any event, the Nice Treaty legally obliges us to revise the composition of the Commission as soon as there are 27 Member States - and that day is less than three months away. And finally, the last European Summit set up a process to look at the institutional question in the coming year.

We need this reform. We need this institutional reform for three reasons:

First, we must improve the efficiency of decision-making. As the number of Member States rises, the time it takes to reach a decision increases. Agreement, and action, becomes more difficult to reach. This has to change. There is no point reaching the right policies on globalisation if they arrive 5 years too late.

Second, the distance is growing between Europe and its citizens. Again, that must change. Injecting greater accountability and transparency into Europe’s institutions will help to close that gap. That means letting fresh air into the smoke-filled rooms, SEEING THROUGH THE HALLUCINATIONS and developing a more political way of building Europe, rather than a diplomatic, bureaucratic or technocratic one.

I regard our better regulation agenda as central to that. I agree with those who say that the regulatory burden is too heavy. I am trying to reduce it. But don’t forget that sometimes this extra burden comes not from the Commission, but from the member states; both when they adopt the regulations and when they implement them.

Third, there can be no global Europe without greater external coherence. There is no single number for the United States to call. The EU is not a federal state. But a Euro- pean Foreign Minister, who is simultaneously responsible to the Member States and a Vice-President of the Commission, would go a long way to achieving that coherence. But we must go further than that. We need to join together the combined weight of the Community and inter-governmental forces on external policy. Europe must become more than the sum of its parts.

There is another reason I might add; we need reform to enable enlargement to contin- 119 ue. I do not believe we will be able to get popular support for enlargement, or be able to make the institutions of an enlarged Europe work, without reform. And I want enlargement to continue; that is another reason why we need reform.

But if we are to have further institutional reform, we must have a policy purpose behind it. I have put policies before institutions in this lecture for that very reason; institutions cannot exist in a vacuum – they must work for a purpose. In thinking through Europe’s capacity to act, we need to examine afresh which policy fields require a further pooling of sovereignty, and also examine which require less.

A new institutional settlement for the EU should be seen within the same intellectual framework as the continued reform of existing EU policies. This Commission is already analysing what reforms are needed to the Single Market, what kind of modern social policies Europe needs and how a budget designed for the political priorities of a previous generation can be reformed to serve the needs of the future.

Let me take a moment to talk about the budget. The budget for 2007 to 2013 points in a more forward-looking direction, thanks to the deal brokered under the British Presidency. It is a deal which reduces agricultural spending by 2013, especially on direct support to production. It is a deal which increases spending in areas that reflect Europe’s new agenda – like competitiveness, growth and jobs, innovation and security. And, crucially, it will shift money to where it is most needed; the new member states. They will get 50% of the regional and rural development funds, despite having only around 6% of the EU’s GDP. That is an important investment in Europe’s future; and one which will benefit all in Europe, just as the UK and others have benefited from the economic development of Ireland, Spain and Portugal.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I have tried to show that Europe’s old raison d’être - consolidating peace – must be reinforced by a new sense of purpose. I have tried to show that Europe’s new vocation IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

is to be open, global and engaged, delivering 21st century solutions to 21st century concerns.

It is a vocation which I think the UK shares, and which gives it a central role to play. Europe is also an essential instrument for delivering UK policy objectives. The difference is, this is no longer just a UK agenda. It’s a European agenda. And it requires a European response. With effective institutions. If there was ever a case to argue that the agendas of the UK and the EU were in conflict that is now, quite simply, absurd.

And let us also get off the old debates about sovereignty. There are those who accept that effective action requires something more than just cooperation, and those who think that cooperation without effective sovereignty sharing is enough. I like the answer which Harold Macmillan gave to that question in 1962. He said, “Accession... would not involve a one-sided surrender of sovereignty on our part but a pooling of sovereignty by all concerned...In renouncing some of our sovereignty we would receive in return a share of the sovereignty renounced by other members”. 120 I am passionate about Europe; its values, its culture, its history, its truly extraordinary achievements in the last fifty years. No-one is forced to love Europe. What I ask is that the United Kingdom demands more from Europe, and keeps giving more in return. It is no longer a question of whether people are for or against Europe. Those are the debates of the last century. The question is – do you want to make the European Union work?

I know that Hugo Young’s answer was “yes”. In the years to come, let that voice to be heard louder, not less, in Britain’s political arena.

Thank you. A stronger Europe for a successful globalisation

50TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE TREATIES OF ROME BERLIN, 25 MARCH 2007

Mrs Merkel, Excellencies, 121

oday we are marking half a century of European union. We have every reason to celebrate, and we are doing so in Berlin, the capital of the united Germany. T Right from the start, Germany has been a reliable driving force in this united Europe. Today’s European Union - our enlarged Europe - would not have been possible without Germany’s commitment and solidarity.

Berlin is thus a symbol of the new, united Europe. The fact that these 27 Member States are here celebrating in Berlin today is in itself symbolic of this free and united Europe. Just 20 years ago, this would still have been unthinkable.

As we celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome, the past and the future meet. Let us first recognise 50 years of achievement. Peace, liberty and prosperity, beyond the dreams of even the most optimistic founding father of Europe. In 1957 15 of our 27 members were either under dictatorship or were not allowed to exist as independent countries. Now we all are prospering democracies.

The EU of today is around 50 times more prosperous and with 3 times the population of the EC of 1957.

This enlarged European Union gives us not just economic but also political and strategic dimension. This dimension makes each member state stronger, amplifies each of our voices.

Size matters in today’s world. Together we can achieve results we could never dream of alone, tackling the challenges of the globalised world: climate change, energy security, terrorism and organized crime, mass migration, a more competitive economic environment and global poverty. The conflicts of the twentieth century made us small, European unity can give our greatness back. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Here, let me be clear. My vision of Europe is not one where only European institutions promote unity and Member States defend diversity. A real partnership is where European Institutions respect diversity and national governments promote unity. That’s why we need the community method and subsidiarity.

Our unity is based on deep ties: common roots and common values. It is those values that make us a Community and a Union, not just a market. The triumph of the last 50 years has been the triumph of those values in Europe, of freedom and solidarity, delivered through a Community of law. Our challenge for the next 50 years is to propose, but not to impose, those values beyond Europe’s borders. This is the unfinished European adventure.

To complete our unfinished adventure requires not just scale and values. It requires something from each of us, as leaders. Political will. As Robert Schuman put it: “Il n’est plus question de vaines paroles, mais d’un acte, d’un acte hardi, d’un acte con- structif.” 122 First, “European Union” is not a “foreign power” invading our countries; it is our common project. Europe is not “them”, it is “us”. It is tempting, but it is not honest for national politicians to take all the credit and give “Brussels” all the blame. Let us resist that temptation. This is the ethic of European responsibility which we must all share.

Second, the political will to be open, not closed, to be brave, not frightened. To have the courage of our vision to shape globalisation with our values.

Third, the will to give Europe the capacity to act. A Europe of results demands efficient, democratic and coherent institutions. We must equip the European Union for globalisation.

This is the kind of historical test that a generation of political leaders faces once in their lifetime. So let me finish with an appeal. Let’s work together: European Com- mission, European Parliament, Member States and European citizens, to take the great legacy we received from our founding fathers into the 21st century. Together, I believe we can win: Europa gelingt gemeinsam.

Thank you. The Treaty of Lisbon: a treaty for 21st century Europe

SIGNATURE OF THE TREATY OF LISBON LISBON, 13 DECEMBER 2007

isbon, so often the meeting point between Europe and the world, is today the 123 place where Europeans meet among themselves, and the Treaty of Lisbon is the L result of this meeting. In this old continent, a new Europe is being born; a Eu- rope enlarged to 27 Member States, reunited in freedom and democracy. In resolving its institutional issues, Europe is preparing to tackle global problems.

A long time has passed since Europe was the centre of the world. Moreover, it is doubtful that the modern world even has a real centre. Yet, if we match the capacity to act which the Treaty of Lisbon confers on us with a political will to act, Europe will be better placed than any other country or group of countries to propose – rather than impose – global solutions which the world urgently needs.

By signing the Treaty of Lisbon, we are bringing to an end six years of negotiations on our institutions. I wish to applaud the commitment of all the governments and of the European Parliament during the Intergovernmental Conference. The Commission, true to its role of defender of the general European interest, is also proud of the impetus it has lent to this process.

Allow me to highlight the exceptional contribution of the German Presidency of the Council which, following the Berlin Declaration, garnered the political will of the Member States in support of the Intergovernmental Conference's mandate, and the competence and determination of the Portuguese Presidency of the Council, which made this Treaty of Lisbon possible.

In order to achieve this result, all governments had to demonstrate political courage and I would invite you to show the same determination during the ratification period.

It is particularly important to draw attention to the added value of the Treaty and the efficiency gains it brings to our decision-making process, the increased democracy it affords our institutions and the potential for greater coherence it represents for our external action. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Now is the time to move forward. Europe must face many challenges, both external and internal, and our citizens want results. Globalisation is the common denominator for all these challenges.

If we are to ensure that Europeans enjoy prosperity and social justice, freedom and security, the European Union must be able to take decisive action on the world stage.

If we are to have an international order built on open and fair societies and economies, collective security, good governance, human rights and sustainable development to guarantee our planet's future, in particular in face of the major challenge of climate change, the European Union must have adequate tools to shape globalisation.

If we are to have strategic relationships with our partners and the means to firmly defend our interests in our relations with other great powers, the European Union must be strong and united. As the great poet Fernando Pessoa said in 1917, “Europe is thirsting to be created and hungry for the future”. He added “Europe wants to de- 124 velop from a mere geographical designation into a civilised person”.

The Treaty of Lisbon will reinforce the Union’s capacity to act and the ability to achieve those goals in an effective way. As such, it will help the Union to deliver better results to European citizens.

The Treaty of Lisbon will also strengthen European democracy and the community method, by giving more competences to the European Parliament, but will also reinforce the respect for subsidiarity through an increased role of national parliaments in European matters.

The Treaty of Lisbon will give further legal protections to European citizens through the Charter of Fundamental Rights, thus reinforcing the principles and values which define us as a “community of law”.

The Treaty of Lisbon will also provide increased coherence in our external action. A good illustration of this is the fact that the High Representative will also be Vice-Pres- ident of the Commission.

But the Treaty of Lisbon also has a very special political significance. It is the Treaty of an enlarged Europe from the Mediterranean to the Baltic, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Black sea. A Europe that shares common values and common ambitions. For the first time, the countries that were once divided by a totalitarian curtain, are now united in support of a common Treaty that they had themselves negotiated.

The enlarged European Union gives us a new economic, political and strategic dimension. This dimension makes each Member State stronger. And it makes Europe, united in its diversity, better equipped to promote its interests and values in the world.

But dimension is not enough. We need increased coherence, which can only be achieved if we are able to match the new capacity to act with a renewed political will. THE TREATY OF LISBON: A TREATY FOR 21ST CENTURY EUROPE

The Treaty of Lisbon gives the Union this capacity to act. But the determination to act requires political will and committed leadership.

Fifty years after the Treaty of Rome, we can be proud of what we have achieved in the past. Today, as we sign the Treaty of Lisbon, we can be confident about what we will achieve in the future.

Let us now work together – European institutions, Member States – to make freedom, prosperity and solidarity a reality for the everyday life of European citizens.

125

Political guidelines for the Commission 2009 – 2014

A MESSAGE TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT BRUSSELS, 3 SEPTEMBER 2009

e live in extraordinary times. The crisis that we face is not just a financial 127 or an economic crisis. It is also a crisis for the values of our societies. At W the same time, it shows to what extent the world of the 21st century has become interdependent. It confirms what may become fundamental changes in the relations and the balances between world powers.

This is why we need a far-reaching reflection about the kind of society we want to live in.

For Europe, this is a moment of truth. Europe has to answer a decisive question. Do we want to lead, shaping globalisation on the basis of our values and our interests – or will we leave the initiative to others and accept an outcome shaped by them?

The alternatives are clear. A stark choice has to be made. Either Europeans accept to face this challenge together – or else we slide towards irrelevance.

I am convinced that Europe can, and should, together with our partners, provide globalisation with the leadership it needs. In order to play its proper role, Europe must take the acknowledgement of global interdependence as the starting point of its own “declaration of interdependence”. Combining the dimension of its internal market with the joint forces of the European institutions and of its 27 Member States, the European Union has the critical mass to project our values and to defend our interests. And the European Union is particularly well-suited to take up this task because of our experience in establishing supranational rules and institutions. The European Union has had almost 60 years as a laboratory for cross border supranational cooperation, making it a natural champion of global governance.

The Lisbon Treaty, which I hope will soon be ratified, will give us the institutional capacity to act. But facing these challenges is also a question of political will. This is not the time for business as usual or for routine – what we need is a transformational agenda. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

More than ever, this requires a strong European Union. But let me be clear: this does not mean more centralisation of powers in Brussels. The Lisbon Treaty and the principles of subsidiarity and solidarity it enshrines determine the proper level for efficient delivery.

What needs to be recognized is that the European dimension, the European spirit, the European culture in decision-making at all levels, the Community method are decisive to use Europe’s assets to achieve the best results for citizens. To productively deploy our economic and commercial leverage. From the internal market and the Euro to the cohesion policy.

Europe has managed to develop a social market economy and a model of society that surpasses the destructive dichotomy of unregulated markets or over-powerful states. Our common history and experience show that the answers to today’s challenges do not lie in the market alone, or in the state alone. They must come from society so that they can respond to people’s needs. We must put human dignity at the heart of our 128 endeavours. A values based approach provides the right foundation for the pragmatic task of delivering solutions for our citizens. European policies must be policies aimed at results for the citizens. This is the way to close the gap between the reality of Euro- pean integration and people’s perceptions.

It is obvious that the short-term priority must be the successful exit from the crisis, sustaining demand and stemming the rise in unemployment. This means implementing the European Economic Recovery Programme with vigour, keeping interest rates low, returning banks to viability, and using our state aid rules to support governments in their efforts to revitalise the economy without adverse effects in other Member States – all of this as part of an overall coordinated European strategy. It is too early to withdraw the stimuli and support measures to the economy and the financial sector.

Under the present circumstances, employment is clearly the number one concern. It is essential to use all possible instruments to hold back further job losses and to help those who now find themselves unemployed. Given the uncertainties which people are facing at this moment, we need a new, much stronger focus on the social dimension in Europe at all levels of decision making. At the same time, an effective and responsible reform of financial markets must be implemented swiftly, so as to re-centre markets on the ethical basis essential for both success and legitimacy.

But to lay the foundations for a more sustainable future, we must already look beyond the short term. Setting the priorities for Europe in a ten year horizon will allow us to define better the work the Commission should do in the next five years. Such a framework will help us to make the right decisions for the longer term, guiding our decisions on how and where to invest now in the deep and innovative changes needed to sustain the European model of society and to succeed in an increasingly competitive world.

We already have several of the ingredients in the different strategies and instruments the EU has developed in recent years. What I propose is to bring the different strategies and instruments together, adapting them where necessary. In particular, we need POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 to revise the current Lisbon strategy to fit the post 2010 period, turning it into a strategy for an integrated vision of “EU 2020”.

This strategy for the “EU 2020” will comprise a more convergent and coordinated approach for the reform of Europe’s economies through investment in new sources of growth. This means boosting research, development and innovation. This means upgrading of skills as the basis for more employment. This means more competitiveness and less administrative burden to strengthen our industrial base, a modern service sector and a thriving rural economy. This means closing the “missing links” in the internal market to realize its full potential. This means action against climate change and for energy security to make our economies and societies sustainable. This means deploying the networks of the future, be it broadband or a new European supergrid for electricity and gas. And this means securing sound public finances. I want a strategy for concrete action – which this paper details further – to deliver the kind of inclusive and sustainable social market economy we want to live in.

The basis for the strategy is our commitment to open and sound markets. Internally, 129 it is based on a staunch defence of the internal market, and the competition and state aid rules, which provide a level playing field guaranteeing access and opportunity for all, irrespective of size or might – namely consumers and SMEs. Externally, it is based on the rejection of all forms of economic protectionism, whilst defending the Euro- pean interest firmly and without being naïve.

I have a passion for Europe. For me, the European project goes much further than its economic dimension. It is based on the values of peace, freedom, justice and solidarity, and it must mean advancing people’s Europe. The European Union offers its citizens rights, protection and opportunities in the marketplace and beyond. And it helps to bring people together, using Europe’s cultural diversity as a powerful channel to communicate. The principles of free movement and equal treatment for EU citizens must become a reality in people’s everyday lives.

Moving ahead in this way, Europe can promote its values and interests not only in her immediate neighbourhood. Europe can become a true partner in leadership on the global scale. At the multilateral level, in the UN context, with our partners in the G8 and the G20. By engaging with emerging economies and calling them to take on increased responsibility. And Europe can credibly champion the cause of human rights and of development, notably in the fight against poverty in Africa.

To accomplish this, we need a more political Europe. This requires a special partnership of the two European institutions “par excellence” – the Commission and the European Parliament. We hold a joint responsibility for the common European good: it is when we work together, when we have a clear consensus on our vision for Europe, that we can best realise our ambitions for the transformational agenda that the Europe of tomorrow demands of us. I set out in broad terms my vision for Europe for the next five years in a letter to the Members of the European Council in June. In the days to come, I will meet with the different political groups ahead of the debate and vote in the plenary of the EP. This is why I have decided to expand on this vision IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

and to set out not only the policy objectives and ideas that I think should inspire our partnership for the next five years, but also my convictions and beliefs.

This document does not aim at being exhaustive. It is not a Commission work programme. That will have to wait for a new College. The initiatives put forward should be read not as a catalogue, but as illustrations of the political guidelines on which I would like to build a consensus among all pro-European forces. It aims to give all of you – those who have worked with me over the past five years, and those elected to the Parliament for the first time – a direct insight into my ambition for Europe. Should I be approved by the European Parliament on the basis of this vision, I would work with the incoming Commissioners to develop the guidelines set out in this text into the more detailed programme. My first mandate was about consolidating Europe at 27. The enlarged European Union now gives us a springboard to use our reach and strength to best effect. We are now in a position to move on with conviction and determination to a new phase of ambition. If I am reconfirmed by the European Parliament, I will redouble my efforts to do everything possible to make an ambitious 130 Europe happen. I will use the powers of the Commission to the full. I will take the special partnership with the European Parliament to a new level, to ensure that the two Institutions at the heart of the European project together pull their weight for a prosperous, secure and sustainable Europe – a Europe of freedom and solidarity.

J.M.B.

“Nos pays sont devenus trop petits pour le monde actuel à l’échelle des moyens techniques modernes, à la mesure de l’Amérique et de la Russie d’aujourd’hui, de la Chine et de l’Inde de demain.”4 (Jean Monnet, 1954)

“Et la Communauté elle-même n’est qu’une étape vers les formes d’organisation du monde de demain.”5 (Jean Monnet, “Mémoires”, 1976)

“The twentieth century — America’s Century — had seen Europe plunge into the abyss. The old continent’s recovery had been a slow and uncertain process. In some ways it would never be complete: America would have the biggest army and China would make more, and cheaper, goods. But neither

4 “Our countries have become too small for the present-day world, for the scale of modern technology and of America and Russia today, or China and India tomorrow.” 5 “The Community… is only a stage on the way to the organised world of tomorrow.” POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

America nor China had a serviceable model to propose for universal emulation. In spite of the horrors of their recent past — and in large measure because of them — it was Europeans who were now uniquely placed to offer the world some modest advice on how to avoid repeating their own mistakes. Few would have predicted it sixty years before, but the twenty-first century might yet belong to Europe.” (Tony Judt, “Postwar: A History of Europe since 1945”, 2007)

The Europe I believe in 131 The world is at a turning point. So is Europe. Our action now will determine the vitality of the European model of society for future generations. It will determine how much influence we have in shaping a new world order, how well we use our assets to assert Europe’s interests and values in the age of globalisation. The European Union now has 50 years of experience in how to successfully promote rights, prosperity and solidarity for Europeans. We have, sometimes painfully, learned how to manage interdependence in Europe – we now need to bring this experience in a united Eu- ropean response to the global level. These are no ordinary times. What Europe needs is a transformational agenda. Only by working together can Europe have the critical mass needed. We face a choice: either we collectively shape the new order, or Europe will become irrelevant.

This is of course not the first time Europe has had to reinvent itself: it started out as a peace project, aimed at healing a war-torn continent in the 1950s. With the 1960s and 1970s, it transformed into a project for economic prosperity, and became a freedom project for those Europeans still outside. For my generation, Europe was a beacon of freedom and democracy, the very embodiment of the political and social rights that people aspired to while still living under oppressive dictatorships. I experienced first-hand the capacity of the European project to surpass the aspirations and expectations of Europeans, and I know that this is an experience I share with many of you.

I know that these days it is fashionable to speculate about Europe’s decline. I take a radically different view. I am convinced that now is Europe’s moment, Europe’s opportunity. I want to rekindle a passion for Europe, a new pride and feeling of con- nection between the EU and its citizens, based on my conviction that the EU with its social market economy is the route to a better future for us, our children and for the wider world. I want to make my contribution to helping Europe to realise its full promise, and to shape a future where Europe exploits its full potential as the leading force for progress in a challenging world. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

… is a Europe of ambition, defending and promoting the European interest with vigour

The Europe I believe in is a Europe that:

• puts opportunity, responsibility and solidarity at the heart of a social market economy. An open, competitive, and prosperous Europe which uses the full potential of our internal market and of the euro; which fosters an advanced and high-value added industrial base, and nurtures excellence in our services sector; which promotes the development of our agricultural sector; and which helps create more and better jobs for our citizens;

• invests in its future: in modern infrastructure, in research and development, in innovation, in developing our skills base. A Europe committed to the radical transformation towards a knowledge-based society;

132 • leads our economies out of the current crisis, and paves the way for smarter, greener and more sustainable growth, promoting economic and social cohesion and ensuring long term fiscal sustainability;

• keeps world leadership in fighting climate change and promoting energy security, while helping European technology and European companies to pioneer the development of a low carbon economy;

• refuses all forms of economic protectionism but is clear in its determination to protect and promote the European interest worldwide;

• continues to lead the drive towards effective regulation and supervision of global financial markets, shaping globalisation with our own values, respecting ethical principles and promoting higher social and environmental standards worldwide; which acts as a champion for the promotion of human rights and development and speaks loud and clear, with one voice, in the world scene.

In short, a Europe of responsibility and action, where citizens can exercise their rights in an environment of justice, freedom and security.

… is a Europe of values

I have a passion for Europe. It is far more than just a market – its achievements inspire pride, its potential rouses the imagination. It is a Community of values, founded on human dignity, freedom, equality, and solidarity. As the world around us changes, these values come under pressure – from changes in society as well as from scientific and technological development. I believe in a Europe that gives every man and woman the freedom and security to develop their potential to the full, free from dis- crimination. A Europe that celebrates diversity as a major asset and ensures that every human being is treated with the same dignity. A Europe that is proud of its cultural and linguistic heritage, that protects and promotes its diversity as the essence of our POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

identity, the foundation of the values we stand for and the basis on which we engage with the rest of the world.

Solidarity is a cornerstone for European society and its social market economy. When Portugal joined the EU in 1986, I saw at first hand that solidarity in action, helping my country to accelerate its social and economic development and use its potential to the full. We need to continue to give practical expression to solidarity in its different dimensions: political, as we did in the Russia/Ukraine gas crisis; economic, as we do through cohesion policy; and social, where I proposed both the Globalisation Adjust- ment Fund and the Food Facility, and fought for their passage into law.

Our interdependence, inside Europe and worldwide, has never been clearer. Tackling climate change, putting sustainable energy policies in place, helping our societies to face demographic change, rebuilding the world financial system, tackling the scourge of poverty: in today’s complex world, we will only make progress if we join forces. That means we all have the responsibility to play our part: EU Institutions, Member States, civil society – at home and abroad. 133

… and is a Europe that puts people at the heart of the agenda

Europe’s raison d’être is to empower Europeans, to protect their rights and to foster social progress. In the age of globalisation, these tasks can no longer be fulfilled solely by national governments. The EU represents a real plus for Europeans as they try to build a better future, and allows them to shape the world we live in with confidence. In the past, I think the EU Institutions and the Member States have often failed to make clear what European action means concretely for citizens: how do Europeans benefit from the Single Market, from market opening and regulation in energy or telecoms, from competition policy or from structural funds? What exactly are the rights of Europeans as students, workers, businesspeople or consumers? In short, I want the European policy agenda to be built much more clearly around the rights and the needs of Europeans.

Rights and obligations only become a reality when those concerned have easy access to them. I believe the Commission, the European Parliament and the Member States need to put aside time and attention to defining, communicating and enforcing these rights. The Lisbon Treaty, if ratified, will give new opportunities to make this objective a reality.

I have always preferred, and I will always prefer, solid achievements over empty rhetoric. That is how Europe has been constructed – not on castles in the air but on the solid foundations of the basic values which are at the heart of the European Union.

Policy guidelines for the next Commission

The challenges Europe faces are enormous…

This is a time of transformation, a time for the EU to seize the opportunity to find fresh answers to new questions and to use its underlying strengths in new ways. We IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

must act jointly to build a sustainable recovery. People are worried about the future, for themselves and their families. Just continuing with the same policies will not suffice – we need a new approach to provide solutions that work – and last. Only an integrated EU-wide strategy can set Europe on course for a return to strong and sustainable economic growth and employment creation, to the benefit of its citizens.

I see five key challenges confronting Europe today:

1. Restarting economic growth today and ensuring long-term sustainability and competitiveness for the future. GDP is forecast to decrease in the EU by around 4% this year. It is clear that global growth will not return to pre-crisis levels for some time – if at all. Those growth rates – and the economic model behind them – were simply not sustainable. Recovery will require a different approach from the past.

2. Fighting unemployment and reinforcing our social cohesion. While 18 million jobs were created between 1997 and 2007, the crisis has brought job losses across 134 the EU, with the added risk of increased social problems such as rising poverty. Between 2007 and 2010, the number of unemployed people in the EU is likely to have increased by more than 8 million. These are exceptional times: we need a new, much stronger focus on the social dimension in Europe, at all levels of government. Immediate action will be required to fight unemployment today, but also to look ahead to those facing long-term structural barriers to employment, such as the young and low skilled. At the same time, we need to remember the needs of our ageing population and the most vulnerable in our society. This is the only way for us to ensure strong social cohesion as the hallmark of the European model of society.

3. Turning the challenge of a sustainable Europe to our competitive advantage. The EU has shown leadership in international environmental negotiations in areas such as climate change and biodiversity. We have set binding targets for reducing our greenhouse gas emissions by 2020. Now we need to show how fighting climate change can help to modernise our economies, how it offers the right platform to reap the benefits from technological leadership.

4. Ensuring the security of Europeans. The fight against terrorism, international crime and human trafficking is a battle we must win. The current crisis creates additional risks, increasing the danger of a rise in extremism, exploiting social and ethnic tensions. A secure Europe also means a Europe confident in its supply of energy, food and other raw materials, in the face of increasing international competition.

5. Reinforcing EU citizenship and participation. Revitalising the link between the peoples of Europe and the EU will make it both more legitimate and more effective. Empowering citizens to be involved in decisions affecting their lives, including by ensuring transparency on how they are taken, will help to achieve these aims. This means that the rights of European citizens must have real effect: citizens today should not find that they still face obstacles when they move across borders within the EU.

Europe must work together on these issues. They cannot be solved solely by Member States. But working together, we can succeed. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

… but so are the assets we can build on

I have every confidence in Europe’s ability to succeed by building on our strengths and remaining true to our values.

• We are a continent of stable democracies, with the largest transnational democratic system in the world.

• We are a community with the rule of law and strong institutions.

• We have a tried and tested social market economy. We have a wealth of human talent, underpinning world class manufacturing, agriculture and services.

• We have a sophisticated single market which has proved its resilience in the tough- est of circumstances and has consolidated its position as the key driver for European growth. 135 • We have a single currency which has proved an anchor of stability and can continue to grow in importance.

• We have well developed Community policies that allow us to share experience, exploit economies of scale and to accelerate economic and social cohesion across all our regions.

• We have made a success of enlargement which has made us stronger at home and abroad.

• We have strong standing in the world: partners from across the globe are looking to the EU for inspiration and leadership.

The current crisis, by showing that we have reached unprecedented levels of global interdependence, has highlighted a particular asset of the EU. No region of the world can match the EU’s experience of setting transnational standards and running transnational institutions. This makes us a natural champion for the global governance the world now needs.. I am convinced that if we seize this moment of change, we can propose to the global community some solutions which will answer the challenge of interdependence in the 21st century.

Setting our priorities in a longer term perspective: a vision for EU 2020

The next months and years will determine how quickly and strongly we will recover from the crisis and how much influence we have in shaping a new world order. In order to set the right priorities for the next Commission, we need to take a longer perspective. We have already fixed 2020 as the date for delivery of our ambitious climate change and energy targets. Setting the priorities for Europe in a ten year horizon will allow us to define better the work the Commission should do in the next five years. A longer term framework will help us to make the right decisions on how and where to IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

invest now in the deep and innovative changes needed to deliver a transformational agenda for tomorrow’s EU. With the right vision for the EU in 2020, we can harness Europe’s talents and assets, and reinvigorate the inclusive social market economy that is the hallmark of the European way of life.

We already have several of the ingredients in the different strategies and instruments the EU has developed in recent years – the Lisbon strategy for growth and jobs, the renewed social agenda, the Stability and Growth Pact, competition and state aid policy, the Sustainable Development Strategy, our climate change and energy strategy, the European Research Area, the Hague and now the Stockholm programmes.

But each of these was developed separately: they do not offer a holistic view of the kind of society we want to build for the future. What I propose is to channel these different strategies and instruments, adapting them where necessary, to deliver the kind of inclusive and sustainable social market economy we all want to live in. We need to revise the current Lisbon strategy to fit the post 2010 period, turning it into a 136 strategy for convergence and co-ordination to deliver on this integrated vision of EU 2020. This will require both immediate and longerterm action:

• Making a successful exit from the crisis

• Leading on climate change

• Developing new sources of sustainable growth and social cohesion

• Advancing a people’s Europe

• Opening a new era for Global Europe

We need urgent action on all these now, so that results start to flow quickly, even if some will take longer than others to come to fruition.

Making a successful exit from the crisis

… requires a vigorous and coordinated EU wide economic strategy

European and national policies under the European Economic Recovery Plan have been crucial in restoring a measure of confidence more quickly than many expected. Confidence is starting to recover, lending is starting to flow. Interest rates are at his- torically low levels.

Europe has intervened on a massive scale. The huge budgetary effort of European governments will inject up to 6% of GDP into our economy in 2009- 2010. In line with Commission guidelines, guarantees and recapitalisation programmes are stabilising the banks, with the Commission having now approved some €3.6 trillion in state aid for the financial sector since October last year, almost a third of EU GDP. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

This has not been designed to bail out bankers, but to avoid economic meltdown, protect savings and prevent job losses. The Commission accelerated structural fund payments of €11 billion, and proposed a €5bn investment programme for innovative energy projects and broadband in rural areas. We also re-programmed the European Social Fund to keep people in work with training or retraining and widened access to the European Globalisation Fund. We doubled the ceiling for balance of payments support to Member States outside the euro zone to € 50 billion.

The EU’s core economic assets – the single market and the euro – have weathered the storm and protected Europeans from the worst. It was Europe that set the agenda for global action in the G20 to stabilise financial markets, giving more resources to the International Monetary Fund and revamping financial regulation.

The priority now is to continue to sustain demand and stem the rise in unemployment. This means implementing the European Economic Recovery Programme with vigour, keeping interest rates low, and using our state aid rules to support governments in their efforts to revitalise the economy without adverse effects in other Mem- 137 ber States. It is too early to withdraw these stimulus and support measures to the economy and the financial sector, but an exit strategy must be prepared. The room for further stimulus to demand in the EU is very limited, as a further, generalised fiscal expansion could meet with adverse reactions from the financial markets. At the same time, there must be no contradiction between the short-term measures taken today and the long-term sustainability and competitiveness of the European economy.

Most Member States in the EU will have an excessive deficit this year. This is due to cyclical reasons, discretionary action and, in some cases, both. Excessive deficits must be corrected, in a determined and intelligent way, in keeping with the revised Stability and Growth Pact. The Commission will analyse carefully the right timing for the deadline needed to correct each excessive deficit, with different deadlines for different Member States – for example, balance of payments assistance means some Member States need to act particularly quickly. Overall it will take time to bring the deficits below 3% of GDP.

This will require broader and deeper budgetary surveillance by the Commission, including the quality of public finances: a typical example of where it is in the interests of all to see economic policy coordination taken a step further. Under my leadership, the Commission will use the full range of possibilities in the Treaty to strengthen the convergence of objectives and the coherence of the effects of economic policy, particularly in the euro area. Enhanced coordination will be central to a successful exit strategy. The wide range of existing Community policies can also be used to foster greater policy co-ordination. For example, the Commission has been reviewing its state aids policy to ensure that subsidies are well targeted on Community objectives such as the promotion of research and development, environmentally friendly technologies and the development of new skills. It will continue to ensure that this is done in ways that provide a level playing field across the EU: the exit from the crisis will only be successful if we keep a strong single market at the heart of our strategy. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

The timing of the exit strategy should also be coordinated at the global level. The full role now played by the Commission in the G20 as well as in the G8 gives it a springboard to help shape decisions at the global level. It will reassure markets that the recent increase in government debt will be reversed; while also ensuring that a premature exit does not put recovery at risk.

… stemming the rise in unemployment

Unemployment is a personal drama - it also affects the whole of our society. Com- munities, households and individuals across Europe are facing great hardship or uncertainty as unemployment rises. It is essential to use all possible instruments to hold back further job losses and to help those who now find themselves unemployed. Europe cannot afford the social and economic cost of failing to use our human talent, our prize asset; and it cannot fail to respond to the anxiety felt by so many of our fellow Europeans. The Commission has an important role to play – even if most of 138 the competences for employment policy lie with Member States. We can bring the leverage of the EU budget into play, as we have done in adapting the European Social Fund; we can help national actions to take the EU dimension fully into account; we can use our power to bring expertise together to promote good solutions and practices and find new ways of dealing with unemployment and creating new jobs. Good examples of the positive role the Commission can play here are our proposals to adapt EU funding rules to today’s pressing needs, for example by supporting short time working combined with retraining as a way of keeping people in work during the crisis and upgrading their skills so they are ready for the upturn. Our recent work on establishing Community principles on flexicurity to be implemented through national pathways has provided a positive framework to build for the future.

So the EU must step up still further its help to give people the skills they need. But if these skills are to secure jobs for people into the future, with more high quality jobs, the training needs to be well targeted. We need to work already on a significantup - grading of skills and quality of education, including much wider take up of lifelong learning. Work gives dignity to people and vitality to communities. Education helps people realise their potential. We can meet and even go beyond our 70% employment target by giving people the skills they need to remain competitive, and by preparing them through high quality traineeships and apprenticeships. Millions of new jobs can be created, with big growth potential for “green jobs” and “white jobs” (in health care and social services for children and the elderly). We can start making this happen by mapping the skills needed for the future and using EU programmes to help Member States to equip people with the necessary education and skills.

… and a new generation of responsible financial regulation

Europe must exit from the current crisis confident that it has a more ethical, robust and responsible financial system. This requires permanent, coordinated action by the EU and its Member States. Of course, individual governments remain responsible for how they use their taxpayers’ money. But at the European level we can ensure POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

that banks are subject to transparent stress tests, based on common criteria, and that common Commission guidelines govern the work to deal with impaired assets. We need to secure the return of the banks to viability, in the context of an overall coordinated exit strategy. There is a clear role here for the European Commission. Na- tional rescue and recapitalisation plans must not distort the single market. The EU’s competition and state aid rules provide a guarantee of viable solutions that do not discriminate against healthy institutions or between Member States. Tough decisions might have to be taken as regards the size and business model of restructured banks. As the process of reshaping the banking system in Europe continues, the Commission will ensure that we have a level playing field not only between European banks, but also vis-à-vis external competitors which benefited from significant help from their domestic taxpayers.

We must also complete the new era in regulation of financial markets to prevent a repeat of the crisis. This means the full adoption and implementation of the Commis- sion proposals on regulation of capital requirements, hedge funds and private equity, rules on remuneration, rating agencies, and deposit guarantees. We must also improve 139 crisis management systems: . European Deposit Protection System that would insure deposits in cross-border Institutions would re-establish confidence. I also envisage the Commission coming forward with ambitious legislation to regulate derivatives in 2010.

An effective European system offinancial supervisionis essential to restore confidence. We need full and swift implementation of the legislation inspired by the report I commissioned from the de Larosière Group, to maintain the current momentum for reform and as a key signal to our international partners that Europe is determined to act. The next Commission will have to review the results to ensure that our ambitions are met.

Leading on climate change

The crisis struck just as Europe was taking historic decisions on climate change. The Commission’s ambitious 2008 proposals agreed by the European Parliament and the Member States were an acknowledgement that Europe had embraced the fight against climate change and is determined to ensure its future energy security. European society now accepts this as a central challenge for decades to come.

The economic and financial crisis and the scientific evidence of climate change have shown us that we need to invest more in sustainability. But this is not just about doing the right thing for the future of the planet – Europe stands to benefit enormously from investing in new low carbon technologies for future jobs and growth. Fighting climate change and the move towards a low carbon economy provide huge opportunities and will enhance our energy security.

This has given Europe the strength to lead on climate change: not just to agree binding targets but to approach the climate change negotiations in Copenhagen this year with a clear vision of how the global community can address the problem it faces, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

and a clear commitment to climate finance for developing countries. Implementation of this vision and commitments both within Europe and worldwide will be a major challenge for the next Commission.

We have already begun to show that the EU can create new jobs and new industries through low carbon technologies. First-mover advantages can be gained by exploiting the potential of EU environmentally-friendly industries, services and technology through fostering their uptake by enterprises, especially SMEs, and designing the appropriate regulatory environment. An industrial base which is modernised to use and produce environmental-friendly technologies and which exploits the potential for energy efficiency is the key to sustainable growth in Europe.

We need to start working now on a radical pathway to reaching a far more sustainable Europe by 2020. We have the political will to do this, now we need to find the right mix of regulation, technological development and funding to make it happen. This means finding ways to transform our energy supply in a well regulated EU internal 140 market, to use our energy much more efficiently, to recognise the true cost of carbon emissions. Technology is critical to this, and we must do more to exploit the potential of research and development on a European scale. But we must do far more than this: we must work together to find ways to smooth the path of change for our societies, to stimulate businesses, public authorities and citizens to seize the chance and to take the leap to the sustainable future we need.

The next Commission needs to maintain the momentum towards a low emission economy, and in particular towards decarbonising our electricity supply and the transport sector – all transport, including maritime transport and aviation, as well as the development of clean and electric cars. Decarbonising electricity supply and transport will also bring additional benefits in terms of security of energy supply.

This work is not just about lessening our future impact on our climate. We also need to deal with the legacy of past emissions and the climate change that they will inevitably bring. Each and every Community policy will need to be assessed and if necessary adapted in the light of climate change, whether we are talking about water use in agriculture, how to deal with coastal erosion or the implications for fisheries policy. Therefore I intend to launch a major initiative to help the EU anticipate the changes that need to be made so that we can cope with the climate change that is already happening, at the same time as we reduce our emissions for the future. This work will involve marshalling all the necessary scientific and economic data that exists to help the EU to adapt its policies to the challenge of climate change. Here too the EU can lead the search for new solutions to the climate induced problems that we are already beginning to experience.

Boosting the new sources of growth and social cohesion

In the current crisis, part of our economic activity is coming from the stimulus to demand. But we cannot rely forever on short-term stimulus. New sources of growth will have to take up the baton – sources of growth that are sustainable. Sustainability POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 means keeping up the pace of reform, targeting our skills and technology on tomorrow’s competitiveness and tomorrow’s markets; modernising to keep up with social change; and ensuring that our economy can respect the need to protect the European environment, its countryside, its maritime zones, and its biodiversity. This in turn calls for a radical shift in policy making. We need to invest heavily in new skills for the jobs of tomorrow. We need to make technological change and innovation the central theme of how the European economy works. We need to invest in new infrastructure networks for tomorrow’s technologies.

This policy shift must be built on open markets and investment regimes at the service of European interests, with smart regulation for sound markets in the EU and at global level.

Every sector of Europe’s economy will benefit from such an approach – creating new opportunities, and new jobs.

141 … requires a strengthening of Europe’s industrial base

The EU needs a strong industrial base. Our manufacturing sector is driven by huge investments in technology and a highly skilled and creative workforce. Our industry is transformed in ways we could not have imagined ten years ago. We have built new industries on reusing scarce materials. We are producing high tech, low energy solutions to old problems like heating and cooling and helping our climate change goals in a win-win partnership with industry.

In order to ensure that the EU exploits this potential for change and remains an attractive industrial location in 2020, we need a fresh approach to industrial policy, supporting industry, putting the emphasis on sustainability, innovation and the human skills needed to keep EU industry competitive in world markets. I am committed to a policy that continues to remove unnecessary administrative burdens and provide the legal certainty companies need to make the long term investments. The next Commission should seek new ways of giving new dynamism to small and medium size enterprises, by pursuing issues such as late payments, a private company statute and the implementation of public procurement rules inside the EU, and by supporting the efforts of SMEs to internationalise in major growth markets round the world.

… a modern service sector

More than two thirds of Europeans now work in the service sector, providing a huge range of services both locally and across the globe. The reforms to the financial sector will already help Europe to keep its leading role in financial services. The EU’s dom- inance in other services underpinning the economy – such as tourism, logistics, and business services, as well as IT and environmental services – will also remain a core asset. The changes that are taking place in our society will also bring demand for new services and thus new jobs. For example, with the ageing of our population there will be a need for more health and care services. This implies a need to give a boost IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

to the overall development of the social and health services’ sector, for instance by establishing a quality framework for public and social services, thus recognising their importance in the European model of society.

… a thriving rural economy

Europe has a long and proud history as an agricultural producer. Thanks to the efforts of her farmers, a common policy and the investments made in technology, education, research and market development the EU is not only able to feed itself but has become an important agricultural exporter. Agriculture will continue to have an important place in Europe’s future development, not only in ensuring food security, preserving the environment and cherishing the countryside, but also in facing new challenges such as climate change while providing a fair standard of living for farmers. But it needs to adapt. Just as the common agricultural policy has proved able to transform itself in recent years, there is a need to decide on the future needs and role 142 of agriculture and rural development in the EU 2020 vision and to gear public investment and innovation efforts to deliver a thriving rural economy.

… as well as the maritime sector

The current Commission has, for the first time, brought together the different policy strands in an integrated approach to the maritime sector. But more needs to be done to further extend our maritime policy. For example, I want to see Europe make the Motorways of the Sea a reality. Europe should develop maritime spatial planning; integrate maritime surveillance across borders and across countries; and build a marine observation and data network.

This Commission has also launched an important review of the common fisheries policy. On the basis of the consultations which are now underway, the next Com- mission should set out how European fisheries policy can be placed on a sustainable footing.

… a research and innovation revolution for a knowledge society

Europeans have always been pioneers, pushing out the frontiers of knowledge and science, finding new solutions in every generation. We value education and training, recognising that they equip us to achieve our potential and are essential ingredients for a sustainable society. We have already put in place beacons of excellence to help us become a knowledge-based society, like the European Research Council, and launched the European Institute of Innovation and Technology. We have significantly increased the share of the EU budget that is spent on research and innovation and are working with Member States to raise the share of national and private funding in these areas.

The next Commission must take EU Research policy to a new level and make it one of the motors of our sustainable development. The United States draws great benefit POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 from its continental scale in research, from a long tradition of close university-business co-operation and from the ease of movement enjoyed by researchers within and to the US. In contrast, despite its excellence, the European research effort remains fragmented. We need to stretch ourselves to achieve world excellence and to find new ways of combining our resources to make a reality of the European Research Area. I would envisage refocusing on key areas to secure:

• world excellence in basic research. Our future agenda for science driven frontier research, should be set by the scientific community, principally working through the European Research Council;

• more industry-driven applied R&D, in areas ranging from nanotechnologies to space, to bring new, leading edge products and clean technologies to markets and to boost the competitiveness of EU industry;

• new opportunities for researchers, extending exchange programmes like Marie Cu- rie, and attracting world class researchers to the EU; 143

• a bigger focus on spreading R&D capacities to the regions.

We will also need to put much greater emphasis on innovation as a cross cutting way of equipping all sectors of our economy to be more competitive so that they face the future with confidence. Innovation is not just about product development: it is about how our society changes and improves. Innovation is about the way we do business, the way we work, the options we choose as consumers and citizens. The next Com- mission will work to bring together the power of public procurement, a new strategy on intellectual property rights and Community funds and instruments to promote innovation. For example, it will continue to develop its “lead markets” concept, where public authorities facilitate industry-led innovation by creating the conditions for a successful market uptake of innovative products and services in a focused way in areas such as e-health, internal security, eco-innovation and eco-construction.

I also want Europe to develop a new entrepreneurial culture to match the knowledge and innovation society. Europe should aspire to increase by 50% the share of its population involved in entrepreneurial ventures, from less than the 10% today to 15% (US: 14%). To achieve this means not only tackling ‘hard’ factors like access to risk capital and credit, but also ‘soft’ factors, like mindsets, attitudes towards failure, education and providing role models. Entrepreneur support networks and other connections can make sure that good ideas are spread throughout the EU.

… and an employment agenda for a changing workplace

At the same time as we need to adapt skills in the workplace to guarantee decent work and quality jobs for the future, we also face profound changes in the way we work. Developments like teleworking, flexitime, longer active lives, and faster changing job profiles are felt in the daily lives of millions of Europeans. They raise new questions for an employment agenda which must add to workers’ rights: work-life balance (the IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

triangle of leave, childcare and flexible working), working conditions, but also active labour market policies, and flexicurity. We need to make sure that our values of inclu- sion, equity and social justice are carried forward into a new approach. We will not allow basic social rights, such as the right of association or the right to strike, to be undermined. They are fundamental to the European model of society. And if globalisation puts pressure on our competitiveness, our response should never be to lower our standards. Rather we need to make the case to other partners to adopt similar standards, in the interest of their own wellbeing, and to continue to advocate decent work and other standards in all parts of the world.

Working closely with the social partners, we should be moving away from the con- flictual, old fashioned industrial relations model to a more inclusive approach in the workplace, based on employee engagement and quality of work. This needs to be set within a wider framework based on values and our belief in a fairer, more inclusive Europe. Gender equality and eliminating the gender pay gap, diversity, anti-discrimi- nation, equal opportunities, treatment of minorities – these are core values of the EU 144 and closely linked with the broader fundamental human rights agenda.

I want the next Commission to look at these issues in a more integrated manner, looking closely at where the EU’s competences allow it to offer a direct contribution to smoothing the path of change.

… where legal migrants are well integrated

Immigration already plays an important role in the growth of the EU population, helping to bridge gaps in the workforce. At the same time, the management of migration flows will be one of the greatest challenges facing the EU in the coming years.

The next five years should see the development and consolidation of a truecommon immigration policy, set in a long-term vision that emphasises respect for fundamental rights and human dignity.

The next Commission will work to implement solidarity in our responses to these challenges, recognising that this is a common problem that our Member States face:

• Economic migration should be better matched to the needs of the labour market. This will help to take more account of the skills of immigrants and facilitate their integration. To maximise the positive effects of legal immigration – for the countries of origin and destination, host societies and immigrants - a uniform level of rights for legal immigrants across the EU must be ensured.

• We will step up our work on integration of migrants, safeguarding their rights but also underlining their own responsibilities to integrate in the societies they seek to join. Education and training are powerful means to integrate newcomers into Euro- pean societies, creating a winwin situation for migrants as well as for the European destination countries, and EU programmes should pioneer proactive schemes to promote integration. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

• Finally, preventing and fighting illegal immigration and related criminal activities as an essential counterpart to the development of a common policy on legal immigration.

… a Single Market fit for the 21st century

The recent crisis showed that there remains a strong short-term temptation to roll back the single market when times are hard. There were attempts to use the crisis as a pretext to attack the single market. The Commission will remain an implacable defender of the single market as a cornerstone of the Treaties, and will do everything in its power to defend it as the best guarantee of long-term prosperity. The experience of the past year has shown once again that the single market is the rock on which European growth is built. But it also needs to be updated to suit the demands of tomorrow's economy.

Setting 1992 as the target date for completion of the internal market was a powerful 145 way of generating new opportunities for growth and social progress in Europe. As we approach the twentieth anniversary of this symbolic date in 2012, we should not just celebrate all that has been achieved but also ask why the original dream has not yet been fully achieved. I intend to launch a major analysis of the "missing links" in the internal market, to find out why it has not delivered on its full potential and thereby to identify new sources of growth and social cohesion. I will seek a wide range of views, involving stakeholders, consumers and eminent persons in identifying problems and helping to find solutions. I want the next Commission to take a more systematic and integrated approach, for instance through its market monitoring initiative. The aim will be toregain momentum in the internal market and to make it, once again, the powerhouse of the European economy.

We can do more to open up the market for financial services, including retail finance, e-commerce, environmental services and business services. In particular I want to focus on the retail dimension which is where most consumers experience the internal market. Europeans should not be held back from shopping across borders by concerns that their rights will not be protected properly: we need an active consumer policy to give people confidence to participate fully in the single market.

I believe the twentieth anniversary is the right time to bring forward a major package for tomorrow's single market, with proposals for specific actions, including legislative actions, to plug the gaps in today's single market and to ensure that the benefits of the internal market get through to the final consumer.

… based on smart regulation to make markets work for people

Markets do not exist in isolation. They exist to serve a purpose. And that purpose is prosperity for all. That is why the Commission has been unrelenting in its fight against those who abuse the market. That is why the current Commission has levied almost €10 billion in competition fines, on international multi-national corporations IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

and European companies alike. That is why we proposed legislation that delivers price cuts on mobile phone charges of up to 60%. That is why we need to continue building the framework of social, environmental and technical regulation that make markets work for people.

The world has learned the hard way about the cost of leaving markets and market players to determine the rules. The challenge for the next Commission will be to devise a smart regulatory approach in key policy areas. This will require rules to ensure transparency, fair play and ethical behaviour of economic actors, taking due account of the public interest. Smart regulation should protect the consumer, deliver effectively on public policy objectives without strangling economic operators such as SMEs or unduly restricting their ability to compete.

This Commission has instigated a revolution in the way policies are made at EU level, with public consultations and impact assessment now the norm for new legislative proposals and a major simplification of existing Community law now underway. By 146 2012 the next Commission will deliver on our commitment to reduce administrative burden by 25%. But I want to go further. We need to match this huge investment in ex ante assessment with an equivalent effort in ex post evaluation – to ensure that our proposals really do deliver what they promise and to enable us to revise and correct them where they fail to work as expected. All of these initiatives are designed to focus EU action on the essentials, removing bureaucratic processes and unnecessary centralisation.

If ratified, the Lisbon Treaty will bring changes in the way the EU takes decisions including through comitology. As part of the smart regulation agenda, I will extend the impact assessment approach to certain key comitology proposals. I will also seek ways of helping the European Parliament to exercise its scrutiny rights over the full range of politically important decisions.

… including global markets

Openness is critical to Europe's future competitiveness. This is not just a question of political preference. It is in our self-interest as the world's leading exporter. Europe faces a particular risk from the damage the crisis has done to world trade, so Europe must now take the lead in combating protectionism in all its forms. Of course we cannot be naïve: others must also be open to our exports of goods, services and capital. But openness to trade and investment is an indispensable driver of growth.

Reaching a deal in the Doha round remains the priority. But FTAs and trade arrangements will also have to be pursued. Trade negotiations have to be at the service of EU interest. With tariffs getting much lower thanks to successive rounds of tariff reductions, in many cases non-tariff barriers are now the major obstacle for EU exports. As we have seen with the Single Market, dismantling these and preventing the emergence of new barriers is far more complex than reducing tariffs: it depends not so much on technical expertise but more on the quality of the relationships between the countries concerned. We need to join up the different strands of our external POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

policy much better to use our "soft power" leverage to deliver solid results for EU businesses and for citizens. The European interest has to be promoted in a coherent and determined way.

Regulatory and standardisation cooperation is also an important tool to further our interests in global markets. Cross-cutting dialogues such as the Transatlantic Econom- ic Council (TEC) with the United States, our most important trade and investment partner, are an effective way of structuring relations with key trading partners. The EU has a wealth of experience on product regulation and standardisation. Sharing it with others is a way for the EU to shape globalisation.

… and linked up by the networks of the future

Yesterday's achievement was to provide every household with electricity and a tele- phone; today they need high speed broadband. This has the potential to spur huge business growth and create up to a million jobs; but it needs regulatory certainty and 147 active intervention to tackle the bottlenecks and combat barriers to market entry. The next Commission will develop aEuropean Digital Agenda (accompanied by a targeted legislative programme) to tackle the main obstacles to a genuine digital single market, promote investment in high-speed Internet and avert an unacceptable digital divide. Because of the increasing dependence of our economies and societies on the Internet, a major initiative to boost network security will also be proposed.

Secure energy supply and good interconnections will be crucial to power future growth. One of the next great European projects is to give Europe a new European supergrid for electricity and gas. This will help to meet our growing needs for energy in smarter ways, so that we have secure and stable supplies of energy which meet our climate change goals. We have already made progress with Baltic interconnectors, and we have launched the Nabucco pipeline project. This shows what can be done when Commission leadership combines with political will of Member States and we use an intelligent mix of regulation and money to deliver results. The next five years will not only need to see these projects come to fruition, but also new initiatives such as a Mediterranean interconnection plan, interconnections for gas, electricity and oil, as well as links between African suppliers and the EU.

Advancing people's Europe

Preserving and enhancing economic prosperity and social cohesion are at the heart of the EU's mission. This offers the foundation stone for tackling social exclusion and for the European contribution to combating poverty. But the European project goes further than that: the EU offers its citizens rights, protection and opportunities even beyond the marketplace. It also helps to bring people together, using Europe's cultural diversity as a powerful channel to communicate. The principles of free movement and equal treatment for EU citizens must become a reality in people's everyday lives. The empowerment and advancement of women is just one of the areas where the EU still has work to do. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

… means promoting rights and providing protection

Over the years the EU has given people many new rights – from equal pay, to free movement, to compensation if airlines fail to deliver for passengers. These have given citizens very concrete benefits from EU membership, though enforcement remains a challenge. We can do more to promote people's rights, and make their access to these rights easier. Promoting rights must go hand in hand with protecting people. We need an EU domestic security strategy to better protect the life and safety of EU citizens: we must make sure that open borders do not offer openings to be exploited for crime and terrorism. We must show solidarity as we use instruments like Frontex to ensure that the EU's borders act as an effective check on illegality.

The protection of EU citizens is of course completed by the EU's role incrisis and disaster prevention and reaction. From fighting forest fires to dealing with the effects of earthquakes or handling the threat of the flu pandemic: EU action can add value to Member State action through practical solidarity. The further assessment and 148 corresponding implementation of EU added value in crisis management will be an immediate priority for the next Commission.

… removing obstacles for citizens

EU citizens still face numerous obstacles when they try to source goods and services across national borders. They should be able to make use of their rights as EU citizens in the same way as they use their rights as national citizens. The Commission will draw up a comprehensive report on these obstacles for citizens and propose how they can best be removed, together with the report on the obstacles still persisting in the internal market.

… means tackling the demographic challenge

A just society is also one that takes care of its vulnerable members. Ageing is a major future challenge. Longer life is a symbol of success – we need to have healthy, fulfilling longer life spans. But it also brings challenges for sustainability, and we need to do more to respond to change, exploiting new technology-based solutions to preserve to the extent possible the independence of the elderly. This also requires a thriving economy to supply sound public finances, so that we can pay for healthcare for the elderly. Millions of Europeans are wholly dependent on pensions. The crisis has shown the importance of the European approach to pension systems. It has demonstrated the interdependence of the various pension pillars within each Member State and the importance of common EU approaches on solvency and social adequacy. It has also underlined that pension funds are an important part of the financial system. We need to ensure that pensions do the job intended of providing the maximum support to current and future pensioners, including for vulnerable groups. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

… supporting mobility for young people

Europe is a reality in everyday life also through exchange initiatives. At a time of economic and social crisis, I feel very strongly that it is of particular importance to further the access of the young generation to the European dimension. To this end, I propose to expand existing instruments like Erasmus into a new EU youth and mobility initiative, as part of the EU 2020 strategy. By 2020 all young people in Europe must have the possibility to spend a part of their educational pathway in other Mem- ber States. Such a "Youth on the Move" initiative would be a decisive contribution to the promotion of cultural diversity, intercultural dialogue and multilingual learning.

… and enhancing dialogue and information

Last but not least, the people's Europe is also about the accountability and openness of the EU institutions. Dialogue with the citizens and the different actors in civil society, a hallmark of the current Commission, will continue to be of critical impor- 149 tance People have a right to accessible information. The Commission will redouble its efforts to have a real Commission presence communicating on the ground in the Member States and in the regions, in partnership with the European Parliament, listening to citizens and dealing first hand with their questions and concerns. I will also examine ways and means to intensify the dialogue between the Commission and the media. But we should be under no illusions: the gap in awareness of the EU can only be closed in full partnership with national and regional authorities. We must break out of the negative trap where politicians are quick to take the credit for the positive achievements of Europe, and quick to blame "Brussels" or "Strasbourg" for everything they don't like. We need a more mature dialogue with our citizens on decisions that affect their daily lives.

Opening a new era for Global Europe

The world today offers Europe an unprecedented opportunity to shape events. The- es tablished patterns of power are shifting again. The factors of influence are becoming more complex, with the crisis showing that military power, population size and economic weight are not the only ways in which to carry global authority. The crisis has shown yet again that the world needs values, it needs models of society to inspire new ideas for new circumstances. It has also shown how global interdependence is irreversible: with decades of experience in transnational cooperation, the EU is a natural test-bed for globalisation and an instinctive champion of global governance. So as the world's largest trading power, the biggest donor of development assistance, a powerhouse of humanitarian aid, a beacon for human rights, and a champion of the global fight against climate change, we have every reason to be positive and confident in the international scene.

The Lisbon Treaty, if ratified, will give us the tools to open up a new era in the projection of European interests worldwide. It directly addresses some of the shortcomings which have held us back. It will help to improve the consistency of our external action. It will allow diplomacy, crisis management and an emerging a European defence IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

capability to be used alongside more traditional tools like trade and development. It brings new powers and an increased role for the European Parliament.

But what will make the real difference is the political will to use these instruments to the full. I am committed to ensuring that the Commission, as the driver of so many key external policies, plays its full part in seizing the moment to give Europe the weight it deserves on the global stage. We must not see external relations today as a separate "box", but as part and parcel of how we achieve our internal policy goals.

The appointment of a new High Representative who is at the same time Vice Presi- dent of the Commission in charge of External Relations is a major innovation which carries an enormous potential. The same is true for the future European External Ac- tion Service which would bring together resources from the Commission, the Coun- cil Secretariat and Member States to help leverage the best results from our external action. This will be a break with the past and I am determined to make it work effectively. I look forward to a thorough discussion with the European Parliament on 150 implementing an ambitious agenda on external relations and improving institutional cooperation on these issues.

The importance of the EU's external dimension is reflected in the range of our relations with third countries. Europe must remain a champion of multilateralism and work closely with the United Nations and other multilateral organisations. We should also seize the opportunity of a changing international environment to deepen strategic partnerships with our main bilateral partners such as the United States, and indeed in the G8 and the G20. It is here that the EU can best use the external dimension to further its own objectives in areas like prosperity, security, climate change, energy, and fighting poverty.

For a Europe built on values, the moral challenge of global poverty must remain one of our most compelling goals. We must not allow economic crisis in the developed world to dilute our mission to bring help to those facing the challenge of survival in so many parts of the world. I am determined to continue to make the case that Europe must build on our pioneering work, with Africa in particular, and act as a champion of the developing world. Our focus must remain on achieving the Millennium De- velopment Goals, and on making a real impact on the challenges of food and water security, health and education.

We need to actively promote human rights, never hesitating to condemn violations of these fundamental rights. We must use our potential to be a civilian power for peace, by linking security and development to help rescue and rehabilitate failed states. We can and must do more to play our role in conflict resolution and peace-keeping and peace-building. Nonproliferation will be a major challenge in the coming years – we must be ready to share our experience from the Euratom Treaty.

Europe has a particular responsibility to promote freedom, stability and prosperity in its neighbourhood. We have entered into commitments towards candidate countries that seek to join the EU. We need to honour these commitments – enlargement has been a huge source of strength for the Union, and for the promotion of peace and sta- POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

bility in our continent. At the same time, enlargement can only take place when both the EU itself and the candidate country are ready to take on the responsibilities that come with it. And enlargement is not an infinite process. For those neighbours that will not become members of the EU, we need to develop credible and attractive alternatives that satisfy the aspirations of these countries as well as the EU's. The next Commission will take forward the Union for the Mediterranean and the Eastern Partnership to develop a neighbourhood policy that meets the challenges we and our neighbours face.

The means to match our ambitions

One of the risks to exploiting the new sources of growth and social cohesion is a lack of investment. Public budgets will be under pressure for years to come as a result of the unprecedented fiscal effort to combat the crisis. We will therefore have to be creative in mobilising the means to put our priorities into practice. We should work more closely and imaginatively with the European Investment Bank and the private sector. Within the existing instruments, we must further improve the blending between 151 grants from the EU budget and EIB loans, in order to increase the overall leverage effect. The Risk Sharing Finance Facility we set up with the EIB in the area of research and development is an excellent example to build on, as is our recent co-operation on energy efficiency projects. I also want to look at other ways to increase the EIB’s role in financing essential projects in particular in the areas of green technology, infrastructure and energy security. The Commission will also propose a new framework for public-private partnerships to help bring different sources of funding together to maximise investment in the coming years.

We will also have to re-shape the EU budget to respond to the new priorities. This will require a root and branch reform of the EU budget. The defining moment for this will be the preparation of the 2014+ Multiannual Financial Framework. I want to use the upcoming budget review as a stepping stone for this exercise. Designing the next financial framework will not be an easy exercise – while everyone agrees in the abstract on the need for reform, as soon as the debate moves to concrete measures, there seems to be a strong bias in favour of the status quo. So before entering into the specifics, such as whether to change the current seven year cycle, I want to get agreement with the European Parlia- ment and Council on three key principles to serve as ground rules for the debate:

• The EU budget must focus on activities which produce genuine European added value. Beyond political considerations, efficiency criteria must help prioritise EU spending activities in terms of their added value (for instance on the basis of cross-border effects, economies of scale, or resolving market failures).

• We need to move away from a narrow focus on net balances and move towards an approach based on solidarity, burden-sharing and equity which is comprehensive and shared by all;

• The stability of the financial framework needs to be counterbalanced by a far greater degree of flexibility so as to enable the Union to respond effectively to new challenges and needs. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

This reflection cannot shirk the issue ofown “ resources”, a system of EU financing that has evolved piecemeal into a confusing and opaque mix of contributions and rebates. We need to see how the EU can find a more efficient and transparent way of financing its policies, and to simplify delivery in order to maximise the impact of spending while safeguarding the principles of sound financial management.

How Europe should work

The European Commission as the engine of the European project…

The last five years at the head of the European Commission have reinforced my strong conviction that the European Commission is indispensable as the driving force for the European project. Only the Commission has the authority, the administrative capacity and the technical expertise to make proposals that take the interests of all 152 Member States and all citizens into account, and the long term view needed to tackle the big issues we face today. Only the Commission has the authority and the independence to ensure the equal treatment of all Member States in the enforcement of treaty obligations and legislation.

If you look at the policy priorities I have sketched out above, it is clear that regulation and lawmaking will remain a core task for any Commission. The task is to ensure that we effectively apply the concept of smart regulation to ensure that it is effective, proportionate, and comprehensive: effective because it must be grounded in the realities of life on the ground for economic operators and other stakeholders; proportionate because regulation must demonstrate a certain level of positive impact to justify legislation and must take all potential side-effects into account; comprehensive because we must make proposals fully conscious of the range of economic, social and environmental consequences they will have. We have also shown that the Commission can spearhead a change in Europe’s administrative culture, with the better regulation programme to bring €30 billion in savings for the EU economy. I would like to develop this still further, putting a particular emphasis on the needs of SMEs.

The authority of the President is of critical importance to guarantee collegiality, coherence and the Commission’s special role in the European system. It is now recognised that the current College, the first of the enlarged EU of 27, has been able to bring together different portfolio interests effectively, to tackle crosscutting, -in tegrated policies like migration, energy and climate change. The next Commission will need to continue to deal effectively with the policies set out in these guidelines, and it is my intention to reflect this in the organisation and work programmes of the College and the services.

The Commission can only be strong if it rests on high ethical standards and if it main- tains a high degree of professionalism. I am proud of the progress made over the last years, but I would like to see further steps, for instance in the area of financial management: now that it is well established, OLAF should be given full independence outside the Commission. I would also intend to review the Commissioners’ Code POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014 of Conduct, and hope that this Code will become a document of reference that will inspire other EU institutions.

… but it cannot power it alone: we need a “Partnership for progress”

These political guidelines set out how the European Commission can work to bring fundamental change for Europeans. But progress in the European Union comes when the different players involved share a common vision and a common direction. Work- ing in real partnership allows the EU’s democratic core, its different national interests, and the European interest, to come together and to make a real difference. That is the essence of the Community method: to ensure that the specific European interest is at the centre of policy-making, to ensure the transparency and democratic accountability of decisions taken and safeguard the equality of Member States.

To tackle the complex challenges we face, we need to mobilise all sectors of society: EU Institutions, national, regional and local authorities, business, trade unions and 153 civil society. Climate change is a typical example. It has needed political leadership from the European Commission, Parliament and the European Council; it will need the engagement of national, regional and local authorities to drive forward; and it needs the social partners and all parts of civil society to galvanise all sectors of society for change. It would be a disaster to see this challenge as a zero sum game where action by one level of government is to the detriment of others.

The same dynamic works at the international level. The past decade of discussions with our key global partners is littered with examples where when we speak together, we carry weight; and when we are discordant, we fall short of our objectives. That is one reason why we need the benefit of the Lisbon Treaty to give Europe the weight it deserves.

… making subsidiarity work for Europe

We must kill off the idea that the Member States and the EU level are rivals. Everyone should be working to the same goal – to secure the best results for citizens. Too often, mistrust has been the cause of failings in our system: it contributed to the shortcomings in our system of financial regulation exposed so brutally last year. The question is how best to improve this. That means an effective application of the principle of subsidiarity.

For me, subsidiarity is the translation of a democratic principle, part of a very practical doctrine, aimed at making public policy work to best effect in a Union built on solidarity, and at the most appropriate level.

The EU works best when it focuses on its core business. I want to concentrate our limited resources on where we can have most effect, and where we can bring most added value. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

At the same time, the continental scale of Europe and the scale of our ambitions points inevitably towards taking the wide view, looking at the bigger picture. This does not mean that the EU always has to make new laws – the Treaties mean we can make laws where this is needed, but they also inspire us to spark debate and spread ideas across the whole vision set out by our founding fathers. I want to be rigorous about where we need to have common rules and where we need only a common framework. We have not always got the balance right, and we have not always thought through the consequences of diversity in an EU of 27. In an area like GMOs, for example, it should be possible to combine a Community authorisation system, based on science, with freedom for Mem- ber States to decide whether or not they wish to cultivate GM crops on their territory.

The Lisbon Treaty puts in place new procedures to allow national parliaments to intervene if they have concerns about subsidiarity. But more importantly, we should develop a much clearer doctrine of how we decide when action needs to be taken at EU level, where the balance should lie between EU-level tools and national level tools, and what expectations should be placed on Member States implementing EU 154 policy in their own countries.

…and with a special partnership between the European Commission and the European Parliament

The key to Europe’s success is defining and implementing the distinct European interest. That is why it is so important for the European Parliament and the European Commission to continue to work hand in hand. These are the two institutions with a specific role to identify, articulate and give reality to the European interest, and these must be the two institutions with a particular responsibility to ensure that the EU is more than the sum of its parts.

This process of shaping the European interest cannot take place in a political vacuum – it has to be the result of political debate in a true European public space. I want to work together with the European Parliament as the decisive locus for European deliberative democracy.

That is why I would like to take our special partnership to a new level, by reinforcing and complementing the mechanisms of co-operation we have in place. I propose the following:

• Inviting the Conference of Presidents to meet the whole College every year, before the approval of the Commission Legislative and Work Programme.

• More regular meetings with the Conference of Presidents to ensure close coordination and exchange of information on topical issues, on the basis of the process we started during the financial crisis.

• Regular participation in a Question Hour in the European Parliament plenary, on predefined themes of particular EU relevance so as to allow for a serious, well prepared and in depth discussion. POLITICAL GUIDELINES FOR THE COMMISSION 2009 – 2014

• A review of all pending proposals at the beginning of the new Commission’s mandate, in order to politically confirm or withdraw them, taking into account the views expressed by the Parliament.

• Provide all necessary information on external action, in full respect of the Council’s prerogatives, including on the negotiation of international agreements, making it available to the European Parliament in good time, so that it can play the enhanced role which it will have if the Lisbon Treaty is ratified.

These are concrete proposals to upgrade the special partnership that we need between the European Parliament and the European Commission, so that the institutions at the heart of the European project can drive Europe forward most effectively.

My first mandate was about consolidating Europe at 27. The enlarged EU now gives us a springboard to use our reach and strength to best effect. We are now in a position to move on with conviction and determination to a new phase of ambition. If I am reconfirmed, I will continue to do everything possible to make an ambitious 155 Europe happen. I will use the powers of the Commission to the full. I will continue to work with in partnership with our Member States. I will put the case very clearly when EU action is essential to address the critical issues Member States face. I will challenge them to follow up on the commitment they made in nominating me, just as I challenge the European Parliament to match my ambition. I will take the special partnership with the European Parliament to a new level, to ensure that the two Community Institutions par excellence together pull their weight for a prosperous, socially advanced, secure and sustainable European Union, a Europe based on the values of freedom and solidarity.

The creation of a Euro area instrument for coordinated assistance to Greece

STATEMENT BRUSSELS, 19 MARCH 2010

he Commission is ready to propose an instrument for coordinated assistance to 157 Greece. Such an instrument would be constituted by a system of coordinated T bilateral loans and would be compatible with the no bail-out clause and with strict conditionality. The creation of this instrument does not imply its immediate activation. Our objective is an instrument designed within the euro area, with conditions and management established by the euro area and its institutions. We cannot prolong any further the current situation. I do not want to speculate if there will be a financial contribution from the IMF. What is important is to agree on a Euro area instrument. I urge the EU’s leaders to agree on this instrument as soon as possible.

Statement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State and Government of the Euro Area

STATEMENT TO THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT BRUSSELS, 5 MAY 2010

Honourable Members, 159

was asked to make a statement to this house ahead of Friday’s meeting of the I Heads of State and Government of the Euro area. But let me first have a word of condolences for the families of the victims of the violence in Athens today. Disagree and protest is a right of citizens in our democratic societies, but nothing can justify the recourse to violence.

Let me first address the financial support package for Greece endorsed last Sunday. Then I will give you some my views on what needs to be done to prevent a repetition of a crisis of this type.

As regards Greece, a multi-annual programme of fiscal consolidation and structural reform has been agreed by the Greek authorities. This was jointly prepared with the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

The Greek government has put forward a solid and credible package that will steer its economy on a sustainable path and restore confidence. It is important that we acknowledge the courage that Prime Minister Papandreou and his Government have shown.

Greece will undertake painful efforts. But we all know that there is no alternative to these such efforts.

In return, following the recommendation of the Commission and of the Europe- an Central Bank, the coordinated European mechanism for assistance to Greece has been activated. This is an unprecedented act of solidarity, unmatched anywhere in the world. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

This assistance will be decisive in helping Greece to get its economy back on track, and will preserve the financial stability of the euro area as a whole.

Allow me to stress that the Commission has made sure that the mechanism, whilst being based on bilateral loans, is an European one. The Commission was instrumen- tal in setting it up, and will play an important role in its management and implementation.

The Commission is and will remain central in assessing Greece’s compliance with the package’s conditionality. The Commission will also manage the bilateral loans from the Member States.

By the end of the week we will already have a critical mass of Member States that have already completed the process to provide those bilateral loans to Greece.

It is my firm conviction that the unprecedented financial support given to Greece - 160 110 billion Euros! - and the adjustment programme are an adequate response to the Greek crisis. We have no reason to doubt that it will be firmly implemented both by Greece and by the Euro area Member States.

This view is shared by others that matter. I notice for instance the supportive statement of the past, current and future chairs of the G20 Finance Ministers just now issued.

Regrettably, not all market players seem already convinced. We have to say loud and clear that the doubters are wrong. I will come back to this in a moment.

Honourable members,

At the meeting of the Euro area Heads of State and Government on Friday, we will look beyond this deal into what we need to do to draw the right lessons from this situation.

The debate will of course be a starting point, because decisions need to be debated further and ultimately taken with all the 27 Member States - Euro area Member States and all the other Member States And let me say very clearly: discussing and taking decisions at 27 is a source of strength.

Whilst we have to speed up our processes, the fact is that the joint action of the 27 – unparalleled anywhere in the world – provides the best possible fundament for our joint future in an ever more interlinked world.

I see two main strands for reflection and action: first, a reassessment of the rules for economic governance, including the Stability and Growth Pact, and second, financial markets reform.

The Commission has been working intensively on economic governance and is ready to present its proposals on how to improve it next Wednesday. STATEMENT AHEAD OF THE MEETING OF THE HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE EURO AREA

There are three main building blocks to be considered:

• First, responsibility: we need to reinforce the Stability and Growth Pact – and above all Member States’ compliance. The case for reinforcement of both the preventive and the corrective arm of the pact is obvious. I am pleased that most of those who have previously questioned - or even suggested the weakening of the pact now accept the need for stronger rules and – most importantly – for their strict implementation.

• Second, interdependence: we are all in this together. I think the crisis has clearly shown that we need to address the imbalances between our Member States, in particular within the Euro area. This includes divergences in their competitiveness, as this is one crucial element that causes other types of imbalances. This can of course not mean that some become less competitive so that others look relatively more competitive. We are competing, all of us on world markets. What we need is to enhance our overall competitiveness in a balanced, mutually reinforcing way. I also believe we need to look at the other causes of imbalances. To make progress, we will 161 propose increased surveillance and increased economic policy coordination. I am happy we see more openness from Member States when discussing it.

• Third, coherence: we have to ask ourselves whether our system of fiscal rules is complete. I see merit in creating a permanent mechanism for dealing with disruptive situations. After all, it is better to be safe than sorry.

I hope that we can seize the moment - and I count on you to help us deliver these reforms. I believe from a political point of view that in terms of European integration we are in one of those moments that if we don’t make more Europe we will become behind. It is a very special moment, the moment we are living today, where our solidarity, our responsibility is being tested every day. I hope that leaders of our members States will be able to rise to the occasion not just to help the others, but to show their responsibility to the common European project.

These reforms will be introduced against the background of unprecedented efforts already under way. It is undisputed that deficit and debt levels in some Member States need to be corrected with determination and faster than targeted before the crisis.

But it must also be said that one cannot ignore that the budgetary deterioration in 2009 was largely due to the working of the automatic stabilizers in the face of an unprecedented decline in economic activity caused by a financial crisis not originated in Europe. In other words, the overall situation in the Euro area was largely the result of anti-recession policies advocated all over the world.

It was always clear that the situation would subsequently be corrected. And most Euro area members have already taken bold reforms, for example of their pensions systems.

The responsibility shown by the governments needs to be matched by financial market players. This is why it is no less urgent to continue delivering a sustainable and responsible financial sector, at the service of the economy and its citizens. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

One must bear in mind that financial market players are key actors in driving market sentiment. Psychology also matters in financial markets The financial crisis was born out of short-termism, pro-cyclicality and a lack of responsibility.

That is what we urgently must correct.

We need strong and stable European financial services markets to deliver the investments needed for future growth in line with the Europe 2020 vision. We need responsible behaviour from all our market players.

We have already been doing a lot as regards financial markets reform. I count on this House to make this clear to all!

European institutions are acting, and must be seen as acting together. Parliament , Council and Commission

162 We have prioritised work on responsible risk management, safer derivatives markets, better financial supervision, and ensuring that banks hold adequate capital to cover their real risks. This work must be speeded up.

In the coming weeks we will need to complete the reforms already underway. As I said to this House only two weeks ago, I hope to see a breakthrough soon on our proposal for hedge funds and private equity.

I would also like early agreement on effective new European supervisory arrangements. The European Systemic Risk Board and the three Supervisory Authorities should start working at the beginning of 2011.

But they must not be mere paper tigers: we have a shared responsibility to ensure they have the tools they need to do their jobs. This includes binding decision-making powers to deal with genuine emergencies, to enforce European rules, and I insist European rues, not only national rules, and settle any disputes within colleges of national supervisors.

It is high time to deliver these decisions and make sure they are ambitious.

More proposals are on their way this year to improve depositor and investor protection, to strengthen measures against market abuse, to further improve the quality and quantity of bank capital and discourage excessive leverage.

Over the past three months, and paradoxically still this week, the situation on the sovereign debt markets has brought new concerns to light.

The Commission is already working on a fundamental overhaul of derivatives markets to increase transparency and safety in these markets. STATEMENT AHEAD OF THE MEETING OF THE HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF THE EURO AREA

In a first stage, we will present legislation to standardise eligible derivatives contracts, putting them through central counterparty clearing that is properly regulated and supervised.

We are also now considering whether further specific measures are needed for sovereign derivatives markets.

The crisis has also once again brought the role of credit rating agencies to the fore. These agencies play a pivotal role in the functioning of financial markets.

But ratings appear to be too cyclical, too reliant on the general market mood rather than on fundamentals - regardless of whether market mood is too optimistic or too pessimistic.

Because credit rating agencies have such a key role and influence over the markets, they also have a special responsibility to ensure their assessments are both sound and comprehensive. 163

That is why in 2008 the Commission quickly put forward new legislation for these agencies, which will come into force in the next few months.

These rules will ensure that credit rating agencies act more transparently, publish their methodologies, and avoid conflicts of interest.

But we need to go further. To strengthen the supervision of these actors of Eu- rope-wide dimension, the Commission believes they should be put under the direct supervision of the future European Securities Markets Authority (ESMA).

And that is exactly what we will propose.

We have also launched a reflection on whether further measures may be needed to ensure the appropriate rating of sovereign debt in particular.

We must get our house in order while pushing others to do the same.

The Commission will do whatever necessary to ensure that financial markets are not a playground for speculation. Free markets constitute the basis for the functioning of successful economies. But free markets need rules and compliance, and rules and compliance need to be tightened if irresponsible behaviour puts at risk what cannot and should not be at risk.

Market behaviour must rest on sound and objective analysis. And financial services must realize that they are exactly that: a service, not an end in itself - they must not become detached from their economic and societal function.

In fact, financial market players are still in business because regulatory authorities and democratic institutions – ultimately the taxpayers – stabilized the markets in the financial crisis. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

We acted swiftly then, and precisely for that reason, we will also act swiftly in the future.

So the message from this Friday’s meeting of Eurogroup Heads of State and Govern- ment should be clear. And it will be clear.

We are doing what is needed. On all fronts.

Thank you for your attention.

164 Peoples of yesterday, peoples of tomorrow: 35 years of EU/China relations

TSINGHUA UNIVERSITY GLOBAL VISION LECTURES SERIES BEIJING, 30T APRIL 2010

President Gu Binglin, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and gentlemen, 165

t’s a great pleasure for me to be at Tsinghua University and have a chance to speak I to all of you. Tsinghua symbolises China’s rich past and its bright future: it was here on the site of a former imperial garden that this campus was founded 99 years ago. Today it retains the graceful beauty of a Chinese garden even as it is dotted by shiny, high-tech buildings.

As you gear up to celebrate your 100th anniversary, you can take pride in being at the cutting edge of China’s scientific and educational progress, leading the country in areas such as nanotechnology and renewable energy.

The European Union is happy to be associated with Tsinghua University through the EU-China Clean Energy Centre, which I inaugurated this morning.

My visit to China, the first during my second term as President of the European Commission, comes at an important moment in the history of EU-China relations, for two reasons:

First, because this very night President Hu Jintao, a Tsinghua alumnus, will inaugu- rate the 2010 World Expo in Shanghai - the first-ever Expo to feature a European Union pavilion outside the EU’s own territory. I consider this a visual symbol of the importance the EU attaches to relations with China.

Chinese people are rightly proud of hosting this event because it symbolises inter-cultural understanding, which I think will be a defining feature of the 21st century. So it is only natural that we should participate with you in this global event, to showcase the achievements of European integration. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

The second reason why this visit is a timely one is because 2010 marks the 35th anniversary of the establishment of relations between the European Union and China.

The European Union has undergone remarkable changes since then. At that time, in 1975, the European Economic Community was made up of nine countries. Since then 18 more countries have joined the club and we have become a far more deeply integrated Union, with a single market and a common currency, the euro.

China too, has transformed beyond recognition, raising living standards and pulling hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and becoming a global economic player, following the reform and opening up policy launched by Deng Xiaoping.

During the last 35 years, the European Union has been a reliable partner. Our trade and economic cooperation has been an important contribution to China’s development. We have also welcomed China’s increased role on the world stage, through bodies like the World Trade Organisation, and more recently the G20. 166 China too, has consistently supported European integration, even before we established official relations. At the People’s Congress of 13 January 1975 Premier Zhou Enlai declared that China was “helping the countries of Western Europe in their efforts to achieve unity”.

So our partnership has been a stimulus for progress and a source of economic opportunities. These benefits are a result of good relations between leaders of course, and channelled through institutional mechanisms like our annual Summits and other dialogues.

I hope that, in the next 35 years, Europe and China will continue to support each other. To that end, I believe the moment is right to expand our cooperation in other areas.

A fundamental task is precisely to broaden and deepen cultural understanding by fostering people-to-people exchanges. For the success of our engagement depends on understanding - on holding an open dialogue, and learning about each other and from each another.

Transparency is essential for communication and mutual understanding.. We in Eu- rope believe that freedom of expression and open internet access, for example, can go a long way in fostering such mutual understanding. After all, the internet is the most effective tool for disseminating ideas and information, and China is home to the world’s largest population of internet users and the largest pool of human capital.

Aside from mutual understanding and respect, another key principle of our relationship should be complimentarily. What do I mean by this?

Our economies complement each other. Europe’s consumers benefit from low-priced, quality Chinese exports. China, as a whole, profits from advanced European technologies and services, as well as management practices. PEOPLES OF YESTERDAY, PEOPLES OF TOMORROW: 35 YEARS OF EU/CHINA RELATIONS

More generally, our overall strategic economic objectives overlap: our Europe 2020 strategy and your 12th Five Year Plan focus overwhelmingly on green growth and social justice.

I was pleased to hear that Premier Wen will increase efforts to attract foreign investment in China. I have no doubt that China stands to benefit from greater participation in the Chinese market by European companies, which are world leaders in developing the low carbon economy.

But China also recognises that achieving economic prosperity must be accompanied by efforts to promote social equity and justice.

Europeans also believe that equity and justice form the basis of social stability. That is why we developed welfare systems, which shelter citizens’ lives from market risks.

We are happy to share our experience and expertise in this field with China; the instruments for doing so are already in place. 167

This sort of mutual support is the essence of reciprocity, a fundamental tenet in Euro- pean and Chinese ethics alike, which should be the third key principle of EU/China relations, alongside mutual understanding and complementarity.

Beyond our bilateral cooperation, the European Union and China must work together in a globalized world.

Events over the last year have shown the urgent need for both sides to improve understanding and cooperation on critical global issues. A world that faces many threats and challenges needs both Europe and China to be globally engaged.

Europe, for its part, has not stood still in the face of recent challenges.

As the worst crisis since the Great Depression hit our economies in 2008, the EU has stood by its G20 pledge to keep its markets open. The EU remains an open economy. We are the world’s largest importer and exporter, as well as the largest source and destination of foreign investment.

But the crisis has given rise to wider protectionist pressures in the global economy. As two of the world’s largest economies, the European Union and China have an interest and a duty not only to resist protectionism, but to continue to open our markets further.

In addition, we have a shared interest in tackling the twin challenges of energy security and climate change.

Both Europe and China take these challenges very seriously.

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change tells us that we must do something about emissions of greenhouse gases. If we continue with business as usual, they say, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

we will face a rise in global temperatures that could have a disastrous impact on our planet, beyond that we are already facing.

To avoid that, we must move our economies away from their reliance on fossil fuels. That shift is not only good for the environment, but is also sensible from an economic point of view, and will help us to improve the long-term security of our energy supplies.

It is clear to me that we can regulate greenhouse gas emissions without slowing down our economies.

Our experience in Europe shows that adopting market-based solutions to deal with the threat of climate change can achieve effective results at affordable costs.

Apart from pioneering the low carbon economy at home, Europe is also supporting other countries worldwide as they increase their energy efficiency and exploit renewa- 168 ble energy sources. China in particular is Europe’s biggest single recipient of financial and technical assistance in the field of energy and climate change.

China is making significant efforts to decouple growth from energy consumption. And this investment is already paying off in economic terms. China is leading in some renewable technologies such as solar panels. This kind of success is part of the reason why Europe believes that an international treaty to tackle climate change can be a win-win solution for all.

Finally Europe and China must cooperate to address the global security challenges of our time. For this, we need comprehensive strategies, strong international organisations and the rule of law, both within countries and between them.

We are each other’s strategic partners. As China’s policy paper on the EU states, “no fundamental conflict of interest exists between us and neither side poses a threat to the other”.

We have examples of good cooperation in new areas like maritime surveillance. And we can expand our cooperation even further, by looking at the broader relationship. We can make a particular contribution, for instance, by addressing regional nuclear proliferation crises.

The demand for Europe to engage globally is huge. The Lisbon Treaty gives the Euro- pean Union the chance to do this.

We have much to gain in increasing our cooperation on global security issues. Ulti- mately, I am confident in China’s positive response to these challenges because, in the end, international stability and prosperity is in China’s own interests. In a globalized world, those interests cannot be defined as narrow national objectives.

No doubt China has a difficult path to navigate between its needs for internal development and the demands that are being made on it to show greater international PEOPLES OF YESTERDAY, PEOPLES OF TOMORROW: 35 YEARS OF EU/CHINA RELATIONS leadership. But the very scale of China’s economy, and its geostrategic importance, means that what China does will affect the rest of the world. And what China does not do will also affect the rest of the world and ultimately also China. That is why China’s partners, including the EU, will continue to invite it to play its full role in the new systems of global governance, to share its strategic thinking openly with partners, and to promote this openness also in terms of access to global information.

In all of this Europe stands ready to work in partnership with you.

In closing, let me quote from a speech Sir Christopher Soames, a former Commission Vice-President, gave to the European Parliament on the outcome of his visit to China back in 1975, when our relationship officially began:

“There is one point, and a particularly important one, over which I found myself in complete agreement with my Chinese hosts. This was over the future of the Com- munity. They consider it in the interests of everyone that Western Europe should be strong and united. They…see it as having a vital role to play in the world. 169

The Commission’s view… is that China and the European Community have much to gain from the closer and more confident relationship which now opens before us: both of us a people of yesterday, a people of tomorrow”.

Let’s make sure that we continue to gain from a closer and more confident relationship for another 35 years!

Thank you.

State of the Union Address 2010

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 7 SEPTEMBER 2010

President, Honourable Members, 171

t is a great privilege to deliver the first State of the Union address before this House. I From now on the State of the Union address will be the occasion when we will chart our work for the next 12 months. Many of the decisions we will take this year will have long-term implications. They will define the kind of Europe we want. They will define a Europe of opportunity where those that aspire are elevated and those in need are not neglected. A Europe that is open to the world and open to its people. A Europe that delivers economic, social and territorial cohesion.

Over the last year, the economic and financial crisis has put our Union before one of its greatest challenge ever. Our interdependence was highlighted and our solidarity was tested like never before.

As I look back at how we have reacted, I believe that we have withstood the test. We have provided many of the answers needed – on financial assistance to Member States facing exceptional circumstances, on economic governance, on financial regulation, on growth and jobs. And we have been able to build a base camp from which to modernise our economies. Europe has shown it will stand up and be counted. Those who predicted the demise of the European Union were proved wrong. The European institutions and the Member States have demonstrated leadership. My message to each and every European is that you can trust the European Union to do what it takes to secure your future.

The economic outlook in the European Union today is better than one year ago, not least as a result of our determined action. The recovery is gathering pace, albeit unevenly within the Union. Growth this year will be higher than initially forecast. The unemployment rate, whilst still much too high, has stopped increasing. Clearly, uncertainties and risks remain, not least outside the European Union. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

We should be under no illusions. Our work is far from finished. There is no room for complacency. Budgetary expansion played its role to counter the decline in economic activity. But it is now time to exit. Without structural reforms, we will not create sustainable growth. We must use the next 12 months to accelerate our reform agenda. Now is the time to modernise our social market economy so that it can compete globally and respond to the challenge of demography. Now is the time to make the right investments for our future.

This is Europe’s moment of truth. Europe must show it is more than 27 different national solutions. We either swim together, or sink separately. We will only succeed if, whether acting nationally, regionally or locally we think European.

Today, I will set out what I see as the priorities for our work together over the coming year. I cannot now cover every issue of European policy or initiative we will take. I am sending you through President Buzek a more complete programme document.

172 Essentially, I see five major challenges for the Union over the next year:

• dealing with the economic crisis and governance;

• restoring growth for jobs by accelerating the Europe 2020 reform agenda;

• building an area of freedom, justice and security;

• launching negotiations for a modern EU budget, and

• pulling our weight on the global stage.

Let me start with the economic crisis and governance. Earlier this year, we acted decisively when euro area members and the euro itself needed our help.

We have learned hard lessons. Now we are making important progress on economic governance. The Commission has put its ideas on the table in May and in June. They have been well received, in this Parliament, and in the Task Force chaired by Presi- dent of the European Council. They are the basis around which a consensus is being developed. We will present the most urgent legislative proposals on 29 September, so as not to lose the momentum.

Unsustainable budgets make us vulnerable. Debt and deficit lead to boom and bust. And they unravel the social safety net. Money that's spent on servicing debt is money that cannot be spent on the social good. Nor to prepare ourselves for the costs of an ageing population. A debt generation makes an unsustainable nation. Our proposals will strengthen the Stability and Growth Pact through increased surveillance and enforcement.

And we need to tackle severe macro-economic imbalances, especially in the Euro area. That is why we have made proposals early on to detect asset bubbles, lack of competitiveness and other sources of imbalances. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

I now see a willingness of governments to accept stronger monitoring, backed up by incentives for compliance and earlier sanctions. The Commission will strengthen its role as independent referee and enforcer of the new rules.

We will match monetary union with true economic union.

If implemented as we propose, these reforms will also guarantee the long-term stability of the euro. It is key to our economic success.

For the economy to grow, we also need a strong and sound financial sector. A sector that serves the real economy. A sector that prides itself on proper regulation and proper supervision.

We took action to increase bank transparency. Today we are better than one year ago. With the publication of the stress test results, banks should now be able to lend to each other, so that credit can flow to Europe's citizens and companies. 173 We have proposed to protect people's savings up to €100,000. We will propose to ban abusive naked short selling. We will tackle credit default swaps. The days of betting on someone else’s house burning down are over. We continue to insist that banks, not taxpayers, must pay up front to cover the costs of their own risks of failure. We are legislating to outlaw bonuses for quick-wins today that become big losses tomorrow. As part of this approach, I am also defending taxes on financial activities and we will come with proposals this autumn.

The political deal on the financial supervision package just concluded is very good news. The Commission proposals based on the de Larosière report will give us an effective European supervision system. I want to thank the Parliament for the constructive role it has played and I hope it will give its final agreement this month.

We will also go further on regulation. Initiatives on derivatives, further measures on credit rating agencies and a framework for bank resolution and crisis management will soon be before you. Our goal is to have a reformed financial sector in place by the end of 2011.

Sound government finances and responsible financial markets give us the confidence and economic strength for sustainable growth. We need to move beyond the debate between fiscal consolidation and growth. We can have both.

Honourable Members,

Sound public finances are a means to an end: growth for jobs. Our goal is growth, sustainable growth, inclusive growth. This is our overarching priority. This is where we need to invest.

Europe 2020 starts now. We must frontload and accelerate the most growth-promoting reforms of our agenda. This could raise growth levels by over a third by 2020. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

This means concentrating on three priorities: getting more people in jobs, boosting our companies' competitiveness and deepening the single market.

Let me start with people and jobs.

Over 6.3 million people have lost their jobs since 2008. Each one of them should have the chance to get back into employment. Europe's employment rates are at 69% on average for those aged between 20 and 64. We have agreed these should rise to 75% by 2020, bringing in particular more women and older workers into the work force.

Most of the competences for employment policy remain with Member States. But we won't stand on the sidelines. I want a European Union that helps its people to seize new opportunities; and I want a Union that is social and inclusive. This is the Europe we will build if Member States, the European institutions and the social partners move ahead on our common reform agenda. 174 It should be centred on skills and jobs and investment in life-long learning.

And it should focus on unlocking the growth potential of the single market, to build a stronger single market for jobs.

The opportunities exist. We have very high levels of unemployment but Europe has now 4 million job vacancies. The Commission will propose later this year a "Euro- pean Vacancy Monitor". It will show people where the jobs are in Europe and which skills are needed. We will also come forward with plans for a European skills passport.

We must also tackle problems of poverty and exclusion. We must make sure that the most vulnerable are not left behind. This is the focus of our "Platform Against Pov- erty". It will bring together European action for vulnerable groups such as children and old people.

As more and more people travel, study or work abroad, we will also strengthen citizens' rights as they move across borders. The Commission will address persisting obstacles as early as this autumn.

Honourable Members,

Growth must be based on our companies' competitiveness.

We should continue to make life easier for our Small and Medium-Sized Enterprises. They provide two out of every three private sector jobs. Among their main concerns are innovation and red tape. We are working on both.

Just before the summer, the Commission has announced the biggest ever package from the Seventh Research Framework Programme, worth €6.4 billion. This money will go to SMEs as well as to scientists. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

Investing in innovation also means promoting world class universities in Europe. I want to see them attracting the brightest and the best, from Europe and the rest of the world. We will take an initiative on the modernisation of European universities. I want to see a Europe that is strong in science, education and culture.

We need to improve Europe's innovation performance not only in universities. Along the whole chain, from research to retail, notably through innovation partnerships. We need an Innovation Union. Next month, the Commission will set out how to achieve this.

Another key test will be whether Member States are ready to make a breakthrough on a patent valid across the whole European Union. Our innovators are often paying ten times the price faced by their competitors in the United States or in Japan. Our proposal is on the table. It would reduce the cost fundamentally and double the coverage. After decades of discussion, it is time to decide.

We will also act further on red tape. SMEs are being strangled in regulatory knots. 175 71% of CEOs say that the biggest barrier to their success is bureaucracy. The Com- mission has put proposals on the table to generate annual savings of €38 billion for European companies.

Stimulating innovation, cutting red tape and developing a highly-skilled workforce: these are ways to ensure that European manufacturing continues to be world class. A thriving industrial base in Europe is of paramount importance for our future. Next month, the Commission will present a new industrial policy for the globalisation era.

We have the people, we have the companies. What they both need is an open and modern single market.

The internal market is Europe's greatest asset, and we are not using it enough. We need to deepen it urgently.

Only 8% of Europe's 20 million SMEs engage in cross-border trade, still fewer in cross-border investment. And even with the internet, over a third of consumers lack the confidence to make cross-border purchases.

At my request, Mario Monti presented an expert report and has identified 150 missing links and bottlenecks in the internal market.

Next month we will set out how to deepen the Single Market in a comprehensive and ambitious Single Market Act.

Energy is a key driver for growth and a central priority for action: we need to complete the internal market of energy, build and interconnect energy grids, and ensure energy security and solidarity. We need to do for energy what we have done for mobile phones: real choice for consumers in one European marketplace.

This will give us a real energy community in Europe. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

We need to make frontiers irrelevant for pipelines or power cables.

To have the infrastructure for solar and wind energy.

To ensure that across the whole of Europe, we have a common standard so that charg- ing electric car batteries becomes as natural as filling up the tank.

Over the next year, we will bring forward an energy action plan, an infrastructure package and an energy efficiency action plan to put this vision in place. I myself will travel to the Caspian region later this year to promote the Southern Corridor as a means of enhancing our security of supply.

To build a resource-efficient Europe, we need to look beyond energy. In the 20th century the world enjoyed phenomenal resource-intensive growth. We saw in the 20th century globally a four-fold growth in population accompanied by a 40-fold growth in economic output. But in the same period we also increased our use of fossil fuels 16 176 times, our fishing catches 35 times, our water use 9 times. And our carbon emissions increased 17 times.

That means we have to deliver on our climate and energy package, as a core driver for change. This means integrating the different strands of policy on climate change, energy, transport and environment into a coherent approach on resource efficiency and a low carbon future.

A forward-looking agricultural sector will play a major role in European measures to address some of the biggest challenges ahead, such as global food security, biodiversity loss and the sustainable management of natural resources. So will our maritime policy.

All of this will not only strengthen our economy tomorrow: it will provide new openings today. Jobs in the eco-industry have been increasing by 7% a year since 2000. I want to see 3 million "green jobs" by 2020, 3 million green collar workers that complement our blue and white collar workers.

We need sustainable growth, and we need smart growth. Half of European productivity growth over the last 15 years was driven by information and communication technologies. This trend is set to intensify. Our European Digital Agenda will deliver a single digital market worth 4% of EU GDP by 2020.

Honourable Members,

Everything we do is for the citizens of Europe. A fundamental dimension of our Eu- ropean project is precisely building an area of freedom, security and justice.

We are working hard to implement the Stockholm action plan. We will make a real push on asylum and migration.

Legal migrants will find in Europe a place where human values are respected and enforced. At the same time, we will crack down on the exploitation of illegal immi- STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010 grants within Europe and at our borders. The Commission will make new proposals on policing our external borders.

And we will bring forward an internal security strategy to tackle threats of organised crime and terrorism.

Europeans will find that their fundamental rights and obligations exist wherever they go. Everyone in Europe must respect the law, and the governments must respect human rights, including those of minorities. Racism and xenophobia have no place in Europe. On such sensitive issues, when a problem arises, we must all act with responsibility. I make a strong appeal not to re-awaken the ghosts of Europe's past.

An area of freedom, liberty and security, will create a place where Europeans can prosper.

Honourable Members, 177 Another challenge is sorting out the future budget of the European Union.

Next month, we will come forward with the Commission's first ideas for the budget review. It shall launch an open debate without taboos to prepare our legislative proposals that will be presented in the second quarter of next year.

We need to spend our money where we get most value for it. And we should invest it where it leverages growth and delivers on our European agenda. The quality of spending should be the yardstick for us all.

So it is not only important to discuss the quantity, but also the quality of spending and investment.

I believe Europe offers real added value. That is why I will be pushing for an ambitious post-2013 budget for Europe.

I believe we should pool our means to back our policy priorities.

The issue is not about spending more or less, but spending more intelligently, by looking at European and national budgets together. The EU budget is not for Brussels – it is for the people that you represent: for the unemployed workers being retrained by the Social Fund; for the students that participate in the Erasmus programme; for the regions that benefit from the Cohesion Fund.

Energy interconnections, research, and development aid are obvious examples where a Euro spent at European level gets you more than a Euro spent at national level. Some Member States are seeing this logic even in areas of core national competence, like defence. They recognize that huge savings could be made if they pool some of their means and activities. Pooling money at the European level allows Member States to cut their costs, avoid overlaps and get a better return on their investment. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

That's why we should also explore new sources of financing for major European infrastructure projects. For instance, I will propose the establishment of EU project bonds, together with the European Investment Bank. We will also further develop Public Private Partnerships.

As this Parliament has made clear, we must also address the issue of own resources. The present system is stretched to its limits – propped up by a byzantine set of correc- tions. Our citizens deserve a fairer and more efficient and transparent system. Some will not agree with all the ideas we will raise; I find it extraordinary that some are already rejecting them, even before knowing what they will be.

I know that one issue of interest to this Parliament is the duration of the next budget. Various options exist. I would like to look at a 10-year framework, with a mid-term review of the financial dimension after five years – a "five plus five" option. This will give us longer term planning and a clearer link with the mandates of both our institutions. 178 Of course, part of a credible European budget is the rigorous pursuit of savings. I am looking at the administrative costs within the Commission and other Community bodies like Agencies. We need to eliminate all pockets of inefficiency. We will build on recommendations from the Court of Auditors to improve financial management.

Honourable Members,

The final challenge I want to address today is how we pull our weight on the global stage.

When we deal with our every day problems, we sometimes lose perspective and forget our achievements. A peaceful and successful transition to a European Union that has doubled in size and is negotiating further accessions. A sound currency, the euro, that is a major currency of the world. A strong partnership with our neighbourhood that strengthens us all. If we act decisively, then we have nothing to fear from the 21st century.

As the strategic partnerships of the 21st century emerge, Europe should seize the chance to define its future. I am impatient to see the Union play the role in global affairs that matches its economic weight. Our partners are watching and are expecting us to engage as Europe, not just as 27 individual countries. If we don't act together, Europe will not be a force in the world, and they will move on without us: without the European Union but also without its Member States. This is why, in my political guidelines, I called for Europe to be a global player, a global leader – a key task and test for our generation.

Together with High Representative and Vice-President Ashton, I will present our vision of how we can maximise Europe's role in the world. With the European External Action Service, we have the means to match our aspirations. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

In our globalized world, the relationships we build with strategic partners determine our prosperity. To be effective on the international stage, we need the weight of the European Union. Size matters, now more than ever.

A good example is the fight against climate change. Copenhagen showed that, while others did not match our ambition, we did not help ourselves by not speaking with one voice. Negotiations may have stalled but climate change has not. I want us to intensify our engagement with international partners to turn their press releases into credible commitments to cut emissions and push forward with fast-start funding.

The next two months will see crucial Summits with strategic partners. The more we are able to establish a common agenda with a clearly defined European interest, the more we will achieve. For example, I see huge potential in developing a transatlantic agenda for growth and jobs.

Where we are already punching our weight is the G20, the forum where the key economic global players address common challenges. When President Van Rompuy 179 and I go to Seoul in November and represent the European Union, we want to see concrete results:

• Further progress in global economic coordination.

• More stable and responsible financial markets and agreement on reform of international financial institutions.

• More effective global financial safety nets.

• More progress on a G20 development agenda.

We will continue to show leadership in this forum and work closely with the French G8/G20 Presidency next year.

We also want to see support for the Doha Round. Trade boosts growth and prosperity. We will also pursue bilateral and regional Free Trade Agreements. In October, the Commission will present a renewed trade policy to drive new benefits for Europe.

Being open to the world also means standing side by side with developing countries, especially with Africa. When I go to the Millennium Development Goals High-Level Event in New York in 2 weeks' time, I intend to commit, with your support and on behalf of the European Union, an extra €1 billion to the Millennium Development Goals.

Being a global player also means standing up for our values. Human rights are not negotiable. I am shocked about how the rights of women are being infringed in many countries. I am appalled when I hear that Sakineh Mohammadi Ashtiani is sentenced to death by stoning. This is barbaric beyond words. In Europe we condemn such acts which have no justification under any moral or religious code. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Our values also mean that we must come to the aid of those facing a crisis situation, anywhere around the world.

Our humanitarian aid to Pakistan is the latest example of Europe's solidarity in action. It is a striking example of the need to present the different contributions of the Commission and the Member States as a truly European aid package. The Member States have the helicopters; they have the civil protection teams. We now need to pool them to create a real European crisis response capacity. This is what the Commission will propose in October. And I urge the Member States to show they are serious about the Union punching its weight in this area.

We are making progress on a common foreign policy. But let's be under no illusions: we will not have the weight we need in the world without a common defence policy. I believe now is the moment to address this challenge.

Honourable Members, 180 We are still bedding down the new institutional set-up of Europe created by the Lis- bon Treaty.

What really matters is what the institutions deliver to the people. What matters is the difference Europe makes in their daily lives.

The secret of Europe’s success is its unique Community model. More than ever, the Commission must drive the political agenda with its vision and proposals.

I have called for a special relationship between the Commission and Parliament, the two Community institutions par excellence. I am intensifying my political cooperation with you.

Europe is not only Brussels or Strasbourg. It is our regions. It is the cities, towns and villages you come from. When you walk round your constituencies, you can point to the European projects that are so important for their prosperity.

At the end of the day, we are all in the same boat, the European institutions, the Member states, the regions. The Union will not achieve its objectives in Europe without the Member States. And the Member States will not achieve their objectives in the world without the European Union.

Honourable Members,

The citizens of Europe expect us to take the action needed to get out of this crisis.

We must show them that the common efforts we are making today will lead to new jobs, new investments, and a Europe fit for the future.

I am confident that Europe has what it takes. We will get the results we are reaching for. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2010

One thing is certain, it is not with pessimism that we will win this battle. It is with confidence, with a strong common will.

Today, I have outlined how I see the European Union doing that.

I have committed to deliver the proposals to build our economic union.

I have made the case to fast-track our reform agenda.

I have set out how to modernise our social market economy to deliver growth and jobs in a smart, sustainable and inclusive economy through our Europe 2020 flagship initiatives.

I have set out how to achieve a common energy policy in Europe.

I have defended the need for an area of freedom, security and justice, where Euro- peans will find that their fundamental rights and obligations exist wherever they go. 181

I have made clear that the Commission will strive for an ambitious budget.

I have proposed to develop EU project bonds to finance major European projects.

I have announced our reinforced commitment to the Millennium Development Goals.

I have made the case clear of why we need a common crisis response capacity and a also a common foreign and a common defence policy.

And I have urged European leaders to act together if they want Europe to be a global player and defend the European interest.

It is indeed a transformational, an ambitious and challenging agenda.

For Europe to succeed, the Commission needs your support for a stronger, a fairer Europe for the benefits of our citizens

Thank you.

Statement ahead of the meeting of the Heads of State or Government of the Euro area

PRESS STATEMENT BRUSSELS, 20 JULY 2011

Good afternoon Ladies and Gentlemen, 183 omorrow, 24 hours from now precisely, the Heads of State and Government of the Euro area will meet in Brussels to address the present challenges in the T Euro area. Nobody should be under any illusion: The situation is very serious. It requires a response. Otherwise the negative consequences will be felt in all corners of Europe and beyond.

The situation requires full engagement by everyone at the summit, and I believe we will have it.

The elements for a solution are known. Last week’s Eurogroup conclusions provide the starting point. The Commission has pushed, and will continue to push, for an ambitious and comprehensive approach.

This being said, the minimum we must do tomorrow is to provide clarity on the following:

• Measures to ensure the sustainability of Greek public finances;

• Feasibility and limits of Private Sector Involvement;

• Scope for more flexible action through the European Financial Stability Facility (EFSF);

• Repair of the banking sector still needed;

• Measures to ensure the provision of liquidity to our banking system.

There should also be a clear and unequivocal signal that the Council will conclude the economic governance package with the European Parliament.

Most of the decisions to be taken tomorrow belong to the competence of the Member States. They have reserved the instruments to themselves. And they have said they will IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

do what it takes to ensure the stability of the Euro area. Well, now is the time to make good on that promise. There is of course also the responsibility of the European Central Bank. A solution will require that all actors exercise their responsibility to the full.

Leaders need to come to the table saying what they can do and what they want to do and what they will do. Not what they can’t do and won’t do. This is what I ask from them. I urge all the leaders to show the ethics of European responsibility.

Throughout this whole process, I have been making the case that it is in the self-interest of every Member State to commit. It is true for those who have to reduce deficit and debt, and it is also true for those who are asked for support and solidarity.

The truth is: we are inter-dependent. This is not an option. It is a reality. In a globalised world, our partners count on Europe, but without Europe and the European Union, Europeans will not count. In a globalized world, either we act as Europe, or we are not actors at all. 184 The Euro is one of our greatest assets. Its benefits far outweigh the effort that is required by the Member States on the different sides of the negotiation. We cannot be light about this, or else history will judge this generation of leaders harshly.

The Commission is fulfilling its part. Over the last couple of weeks, I have intensified my contacts with Heads of State and Government. Commissioner Rehn and the services of the Commission have made proposals and suggested options. We are doing everything to bring the different sides together, both through our political contacts and our technical expertise.

In that respect, let me also mention two decisions that the Commission has taken today:

First of all, on Greece. Part of what we need to do is bringing growth back to Greece. The last European Council welcomed my proposal to mobilize technical expertise from the Commission and Member States to the reform process in Greece. I am pleased to announce that, today, the Commission has created the “Task Force for Greece” to deliver on what we have decided. Work on the ground will start immediately.

Secondly, on financial regulation. The Commission has just adopted the proposal for the transposition of the Basel III agreement on bank capital requirements. Once again, with this, Europe will be the first mover.

All of this is part of the wide-ranging exercise of reform and renewal that Europe is undertaking and that Europe has to deepen. But all of our efforts are based on a strong single market and a strong Euro. That is what is at stake.

That is why we must provide a solution tomorrow.

I believe now is the time to decide.

With goodwill on all sides, we can have a solution tomorrow.

Thank you for your attention. State of the Union Address 2011 — European renewal

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 28 SEPTEMBER 2011

Mr President, Honourable Members, Minister, 185

e must be honest and clear in our analysis of the state of the Union. W We are facing the biggest challenge in the history of our Union. This crisis is financial, economic and social. But it is also a crisis of confidence. A crisis of confidence in our leaders, in Europe itself, and in our capacity to find solutions.

The roots of the crisis are well-known. Europe has not met the challenges of competitiveness. Some of our Member States have lived beyond their means. Some be- haviours in the financial markets have been irresponsible and inadmissible. We have allowed imbalances between our Member States to grow, particularly in the euro area.

Tectonic shifts in the world order and the pressures of globalisation, have made matters even worse.

The result is clear: concern in our societies. Fear among our citizens for the future. A growing danger of a retreat into national, not to say nationalist, feeling.

Populist responses are calling into question the major successes of the European Un- ion: the euro, the single market, even the free movement of persons.

Today we can say that the sovereign debt crisis today is, above all, a crisis of political confidence. And our citizens, but also people in the outside world, are observing us and wondering – are we really a Union? Do we really have the will to sustain the single currency?

Are the most vulnerable Member States really determined to carry out essential reforms? IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Are the most prosperous Member States really ready to show solidarity?

Is Europe really capable of achieving growth and creating jobs?

I assert here today:

Yes, the situation is serious. But there are solutions to the crisis.

Europe has a future, if we restore confidence.

And to restore confidence we need stability and growth. But also political will, political leadership.

Together we must propose to our citizens a European renewal.

We must translate into deeds what was stated in the Berlin Declaration, signed by 186 the Commission, by Parliament and by the European Council on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the signature of the Rome Treaties. It was said then: ‘Wir leben heute miteinander, wie es nie zuvor möglich war. Wir Bürgerinnen und Bürger der Europäischen Union sind zu unserem Glück vereint.’ - ‘Today we live together as was never possible before. We, the citizens of the European Union, have united for the better.’ It is a declaration. And words count. This expression of will must be translated into everyday courage.

Working with our institutions, and not working against them, we can succeed.

For some, the main consideration is the need for stability. For others, it is growth.

I say we need both.

Some preach discipline. Others, solidarity.

We need both.

The time for piecemeal solutions is over. We need to set our minds on global solutions. A greater ambition for Europe.

Today we are at a turning point in our history. A moments when, if we do not integrate further, we risk fragmentation.

It is therefore a question of political will, a test for our whole generation.

And I say to you, yes, it is possible to emerge from this crisis. It is not only possible, but it is necessary. And political leadership is about making possible that which is necessary.

Honourable members, STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL

Let me start with Greece. Greece is, and will remain, a member of the euro area. Greece must implement its commitments in full and on time. In turn, the other euro area members have pledged to support Greece and each other. As stated at the euro area Summit on 21 July: „We are determined to continue to provide support to countries under programmes until they have regained market access, provided they successfully implement those programmes.“

That is why I created the Task Force for Greece.

We have just launched an action plan based on two major pillars:

• Around 100 viable and high-quality projects, investing in all Greek regions, to make the best use of Greece’s remaining allocation of the structural funds.

• And a major drive to reduce bureaucratic procedures for European co-funded projects. 187 € 15 billion remain to be spent in Greece from the structural funds. This will support the Greek economy with an urgent programme of technical assistance to the Greek administration.

A programme of € 500 million Euros to guarantee European Investment Bank loans to Greek SMEs is already under way. The Commission is also considering a wider guarantee mechanism to help banks lend again to the real economy.

All of this represents a huge support to Greece’s fight back and Greece will have to deliver concrete results. It must break with counterproductive practices and resist vested interests.

But we have to be clear about this. This is not a sprint, but a marathon.

The task of building a Union of stability and responsibility is not only about Greece.

The economic outlook that we face is very difficult. We are confronted with the negative effects of an ongoing global re-assessment of risks. It is therefore our responsibility to rebuild confidence and trust in the euro and our Union as a whole.

And we can do this by showing that we are able to take all the decisions needed to run a common currency and an integrated economy in a competitive, inclusive and resource-efficient way. For this we need to act in the short, in the medium and the long term.

The first step is to quickly fix the way we respond to the sovereign debt crisis.

This will require stronger mechanisms for crisis resolution. We need credible firepow- er and effective firewalls for the euro.

We have to build on the EFSF and the upcoming European Stability Mechanism. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

The EFSF must immediately be made both stronger and more flexible. This is what the Commission proposed already in January. This is what Heads of State and Gov- ernment of the euro area agreed upon on 21 July. Only then, when you ratify this, will the EFSF be able to:

• deploy precautionary intervention;

• intervene to support the recapitalisation of banks,

• intervene in the secondary markets to help avoid contagion

Once the EFSF is ratified, we should make the most efficient use of its financial -enve lope. The Commission is working on options to this end.

Moreover we should do everything possible to accelerate the entry into force of the ESM. 188 And naturally we trust that the European Central Bank – in full respect of the Treaty – will do whatever is necessary to ensure the integrity of the euro area and to ensure its financial stability.

But we cannot stop there. We must deepen economic coordination and integration, particularly in the euro area.

This is at least as big a political task as an economic one.

Today, you will vote on the so-called "six-pack" proposals that we put in front of you and the Council one year ago. This "six-pack" reforms the Stability and Growth Pact and widens surveillance to macro-economic imbalances. We are now back very close to what the Commission originally put on the table. You have played a decisive role in keeping the level of ambition of these proposals, and I really want to thank you and congratulate you for that.

This legislation will give us much stronger enforcement mechanisms. We can now discuss Member States' budgetary plans before national decisions are taken. This mix of discipline and integration holds the key to the future of the euro area. Only with more integration and discipline we can have a really credible euro area.

Honourable members,

These are indeed important steps forward, but we must go further. We need to complete our monetary union with an economic union. We need to achieve the tasks of Maastricht.

It was an illusion to think that we could have a common currency and a single market with national approaches to economic and budgetary policy. Let's avoid another illusion that we can have a common currency and a single market with an intergovernmental approach. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL

For the euro area to be credible – and this not only the message of the federalists, this is the message of the markets – we need a truly Community approach. We need to really integrate the euro area, we need to complete the monetary union with real economic union. And this truly Community approach can be built how? In the coming weeks, the Commission will build on the six-pack and present a proposal for a single, coherent framework to deepen economic coordination and integration, particularly in the euro area. This will be done in a way that ensures the compatibility between the euro area and the Union as a whole. We do not want the euro area to break of course the great acquis of the single market and all our four freedoms.

At the same time, we can pool decision making to enhance our competitiveness. This could be done by integrating the Euro Plus Pact into this framework, in full respect of the national implementation competences.

For all of this to work, we need more than ever the independent authority of the Commission, to propose and assess the actions that the Member States should take. Governments, let's be frank, cannot do this by themselves. Nor can this be done by 189 negotiations between governments.

Indeed, within the Community competences, the Commission is the economic government of the Union, we certainly do not need more institutions for this.

For a reason the Treaties have created supra-national institutions. For a reason the European Commission, the European Central Bank, the European Court of Justice were created. The Commission is the guarantor of fairness. Moreover, the Commis- sion, which naturally works in partnership with the Member States, is voted by and accountable to this House. The directly elected Parliament both of the euro area and of the European Union as a whole.

Honourable members,

It is also time to have unified external representation of the euro area. In accordance with the Treaty the Commission will make proposals for this purpose.

A Union of stability and responsibility built on this basis and with common approach will also allow the Member States to seize fully the advantages of a bigger market for the issuance of sovereign debt.

Once the euro area is fully equipped with the instruments necessary to ensure both integration and discipline, the issuance of joint debt will be seen as a natural and ad- vantageous step for all. On condition that such Eurobonds will be "Stability Bonds": bonds that are designed in a way that rewards those who play by the rules, and deters those who don't. As I already announced to this house, the Commission will present options for such "Stability Bonds" in the coming weeks.

Some of these options can be implemented within the current Treaty, whereas fully fledged 'Eurobonds' would require Treaty change. And this is important because, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Honourable Members, we can do a lot within the existing Treaty of Lisbon. And there is no excuse for not doing it, and for not doing it now.

But it may be necessary to consider further changes to the Treaty.

I am also thinking particularly of the constraint of unanimity. The pace of our joint endeavour cannot be dictated by the slowest. And today we have a Union where it is the slowest member that dictates the speed of all the other Member States. This is not credible also from the markets' point of view, this is why we need to solve this problem of decision making. A Member State has of course the right not to accept decisions. That is a question, as they say, of national sovereignty. But a Member State does not have the right to block the moves of others, the others also have their national sovereignty and if they want to go further, they should go further.

Our willingness to envisage Treaty change should not be a way or an excuse to delay the reforms that are necessary today but I believe that this longer term perspective will 190 reinforce the credibility of our decisions now.

A Union of stability and responsibility means swiftly completing the work on a new system of regulation for the financial sector. We need well-capitalised, responsible banks lending to the real economy.

Much has been said about the alleged vulnerability of some of our banks. European banks have substantially strengthened their capital positions over the past year. They are now raising capital to fill the remaining gaps identified by the stress tests in summer. This is necessary to limit the damage to financial market turbulence on the real economy and on jobs.

Over the last three years, we have designed a new system of financial regulation.

Let's remember, we have already tabled 29 pieces of legislation. You have already adopted several of them, including the creation of independent supervising authorities, which are already working. Now it is important to approve our proposals for new rules on:

• derivatives;

• naked short selling and credit default swaps;

• fair remuneration for bankers.

These propositions are there, they should be adopted by the Council and by the Par- liament. The Commission will deliver the remaining proposals by the end of this year, namely rules on:

• credit rating agencies;

• bank resolution; STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL

• personal responsibility of financial operatives.

So we will be the first constituency in the G20 to have delivered on our commitment to global efforts for financial regulation.

Honourable members,

In the last three years, Member States - I should say taxpayers - have granted aid and provided guarantees of € 4.6 trillion to the financial sector. It is time for the financial sector to make a contribution back to society. That is why I am very proud to say that today, the Commission adopted a proposal for the Financial Transaction Tax. Today I am putting before you a very important text that if implemented may generate a revenue of about € 55 billion per year. Some people will ask "Why?". Why? It is a question of fairness. If our farmers, if our workers, if all the sectors of the economy from industry to agriculture to services, if they all pay a contribution to the society also the banking sector should make a contribution to the society. 191 And if we need – because we need – fiscal consolidation, if we need more revenues the question is where these revenues are coming from. Are we going to tax labour more? Are we going to tax consumption more? I think it is fair to tax financial activities that in some of our Member States do not pay the proportionate contribution to the society.

It is not only financial institutions who should pay a fair share. We cannot afford to turn a blind eye to tax evasion. So it is time to adopt our proposals on savings tax within the European Union. And I call on the Member States to finally give the Commission the mandate we have asked for to negotiate tax agreements for the whole European Union with third countries.

Honourable members,

Stability and responsibility are not enough on their own. We need stability but we also need growth. We need responsibility but we also need solidarity.

The economy can only remain strong if it delivers growth and jobs. That's why we must unleash the energy of our economy, especially the real economy.

The forecasts today point to a strong slowdown.

But significant growth in Europe is not an impossible dream. It will not come magi- cally tomorrow. But we can create the conditions for growth to resume. We have done it before. We must and we can do it again.

It is true that we do not have much room for a new fiscal stimulus.

But that does not mean that we cannot do more to promote growth.

First, those who have fiscal space available must explore it – but in a sustainable way. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Second, all member states need to promote structural reforms so that we can increase our competitiveness in the world and promote growth.

Together, we can and must tap the potential of the Single Market, exploit all the benefits of trade and mobilise investment at the Union level.

Let me start with the Single Market.

Full implementation of the Services Directive alone could, according to our estimates, deliver up to € 140 billion in economic gains.

But today, two years after the deadline for implementation, several Member States have still not adopted the necessary laws.

So we are not benefiting from all the possible gains from having a true services liberalisation in Europe. 192 But we can also do more.

We must adopt what is on the table. We have adopted the Single Market Act in the European Commission. A number of key initiatives are ready.

We are close to having a European patent which would cut the cost of protection to 20% of current costs. I expect this is to be concluded by the end of this year.

Moreover, for the Single Market Act, we should consider a fast track legislative procedure. By the way, in many areas we should take a fast track legislative procedure because we are living in real emergency times. This will allow us to respond to these extraordinary circumstances.

And growth in the future will depend more and more on harnessing information technology. We need a digital single market, which will benefit each and every Euro- pean by around €1500 per year – by using the possibilities of e-commerce to ending, for instance, mobile roaming charges.

An extra 10 % in broadband penetration would bring us between 1 and 1.5 % of extra annual growth.

In a competitive world we must be also well-educated with skills to face these new challenges. We must innovate. And we must act in a sustainable way.

We have already presented detailed proposals on innovation, resource-efficiency and how we can strengthen our industrial base.

Modern industrial policy is about investing in research and innovation.

We need to accelerate the adoption of our efforts to boost the use of venture capital to fund young, innovative companies across Europe. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL

Sustainable jobs will come if we focus on innovation and new technologies, including green technologies. We must see that "green" and growth go together.

For example, the renewables sector has already created 300,000 jobs in past 5 years in the European Union. The global green technology market will triple over the next decade.

We must focus our action on where it makes a real impact. Growth of the future means we must actively pursue also our smart regulation agenda, which will give a saving of € 38 billion for European companies, particularly for SMEs. But Member States must also do their part in reducing the administrative burden.

But we also need investment. These reforms are important but we also need some kind of investment at European level.

A Union of growth and solidarity needs modern, interconnected infrastructures. 193 We have proposed for the next Multi-Annual Financial Framework (MFF) to create a facility to connect Europe – in energy, in transport, in digital.

This innovative part of our MFF proposal has to be seen together with another very important innovative idea: the project bond.

In the coming weeks the Commission will publish its proposals for EU project bonds. We are also proposing pilot projects, so that we can fund that growth. We can do it even before the MFF is adopted. In this way we can frontload some of the major infrastructure investments Europe needs.

The Union and its Member States should urgently consider how to allow our own policy-driven bank, the European Investment Bank to do more – and possibly much more – to finance long-term investment.

To do so, we need to explore ways to reinforce the EIB's resources and capital base so that it can lend to the real economy.

In the year 2000, there was € 22 billion of venture capital in Europe. In 2010 there was only € 3 billion. If we want to promote entrepreneurship we must reverse this decline and we need that support namely for SMEs.

We can also get more growth out of the Structural Funds, by increasing absorption capacity, using the Structural Funds to support macroeconomic performance. They are essential for innovation, for training and employment, and for SMEs.

I would also like to urge this House to adopt by the end of the year the proposals we made in August to increase cofinancing rates to those countries with assistance programmes. This will inject essential funding into these economies, while reducing pressure on national budgets. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Honourable members,

Reforms to our labour markets, public finances and pension systems require a major effort from all parts of society.

We all know these changes are necessary, so that we can reform our social market economy and keep our social model. But it is imperative that we hold on to our values – values of fairness, of inclusiveness and of solidarity.

Right now we need to give concrete hope to the 1 in 5 of our young people who cannot find work. In some countries, the situation of our young people is simply dramatic. I want to call on companies to make a special effort to provide internships and apprenticeships for young people. These can be supported by the European Social Fund.

By getting businesses, the social partners, national authorities and the Union level 194 working in a "Young Opportunities Initiative", we can make a difference. This I -be lieve is the most urgent social matter to respond to the anxiety of our young people that cannot find a job and it is much better to have an apprenticeship, a traineeship, than to be with that anxiety in the streets expressing that lack of confidence in the Union as a whole.

We must accelerate the most urgent parts of our Growth and Jobs Plan, Europe 2020. The Commission will focus on the situation of young people in each and every Mem- ber State in its Country-specific recommendations for next year.

I believe we must give our future a real chance.

Right now we also need to act to help the 80 million Europeans at risk of poverty. This means that the Council must finally approve our proposal to safeguard the programme for the supply of food for the most deprived persons. I would like to thank this Parliament for the political support it has given to our proposed solution.

Honourable Members,

Fifty years ago, 12 countries in Europe came together to sign the Social Charter. It was exactly in October 50 years ago. Today, that Charter has 47 signatories, including all our Member States.

To guarantee these fundamental values in Europe, I believe we need to boost the quality of social dialogue at European level. The renewal of Europe can only succeed with the input and the ownership of all the social partners – of trade unions, of workers, of businesses, civil society in general.

We should remember that our Europe is a Europe of citizens. As citizens, we all gain through Europe. We gain a European identity and citizenship apart from our national citizenship. European citizenship adds a set of rights and opportunities. The opportunity to freely cross borders, to study and work abroad. Here again, we must all stand STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL up and preserve and develop these rights and opportunities. Just as the Commission is doing now with our proposals on Schengen. We will not tolerate a rolling back of our citizens' rights. We will defend the freedom of circulation and all the freedoms in our Union.

Honourable Members,

The Commission’s activities, as you well know, cover many other fields. I cannot discuss them all here, but they are mentioned in the letter which I sent to the Parlia- ment’s President and which you have all received.

Before I conclude, however, let me speak about the European Union’s external responsibilities. I want to see an open Europe, a Europe engaging with the world.

European action in the world is not only the best guarantee for our citizens and for the defence of our interests and our values: it is also indispensable to the world. Today it is fashionable to talk of a G2. I believe the world does not want a G2. It is not in 195 the interests of the Two themselves. We know the tension that bipolarity created during the Cold War. If we want to have a just world and an open world, I believe that Europe is more necessary than ever.

The rapidly-changing world needs a Europe that assumes its responsibilities. An influential Europe, a Europe of 27 - with the accession of Croatia soon to be 28. A Europe that continues to show the way, whether in matters of trade or of climate change. At a time when major events await us, from Durban to Rio +20, Europe must retain its position of leadership on these questions.

Let us also turn our attention to our southern neighbours. The Arab Spring is a profound transformation which will have lasting consequences not only for those peoples but also for Europe. Europe should be proud. We were the first to stand alongside those Tunisians, Egyptians and Libyans who wanted democracy and freedom. Europe is supporting these legitimate aspirations, namely through our Partnership for De- mocracy and Shared Prosperity.

The Arab Spring should give hope for peace throughout the region. Europe wishes to see a Palestinian State living in peace alongside the State of Israel.

Let us also turn our attention to our eastern neighbours. On Friday I shall take part in the Eastern Partnership Summit in Warsaw. I shall go there with the ambition to forge a closer political relationship and tighter economic integration between us and our partners in the region. The EU has extraordinary transformational power. It is an inspiration for many people in the world, and if those countries embark on a thorough process of reform we can help them. We can further political and economic ties.

Finally, let us not forget the most deprived of all and let us live up to our commitments in attaining the Millennium Development Goals. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

We must also be realistic and recognise that, if Europe is to exert its influence fully, if Europe really wants to be a power, we must strengthen the Common Foreign and Se- curity Policy. It must be credible. It must be based on a common security and defence dimension if we are really to count in the world.

Long gone is the time when people could oppose the idea of European defence for fear that it might harm the Transatlantic relationship. As you have noticed, today it is the Americans themselves who are asking us to do more as Europeans. The world has changed, the world is still changing fundamentally. Do we really want to count in the world?

Hence, at a time when defence budgets are under pressure, we must do more together with the means at our disposal.

The Commission is assuming playing its part: we are working towards a single defence market. We are using our under the Treaty with a view to developing a European 196 defence industrial base.

Honourable Members,

Let us not be naive: the world is changing and if Europe is to count in the world and defend its citizens’ interests we need the political dimension and the defence dimension to give us weight and a say in the world’s future.

Honourable Members,

I conclude.

At the end of our mandate, in 2014, it will be exactly a century since the Great War broke out on our continent. A dark period which was followed by the Second World War, one of the most dramatic pages in the history of Europe and the world. Today such horrors are unimaginable in Europe, largely because we have the European Un- ion. Thanks to the European vision, we have built a guarantee of peace in our continent through economic and political integration. That is why we cannot allow this great work to be placed in jeopardy. It was a gift from previous generations. It will not be our generation that calls it into question. And let us be clear: if we start to break up Europe, if we start to backtrack on Europe’s major achievements, we will doubtless have to face the risk of fragmentation.

As I said, the root of the crisis we are now facing is a political problem. It is a test of our willingness to live together. That is why we have built common institutions. That is why we must safeguard the European interest.

The reality today is that intergovernmental cooperation is not enough to pull Europe out of this crisis, to give Europe a future. On the contrary, certain forms of intergovernmentalism could lead to renationalisation and fragmentation. Certain forms of intergovernmentalism could be the death of the united Europe we wish for. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2011 — EUROPEAN RENEWAL

Let us not forget that the decisions we take now, or fail to take, are going to shape our future. I feel hurt when I hear people in other parts of the world, with a certain condescension, telling us Europeans what we should do. I think, frankly, we have problems, very serious problems, but I also think we do not have to apologise for our democracies. We do not have to apologise for our social market economy. We should ask our institutions, but also our Member States, Paris, Berlin, Athens, Lisbon and Dublin, to show a burst of pride in being European, a burst of dignity, and say to our partners: ‘Thanks for the advice, but we can overcome this crisis together’. I feel that pride in being European.

And pride in being European is not just about our great culture, our great civilisation, everything to which we have given birth. It is not pride only in the past, it is pride in our future. That is the confidence that we have to re-create among ourselves. It is possible.

Some say it is very difficult, it is impossible. I would remind them of the words of a great man, a great African, Nelson Mandela: ‘It always seems impossible until it 197 is done’. Let’s do it. We can do it with confidence. We can do it, we can renew our Europe.

Thank you for your attention.

The State of Europe

DIE EUROPA REDE BERLIN, 9 NOVEMBER 2011

Mr Lammert, Mr Pöttering, Mr Berg, Mr Hassemer, Ladies and Gentlemen, 199

would like to thank the creators of the Berliner Europa-Rede, the Konrad-Ade- nauer Stiftung, the Robert-Bosch-Stiftung and the Stiftung Zukunft Berlin, for I this invitation to speak to you today. I thank you, but I also congratulate you for choosing this date, 9th November. With the establishment of the Berliner Eu- ropa-Rede, you have not only created a new European public space. By placing it every year on this day, a German and a European “Schicksalstag”, you express the strong link between the destiny of Germany and the destiny of Europe.

This date reminds us of both painful and joyful moments of the recent history of your country, and with it of our continent.

It is the day when the German Kaiserreich came to an end. Two days later, the First World War armistice brought insufferable carnage to an end but failed to pave the way for enduring peace. It is the day of the Nazi’s burning of the synagogues in 1938, one of the events that announced horrors yet to come. But then, it is the day of the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, when freedom prevailed over totalitarian rule. This date symbolises the fact that our actions have consequences. That political decisions are not indifferent. That history is shaped not by fatality, but by what we do. That by taking the right decisions, we can build hope, humanity, and freedom.

I remember clearly the 9th November 1989. At that time I was Deputy Foreign Minister of my country. I was following with attention the developments here in Germany from the South-Western tip of our continent. Yet things felt so close, and emotions were so strong.

It reminded me very much of the celebrations in the streets when Portugal won its democracy in 1974. When you are 18 years of age and you see a regime, a dictatorship fall in one day, you never forget what democracy means. I instinctively believed that something extraordinary was happening - that the opening of the Berlin wall meant the reunification not only of Germany but also of Europe. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

That is why I am really so honoured to be here today, in this country, in this city, just a few metres from where the destiny of Europe changed – to talk to you about the challenges Europe faces today. And once again my apologies for arriving late. Usually, as Hans-Gert Pöttering knows it, I am very punctual, but I could not control the fog in Berlin that delayed all the planes that came from the other parts of Europe.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Europe is indeed very different today to how it was in 1989, not only with the European Union growing from 12 Member States we were then to 27 Member States, having a today a truly continental dimension and a global outreach.

But we are also different in the world because the forces of globalisation, combined with information technology, have resulted in a new dimension of interdependence that affects every European country and every European citizen.

200 In 1989, the Internet was not yet part of our reality. Markets were not in a position to trigger within seconds chain-reactions to events that spilled all around the globe.

This is our reality today. This is the reality that informs our policy and shapes our political challenge.

This reality sits alongside the emergence, the rapid development, of many economies and nations whose influence on world affairs was much more limited than it is today. The bi-polar system of the world before 1989 has been replaced by a multi-polar, more unstable and more unpredictable world.

If Europe wants to play its role in this new world, our Member States must realise that they do not have the power or influence to do so alone.

Already in 1954 Jean Monnet predicted that: “Our countries have become too small for today’s world, when compared to the potential of modern technical means and in relation to the dimension of America and Russia today, China and India tomorrow”. Jean Monnet, 1954.

Over half a century later, Europe’s challenges are even greater. And so our ambition must be stronger, not weaker.

More or less at the same time, Konrad Adenauer defined the task of the generations to come in four simple words: “Europa muss geschaffen werden.” So I think we can say that the generations that have preceded us have done their part – now is the time for us to do ours.

Only a united Europe has the leverage and strength to defend our values and promote our interests in the world.

And let’s be clear – those values and interests must be promoted. THE STATE OF EUROPE

I know that in the current tendency towards negativism – something I often call the ‘intellectual glamour of pessimism’, people tend to underline Europe’s problems. Every commentator wants to show that he is more intelligent than the others by being more pessimistic. Yes, it is clear that we are facing difficulties and serious difficulties. But we must not diminish the fact that since the Second World War, and in large part thanks to the development of European integration, we have established in this continent, here in our Europe, the most decent societies known to mankind.

In no other place on earth has it been possible to put together this combination of civic, political and economic freedoms. Equality of rights between men and women. Respect for the environment. The ambition for higher levels of social cohesion and social protection. The solidarity with other parts of the world less fortunate than ourselves. In other words, also what was created here in Germany, and it is now part of our model in Europe, and it is in the Lisbon Treaty – the social market economy we have consolidated through the process of integration.

A model that is based on values with a transformational and inspirational power. A 201 model that is indeed an inspiration for many other parts of the world.

We can be proud of our model. It deserves to be defended and developed. But to do so, we must ensure Europe’s continued prosperity. And for that, we must make ourselves more competitive. We need a greater degree of economic discipline and convergence, and we need to match our monetary union with an economic union.

In other words, in the globalisation age, the unification of Europe is more essential than ever if we want to preserve our way of life, to protect our values, to promote prosperity of our citizens.

By acting together we can gather strength through numbers.

We can create a European dimension. This is not detrimental to the Member States, as it is sometimes said in some debates. Putting the European Union in opposition to the interest of our democratic countries. Rather it is in their interests. Germany counts more in the world today not only because of its economic power, the force of its industry, of its exports, of its technology, the greatest democracy ever established here, your culture, Germany counts more in the world because it is a force in Europe. And this is why we can at the same time reinforce what is so important for us – the European dimension and also our national interest inside this European dimension.

So Europe is our destiny. Strength through unity is our fate. That is why we must stand together and forge a stable union, a deeper union, a stronger union.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The case for Europe, I believe, is a dynamic one. Europe is not a concept that can be finished once and for all. It is a concept that must be, and that can be, adapted to changing circumstances – politically and economically. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Talk of emerging powers has become now commonplace. Let me say this: provided there is the political will the greatest emerging power in the world will be the European Union. In reality, if you compare the European Union today, and I am not now speaking about the power of Europe in the past, the power of the different political empires that Europe had created, or the power of different nations in the world. But if you compare the European Union today with its continental size, the European Union counts more today than the European Union of the six, of the nine, of the twelve. So indeed, as a Union we are now an emerging power. The important and relevant question is to see if we have the political will to deepen this union. Because the unique nature of the Europe- an Union makes it a power of transformation through cooperation not imposition. We have been painfully aware in recent months that it carries imperfections that we must address. But I can tell you this: our partners in the world urge us to strengthen this project – they emphatically do not encourage us to abandon or even weaken it. The world needs a stronger Europe. More Europe, not less.

Yet there are some in Europe who claim that their country does not need the rest of 202 Europe. Populism and sometimes even nationalism raises its head across our continent, claiming that too much Europe is the cause of our current difficulties. Claiming that less Europe or even non-Europe would bring solutions.

This is ignoring the global realities as well as our common history that teaches us that this continent is simply too small and too inter-dependent for us to stand apart. To turn our backs to each other. There cannot be peace and prosperity in the North or in the West of Europe if there is no peace and prosperity in the South or in the East.

But the argument for going it alone also defies economic rationality. Just an example, in 2010, Germany exported more goods and services to the Netherlands (around 15 million inhabitants) than to China, to France than to the US, to Poland than to Russia, to Spain than to Brazil, to Hungary than to India. In the same year, Germany exported almost five times as many goods to the rest of the European Union than it did to the BRICs countries altogether (China, India, Russia, Brazil, all of them). Its imports from the BRICs countries stood at just 20% of those from its EU neighbours. I could continue with many other examples that show how deep is our integration and our interdependence.

Were the Euro area or the European Union to break apart, the costs have been estimated at up to 50% of GDP in an initial phase. It is estimated that Germany’s GDP would contract by 3% and it would lose one million jobs if the Euro area were to shrink to a few core member countries. This study was made by a very important financial institution here in Germany. What is more, it would jeopardise the future prosperity of the next generation. That is the threat that hangs over us, and it is that threat that guides our commitment to resolving the situations in Greece and elsewhere, provided that those countries play their part as well.

That is why all responsible leaders must now make the case for Europe. Make the case for strength through unity. We must engage our citizens in an honest and frank debate about Europe. About its assets, but also about its shortcomings. About its potential THE STATE OF EUROPE and its future. We must show our citizens what is at stake. We must choose the path of strength over weakness. Unity over fragmentation. The hard choice over the easy one.

To do otherwise will be to consign ourselves towards what Paddy Ashdown stated recently “a collection of perfectly sovereign corks bobbing along in the wake of other people’s ocean liners”.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The European Union does not promise paradise. But it is indeed our best chance for prosperity. It is institutionally and politically in international relations the single greatest achievement of our time, probably also of human history. When you think what was the past of war and conflict not only in Europe but in so many parts of the world. Our best means to use the crisis as an opportunity for creativity out of destruction. This is the Eu- ropean Union. The European Union was created precisely for moments such as we have now. It is in moments of difficulty that we can see those who are really ready to defend the European Union as a project. What we need are Europeans for all seasons, not only 203 when seasons are easy. It is precisely in moments of difficulty that we have to show our commitment to Europe. Of course I hope that we will stand collectively behind it and give it the tools it needs to make Europe stronger.

Let me be clear - that is not about power grabbing. Very often our discussions are dominated by this paradigm. Of course, as the President of the European Commission people would expect me to argue for a European approach.

But as I say very often to my interlocutors, I am not here as a trade union for the Euro- pean Commission. After more than 30 years in politics in my Parliament in my country, but also in the government 12 years in the government, including as Foreign Minister and Prime Minister, and now after seven years in the Commission, I want to tell you I have never seen politically anything so clearly as the need for a stronger Europe. We are witnessing fundamental changes to the economic and geopolitical order that have convinced me that Europe needs to advance now together or risk fragmentation. We are in one of those moments when we cannot stand still. There are some moments when we can keep business as usual, but now the dynamic of globalisation in financial and economic terms, but also in geopolitical terms, put Europeans in front of a choice – do they really want to live together and to share a common destiny and count in the world, or do they really want to face the prospects of fragmentation and decline. So Europe must either transform itself or it will decline. We are in a defining moment where we either unite or face irrelevance. If I may use a Latin expression, we are in those moments where “Non progredi est regredi”.

Ladies and gentlemen, Europe is indeed at a crossroads.

That is why it is so vitally important now to ensure that we get it right. That we build the kind of Europe we want and we need for the future. To give it the tools to make it strong. To use the current crisis as an opportunity to modernise and dynamise Europe and how it is run. Our goal must not be to restore the status quo ante, but to move on to something new and better. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

For that to happen, we need a stability union, but also a solidarity union. To get the growth that Europe so badly needs for any of this to survive, we need more discipline but also more convergence.

We need a union of responsibility but also of solidarity. If we agree that we share a common destiny, these all belong together.

Reinforced governance of the Euro area must be a central pillar of this and is the focus of my intervention today. But this should not detract from the importance of strengthening European integration in other areas, namely Common Foreign and Security Policy and Defence. Europe can only count in the world if it is strong and united around an active promotion of its values and interests. And let’s not be naïve, without a political dimension, without a diplomatic dimension and without also the capacity to project power, we will not be up to the challenges of today’s and future world.

But today let us focus on strengthening our method for economic governance. It is clear 204 that the markets make decisions that can affect us all within seconds. In response, we cannot continue to take decisions as we have been doing until now.

The speed of the European Union, and a fortiori of the Euro area, cannot be the speed of its slowest member or its most reluctant member. There are and must be – indeed there are! – safeguards for those who do not want to go along. But it is one thing not to go along, and another thing entirely to hinder others to move forward.

Neither should Europe veer backwards to the kind of developments that would run it through intergovernmental cooperation alone.

That would take us back to the 19th century, not even to the 20th century, but to the 19th century, where peace and prosperity were supposed to be guaranteed through a precarious balance between a limited number of powers – great powers, medium powers, small powers in Europe. We know very well that this kind of balance of powers did not work then.

That is why, after the Second World War we created common, supranational institutions and methods.

Jean Monnet once wrote that: “nothing is possible without men, and nothing is lasting without institutions.” Legitimate institutions, created and upheld by the Member States, must have a strong role in the governance of the Union system. They are the only entities mandated and instructed to act in the interest of all Member States and they are the guardians of transparency, of fairness and of democracy in the Union.

In the European Union we have institutions where the Member States are represented, namely the European Council and the Council.

But we also have institutions of an innovative, supranational nature: the democratically elected European Parliament; the European Commission; the European Court of Jus- tice; the European Central Bank; the Court of Auditors. THE STATE OF EUROPE

It is precisely these supranational institutions that are the best guarantee for the respect of the agreed principles and rules in a union of sovereign states. Because the sovereign states entrust the institutions with certain powers but also with the mandate to uphold the best interests of all its members. Bigger – or smaller.

It is precisely these supranational institutions that have the independence and objectivity to ensure that all Member States – those in the Euro area and those outside – are treated equally before the Treaties.

It is precisely these institutions that are entrusted to take some decisions outside the realm of political bargaining. Thus ensuring that financial stability cannot be held hostage to politics.

This is the meaning of the role of the Commission as economic government of the Eu- ropean Union in the fields of the Union competencies. This is the reason why we have decided to create and independent European Central Bank. 205 At a time when Europe is completing its monetary union with an economic union, and at a time when convergence and discipline are increasing, the independent and objective role of the institutions is more necessary than ever.

It is in this perspective that in the upcoming discussions regarding the deepening of European integration, including through possible changes to the European Union Trea- ties, the Commission will steadfastly uphold its role as guarantor of the interests of the European common good, the general interest of Europe, including of course the interest of all our Member States. And we will defend the integrity of the single market and the integrity of the single currency. The EU as a whole and the Euro area belong together and should not be divided.

The Commission welcomes - and urges, in fact we have been asking for a long time - a deeper integration of policies and governance within the Euro area. Such integration and convergence is the only way to enhance discipline and stability and to secure the future sustainability of the Euro. In other words we have to finish the unfinished business of Maastricht – to complete the monetary union with a truly economic union.

But stability and discipline must also go together with growth. And the single market is our greatest asset to foster growth.

Let me be clear - a split union will not work. This is true for a union with different parts engaged in contradictory objectives; a union with an integrated core but a disengaged periphery; a union dominated by an unhealthy balance of power or indeed any kind of directorium. All these are unsustainable and will not work in the long term because they will put in question a fundamental, I would say a sacred, principle – the principle of justice, the principle of the respect of the quality, the principle of the respect of the rule of law. And we are a Union based on the respect of the rule of law and not on any power or forces. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

It would be absurd if the very core of our project – and economic and monetary union as embodied in the Euro area is the core of our project – so I say it would be absurd that this core were treated as a kind of “opt out” from the European Union as a whole. No, the euro area is not an “opt out” from the European Union. In fact all the European Union should have the euro as its currency. So the challenge is how to further deepen Euro area integration without creating divisions with those that are not yet in it.

Let us recall that whilst two Member States – only two Member States – negotiated an “opt out” from the monetary union, the Treaties foresee accession to the Euro area both as an obligation and as a right for all others. Provided that the conditions are met, of course.

That requires strict verification. Stricter than in the past. But to create the idea now that we have two unions in Europe means disunion, means, in fact, a separation of the members of the euro area from those who are not yet members of the euro area. Let’s take a country like Poland. They have already stated very clearly that they want to join the euro 206 as soon as all the criteria are met. So why should we now put more conditions for the countries that want to be in the core of the European project feel that they are left some time behind. I don’t think it is fair for those countries.

So let us be clear: the Treaties don’t define the Euro area as something that is distinct from the European Union. The Treaties define the Euro area as the core of the European Union.

Belonging to the Euro area or striving into the Euro area should constitute European Union normality – not belonging to it is the derogation from the rule.

It would be absurd if the part of our integration that is deepest on the substance would be lightest on the form.

The difficulties we face today have not been caused by the respect of the Community method, but rather by the lack of respect for it. The truth is that economic and monetary union is ultimately incompatible with the logic of pure inter-governmentalism: because economic and monetary union requires commitments, rules and respect of commitments and rules going beyond mere peer pressure or mere cooperation among governments. And those rules cannot be subject to the unstable logic of political influence or manoeuvring, of diplomatic negotiation or of backroom bargaining.

And this means that the deepening of the Euro area integration including by Treaty change must preserve the EU’s political, legal and institutional coherence. This means that the deepening of the Euro area integration must be done through the Community method, preserving and developing the role of the Community institutions.

But already in the terms of the current Treaty the European Union can go further in this direction and this direction is indeed necessary.

Before the end of this month, the Commission will come forward with a package of further measures to deepen European Union and Euro area economic governance. THE STATE OF EUROPE

This will include the following five elements:

First, a co-decision regulation linking EFSF and ESM assistance with country surveillance, on the basis of article 136 of the Treaty. By placing the governance of the Euro area within the overall Treaty framework, and thereby in the Community method, this would ensure the legal and institutional coherence and the compatibility between the Euro area and the EU as a whole. This regulation will, on the one hand, provide an in- terface between financial assistance under the EFSF and the future ESM - the nature of which as you know is intergovernmental - and also Treaty-based surveillance on the other. It will step up surveillance for euro Member States receiving precautionary assistance and assistance under an adjustment programme, and will also ensure post-programme surveillance.

Second, we are going to present a further co-decision regulation on deeper fiscal surveillance, also on the basis of article 136 of the Treaty. For euro area Member States in excessive deficit procedure, it will set out graduated steps and conditions for monitoring national budgetary policies. It should enable the Commission and the Council to exam- 207 ine national draft budgets ex-ante and to adopt an opinion on them before adoption by the national parliaments, requesting a second reading in serious cases. In addition, the Commission will monitor budget execution and, if necessary, suggest amendments in the course of the year.

Thirdly, we will present a communication on the external representation of the euro on the basis of article 138 of the Treaty. The crisis continues to show that the euro area needs to speak with one voice in international institutions and fora. We otherwise risk diluting our messages and our credibility. The more we improve our internal Euro area economic governance the more pressing is also the need for a strong and efficient -ex ternal representation of the Euro area. Does anyone know that the Euro area Member States taken together are the biggest contributor to the IMF? Most people don’t know that precisely because we do not appear as the euro, we appear as different Member States in different constituencies. That is why the Commission will make proposals -to wards a more consolidated European voice and representation in international fora and institutions such as the IMF.

Fourthly, we will present (I know this is controversial) a green paper on euro stability bonds. As I said in my State of the Union speech in the Parliament on 28 September, once the euro area is fully equipped with the instruments necessary to ensure both integration and discipline, the issuance of joint debt will be seen as a natural and advanta- geous step for all. On condition that such Eurobonds will be “Stability Bonds”: bonds that are designed in a way that rewards those who play by the rules, and deters those who don’t. Our Green Paper on euro stability bonds will present the options for the joint issuance of bonds in the euro area, together with further steps of reinforced economic governance options that would need to be developed depending precisely on the different options. Some of them can be implemented within the current Treaty, whereas fully fledged ‘Eurobonds’ would of course require Treaty change.

The fifth and last element of our economic governance package will be the 2012 Annual Growth Survey. Against the backdrop of a waning economic recovery in Europe, the IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Annual Growth Survey will set out the priorities for policies towards more growth and jobs in the European Union.

It is also the starting point for the second European Semester which is our framework for monitoring and coordinating fiscal and economic policies at European level. The Annu- al Growth Survey will assess progress in the implementation of national commitments during this year in the framework of country-specific recommendations and under the Euro Plus Pact, and help with the preparation of next year’s economic policies.

In addition to these upcoming initiatives (I am sorry they are rather technical, but they are extremely important if we really want to have convergence and discipline in the Euro area) I announced some days ago that I had decided to entrust Commissioner Olli Rehn with a reinforced status as Commission Vice-President for economic and monetary affairs and the Euro.

Having a Commissioner especially dedicated to the Euro shows our determination to 208 have Euro governance take place inside the community institutions and in respect with the community method. The political and symbolic importance of this measure could not be clearer and is furthermore underpinned by internal Commission arrangements which will reinforce the structural guarantees of fully independent and objective decision-making.

Let me tell you very frankly, ladies and gentlemen, after seven years now in Brussels in the Commission, that one thing we don’t need in Europe is more institutions and more agencies and more entities to manage the euro. We don’t need more. One of the problems we have sometimes, also in terms of communication, is the very complex and not only complex but complicated system. If we are not happy with the way this institution or that institution works, we have to correct it. We have means to do it, using precisely the institutional framework - we have the European Parliament that is directly elected. But the idea that we solve problems creating every time a new institution, is an idea that will make things more opaque, more time consuming, less coherent and less readable for the common citizens, and precisely we want to make our Europe better understood also from our citizens and from the rest of the world.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Deepening convergence and integration of the European Union must also involve deeper democracy. And I know the debate that is taking place here in Germany. I am afraid I could not listen to all the comments by President Lammert, but I am sure that I would have agreed with everything he said, because we share the same values for democracy and for Europe. I think democracy must be deepened at national level but also at European level and this is indeed an extremely challenging task.

Let me tell you that: to have a democracy at European level, it is indeed very complex, but I am sure that all of you and also you, President Lammert, will agree that even at national level consolidating democracy is sometimes not without difficulties. THE STATE OF EUROPE

I believe that European democracy must be furthered by enhancing the relationship between national democratic processes and the European democratic process. This will be the best way to involve our citizens in the decisions we take. The Community approach will continue to be essential in this by ensuring the principle of subsidiarity. That is a democratic principle.

Our Union is – and will remain for the time to come – a creation “sui generis”. Its constitution and its action cannot be measured by the criteria of the nation state. And it cannot be measured by the criteria of an international organisation.

The European Union is a new creation for a new reality. This means that we cannot – as it is sometimes done – oppose the national democratic processes to the European democratic process. We cannot substitute national democracies with the European democratic process. Nor can we replace the European democratic process with the national ones. We need both for the Union to work in a way that is seen as a legitimate way by our citizens. 209 This is the essence of the Community method, of the “Gemeinschaftsmethode”. In the domain of the judiciary, your “Bundesverfassungsgericht” has found a good term to describe the co-existence of the national judiciary with the European judiciary: they call it a cooperative relation, a “Kooperationsverhältnis”.

I think that it is well worth reflecting on the transposition – mutatis mutandis, of course – of this idea to the relationship between the national and the European legislatives. Both have their spheres in which they are irreplaceable. I repeat: irreplaceable. Neither can substitute the other. Both the national democracy and the European democracy have to respect each other.

It is well worth investing into such a “Kooperationsverhältnis”, rather than postulating a competitive relation, a “Konkurrenzverhältnis”.

I emphatically disagree with the assertion that democracy is only possible within the limits of a nation state. I know that some people think like that. They are completely wrong. They have not yet understood that they are living in the 21st century – a world of globalisation. Globalisation and the crisis we are going through shows us the limits of democracy if it is confined to the nation state. Of course our first political community of reference is our country. This is normal. But to think that we can only solve the difficult issues we have at stake in our countries and not to accept the principles of democracy for the wider Europe, it will be a mistake, because it will mean that we will not use the tools of democracy to solve questions at our European dimension.

If we want to preserve democracy also for the global order, we need to complement the democracy of the nation state with the democracy of the European Union. Otherwise, we will hand over material sovereignty, the real sovereignty, to markets; it will no longer be the sovereignty of our Member States, it will be the sovereignty of the markets, the sovereignty of financial speculators, the sovereignty of global operators not subject to any kind of democratic scrutiny. That is why we need strong European democracy. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Ladies and gentlemen,

Over the last months, Germany has been called to demonstrate this drive for Europe more than ever before and perhaps more than any other country in the European Union. In the face of tremendous pressure – and sometimes criticism - Germany must take its responsibilities seriously.

Yet, such responsibility can be a heavy weight. It can divide opinion.

Especially when Germany must also bear this weight for a long period of time.

The path towards a more prosperous and sustainable Europe, let’s be honest, is far from over. I have been using (it was a coincidence) a Greek expression: “This is not a sprint, it is a marathon”. It is a marathon. We have to be prepared for a marathon to test our resilience, our commitment. There will be no miracles.

210 So, just as the founding fathers of Europe had a vision after the two devastating world wars, we must also now act with resilience and with vision towards a Europe that is strong but open. That is prosperous and sustainable. And that continues to offer our citizens peace, prosperity and opportunities for generations to come.

Now is Germany’s time to show that it is fighting the cause of a strong, integrated, competitive, united Europe.

Now is Germany’s time to uphold the principles that underpin the European Union and most especially the democratic legitimacy and transparency that come from the Community approach.

Over the last 18 months, the European Union, and in particular the economic and monetary union has started to undergo a process of wholesale renovation. We have made mistakes, but we are not staying where we were.

Germany is making a very important contribution in terms of the financial guarantees that it is giving. I would like to extend my warmest thanks to Germany and the German people for their strong commitment to our Europe.

Along the European integration history, Germany has been the biggest contributor in financial terms towards our project. That is why I never miss an opportunity to say thank you.

Yet, let’s be completely frank, there is a paradox. The perception of the outside world is not always in tune with this. And this is something I think very often, because when I see the debate here in Germany, and I compare the debate in Germany with other countries, I see that the perceptions sometimes are almost opposite. Perceptions and misperceptions. So we should ask why this happens. Why Germany, that has been giving the biggest financial contribution to the response to this crisis, is not always perceived as doing precisely that. THE STATE OF EUROPE

If I may offer a thought on this, it is the following.

In politics, the issue is sometimes not what we do but how we do it. It is about explain- ing and communicating what we truly believe to be in the best interest of our citizens.

This is why the agenda for Europe must be a positive one. It must be about aiming for a higher goal. The agenda for Europe must not be a reluctant intervention to avoid the worst, but an enthusiastic plan to create the best. It must be an agenda based on the idea of the common good.

Four years ago, the Heads of State and Government of the European Union, the Presi- dent of the European Parliament – who was then my dear friend Hans-Gert Pöttering who is hosting us tonight, Chancellor Merkel as the President of the European Council, and myself as the President of the European Commission, we have signed right here the Berlin precisely the Berlin declaration on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the Treaty of Rome. Following the negative vote on the constitutional Treaty, I proposed this Declaration as a way of creating a new consensus for a way forward among Member 211 States. You remember that, at that time, some Member States were saying that they did not want a new Treaty. They were opposed to any kind of revision of the Treaties and it was possible to have a new start, a new consensus.

The Berlin Declaration stated a simple yet fantastic truth:

We have united for the better.

For the better. It is true. On a day such as 9 November this is immediately clear to us. But it is true not only on 9 November. It must be our inspiration for each day, for our everyday lives.

We have united for the better.

This is a precious gift, one that we must cherish and preserve, and that requires more than just duty and skill. It requires reason and passion. It requires commitment and – yes – enthusiasm.

As we move forward, as Europe continues to chart its way out of the crisis, my appeal to Germany is this: to show leadership in partnership; to show leadership in the Commu- nity spirit. I know that some of the choices we ask our citizens to make are not easy at all. But if we want the Euro to survive and if we want Europe to thrive, they are necessary. And leadership is about making possible what is necessary. To do so in the knowledge and certainty that the actions we take today to transform Europe are the guarantees of peace and prosperity for future generations. Because none of what we have achieved is irrevocable. Everything can be taken away much more rapidly than it was built.

The crisis is far from over. But we have the resources; we have the means, if only we have the spirit and the will. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

So let us not look at the challenge before us with a faint heart, but with commitment and conviction. Conviction for a Europe that is prosperous, that is open, that is strong and that shapes global governance in line with European values, and I underline the word values. Values of responsibility, of solidarity, of democracy. If we want Europe to go on being a beacon of hope to people in other parts of the world, we must not let its candle go out. We must be inspired by the soul of Europe. We must breathe life into it again. A breath of hope and of confidence, as it is so exemplarily embodied in our European anthem, Friedrich Schiller‘s „Ode an die Freude“.

Let me tell you that in the recent debate about the euro sometimes I feel very uncom- fortable. Some days ago I was together with others in the G20 in Cannes where the discussion about global economy was more a discussion about problems of the Euro area. Once I said to myself (when I was listening to all the leaders from the rest of the world telling Europe what to do) that it is much easier to solve the problems of the others than our own problems. Of course, one thing we have learned in Europe, form its history, and we are a very old continent, a very old civilisation, is that arrogance is the worst form 212 of stupidity. And that is why we listen amply to all the advice. But at the same time we listen to all the advice and most of the advice was very good, I have to say. I was saying to myself the following: yes, we must listen to the advice of the others, but there are some things we don‘t want to change in Europe. We don‘t want to apologise because we are democracies, we prefer it to be a democracy, we prefer to take more time for our decisions than to be a dictatorship that would impose decisions on its citizens and we don‘t have to apologise because we are a social market economy; because we believe that if someone is poor, it is not necessarily because it is his fault; because we believe we should help those who are left behind. So, yes, we have to correct what is not going well in Europe and there are many things that are not going well, but at the same tie I hope that all of us in Europe are able to show the dignity of being Europeans – some pride to be Europeans, not arrogance, but pride to defend our model, to say this the Europe we want and we are ready to defend it. And while we accept lessons of the others, we are able also to propose advice to the rest of the world.

So my final message, ladies and gentlemen, is the following: let us remain loyal to the vision of the founding fathers. Speaking here at the invitation of the Konrad Adenauer Foundation, let us not betray the legacy of Konrad Adenauer. Let us live up to their ambition by taking a federative leap forward for a deeper, stronger, united Europe.

Let us welcome this challenge so that the next generation of Germans and Europeans can say: we have united for the better.

Thank you. Speech at the opening session of the Rio+20 conference

EARTH SUMMIT – RIO+20 RIO DE JANEIRO, 20 JUNE 2012

Ladies and Gentlemen, 213

Allow me to begin with a word of sincere thanks to Brazil, the host country of this summit, not only for receiving us in the wonderful city of Rio de Janeiro but also for the country's commitment to sustainable development.

I should also like to thank the United Nations, and particularly the Secretary-Gener- al, for all of the efforts they have put into ensuring the success of Rio+20.

As many others in this room, I remember vividly that twenty years ago, the then 12-year-old Severn Suzuki addressed the plenary session at the Earth Summit here in Rio.

Twenty years ago this 12-year-old girl coming from Canada and speaking on behalf of the Environmental Children’s Organisation (ECO) and “for all generations to come”, as she put it, “silenced the world for 6 minutes”.

She concluded her speech by telling delegates: “I challenge you please make your actions reflect your words.”

Twenty years later progress towards sustainable development has been achieved in a number of areas and in many regions.

But still considerable challenges remain in eradicating poverty and in fully integrating the economic social and environmental dimensions of sustainable development.

Many environmental challenges have become even more acute. Increasing demand for resources has led to growing resource depletion while climate change, biodiversity loss and deforestation continue at an alarming rate.

At the same time, despite all the progress made, several of the Millennium Develop- ment Goals are off-track, notably hunger eradication. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

One sixth of the world’s population is undernourished. And Sub-Saharan Africa with more than one in four of its 856 million people undernourished remains the most food-insecure region.

Twenty years ago I was here in Rio as Portuguese State Secretary for Foreign Affairs. At that time, Severn Suzuki said “I’m only a child yet I know we are all in this together and should act as one single world towards one single goal.”

Twenty years later I am here again, this time as President of the European Commis- sion to express Europe’s unwavering commitment to sustainable development, to the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals, and to deliver with all of you a clear message on a common vision and an agenda for change.

We must indeed work together to address these problems and move towards sustainable development.

214 In a world where the population is expected to rise up to nine billion by 2050, sustainability is also about intergenerational solidarity and responsibility.

It is about changing the way we consume and produce today to adapt our economies to the boundaries of our planet and allow future generations to meet their own needs tomorrow.

For the European Union, this is what green economy is all about.

We believe that promoting the right kind of growth, that is inclusive and environmentally friendly, is the most effective pathway to achieve sustainable development.

For this reason, I warmly welcome that the Conference has acknowledged that the Green Economy will enhance our ability to manage natural resources sustainably and with lower environmental impacts and increased resource efficiency. This is an important first step in the right direction.

Obviously this will be done differently in each country. We may all have different capacities and focus areas. But we share a common objective, a common vision to progress towards more sustainable development.

This means to promote an economy that respects the boundaries of our planet, creates decent work and green jobs, fosters social cohesion, tackles poverty and enhances food security.

An economy based on an efficient management of resources and natural capital and which taps into the full ecological and social innovation potential.

This includes, among others, the sustainable management of water, arable land, healthy and productive oceans and seas, biodiversity, as well as the provision of sustainable energy for all, improved resource efficiency and in particular, management of waste. SPEECH AT THE OPENING SESSION OF THE RIO+20 CONFERENCE

These areas underpin millions of livelihoods and can help alleviate poverty. They could become areas for future economic growth and global markets.

That is why the European Union focussed on developing clear and concrete global commitments on five priority areas: sustainable energy, water, sustainable land management and ecosystems, oceans, and resource efficiency, in particular waste.

Experience shows that we get better results when we agree on specific and quantifiable goals. And I am happy that the EU’s efforts to make the outcome document more action-oriented has attracted increased support and is now better reflected in the outcome document.

We believe that the five priority areas I just mentioned are also key themes for the Sustainable Development Goals. All of them have a prominent place in the outcome document. We therefore very much welcome that the conference has agreed that we will be guided by this document when defining the future SDGs. 215 We consider that Sustainable Development Goals should be in full complementarity with the Millennium Development Goals, and strengthen the global commitment towards their achievement. The European Union wants a post-2015 overarching framework with specific goals that address the three dimensions of sustainable development -environmental, economic and social- in a holistic and coherent manner.

But to have a common objective is not enough. We also have to decide on the best ways to get there. And in this regard, Rio+20 is the occasion to better mobilise and focus the resources – national and international; public and private – necessary to meet our priorities.

And allow me to stress here three aspects on which we should focus our efforts to deliver concrete results.

First and foremost, each and every country must take the necessary measures to put in place an enabling environment of domestic policies that is designed to be self-sustaining.

As regards developing countries, Official Development Assistance (ODA) will continue to represent a significant resource for sustainable development. The European Union and its members will remain the world’s largest donor, with a significant share of our aid around the globe already going to “Rio-priorities”.

We remain staunchly committed to reaching our collective objective of 0.7% of Gross National Income (GNI) on aid by 2015, and we will mainstream sustainability considerations into our cooperation programs and all other EU policies even more in the future.

For 2012-2013 alone, our EU aid to all three dimensions of sustainable development already amounts to almost 8 billion Euro – more than 10 billion US Dollars. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

And on the front of sustainable energy, I will propose to mobilise 400 million Euro over the next two years to support concrete new investments in this key area. In this regard, we very much welcome the Secretary General’s initiative to ensure Sustainable Energy for All.

Secondly, progress towards sustainable development entails providing the right financing instruments. ODA alone is not the answer. Public and private funding and business expertise should go hand in hand in establishing appropriate financing strategies. Innovative sources of financing should be encouraged. And emerging economies should take a stronger role, proportionate to their evolving international status.

Thirdly, to move towards more sustainable development also depends on skills, know- how and technology diffusion. And in this regard the European Union is proud that its research framework programmes are open to all countries, including support to researchers in developing countries.

216 We are convinced that democracy, human rights, rule of law, good governance, and gender equality and empowerment of women are indispensable for achieving sustainable development. We therefore welcome that these values are firmly anchored in the outcome document of this conference.

We recognize the fundamental role of civil society and other stakeholders in the real- ization of sustainable development and we will work to increase their participation in decision making processes.

Finally, as no time can be lost to move towards a greener and more sustainable economy and to eradicate poverty, better and more efficient global governance is strongly needed.

I am therefore happy with our agreement to strengthen sustainable development governance within the UN. We are satisfied that the new High Level Forum for Sustainable Development will build on the inclusive participation modalities of the Commission on Sustainable Development. We are confident that the new forum will secure the regular participation of Heads of State in reviewing progress of all our commitments.

And I also welcome the agreement to reinforce the international environmental governance by strengthening and upgrading UNEP. It will now have universal membership and must become our common home to set the global environmental agenda. With this in mind, we will continue to work, together with our partners,

for the creation a full fledged United Nations Environment Organization. We believe that the people of the world need it.

Mister/Madam President, Excellencies,

We share the same planet. We face the same challenges. We share a common responsibility towards the future generations. SPEECH AT THE OPENING SESSION OF THE RIO+20 CONFERENCE

None of us has achieved in full what was wanted initially. But we have all worked together to develop common ground. Let me reassure you that the EU will continue to strive for more ambitious actions that our planet and its people require.

We need now to press ahead with the implementation of what has been achieved with a greater sense of urgency because the planet and the poorest in the world cannot afford delays.

Today Severn Suzuki is not a child anymore. She is a young mother of 32 years old, worried as all mothers with the future of their children. This is what sustainable development is about: to make sure that our actions not only do not thwart our children’s dreams, but rather enable future generations to live a better life.

We have shown in the past that we have the will to change the course of our destiny for the better. Time has come now to close the gap between this ambition and resolute action to make it happen. 217 I thank you for your attention.

State of the Union Address 2012

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 12 SEPTEMBER 2012

Mr President, Honourable Members, 219

1. Analysis of the situation

t is an honour to stand before you today to deliver this third State of the Union I address. At a time when the European Union continues to be in crisis. A financial and economic crisis. A social crisis. But also a political crisis, a crisis of confidence.

At its root, the crisis results from:

• Irresponsible practices in the financial sector;

• Unsustainable public debt, and also;

• A lack of competitiveness in some Member States.

On top of that, the Euro faces structural problems of its own. Its architecture has not been up to the job. Imbalances have built up.

This is now being corrected. But it is a painful, difficult, effort. Citizens are frustrated. They are anxious. They feel their way of life is at risk.

The sense of fairness and equity between Member States is being eroded. And without equity between Member States, how can there be equity between European citizens?

Over the last four years, we have made many bold decisions to tackle this systemic crisis. But despite all these efforts, our responses have not yet convinced citizens, markets or our international partners. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Why? Because time and again, we have allowed doubts to spread. Doubts over whether some countries are really ready to reform and regain competitiveness. Doubts over whether other countries are really willing to stand by each other so that the Euro and the European project are irreversible.

On too many occasions, we have seen a vicious spiral. First, very important decisions for our future are taken at European summits. But then, the next day, we see some of those very same people who took those decisions undermining them. Saying that either they go too far, or that they don’t go far enough. And then we get a problem of credibility. A problem of confidence.

It is not acceptable to present these European meetings as if they were boxing events, claiming a knockout victory over a rival. We cannot belong to the same Union and behave as if we don’t. We cannot put at risk nine good decisions with one action or statement that raises doubts about all we have achieved.

220 This, Honourable Members, reveals the essence of Europe’s political crisis of confidence. If Europe’s political actors do not abide by the rules and the decisions they have set themselves, how can they possibly convince others that they are determined to solve this crisis together?

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

2. The challenge – a new thinking for Europe

A crisis of confidence is a political crisis. And, the good thing is that, in a democracy, there is no political problem for which we cannot find a political solution.

That is why, here today, I want to debate with you the fundamental political questions - where we are now and how we must move forward. I want to focus on the political direction and the vision that shall inspire our policy decisions.

I will of course not list all these individual decisions. You are receiving the letter I addressed to the President of the European Parliament, and that sets out the Com- mission’s immediate priorities. We will discuss them with you before adopting the Commission Work Programme later in the autumn.

My message to you today is this: Europe needs a new direction. And, that direction can not be based on old ideas. Europe needs a new thinking.

When we speak about the crisis, and we all speak about the crisis, have we really drawn all the consequences for our action? When we speak about globalisation, and we all speak a lot about globalisation, have we really considered its impact on the role of each of our Member States? STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

The starting point for a new thinking for Europe is to really draw all the consequences of the challenges that we are facing and that are fundamentally changing our world.

The starting point is to stop trying to answer the questions of the future with the tools of the past.

Since the start of the crisis, we have seen time and again that interconnected global markets are quicker and therefore more powerful than fragmented national political systems. This undermines the trust of citizens in political decision making. And it is fuelling populism and extremism in Europe and elsewhere.

The reality is that in an interconnected world, Europe’s Member States on their own are no longer able to effectively steer the course of events. But at the same time, they have not yet equipped their Union - our Union —with the instruments needed to cope with this new reality. We are now in a transition, in a defining moment. This moment requires decisions and leadership. 221 Yes, globalisation demands more European unity.

More unity demands more integration.

More integration demands more democracy, European democracy.

In Europe, this means first and foremost accepting that we are all in the same boat.

It means recognising the commonality of our European interests.

It means embracing the interdependence of our destinies.

And it means demanding a true sense of common responsibility and solidarity.

Because when you are on a boat in the middle of the storm, absolute loyalty is the minimum you demand from your fellow crew members.

This is the only way we will keep up with the pace of change. It is the only way we will get the scale and efficiency we need to be a global player. It is the only way to safeguard our values, because it is also a matter of values, in a changing world.

In the 20th century, a country of just 10 or 15 million people could be a global power. In the 21st-century, even the biggest European countries run the risk of irrelevance in between the global giants like the US or China.

History is accelerating. It took 155 years for Britain to double its GDP per capita, 50 years for the US, and just 15 years for China. But if you look at some of our new Member States, the economic transformation going on is no less impressive.

Europe has all the assets it takes. In fact much more so than previous generations faced with similar or even greater challenges. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

But we need to act accordingly and mobilize all these resources together.

It is time to match ambitions, decisions, and actions.

It is time to put a stop to piecemeal responses and muddling through.

It is time to learn the lessons from history and write a better future for our Europe.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

3. Response to the situation – the ‘decisive deal for Europe’

What I demand and what I present to you today is a Decisive Deal for Europe. 222 A decisive deal to project our values, our freedom and our prosperity into the future of a globalized world. A deal that combines the need to keep our social market economies on one hand and the need to reform them on the other. A deal that will stabilise the EMU, boost sustainable growth, and restore competitiveness. A deal that will establish a contract of confidence between our countries, between Member States and the European institutions, between social partners, and between the citizens and the European Union.

The Decisive Deal for Europe means that:

We must leave no doubt about the integrity of the Union or the irreversibility of the Euro. The more vulnerable countries must leave no doubts about their willingness to reform. About their sense of responsibility. But the stronger countries must leave no doubts about their willingness to stick together. About their sense of solidarity. We must all leave no doubts that we are determined to reform. To REFORM TOGETHER.

The idea that we can grow without reform, or that we can prosper alone is simply false. We must recognise that we are in this together and must resolve it together.

This decisive deal requires the completion of a deep and genuine economic union, based on a political union.

3.1. Economic union:

Let me start with Europe’s economy.

Firstly, we need growth. Sustainable growth STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Growth is the lifeblood of our European social market model: it creates jobs and supports our standard of living. But we can only maintain growth if we are more competitive.

At the national level it means undertaking structural reforms that have been post- poned for decades. Modernising public administration. Reducing wasteful expenditure. Tackling vested interests and privileges. Reforming the labour market to balance security with flexibility. And ensuring the sustainability of social systems.

At the European level, we need to be more decisive about breaking down barriers, whether physical, economic or digital.

We need to complete the single market.

We need to reduce our energy dependence and tap the renewable energy potential.

Promoting competitiveness in sectors such as energy, transport or telecoms could 223 open up fresh competition, promote innovation and drive down prices for consumers and businesses.

The Commission will shortly present a Single Market Act II. To enable the single market to prosper, the Commission will continue to be firm and intransigent in the defence of its competition and trade rules. Let me tell you frankly, If it was left to the Member States, I can tell you they will not resist pressure from big corporations or large external powers.

We need to create a European labour market, and make it as easy for people to work in another country as it is as home.

We need to explore green growth and be much more efficient in our use of resources.

We have to be much more ambitious about education, research, innovation and science.

Europe is a world leader in key sectors such as aeronautics, automotives, pharmaceuti- cals and engineering, with global market shares above a third. Industrial productivity increased by 35% over the last decade despite the economic slowdown. And today, some 74 million jobs depend on manufacturing. Every year start-up firms in the EU create over 4 million jobs. We need to build on this by investing in our new industrial policy and creating a business environment that encourages entrepreneurship and supports small businesses.

This means making the taxation environment simpler for businesses and more attractive for investors. Better tax coordination would benefit all Member States.

We also need a pro-active trade policy by opening up new markets. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

This is the potential of Europe’s economy. This is the goldmine that is yet to be fully explored. Fully implementing the Growth Compact agreed at the June European Council can take us a long way.

And we could go further, with a realistic but yet ambitious European Union budget dedicated to investment, growth and reform. Let’s be clear. The European budget is the instrument for investment in Europe and growth in Europe. The Commission and this Parliament, indeed all pro-European forces, because most member States support our proposal, must now stand together in support of the right multi-annual financial framework that will take us to 2020. It will place little burden on Member States, especially with our proposed new own resources system. But it would give a great boost to their economies, their regions, their researchers, their students, their young people who seek employment, or their SMEs.

It is a budget for growth, for economic, social and territorial cohesion between Mem- ber States and within Member States. 224 It is a budget that will help complete the single market by bridging gaps in our energy, transport and telecoms infrastructure through the Connecting Europe Facility.

It is a budget for a modern, growth-oriented agriculture capable of combining food security with sustainable rural development.

It is a budget that will promote a research intensive and innovative Europe through Horizon 2020. Because we need this European scale for research

This will be a real test of credibility for many of our some Member States. I want to see if the same member States who are all the time talking about investment and growth will now support a budget for growth at the European level.

The budget is also the tool to support investment in our growth agenda, Europe 2020, which we need now more than ever before.

Europe 2020 is the way to modernise and preserve the European social market economy.

Honourable Members,

Our agenda of structural reform requires a major adjustment effort. It will only work if it is fair and equitable. Because inequality is not sustainable.

In some parts of Europe we are seeing a real social emergency.

Rising poverty and massive levels of unemployment, especially among our young people.

That is why we must strengthen social cohesion. It is a feature that distinguishes Eu- ropean society from alternative models. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Some say that, because of the crisis, the European Social model is dead. I do not agree.

Yes, we need to reform our economies and modernise our social protection systems. But an effective social protection system that helps those in need is not an obstacle to prosperity. It is indeed an indispensable element of it. Indeed, it is precisely those Eu- ropean countries with the most effective social protection systems and with the most developed social partnerships, that are among the most successful and competitive economies in the world.

Fairness and equity means giving a chance to our young people. We are already doing a lot. And before the end of the year, the Commission will launch a Youth Package that will establish a youth guarantee scheme and a quality framework to facilitate vocational training.

Fairness and equity also means creating better and fairer taxation systems.

Stopping tax fraud and tax evasion could put extra billions into the public purse 225 across Europe.

This is why the Commission will fight for an agreement on the revised savings tax directive, and on mandates to negotiate stronger savings tax agreements with third countries. Their completion would be a major source of legitimate tax revenues.

And the Commission will continue to fight for a fair and ambitious Financial Trans- actions Tax that would ensure that taxpayers benefit from the financial sector, not just that the financial sector benefits from taxpayers. Now that it is clear that agreement on this can only happen through enhanced cooperation, the Commission will do all it can to move this forward rapidly and effectively with those Member States that are willing. Because this is about fairness. And fairness is an essential condition to make the necessary economic reforms socially and politically acceptable. And above all fairness is a question of justice, social justice.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

In the face of the crisis, important decisions have been taken. Across the European Union, reform and consolidation measures are being implemented. Joint financial backstops are being put in place, and the European institutions have consistently shown that they stands by the Euro.

The Commission is very aware that in the Member States implementing the most intense reforms, there is hardship and there are – sometimes very painful – difficult adjustments. But it is only through these reforms that we can come to a better future. They were long overdue. Going back to the status quo ante is simply impossible. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

The Commission will continue to do all it can to support these Member States and to help them boost growth and employment, for instance through the re-programming of structural funds.

Allow me to say a word on Greece. I truly believe that we have a chance this autumn to come to the turning point. If Greece banishes all doubts about its commitment to reform. But also if all other countries banish all doubts about their determination to keep Greece in the Euro area, we can do it.

I believe that if Greece stands by its commitments it should stay in the Euro area, as a member of the European family.

Securing the stability of the Euro area is our most urgent challenge. This is the joint responsibility of the Member States and the Community Institutions. The ECB cannot and will not finance governments. But when monetary policy channels are not working properly, the Commission believes that it is within the mandate of the ECB 226 to take the necessary actions, for instance in the secondary markets of sovereign debt. Indeed, the ECB has not only the right but also the duty to restore the integrity of monetary policy. It is of course for the ECB, as an independent institution, to determine what actions to carry out and under what conditions. But all actors, and I really mean all actors, should respect the ECB’s independence.

Honourable Members,

I have spoken about the economic measures that we must implement as a matter of urgency. This is indispensable. But it is not sufficient. We must go further.

We must complete the economic and monetary union. We must create a banking union and a fiscal union and the corresponding institutional and political mechanisms.

Today, the Commission is presenting legislative proposals for a single European supervisory mechanism. This is the stepping stone to a banking union.

The crisis has shown that while banks became transnational, rules and oversight remained national. And when things went wrong, it was the taxpayers who had to pick up the bill.

Over the past four years the EU has overhauled the rulebook for banks, leading the world in implementing the G20 commitments. But mere coordination is no longer adequate – we need to move to common supervisory decisions, namely within the Euro area.

The single supervisory mechanism proposed today will create a reinforced architecture, with a core role for the European Central Bank, and appropriate articulation with the European Banking Authority, which will restore confidence in the supervision of the banks in the Euro area. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

It will be a supervision for all Euro area banks. Supervision must be able to look everywhere because systemic risks can be anywhere, not just in so-called systemically relevant banks. Of course, this in a system that fully engages the national supervisors.

The package comprises two legal texts, one on the ECB and the other on the EBA, which go together. It is clear that this parliament will have a crucial role to play in the adoption of the new mechanism, and after that in its democratic oversight.

This is a crucial first step towards the banking union I proposed before this House in June. Getting the European supervisor in place is the top priority for now, because it is the precondition for the better management of banking crises, from banking resolution to deposit insurance.

In parallel the Commission will continue to work on the reform of the banking sector, to make sure it plays its role in the responsible financing of the real economy. That means improving long term financing for SMEs and other companies. It means rules on reference indices, so we do not again see the manipulation of bank interest 227 rates affecting companies and mortgage holders alike. It means legislation to ensure that banks give a fair deal to consumers and another look at the structure of banking activities to eliminate inherent risks.

In all of this, the role of this Parliament is essential. The Commission endeavours to work in close partnership with you.

But there is a second element of a deeper economic union it is the move towards a fiscal union.

The case for it is clear: the economic decisions of one Member State impact the others. So we need stronger economic policy co-ordination.

We need a stronger and more binding framework for the national decision making for key economic policies, as the only way to prevent imbalances. While much has been done here, for instance through the six-pack and the Country-Specific Recommenda- tions, further steps are crucial to combine specific conditions with specific incentives and to really make the economic and monetary union sustainable.

To deliver lasting results, we need to develop a fully equipped Community economic governance together with a genuine, credible Community fiscal capacity.

We do not need to separate institutions or to create new institutions for that. Quite the contrary: for this to be effective and quick, the best way is to work with and through the existing institutions: The European Commission as the independent European authority, and overseen by the European Parliament as the parliamentary representation at the European level.

And it is in such a framework that over time, steps for genuine mutualisation of debt redemption and debt issuance can take their place. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

So economic reform coupled with a genuine economic and monetary union: these are the engines to get our boat moving forward.

The Commission will publish a blueprint for deepening the economic and monetary union still this autumn.

This blueprint will be presented to this House. Because these questions must be discussed with and by the representatives of the people

At the same time, it will inform the debate at the December European Council that will be prepared by the report that the President of the European Council, myself and the Presidents of the European Central Bank and the Eurogroup have been asked to present.

Our blueprint will identify the tools and instruments, and present options for legal drafting that would give effect to them, from policy coordination to fiscal capacity 228 to debt redemption. And, where necessary – as in the case of jointly and severally guaranteed public debt – it would identify the treaty changes necessary, because some of these changes require modifications to the Treaty. It will present a blue-print for what we need to accomplish not only in the next few weeks and months, but in the next years.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

3.2. Political union:

Ultimately, the credibility and sustainability of the Economic and Monetary Union depends on the institutions and the political construct behind it.

This is why the Economic and Monetary Union raises the question of a political union and the European democracy that must underpin it.

If we want economic and monetary union to succeed, we need to combine ambition and proper sequencing. We need to take concrete steps now, with a political union as a horizon.

I would like to see the development of a European public space, where European issues are discussed and debated from a European standpoint. We cannot continue trying to solve European problems just with national solutions.

This debate has to take place in our societies and among our citizens. But, today, I would like to make an appeal also to European thinkers. To men and women of culture, to join this debate on the future of Europe. And I make this appeal to you. This is the house of European democracy. We must strengthen the role of the European Parliament at the European level. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

And we need to promote a genuine complementarity and cooperation between the European and national parliaments.

This also cannot be done without strengthening European political parties. Indeed, we have very often a real disconnect between political parties in the capitals and the European political parties here in Strasbourg. This is why we have to recognise the political debate is cast all too often as if it were just between national parties. Even in the European elections we do not see the name of the European political parties on the ballot box, we see a national debate between national political parties. This is why we need a reinforced statute for European political parties. I am proud to announce that the Commission has adopted a proposal for this today.

An important means to deepen the pan-European political debate would be the presentation by European political parties of their candidate for the post of Commission President at the European Parliament elections already in 2014. This can be done without Treaty change. This would be a decisive step to make the possibility of a Eu- ropean choice offered by these elections even clearer. I call on the political parties to 229 commit to this step and thus to further Europeanise these European elections.

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

A true political European Union means we must concentrate European action on the real issues that matter and must be dealt with at the European level. Let’s be frank about this not everything can be at the same time a priority. Here, some self-criticism can probably be applied

Proper integration is about taking a fresh look at where is the most appropriate level of action. Subsidiarity is an essential democratic concept and should be practiced.

A political union also means that we must strengthen the foundations on which our Union is built: the respect for our fundamental values, for the rule of law and democracy.

In recent months we have seen threats to the legal and democratic fabric in some of our European states. The European Parliament and the Commission were the first to raise the alarm and played the decisive role in seeing these worrying developments brought into check.

But these situations also revealed limits of our institutional arrangements. We need a better developed set of instruments– not just the alternative between the “soft power” of political persuasion and the “nuclear option” of article 7 of the Treaty.

Our commitment to upholding the rule of law is also behind our intention to establish a European Public Prosecutor’s Office, as foreseen by the Treaties. We will come with a proposal soon. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Mr President,

Honourable Members,

A political union also means doing more to fulfil our global role. Sharing sovereignty in Europe means being more sovereign in a global world.

In today’s world, size matters.

And values make the difference.

That is why Europe’s message must be one of freedom, democracy, of rule of law and of solidarity. In short, our values European values.

More than ever our citizens and the new world order need an active and influential Europe. This is not just for us, for the rest of the world it is important that we suc- 230 ceed. A Europe that stands by its values. And a Europe that stands up for its belief that human rights are not a luxury for the developed world, they should be seen as universal values

The appalling situation in Syria reminds us that we can not afford to be by-standers. A new and democratic Syria must emerge. We have a joint responsibility to make this happen. And to work with those in the global order who need to give also their co-operation to this goal

The world needs an EU that keeps its leadership at the forefront of development and humanitarian assistance. That stands by open economies and fights protectionism. That leads the fight against climate change.

The world needs a Europe that is capable of deploying military missions to help stabilize the situation in crisis areas. We need to launch a comprehensive review of European capabilities and begin truly collective defence planning. Yes, we need to reinforce our Common Foreign and Security Policy and a common approach to defence matters because together we have the power, and the scale to shape the world into a fairer, rules based and human rights’ abiding place.

Mr President,

Honourable Members

4. Treaty change, 17/27 dimension and expanding public debate

4.1. Federation of nation states - Treaty change

A deep and genuine economic and monetary union, a political union, with a coherent foreign and defence policy, means ultimately that the present European Union must evolve. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Let’s not be afraid of the words: we will need to move towards a federation of nation states. This is what we need. This is our political horizon.

This is what must guide our work in the years to come.

Today, I call for a federation of nation states. Not a superstate. A democratic federation of nation states that can tackle our common problems, through the sharing of sovereignty in a way that each country and each citizen are better equipped to control their own destiny. This is about the Union with the Member States, not against the Member States. In the age of globalisation pooled sovereignty means more power, not less.

And, I said it on purpose a federation of nation states because in these turbulent times these times of anxiety, we should not leave the defence of the nation just to the nationalists and populists. I believe in a Europe where people are proud of their nations but also proud to be European and proud of our European values. 231 Creating this federation of nation states will ultimately require a new Treaty.

I do not say this lightly. We are all aware how difficult treaty change has become.

It has to be well prepared.

Discussions on treaty change must not distract or delay us from doing what can and must be done already today.

A deep and genuine economic and monetary union can be started under the current Treaties, but can only be completed with changes in the treaties So let’s start it now but let’s have the horizon for the future present in our decisions of today.

We must not begin with treaty change. We must identify the policies we need and the instruments to implement them. Only then can we decide on the tools that we lack and the ways to remedy this.

And then there must be a broad debate all over Europe. A debate that must take place before a convention and an IGC is called. A debate of a truly European dimension.

The times of European integration by implicit consent of citizens are over. Europe can not be technocratic, bureaucratic or even diplomatic. Europe has to be ever more democratic. The role of the European parliament is essential. This is why the Europe- an elections of 2014 can be so decisive.

Before the next European Parliament elections in 2014, the Commission will present its outline for the shape of the future European Union. And we will put forward explicit ideas for Treaty change in time for a debate.

We will set out the objectives to be pursued, the way the institutions that can make the European Union more open and democratic, the powers and instruments to make IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

it more effective, and the model to make it a union for the peoples of Europe. I believe we need a real debate and in a democracy the best way to debate is precisely in elections at the European level on our future and our goals;

4.2. 17/27 dimension

Mr President, Honourable Members,

This is not just a debate for the Euro area in its present membership.

While deeper integration is indispensable for the Euro area and its members, this project should remain open to all Member States.

Let me be very clear: in Europe, we need no more walls dividing us! Because the Eu- ropean Union is stronger as a whole in keeping the integrity of its single market, its 232 membership and in its institutions.

No one will be forced to come along. And no one will be forced to stay out. The speed will not be dictated by the slowest or the most reluctant

This is why our proposals will be based on the existing Union and its institutions, On the Community method. Let’s be clear – there is only one European Union. One Commission. One European Parliament. More democracy, more transparency, more accountability, is not created by a proliferation of institutions that would render the EU more complicated, more difficult to read less coherent and less capable to act.

4.3. Expanding public debate:

This is honourable members the magnitude of the decisions that we will need to make over time.

That’s why I believe we need a serious discussion between the citizens of Europe about the way forward.

About the possible consequences of fragmentation. Because what can happen some times is to have, through unintended consequences, to have fragmentation when we do not want it.

About what we could achieve if leaders avoid national provincialism what we can achieve together.

We must use the 2014 election to mobilise all pro-European forces. We must not allow the populists and the nationalists to set a negative agenda. I expect all those who call themselves Europeans to stand up and to take the initiative in the debate. Because even more dangerous than the scepticism of the anti-Europeans, is the indifference or the pessimism of the pro-Europeans. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2012

Mr President, Honourable Members,

5. Conclusion: is this realistic?

To sum up, what we need is a decisive deal to complete the EMU, based on a political commitment to a stronger European Union.

The sequence I put before you today is clear.

We should start by doing all we can to stabilise the euro area and accelerate growth in the EU as a whole. The Commission will present all the necessary proposals and we have started today with the single supervisor to create a banking union, in line with the current Treaty provisions.

Secondly, we will present our blueprint on a deep and genuine economic and monetary union, including the political instruments, and this will be done still this autumn 233

We will present here again all proposals in line with the current Treaty provisions.

And thirdly, where we cannot move forward under the existing treaties, we will present explicit proposals for the necessary Treaty changes ahead of the next European Parliamentary election in 2014, including elements for reinforced democracy and accountability

This is our project. A project which is step by step but with a big ambition for the future with a Federation as our horizon for Europe.

Many will say that this is too ambitious, that it is not realistic.

But let me ask you - is it realistic to go on like we have been doing? Is it realistic to see what we are seeing today in many European countries? Is it realistic to see taxpayers paying banks and afterwards being forced to give banks back the houses they have paid for because they can not pay their mortgages? Is it realistic to see more than 50% of our young people without jobs in some of our Member States? Is it realistic to go on trying to muddle through and just to accumulate mistakes with unconvincing responses? Is it realistic to think that we can win the confidence of the markets when we show so little confidence in each other?

To me, it is this reality that is not realistic. This reality cannot go on.

The realistic way forward is the way that makes us stronger and more united. Realism is to put our ambition at the level of our challenges. We can do it! Let’s send our young people a message of hope. If there is a bias, let it be a bias for hope. We should be proud to be Europeans. Proud of our rich and diverse culture. In spite of our current problems, our societies are among the most human and free in the world. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

We do not have to apologise for our democracy our social market economy and for our values. With high levels of social cohesion. Respect for human rights and human dignity. Equality between men and women and respect for our environment. These European societies, with all its problems, are among the most decent societies in human history and I think we should be proud of that. In our countries two or three girls do not go to prison because they sing and criticise the ruler of their country. In our countries people are free and are proud of that freedom and people understand what it means to have that freedom. In many of our countries, namely the most recent Member States, there is a recent memory of what was dictatorship and totalitarianism.

So Previous generations have overcome bigger challenges. Now it is for this generation to show they are up to the task.

Now is the moment for all pro-Europeans to leave business as usual behind and to embrace the business of the future. The European Union was built to guarantee peace. 234 Today, this means making our Union fit to meet the challenges of globalization.

That is why we need a new thinking for Europe, a decisive deal for Europe. That is why we need to guide ourselves by the values that are at the heart of the European Union. Europe I believe has a soul. This soul can give us the strength and the determination to do what we must do.

You can count on the European Commission. I count on you, the European Par- liament. Together, as Community institutions we will build a better, stronger and a more united Europe, a citizens’ Union for the future of Europe but also the future of the world.

Thank you for your attention. Speech to the European Union Heads of Delegation

ANNUAL CONFERENCE OF EU HEADS OF DELEGATION, EUSR AND CHARGÉS D’AFFAIRES BRUSSELS, 4 SEPTEMBER 2012

Dear Ambassadors, Heads of Delegation, Colleagues, 235

very much welcome the opportunity to address you here today. I It is over 600 years since the Italian statesman Francesco Guicciardini, first stated that: “Diplomats are the eyes and ears of the state.”

This is still true. But the days are long gone when an ambassador could consider himself well equipped if he was a good host and a ready listener.

Today, you are much more than that, particularly as Ambassadors of an organisation and a project as sui generis and as inspiring as the European Union.

It cannot be overstated that you are pioneers in a new and unprecedented project in mankind’s history, that of representing not a nation and not an empire but a group of free willing nations that have decided that by pooling their sovereignty and acting together they would be more effective in defending their interests and promoting their values.

I wished to recall this at the start of my intervention, because it is important to always keep in mind our starting point, which models and shapes all our actions, including diplomatic action. This is also something that is important to recall, at a point where Europe is faced with very important challenges and very important choices that have a clear impact on our external action and on our capacity to shape the 21st century world.

The financial and economic crisis which struck the EU as well know was ignited by excessive debt, by the irresponsible behaviour by some in the financial sector and also by the failure in national supervision systems. However its root causes are the tectonic changes that have been taking place in the world and the deep seated imbalances that have been building particularly over recent decades. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

History is accelerating and we cannot afford to become bystanders. Some figures illustrate these changes: in the 20th century we witnessed a 4 fold growth in global population and a 40 fold increase in economic output. It took thousands of years - from prehistory to 1960 - for mankind to reach 3 billion people. But then it took only 39 years - until 1999 - to add the next 3 billion. And now it has taken just 12 more years to move from 6 to 7 billion. It took 155 years for Britain to double its GDP per capita, 50 years to the US and only 15 years for China.

These are the real developments that have shaken the structures of our societies and that force us to rethink whether the way we operate is fit for the purpose of promoting our interests and our values. It is fair to conclude that our model has revealed inef- ficiencies that need to be corrected. However, it is important not to draw the wrong conclusions.

Some pretend that the crisis has proven that the EU is no longer necessary, that supranational cooperation does not work and that the nation states are the only entity 236 that can address the challenges with which our societies are confronted. This is wrong. It suffices to say that if current trends were kept no European country would feature in the world’s top ten economies after 2050. In a world where production chains are global, where capital knows no borders, where ideas and communication flow at the speed of a mouse click, to pretend that self-sufficiency is the solution is indeed self-de- feating. We need the scale of Europe.

We need the continental scale of the EU also for our member states to count in the world. Not against our member states, this is extremely important to understand. It will certainly be a mistake particularly in times of anxiety like the ones we are living, in these times of turbulence, to try to build the EU against the nation states. The nation is seen by many of our citizens as the refuge, especially in times of uncertainty. So it would be a mistake for the pro-Europeans to give that argument for the ultra-nationalists or the populists. But at the same time we have to make it clear that for our nations to count in the world, and for Europe as such to count in the world, we need this scale of shared sovereignty.

That is why the European Commission and if I may say also I personally have been pushing for action, for collective action. This is the only way to overcome the current problems: determined action by individual countries but also by the Union as a whole, including in the field of foreign policy and external relations that you represent.

Dear Ambassadors, dear friends,

There is no magic wand, no silver bullet that will in an instant lead the European economy to recovery. For Europe to regain its economic strength we have at least four challenges to address, excessive sovereign debt, the indebtedness of the private sector - both companies and individuals - a lack of international competitiveness of some of our Member States and also a transformation of our governance system namely in the Euro area. SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION

We are doing this. We have taken our economic and political future in hand, we are delivering and we will continue to deliver. But this takes time. At the same time it needs determination.

The June European Council was a decisive meeting; a meeting which has opened up the prospect of a more united, more integrated, European Union and Euro area. But our work is not complete and, until it is, our system will lack stability. We have a monetary union, but the crisis has demonstrated that there is a cumulative logic to the integration process: monetary union cannot function without a banking union, and without further fiscal and economic union.

The last European Council broadly endorsed a paper prepared by the President of the European Council, by myself, the President of the European Central Bank and the President of the Euro group, examining how best to move along this path. And that is exactly what we are doing and preparing now for the next steps.

Of course the logic of integration cannot be purely economic. Banking union requires 237 a single European supervisor, further economic union too requires supervision of the member states economic policies, joint supervision. Not supervision made by them in Brussels over our economies but our joint supervision over our economies because it is clear that in a currency, in a monetary union one country should not have the right to do harm to others as it is happening today.

It is therefore logical, but also right and just, that there is further political or institutional integration as well. This is needed to ensure democratic oversight of the process and to reassure the citizens of Europe that they are a part of the process. More integration, more democracy, more accountability. We should not be afraid of the words. We should move forward in our project to consolidate a truly political union.

The European Commission will shortly, in fact it will be on the 12th of this month, table proposals to create a European banking union, namely a single supervisor for our banks, but we must be under no illusions that deepening economic integration and especially political integration are long term projects. Yes, they provide a vision which is needed to generate confidence in the long term future of Europe, but Europe also needs action now.

So the key here is to combine ambition with a proper sequencing. It would be a complete mistake to suggest that to get out of this crisis Europe can do it only by Treaty change. We know that Treaty change takes time so we need to have short term responses to financial instability we are now feeling in the Euro area. But short term is not enough because the so called markets know very well that in the longer term the stability of the currency depends also on the political construct and on the solidity of the institutions that are behind it. That is why as the same time we are giving short term answers to the instability we need to have a horizon for the medium and long term. So these issues – short, medium and longer term – should not be seen as incompatible and we have to act on the several areas. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

That is why Europe to overcome its present crisis needs further fiscal consolidation, deep structural reform and smart targeted investment so that we can return to long term growth and create the jobs our citizens need. The last European Council committed to work in all these areas and the European Commission is leading or co-leading this work.

I know that you are increasingly asked by our partners to explain all these steps and the latest measures taken by the European Union, so I will make sure that the EEAS and our delegations get more regular economic briefings, in particular after important decisions are taken. And this is important because I would like you to be equipped with all the elements, the objective elements to make the case for Europe.

There are some things you can say even without further documents that sometimes our partners underestimate. The point is the following: if you look since the crisis there was no move until now to get back, to undo the economic integration. If you see the debate now in Europe is how far and how fast are we going for the next steps 238 but no one really at least in the governments that are on Europe is proposing to undo the European integration. And if you look at the decisions, the decisions have all been for reinforcement of the economic and monetary union and further integration of the institutional apparatus and even more supranational powers. Ok we can always say that probably it is not fast enough or we can say in some cases it was the intergovernmental route not the community method route but it was always for more and not less integration.

Another point some of pour partners underestimate is level of integration among Europe. They have the typical let’s say state centred approach what in the Europe we sometimes call the sovereignist approach and so they see and believe they are intelligent because they see it in realistic terms, sometimes expressing lots of cynicism about the capacity of the Europeans to go forward. I think this is the result of lack of understanding of the way Europe integrates.

I want to give you my personal testimony after eight years in this position, and the last three years in the crisis mode day and night with this Euro crisis, that I am fully confident about the willingness of our member states and their leadership to integrate further. It is a negotiation, extremely complex, where you of course there are different teachers and different perceptions and different cultures, but at the end I have no doubts about the interest of all member states to go forward in terms of sharing more sovereignty for the economic and monetary union, at least for the countries of the EMU and with the support of those who are not yet, or they do not intend to be in the Euro.

Another issue is the lack of understanding of the role of the institutions, namely of the European Central Bank. Of course the ECB will do whatever is necessary to sustain the Euro. By definition. The first mandate of the ECB is the very existence of Euro, it is not only price stability. So when there are threats to the integrity of the monetary union the ECB has of course the right to intervene and reintervene. But of course rightly the ECB does not want to give the message that the member states can go on with, let’s put it frankly, irresponsible fiscal policies, unsustainable levels of debt and SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION lack of supervision as we have seen recently when we have discovered that the reality of the financial sectors was not exactly the one that they were pretending to be.

So this is the game. That is why I am confident, not underestimating the difficulties that we know very well where they are, but I am confident and I want to convey to you my perception that we are going to overcome these difficulties. Of course there are risks and serious risks because we have seen in the past and in history that sometimes even when there is not the intention to create a problem it may happen that interrelation of independent consequences can provoke the problem. Yes, this risk exists.

Of course there is a very important problem is that at the time when we are required to take further steps in terms of integration it is exactly the time when there is less support in the public opinion for this integration. This is why we need also to act politically for the member states and the European institutions to act together to keep the population of Europe broadly supporting the European integration which may be at a risk in the current circumstances when we see the economic situation deteriorat- 239 ing and when we see the very high levels of unemployment.

So I am not at all pretending that the result exists, but I want, after careful consideration of the risks, to convene to you my perception that we are going to overcome the current difficulties. But it will take time, there is no magic solution, there is no pan- acea, it is not this or that solution by miracle to result the problems. It requires constant, persistent, coherent determination along a path of a comprehensive response that has to address different and sometimes complex elements.

I wonder if I could also speak about foreign policy! You probably want me to give you more elements about the current situations so in the period of questions and comments I will be available if you wish to put me any question that I could try to respond, but nevertheless I thought about making one or two points about external relations because the foreign policy and the external dimension is also a very important element of this response. And precisely one of the consequences - one of the negative responses that I am sure you feel every day of the current crisis at the European union since you are in the spotlight because of the Euro crisis - is in some extent be seen losing credibility and authority for the good things we can do and we are doing for the global community.

This is why we have to acknowledge that Europe’s role in the world is also a function of its economic success. But this should never mean that we are now turning inwards, on the contrary, foreign policy is part and parcel of the response to the crisis.

We need to keep Europe open and engaged in the world. If our internal market is one driver of growth, then our external market, the rest of the world, should be another. The European Union is indeed the world’s largest trader but we can still benefit from access to third country markets and we are working hard to achieve precisely this. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

But this is not simply because this openness brings economic benefits which are vital to our future growth. It is also because in the future to defend and promote our common values Europe will have to play an ever more active international role.

In order to be able to shape global decisions we will only count if we act together, the Commission, the External Service, under the leadership of the High Representative/ Vice-President, and the Member States; there is just one EU and we will be judged as EU and not as separate institutions. The citizens, not only the citizens of the world, citizens of Europe, will not make a distinction, most of them, between Commission, External Service, Council, European Council – it is the EU. And this is very important to understand. That is why we need to unite the geographical outreach and presence of the European External Action Service to the thematic knowledge and expertise of the Commission.

Let me turn to the importance of this for our two primary foreign policy priorities: our neighbourhood and our relations with strategic partners. 240 Concerning our Neighbourhood, in response to the events of the Arab Spring we adopted last year a joint communication from the High Representative/Vice Presi- dent and the Commission. This reaction to the mass movements for democracy in the Mediterranean have demonstrated, one major advantage of the Lisbon Treaty: the strengthened ability to seamlessly combine all of the instruments at the disposal of the European Union to roll out a package of support measures centred on the so-called three Ms; money, market access and mobility.

We know that the end will always be uncertain and that these countries’ journey is just beginning but we need to “make a bet on democracy”. But we also need to remain vigilant to make sure that those who oppose democracy do not hijack these transitions.

Next week I intend to receive here the new President of Egypt, in fact he comes to the EU very soon after his election. It is an important occasion to speak with him about what his intentions are regarding what is happening in Egypt and in the wider region.

Free elections were held not only in Egypt but also in Tunisia and Libya and the will of the people needs to be respected. The European Union will deal with any government legitimised by free and fair elections, provided that they remain faithful and loyal to the principles of democracy, human rights and human dignity. I was last year in Tunis and in Cairo, and I will meet in the next weeks as I said Egyptian President but also the Tunisian Prime Minister. I also intend to travel to Jordan and Morocco to explore our support to reforms.

History has shown us that those who make peaceful evolution impossible render violent revolutions inevitable. This is what is happening in Syria. The world cannot turn a blind eye to the carnage in the country. Security Council members need to assume their responsibilities. Inability to act will only discredit the United Nations and make actions outside its framework more likely. We need to put an immediate end to SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION the killings of innocents, the human rights abuses, and to agree on a path towards a political transition.

This commitment to reform expends across the countries of the neighbourhood policy, not just to the south but to the east as well. Here too, we are supporting those who wish to consolidate democracy and open economies through a joined up approach EEAS/Commission. We have started negotiations on Association Agreements, including Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas, with 4 out of our 6 Eastern partners.

We have concluded negotiations with Ukraine but the signing of the Agreement will depend on Kiev’s commitment to the European values. I hope that by the 3rd Eastern Partnership Summit, which will take place next year, more of these Agreements will be concluded, notably with Moldova.

These countries need an active and influential Europe and the rest of the world also needs an outward looking Europe that is able to play its full role in the neighbour- 241 hood and in the global affairs.

As I said, the neighbourhood is one of our priorities; the other is strengthening relations with our strategic partners. Here too, the combination of Commission instruments, EEAS action and Member States cooperation can make a real difference.

With the United States, we are partners in the world’s single most important relationship. Last year we have initiated with President Obama a High Level Group to discuss our future Trade ties, with the aim to launch a transatlantic free trade area. This should be a beacon and a catalyser of 21st century agreements. This would also dovetail with the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement that we hope to conclude soon with Canada.

I am sure that these initiatives will reinforce what is already a powerful bond between the two sides of the Atlantic, a bond underpinned by a community of shared values.

With China, which is already our second economic partner, and growing faster than any other, we are building a solid partnership based not only on this economic interdependence but also on a growing conscience of the need to tackle common challenges together.

An example, just one example is the Urbanisation Partnership that I have launched with Chinese Vice-Premier Li Keqiang, where China, which is experiencing an increasing level of urbanisation, will be able to draw on the experience of the EU and the Member States to master this process.

We should forge with China a long-term vision of our relations based on mutual respect and balanced benefits, enabling us also to settle our differences – and there are differences - in a constructive manner. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

But in Asia we have other important and strategic partners that are central to our external relations.

India, an economic giant with great untapped potential with whom we are negotiating a free trade agreement that would be the biggest in the world - benefiting 1.7 billion people – and which could become a driver for the economic reforms the country needs to pursue.

Japan, a longstanding like-minded partner with which the Commission has just tabled negotiating directives for a Framework Agreement and an FTA that I hope the Council can swiftly agree.

Korea, which has been affirming itself as a global player. And Southeast Asian States, whose integration process, through ASEAN, can become a reference for regional cooperation and peaceful settlement of disputes. This will all be part of my message to the next ASEM meeting in Vientiane: the EU is a committed partner of Asia. I will 242 also travel, at least I intend to go, to Myanmar, Thailand and Indonesia to reiterate this message and our engagement in the region. As you know many of our partners in Asia are asking precisely for that, and I remember in our seminar last year precisely some of you mentioned this. In the available time I will do my best to give some contribution.

With Russia we have achieved an important common objective, which was the country’s accession to the WTO. This will allow for Russia’s economic diversification and better integration in the world economy.

We should now make progress on the negotiation of a New Agreement that fully reflects the rich and substantive nature of our relations, from trade to energy, from political cooperation to people to people contacts. We will also continue our Partner- ship for Modernisation, which involves 25 out of 27 Member States, aiming at modernising both economic and social structures; economic and societal modernisation.

Brazil has managed in the last decade to grow and also to reduce its internal inequal- ities, which were a brake to the country’s progress. The strategic partnership that we have launched in 2007 has allowed us to make progress on our bilateral relations, but has not yet realised its full potential as regards cooperation on global matters.

We still intend to close an agreement with Mercosur; however, it is fair to recognise that the recent protectionist stance by some of the block’s members does not bode well. The next EU-LAC Summit in Chile in January 2013 should send a strong message against protectionism and also some forms of populism.

With Mexico with whom we also have regular bilateral Summits I have recently proposed to update and upgrade our Economic Partnership, Political Cooperation and Cooperation Agreement.

Last but not least, Africa, the continent with the fastest growth rate in the world, the youngest population, and the biggest changes. The figures are there to confirm it: over SPEECH TO THE EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION the past decade six of the world’s ten fastest-growing countries were African; in eight of the past ten years, Africa has grown faster than Asia.

But it is not just the economy, also the societies are changing. This year, 23 multiparty elections should take place in the continent, not perfect elections, but some form of pluralism is gaining strength in Africa. Democracy is spreading. And we should be proud of our contribution to this progress through our political support to institutions such as the African Union, which has been taking the lead in upholding democracy and rule of law in the continent.

However, poverty is not receding at the pace of economic growth and some countries will not reach their MDGs objectives. This is why we have to keep our leadership of the global community on development assistance and to make efforts to turn it more effective. It is therefore crucial to step up our engagement with Africa, both bilaterally and through the joint partnership EU-Africa. We must remain supportive of democratic change and accountable governments, of development efforts and together seize existing economic opportunities. In this regard it is paramount to conclude the 243 negotiations on the Economic Partnership Agreements.

This year I was already twice in Sub-Saharan Africa, Central and East, and I intend to visit West Africa next October, provided there is no more turbulence in the euro zone.

Dear colleagues,

I have just outlined to you how I see our geographical priorities. The substance that will fill them is provided by our horizontal priorities, the promotion of democracy, rule of law and human rights; a rules based multilateral system; cooperative and interdependent economic systems; free trade and open economies that abide by common rules; free and open societies; and cooperative action on the common goods, from climate protection to natural resources management.

All this can only be effectively pursued through a good articulation between the Com- mission services and the EEAS, working closely together with our Member States. Po- litical relations without a substantive agenda are empty rhetoric; substantive priorities without a political framework and a diplomatic network are abstractions. It is precisely the combining of these two that gives us our strength and our capacity to act.

The challenges of this century are unprecedented in their scale and scope. We will be able to make progress only through common action both bilaterally and in multilateral fora; first and foremost the United Nations for peace and security issues, but also others such as the G20 and the OECD for economic and financial matters.

But I also sincerely believe that the effectiveness of our foreign policy also depends on a credible defence capability. Our capacity to act as a global security provider cannot become collateral damage of current economic hardship. Our Member States have to embrace more forcefully the pooling and sharing initiative launched by the High Representative/Vice-President. We need to make progress on a common defence pol- IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

icy. Also here the Commission can and is playing a role by deepening the internal market on defence and Europe’s industrial base.

Ambassadors, colleagues

Let me conclude with a quote by Jean Monnet, a great inspiration for our work: “People only accept change when they are faced with necessity, and only recognize necessity when a crisis is upon them.” This is a very timely quote.

That time is now: the European Union is engaged in a process of profound, necessary change in order to face up to the current crisis and to the challenges of the 21st century.

In order to maintain our European model and to retain our influence in our neighbourhood and at the global level we must increasingly work together and combine all our policies in a comprehensive and coherent manner. 244 The EEAS is an important element in this approach and is one of the best creations of the Lisbon Treaty. Myself, the European Commission, of which the High Repre- sentative is Vice-President, are fully committed to making the Service a success and to ensuring that we develop an external presence which is greater than the sum of its parts, a service which is underpinned by the weight of a unified European Union in so many policy areas. Precisely during those missions I have just mentioned, I was in contact with some of you and I could appreciate the kind of work that you are doing and I really want to congratulate you. I also saw the very good level of cooperation with our Member States and I think this is important and should be recognised. You are the builders or the founders of a new very important construction that is the Ex- ternal Action Service. We cannot expect from the beginning everything to be perfect, because we know that when we change habits it takes some time to see the results, but my personal assessment when I visited some of you in the delegations was that there was in fact very good progress in terms of the capacity of the European Union to be present in those areas.

We are all a part of that process of change and we all also have a role to play in ex- plaining the process to our citizens and to the world at large. This is a joint endeavour.

Our founding fathers did not simply look inwards, they saw a united Europe as a force for good in the world, even in this time of crisis we must not lose sight of this vision.

Let me therefore thank you for your support, your work at the “sharp end”, and for your dedication, which is allowing the most inspiring political project of all, the Euro- pean Union, to increasingly play its role as a pivotal global actor and a force for good.

I thank you for your attention. From war to peace: a European tale

ADDRESS BY HERMAN VAN ROMPUY, PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL & JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO, PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION

ACCEPTANCE OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE AWARD TO THE EUROPEAN UNION OSLO, 10 DECEMBER 2012

[President Van Rompuy takes the floor] 245

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Heads of State and Government, Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

t is with humility and gratitude that we stand here together, to receive this award I on behalf of the European Union. At a time of uncertainty, this day reminds people across Europe and the world of the Union’s fundamental purpose: to further the fraternity between European nations, now and in the future.

It is our work today.

It has been the work of generations before us.

And it will be the work of generations after us.

Here in Oslo, I want to pay homage to all the Europeans who dreamt of a continent at peace with itself, and to all those who day by day make this dream a reality.

This award belongs to them.

////

War is as old as Europe. Our continent bears the scars of spears and swords, canons and guns, trenches and tanks, and more.

The tragedy of it all resonates in the words of Herodotus, 25 centuries ago: “In Peace, Sons bury their Fathers. In War, Fathers bury their Sons.” IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Yet, … after two terrible wars engulfed the continent and the world with it, … finally lasting peace came to Europe.

In those grey days, its cities were in ruins, the hearts of many still simmering with mourning and resentment. How difficult it then seemed, as Winston Churchill said, “to regain the simple joys and hopes that make life worth living”.

As a child born in Belgium just after the war, I heard the stories first-hand.

My grandmother spoke about the Great War.

In 1940, my father, then seventeen, had to dig his own grave. He got away; otherwise I would not be here today.

So what a bold bet it was, for Europe’s Founders, to say, yes, we can break this endless cycle of violence, we can stop the logic of vengeance, we can build a brighter future, 246 together. What power of the imagination.

////

Of course, peace might have come to Europe without the Union. Maybe. We will never know. But it would never have been of the same quality. A lasting peace, not a frosty cease-fire.

To me, what makes it so special, is reconciliation.

In politics as in life, reconciliation is the most difficult thing. It goes beyond forgiving and forgetting, or simply turning the page.

To think of what France and Germany had gone through…, and then take this step… Signing a Treaty of Friendship… Each time I hear these words – Freundschaft, Amitié –, I am moved. They are private words, not for treaties between nations. But the will to not let history repeat itself, to do something radically new, was so strong that new words had to be found.

For people Europe was a promise, Europe equalled hope.

When Konrad Adenauer came to Paris to conclude the Coal and Steel Treaty, in 1951, one evening he found a gift waiting at his hotel. It was a war medal, une Croix de Guerre, that had belonged to a French soldier. His daughter, a young student, had left it with a little note for the Chancellor, as a gesture of reconciliation and hope.

I can see many other stirring images before me.

Leaders of six States assembled to open a new future, in Rome, città eterna… FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE

Willy Brandt kneeling down in Warsaw.

The dockers of Gdansk, at the gates of their shipyard.

Mitterrand and Kohl hand in hand.

Two million people linking Tallinn to Riga to Vilnius in a human chain, in 1989.

These moments healed Europe. But symbolic gestures alone cannot cement peace.

This is where the European Union‘s „secret weapon“ comes into play: an unrivalled way of binding our interests so tightly that war becomes materially impossible. Through constant negotiations, on ever more topics, between ever more countries. It‘s the golden rule of Jean Monnet: „Mieux vaut se disputer autour d‘une table que sur un champ de bataille.“ („Better fight around a table than on a battle-field.“)

If I had to explain it to Alfred Nobel, I would say: not just a peace congress, a perpet- 247 ual peace congress!

Admittedly, some aspects can be puzzling, and not only to outsiders.

Ministers from landlocked countries passionately discussing fish-quota.

Europarlementarians from Scandinavia debating the price of olive oil.

The Union has perfected the art of compromise. No drama of victory or defeat, but ensuring all countries emerge victorious from talks. For this, boring politics is only a small price to pay…

////

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It worked.

Peace is now self-evident.

War has become inconceivable.

Yet ‚inconceivable‘ does not mean ‚impossible‘.

And that is why we are gathered here today.

Europe must keep its promise of peace.

I believe this is still our Union‘s ultimate purpose. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

But Europe can no longer rely on this promise alone to inspire citizens. In a way, it‘s a good thing; war-time memories are fading.

Even if not yet everywhere.

Soviet rule over Eastern Europe ended just two decades ago.

Horrendous massacres took place in the Balkans shortly after. The children born at the time of Srebrenica will only turn eighteen next year.

But they already have little brothers and sisters born after that war: the first real postwar generation of Europe. This must remain so.

Presidents, Prime Ministers, Excellencies,

So, where there was war, there is now peace. But another historic task now lies ahead 248 of us: keeping peace where there is peace. After all, history is not a novel, a book we can close after a Happy Ending: we remain fully responsible for what is yet to come.

This couldn‘t be more clear than it is today, when we are hit by the worst economic crisis in two generations, causing great hardship among our people, and putting the political bonds of our Union to the test.

Parents struggling to make ends meet, workers recently laid off, students who fear that, however hard they try, they won‘t get that first job: when they think about Eu- rope, peace is not the first thing that comes to mind…

When prosperity and employment, the bedrock of our societies, appear threatened, it is natural to see a hardening of hearts, the narrowing of interests, even the return of long-forgotten fault-lines and stereotypes. For some, not only joint decisions, but the very fact of deciding jointly, may come into doubt.

And while we must keep a sense of proportion – even such tensions don‘t take us back to the darkness of the past –, the test Europe is currently facing is real.

If I can borrow the words of Abraham Lincoln at the time of another continental test, what is being assessed today is „whether that Union, or any Union so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure“.

We answer with our deeds, confident we will succeed. We are working very hard to overcome the difficulties, to restore growth and jobs.

There is of course sheer necessity. But there is more that guides us: the will to remain masters of our own destiny, a sense of togetherness, and in a way… speaking to us from the centuries … the idea of Europa itself. FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE

The presence of so many European leaders here today underlines our common conviction: that we will come out of this together, and stronger. Strong enough in the world to defend our interests and promote our values.

We all work to leave a better Europe for the children of today and those of tomorrow. So that, later, others might turn and judge: that generation, ours, preserved the promise of Europe.

Today‘s youth is already living in a new world. For them Europe is a daily reality. Not the constraint of being in the same boat. No, the richness of being able to freely share, travel and exchange. To share and shape a continent, experiences, a future.

Excellencies, Ladies & Gentlemen,

Our continent, risen from the ashes after 1945 and united in 1989, has a great capacity to reinvent itself. It is to the next generations to take this common adventure further. I hope they will seize this responsibility with pride. And that they will be able 249 to say, as we here today: Ich bin ein Europäer. Je suis fier d‘être européen. I am proud to be European.

////

[President Barroso takes the floor]

Your Majesties, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

“Peace is not mere absence of war, it is a virtue”, wrote Spinoza: “Pax enim non belli privatio, sed virtus est”. And he added it is “a state of mind, a disposition for benev- olence, confidence, justice”.

Indeed, there can only be true peace if people are confident. At peace with their political system. Reassured that their basic rights are respected.

The European Union is not only about peace among nations. It incarnates, as a political project, that particular state of mind that Spinoza was referring to. It embodies, as a community of values, this vision of freedom and justice.

I remember vividly in 1974 being in the mass of people, descending the streets in my native Lisbon, in Portugal, celebrating the democratic revolution and freedom. This same feeling of joy was experienced by the same generation in Spain and Greece. It was felt later in Central and Eastern Europe and in the Baltic States when they regained their independence. Several generations of Europeans have shown again and again that their choice for Europe was also a choice for freedom.

I will never forget Rostropovich playing Bach at the fallen Wall in Berlin. This image reminds the world that it was the quest for freedom and democracy that tore down IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

the old divisions and made possible the reunification of the continent. Joining the European Union was essential for the consolidation of democracy in our countries.

Because it places the person and respect of human dignity at its heart. Because it gives a voice to differences while creating unity. And so, after reunification, Europe was able to breathe with both its lungs, as said by Karol Wojtyła. The European Union has become our common house. The “homeland of our homelands” as described by Vaclav Havel.

Our Union is more than an association of states. It is a new legal order, which is not based on the balance of power between nations but on the free consent of states to share sovereignty.

From pooling coal and steel, to abolishing internal borders, from six countries to soon twenty-eight with Croatia joining the family this has been a remarkable European journey which is leading us to an “ever closer Union”. And today one of the most 250 visible symbols of our unity is in everyone’s hands. It is the Euro, the currency of our European Union. We will stand by it.

////

Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Peace cannot rest only on the good will of man. It needs to be grounded on a body of laws, on common interests and on a deeper sense of a community of destiny.

The genius of the founding fathers was precisely in understanding that to guarantee peace in the 20th century nations needed to think beyond the nation-state. As Wal- ter Hallstein, the first President of the European Commission said: „Das System der Nationalstaaten hat den wichtigsten Test des 20. Jahrhunderts nicht bestanden („The system of sovereign nation-states has failed the most important test of the 20th century“). And he added „ through two world wars it has proved itself unable to preserve peace.“

The uniqueness of the European project is to have combined the legitimacy of democratic States with the legitimacy of supranational institutions: the European Com- mission, the European Court of Justice. Supranational institutions that protect the general European interest, defend the European common good and embody the community of destiny. And alongside the European Council, where the governments are represented, we have over the years developed a unique transnational democracy symbolised by the directly elected European Parliament.

Our quest for European unity is not a perfect work of art; it is work in progress that demands constant and diligent tending. It is not an end in itself, but a means to higher ends. In many ways, it attests to the quest for a cosmopolitan order, in which one FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE person‘s gain does not need to be another person‘s pain; in which abiding by common norms serves universal values.

////

That is why despite its imperfections, the European Union can be, and indeed is, a powerful inspiration for many around the world. Because the challenges faced from one region to the other may differ in scale but they do not differ in nature.

We all share the same planet. Poverty, organised crime, terrorism, climate change: these are problems that do not respect national borders. We share the same aspirations and universal values: these are progressively taking root in a growing number of countries all over the world. We share „l‘irréductible humain“, the irreducible uniqueness of the human being. Beyond our nation, beyond our continent, we are all part of one mankind. 251

Jean Monnet, ends his Memoirs with these words: „Les nations souveraines du passé ne sont plus le cadre où peuvent se résoudre les problèmes du présent. Et la com- munauté elle-même n‘est qu‘une étape vers les formes d‘organisation du monde de demain.“ („The sovereign nations of the past can no longer solve the problems of the present. And the [European] Community itself is only a stage on the way to the organised world of the future.“)

This federalist and cosmopolitan vision is one of the most important contributions that the European Union can bring to a global order in the making.

Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

The concrete engagement of the European Union in the world is deeply marked by our continent‘s tragic experience of extreme nationalism, wars and the absolute evil of the Shoah. It is inspired by our desire to avoid the same mistakes being made again.

That is the foundation of our multilateral approach for a globalisation based on the twin principles of global solidarity and global responsibility;

That is what inspires our engagement with our neighbouring countries and international partners, from the Middle East to Asia, from Africa to the Americas;

It defines our stance against the death penalty and our support for international justice embodied by the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court;

It drives our leadership in the fight against climate change and for food and energy security;

It underpins our policies on disarmament and against nuclear proliferation; IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

As a continent that went from devastation to become one of the world‘s strongest economies, with the most progressive social systems, being the world‘s largest aid donor, we have a special responsibility to millions of people in need.

In the 21st century it is simply unacceptable to see parents powerless as their baby is dying of lack of basic medical care, mothers compelled to walk all day in the hope of getting food or clean water and boys and girls deprived of their childhood because they are forced to become adults ahead of time.

As a community of nations that has overcome war and fought totalitarianism, we will always stand by those who are in pursuit of peace and human dignity.

And let me say it from here today: the current situation in Syria is a stain on the world‘s conscience and the international community has a moral duty to address it.

And as today marks the international human rights day, more than any other day our 252 thoughts go to the human rights‘ defenders all over the world who put their lives at risk to defend the values that we cherish. And no prison wall can silence their voice. We hear them in this room today.

And we also remember that last year on this very podium three women were honoured for their non-violent struggle for the safety of women and for women’s rights. As a Union built on the founding value of equality between women and men, enshrined in the Treaty of Rome in 1957, we are committed to protecting women‘s rights all over the world and supporting women‘s empowerment. And we cherish the fundamental rights of those who are the most vulnerable, and hold the future in their hands: the children of this world.

As a successful example of peaceful reconciliation based on economic integration, we contribute to developing new forms of cooperation built on exchange of ideas, innovation and research. Science and culture are at the very core of the European openness: they enrich us as individuals and they create bonds beyond borders.

////

Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, Heads of State and Government, Members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen,

Humbled, and grateful for the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, there is no better place to share this vision than here in Norway, a country which has been giving so much to the cause of global peace.

The „pacification of Europe“ was at the heart of Alfred Nobel‘s concerns. In an early version of his will, he even equated it to international peace. FROM WAR TO PEACE: A EUROPEAN TALE

This echoes the very first words of the Schuman Declaration, the founding document of the European Union. „La paix mondiale“. „World Peace,“ it says, „cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it.“

My message today is: you can count on our efforts to fight for lasting peace, freedom and justice in Europe and in the world.

Over the past sixty years, the European project has shown that it is possible for peoples and nations to come together across borders. That it is possible to overcome the differences between „them“ and „us“.

Here today, our hope, our commitment, is that, with all women and men of good will, the European Union will help the world come together.

Thank you. 253

Europe as Solution: Facts and Myths

AMBASSADORS' SEMINAR LISBON, 3 JANUARY 2013

Minister for Foreign Affairs, State Secretaries, Secretary-General, President of the Cham- 255 palimaud Foundation, Ambassadors, Heads of Mission, Dear friends,

t is a great pleasure for me to be associated with this initiative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs where, as the Minister for Foreign Affairs has said, I too spent a I part of my life which I consider an important part of my political and public ca- reer, where I still have many friends and where I had the privilege to witness the great quality, professionalism and patriotism of Portuguese diplomatic officials.

I am also especially pleased to participate in the Diplomatic Seminar, an event which, as Minister for Foreign Affairs, I launched exactly 20 years ago, in 1993. I therefore wish to thank the Minister for the invitation which enables me to mark this occasion with you.

Twenty years is a considerable period in our lifetimes but barely a fraction of a second in the history of the world or of a nation as ancient as Portugal.

These two decades were not just any 20 years, however. In that time we saw the turn of a century and profound transformations in Europe and in the world.

Twenty years ago Portugal had just successfully taken on its first Presidency of the Coun- cil of the European Community. The country was growing economically and socially (4.6% a year in the first five months after joining the EEC) thanks to the opening up of the Portuguese economy, but also thanks to the First Community Support Framework. In Europe, the Single European Market was born and the Maastricht Treaty came into force, creating the European Union. In the world, George Bush and Boris Yeltsin signed the second Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START II) and Yitzhak Rabin and Yasser Arafat concluded the Oslo Peace Accords.

How remote these events now seem! One might say, ‘The past is a foreign country’ (L.P. Hartley). IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Nowadays, history no longer moves at the leisurely rate of the days when news from the world came by diplomatic telegram and the CIFRA operator set the pace.

History has sped up, and that acceleration has brought profound changes to the world.

In the twentieth century, economic output multiplied 40-fold and the world’s population quadrupled. It took many thousands of years, from prehistory to 1960, for humanity to number 3 billion. But the 39 years up to 1999 were enough to add the next 3 billion. And then, in only 12 years, our numbers increased from 6 to 7 billion people. The United Kingdom took 155 years to double its per capita GDP; but 50 years were enough for the United States to do the same; China did it in 15.

These examples are a good illustration of the scale and the speed of the changes we are facing and which oblige us to rethink our models and our policies.

The current crisis is just one result of these structural changes in global geo-politics 256 and geo-economics. That is why the responses also need to be structural, and in many cases that implies a paradigm shift. Where the countries of Europe are concerned, such responses also need to be articulated over a broader area than the traditional borders of the nation-state.

That is why I sincerely believe that, in spite of the difficult economic situation we are experiencing, we Europeans and we Portuguese have the means to confidently rise to the challenges of globalisation, because, among other reasons, we have an instrument that is essential to that end in the process of regional integration which is currently coming to fruition in the European Union.

And that is what I want to talk to you about today: the European Union as a solution to the problems which our continent and our country are going through. The need to make this case is all the more pressing at times like the present, when many are seizing on this crisis to call the European project into question and some are even predicting its end.

That is why it is worthwhile beginning by giving the lie to some of the myths in circulation that portray Europe as a problem, and then setting out some facts on Europe as a solution.

Let us look at the myths first:

Myth number 1: Europe and the European Union caused this crisis. Not so. The crisis was born on the far side of the Atlantic, caused by practices in the financial sector that were irresponsible – in some cases even criminal – which in a second stage spread to Europe by virtue of the global nature of the banking and financial system. And what started as a problem of the high-risk subprime sector degenerated into a crisis for the real economy that then exposed the various weaknesses of the banking system and of some European countries’ economies and in particular the intolerable excessive indebtedness and their lack of competitiveness. EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS

Myth number 2: Europe is the ‘sick man’ of the global economy. Not so. If we look at the debt-to-GDP ratio, the European average (of 82.5% in spite of all this crisis) is decidedly better than the United States’ (almost 103%) or Japan’s (almost 230% of GDP).

Something which fewer may know is that, for the first decade of the twenty-first century, in spite of the redistribution of power and the emergence of extremely competitive new economies, Europe’s share of the world market remained stable at 20%, while the USA’s and Japan’s recorded significant falls, to 13% and 9.5% respectively.

Myth number 3: The euro caused the crisis. Not so. Our currency did not cause the crisis. I remind you, moreover, that the European country in which the financial crisis took on the greatest proportions from the outset was Iceland, which is not even a member of the European Union (although it is currently a candidate for membership). The euro has remained strong and stable and is still a reference currency globally.

The so-called euro crisis should not be confused with what is in fact certain Member States’ sovereign debt crisis. The euro is, I repeat, a stable, strong, credible currency. 257

Myth number 4: The European institutions did not act in time. Not so. There should be no confusion regarding the role of the European Institutions, which is to propose solutions, with the role of the Member States with which the final decision on these very matters lies. So one of the problems that this crisis revealed and which we are now seeking to correct was precisely the lack of powers at European level to correct the imbalances which began to emerge.

Let us remember that banking supervision was conducted at national level and that there were no powers at European level. Let us remember that the mechanisms for applying the Stability and Growth Pact were weak, particularly the preventive part. And, should we wish for a more specific example, let us recall that the Member States did not approve a Commission proposal, made at the very start of my first term of office, to give Eurostat additional powers to investigate and collect data directly, without going through the national statistical bodies, which would for example have permitted us to identify serious irregularities in the Greek accounts.

Myth number 5: Europe has not shown solidarity with the countries in crisis or, in another common variant, ‘We need a new Marshall Plan’. Not so. If we take the example of Greece, even excluding the new plan recently approved for the country, the total Eu- ropean and international assistance (including loans, private debt write-offs and funds from the Community budget) amounts to 380 billion euros. That is the equivalent of 177% of Greek GDP, or around 34 000 euros per Greek citizen. The Marshall Plan corresponded to some 2.1% of the GDP of the countries it supported, and was therefore on an entirely different scale to the 177% of Greek GDP.

Myth number 6: The European Union – or membership of the euro – is imposing austerity on the Member States and their citizens. Not so. Policies to reduce public deficits are inevitable and have to be pursued regardless of whether countries are in the euro zone or not, although their rhythm will obviously depend on each country’s economic and financial health. Even the countries which do not belong to the euro and are not bound IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

to balance their budgets by the recent Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance in the MEU are following similar policies. This is yet further proof that the problem is not specific to the euro. Take the example of the United Kingdom, which recently approved one of the most rigorous budgets in its history. That is what would normally be called a real austerity budget. And, let me say it again, it has nothing to do with either the financial assistance programme or belonging to the euro.

And I could go on. These explanations are needed because it seems to me that there is very often a lack of awareness and poor information: in some cases one might even say that there is a degree of intellectual dishonesty in many of the comments and analyses - more comments than analyses - being made concerning the current situation.

This does not mean that developments at European level have not also revealed shortcomings in the management of the crisis; they most certainly have revealed shortcomings, some of which are serious. On top of the structural imbalances that persisted for far too long – particularly where the deficit is concerned – the financial crisis has laid bare 258 the inadequacies in the design of the economic and monetary union.

It became clear that it was an imperfect construction; that while we had a shared currency, we did not have any truly coordinated economic policies; and that we did not have the necessary tools to deal with situations of financial instability. In other words, we had a ship that was fit for calm waters, but proved far too fragile when the storm came. Fun- damentally speaking we had - and still have - a system where the Member States are no longer able to take autonomous action to resolve their problems on their own and where Europe as a whole is still not fully equipped to address the same problems effectively.

This is the state of flux in which we currently find ourselves and which explains many of today’s anxieties.

The response currently being given at European level is intended to make good these shortcomings: we are building a ship with greater capacity and power in the middle of the storm. And I think we can all agree that it is no easy task to build a ship in the middle of a storm.

Therefore, if we wish to return to sustainable growth, I would reiterate what I have stated many times: the solution lies in growth itself. If we wish to return to sustainable growth it is essential that we take action on no fewer than three distinct fronts: in the Member States, by making structural reforms that will enable them to balance their public accounts and increase the competitiveness of their economies; in the eurozone, by taking specific measures that will make it possible to improve the governance, action and effectiveness of the budgetary policies of the various countries; and in the 27/28 Member States, by reinforcing the accountability and solidarity mechanisms, which will include a deepening of the Economic and Monetary Union as well as progress towards a political union, with heightened scrutiny and democratic control of the new functions attributed at European level.

Even though the pace of the decisions is slower and their ambitions lower than the Com- mission would like – and I would note here that I am the first person in the European EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS

Council to point out the urgency of taking action and the need for a greater community spirit, greater ambition and greater solidarity, we must also note that democracies operate at an entirely different rhythm from the markets. Take the recent example of the protracted debates about the fiscal cliff in the USA. It was demonstrated once again that discussions of expenditure and revenue, redistribution and restraint are never easy, even within a single country. This has also become clear from the debates ongoing in some European countries concerning intra-regional solidarity and transfers from and to central governments. It is interesting to note that, in some cases, the ones who call for more solidarity from Brussels are not prepared to practise this same solidarity within their own countries.

Here, as on European level, greater consistency in discussions of specific forms of solidarity would certainly be most beneficial.

But despite a slow start — as it was necessary to consolidate the idea that the solution would only be possible with responsibility and solidarity policies — European determination is beginning to produce results. It is thus important not to devalue what has 259 already been done and the significant steps that have been taken. Financial assistance programmes were approved for three countries: Greece, Ireland and Portugal. And a specific programme was approved for the banking sector in Spain.

An Assistance Fund was created in the shape of the European Stability Mechanism. The financial capability of this fund for intervention in the eurozone is no less than the IMF’s total financial capacity for the entire world (approximately one trillion dollars if we include the funds coming through the EFSF). Significant legislation was adopted to reinforce the powers of the European instances — and of the Commission in particular — when it comes to budgetary control at national level. And the new Treaty reinforcing budgetary discipline came into force two days ago. The foundations are being laid for the essential banking union which — for some time now — both I personally and the Commission have been calling for. The adoption of the Commission’s proposal for a common supervisor of the eurozone financial system was, in fact, of great importance here. This essential agreement not only enabled us to resolve one of the issues that the “markets” considered most important, but also set a pattern for future decisions with a view to taking concrete action reflecting the need to deepen the integration of the eurozone while maintaining the integrity of a European Union with 27 or 28 Member States.

The European Central Bank announced its programme – Outright Monetary Trans- actions – providing for unlimited intervention in the secondary sovereign debt market, wherever necessary, under specific conditions. And we are taking steps to deepen the Economic and Monetary Union in line with what is known as the “report of the four Presidents” (the President of the European Council, the President of the European Commission, the President of the Eurogroup and the President of the European Central Bank), an exercise to which the European Commission contributed its own ideas and proposals in greater detail in the “blueprint” adopted in November last year.

And the more vulnerable States are also continuing to roll out their adjustment programmes with some encouraging results, although a few cases still give cause for concern. Greece is now taking decisive action to implement its reforms, and funding for the IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

second programme has now been released. I would emphasise this point because, as you are no doubt aware, the vast majority of analysts and commentators were predicting that Greece would not only default but would leave the euro during 2012. They were wrong, and should at least concede that they were wrong.

In Ireland, long and short-term interest rates are now lower than those of countries that did not require assistance programmes. The Irish economy will show positive growth this year. The unemployment rate remains high, but the country now has a current account surplus.

In Portugal’s case, short- and long-term interest rates on debt have fallen significantly. For instance, long-term interest rates on debt fell from around 20% to below 7%. The current account is gradually becoming balanced (according to figures from the Banco de Portugal and from the INE the country has, for the first time in many years, achieved trade balance). And the reforms and these positive results have been recognised by the outside world, contributing to the country’s credibility at European and global level. For 260 example, in the latest World Bank Doing Business Report, Portugal has risen from 48th to 30th position.

However, it is true that, both in Portugal and in other countries, these results and efforts do not immediately translate into improvements to the daily lives of the man and woman on the street. This year, Europe’s GDP is expected to contract by 0.3%, and for [next] year the European Commission forecasts that it will rise slightly, by 0.4%. As you are aware, it is difficult to make correct predictions during times of great financial instability, but they have been made nonetheless.

Levels of unemployment will, unfortunately, remain high. It was inevitable that consolidation measures would result in the economy contracting. Adjustment programmes have a recessionary effect in the short term but create the conditions for more solid, sustainable growth in the medium and long term. Not artificial growth, like that we experienced for a long time, stimulated by the issue of public debt and easy credit, but growth rooted in a solid foundation. Growth in the framework of a more competitive economy. And regaining confidence is truly essential. Without it, there can be no possibility of investment, and without investment growth will be no more than a mirage.

It is true that this situation manifests very differently from one Member State to another. And in some, such as Portugal, we must call it as we see it: there is a genuine social emergency. It is therefore vital that we manage the costs of the economic downturn, in particular its impact on people, in a sociably responsible manner. Because this, as well as the social imperatives, is also important for the success and acceptability of any adjustment programme. We must invest selectively in a range of sectors of the economy, shoulder the burden equally, and adopt a policy to combat the scourge of unemployment — all of which are also European priorities. The European Commission is of course willing to analyse the completion of programmes and to make the adjustments and fine-tuning necessary to minimise social costs. I would recall here that the country has already been given an additional year to achieve its deficit-reduction objectives, thereby slowing the pace of adjustment for 2012 and 2013. EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS

There is also an additional key political issue. For adjustment programmes to be successful, they require sustainable political and social conditions and, in turn, prudence is needed in political decision-making and in the way that those decisions are communi- cated. Such prudence can and must go hand in hand with determination.

Where necessary, compromises must be made and consensus must be sought at all times – either between the main institutions and the politicians or among the social partners. I repeat, the key conditions for ultimate success are political and social conditions.

Such an approach is of paramount importance if the programmes are to be successful, along with speedy implementation. The ‘front loading’ of adjustment offers a greater chance of success than delayed implementation.

Let us take Greece, for example, which is heading into its sixth year of recession. The problems were caused by the programme’s implementation, which was tentative, piecemeal or, sometimes, non-existent. For example, in terms of structural reforms and priva- tisation there was no implementation at the start of the programme, the Greek authori- 261 ties focused solely on the budgetary side. In addition we were faced with a long-standing political crisis, the threat of a referendum on the euro, two general elections and highly unstable coalitions. It is only with the current government, in place since the summer, that Greece is starting to regain the partners’ trust.

On a broader European level, our objective is to reform the social market economy in order more effectively to protect it and to meet the demands of a new, far more competitive, world. There are those who say that the European social model is dead. This is not our opinion. This is not my opinion.

I feel we must do all we can to maintain our social market economy whilst acknowl- edging that, in a much more competitive context, reforms are required if we want to maintain the ‘social State’, a vital component, especially at a time of great social tension. I also feel that the reforms and the shouldering of responsibility that we have seen at national level must be mirrored by greater solidarity at European level. Responsibility and solidarity are two sides of the same coin. This is what I have been fighting for at European level: for a project of reform and solidarity. This is the European Commission’s policy, a policy of solidarity.

This solidarity must be reflected in aid programmes for countries in difficulty; it must also, in a financial framework, foster greater investment in the areas of the future such as science, education and research (at this point, I would make special mention of the fact that this is my first time in this magnificent auditorium of the Champalimaud Foundation, a Portuguese science and research institute that has garnered well-deserved European and worldwide recognition in a short space of time) and investment in social and territorial cohesion as one of the cornerstones of our Union. It must be solidarity that underpins the programmes launched by the Commission such as the European Globalisation Adjustment Fund (which I had the honour of launching), which helps workers who have been made redundant find new jobs, the Food Aid Programme for the most disadvantaged, which has been a major source of support for national food banks – unfortunately under threat from some governments – and the ‘Youth Guaran- IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

tee’, which will seek to ensure that all young people up to the age of 25 are offered jobs, or the opportunity for further study, apprenticeships or work placements within four months of completing their education or becoming unemployed, partly financed by the European Social Fund.

It is true that there are times when I do not see such a commitment on the part of Euro- pean governments, a vital commitment to this dimension of solidarity and to supporting investment for growth. This was demonstrated in the recent discussion on the future EU multiannual financial framework. We cannot argue in favour of growth and at the same time hinder the chances of such growth with an unambitious budget that actually limits public development. In terms of the powers that have been conferred on the Commu- nity, there is in reality an imbalance between control and discipline mechanisms and cohesion and solidarity instruments. These must also be strengthened at European level if Europe itself is to maintain vital support. European leaders cannot be surprised to see a decline in support for the European project if all they are seen to be doing is imposing discipline and inflicting punishment, or if they continue to project the idea that any 262 successes are national and any failures European. Europe – as I have said on countless occasions – means all of us, not just Brussels or Strasbourg.

Ladies and gentlemen, dear friends,

Despite the criticism and despite its shortfalls, Europe has been an anchor of stability and cohesion. And the task of building a closer Europe needs to continue. I say this not just out of a sense of duty or because of my personal beliefs; I am saying it because I am convinced that the European project is the solution to many of the problems facing our societies and countries today. I say this on the basis of analysis of the facts, and observation of trends and realities. Let us move on to the facts and realities of Europe as a solution.

Fact number 1: Interdependence between European Union Member States is very strong. The internal market is one of the biggest assets of each country of the European Union. To give some examples: before the crisis Spain exported to Portugal more than double of what it sold to all Latin American countries together. The United Kingdom exports more to Ireland than to all the BRIC countries. I mention this because sometimes journalists, particularly from outside of Europe, tend to underestimate the level of interdependence in the European Union. This may be the reason for the errors of analysis made by some.

Fact number 2: In a world of giants, size matters. The European Union as a whole has the biggest economy in the world with 26% of global GDP, followed by the US with 23% and China with 9% (although the Chinese economy is growing rapidly). However, if considered separately, Germany as the largest European economy merely comes in fourth place. And in 2050, judging by the growth rates in recent years, no single individual European economy will be among the top ten world economies. It seems obvious to me that we must work together as one.

Fact number 3: As power is dispersed between States and regions of the world, it is more necessary than ever to have a European pole in the multipolar international system of EUROPE AS SOLUTION: FACTS AND MYTHS the future. This necessity becomes clear when we talk to our partners in Asia, Africa and Latin America who are asking for more, not less, Europe.

Fact number 4: Power is currently shifting not only between States, but also over and above those States. The internationalisation of the financial sector, for example, shows that only supra-national regulation (which for Europe would be through the EU) can restore real decision-making power to European citizens. The key is to exchange formal sovereignty for real influence. Those who believe that democracy can only work at national level have not grasped that we are now in the 21st century. Nor do they realise that national democracies alone do not possess the necessary tools to regulate the international financial system, for example.

Fact number 5: As I mentioned, many of the great challenges of the 21st century are not confined to national level. Climate change, energy security, scarcity of natural resources – all these issues can be tackled more effectively at continental or global level. On the other hand, only the critical mass that the European Union gives each of its Member States can make the difference in multilateral negotiations, whether it be on financial 263 regulation issues in the G20, trade issues in the WTO, or environmental and climate change concerns in the context of UN conferences.

Fact number 6: Other continents are seeking to develop regional integration projects, although without the depth and breadth of the European project. From CELAC and UNASUR in the Americas to ASEAN in South-East Asia, from regional economic Af- rican communities to the African Union, the other regions of the world too are forming regional and even continent-wide projects in order to overcome many national limitations.

I could continue to list individual arguments, but it is more important not to lose sight of the fact that the European Union is a project of peace, freedom and democracy. Which makes it an irreplaceable project. This is what the Nobel Committee noted on awarding the 2012 Nobel Peace Prize to the European Union. The 60 years of peace, reunification of the continent and promotion of values such as freedom and democracy which continue to reverberate throughout our southern and eastern neighbourhoods. Despite all of the difficulties, the European Union is still a beacon of freedom and prosperity, whose light shines far beyond our borders.

I would therefore like to take this opportunity to thank Portugal and the Portuguese diplomatic corps for their steadfast commitment to the project of European integration and to the concept of an open Europe of solidarity and responsibility.

Portugal has contributed greatly to Europe and I would like to acknowledge this here publicly in my capacity as President of the European Commission. It is not just with regard to the European project as such, to its essential values; Portugal has also given the EU a greater strategic dimension and depth through its special relationships with Africa and Latin America.

This depth, which is largely due to Portugal’s Atlantic dimension, has been institution- alised with support from the European Commission and now also from the European IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

External Action Service in the framework of a strategic partnership with Brazil, a special partnership with Cape Verde and privileged relationships with Angola and Mozam- bique. I am proud to have contributed personally in this regard and feel that it is important to highlight the major role that the European Commission has played in these actions. The fact that Portuguese citizens are the heads of delegation in some of the main strategic partnerships, for example with the United States, Brazil and India, is testament not only to the high standard of Portuguese officials and diplomats, but also to the role that the country is able to play in building a stronger, more cohesive and ambitious European foreign policy.

I am convinced that the Atlantic corridor – North and South – must maintain a central strategic position in the global power structures of the future and Portugal will certainly have a say in this regard.

Portugal’s universal vocation has been reinforced and consolidated with the European project. The European Union, as an open and cosmopolitan project, has specifically 264 broadened its universal nature as attested by Portugal’s election to the UN Security Council and the work carried out therein over the last two years.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I would like to conclude by saying that 2012 ended on a positive note for the euro area and, consequently, for the European Union as a whole. I believe it is fair to say that there is no longer a perception of the risk that the euro area will fall apart. Once and for all, and not before time, investors have realised that when European leaders say that they will do everything possible to safeguard the integrity of the euro they mean it. Does this mean that the problems have been overcome and that we can rest on our laurels? No! Far from it. Reforms and adjustment must be pursued with determination, without overlooking the important aspect of social justice.

We must rebalance policies of responsibility with mechanisms and measures of solidarity. It is necessary to have balanced public accounts and to consolidate reforms in order to ensure competitiveness. But in order to attain sustainable economic growth it is also necessary to invest in the sectors that will allow us to rise to the challenge of globalisation.

History belongs to those who advance it with the conviction of the decisions made in the present day and not to those who nostalgically hold on to it, often idealising the past and almost always giving up on the future. I would therefore like to finish by saying that I am counting on Portugal, on its government and on its diplomatic corps to continue to advance European history, the best chapters of which, I am convinced, are yet to be written. The European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean: Global Partners for the 21st Century

EDITORIAL BY JOSÉ MANUEL DURÃO BARROSO AND HERMAN VAN ROMPUY EU-BRAZIL SUMMIT 2013, 24 JANUARY 2013

he Santiago summit, to be held on 26-27 January, between the European Un- 265 ion and the new Community of Latin American and Caribbean States will T bring together leaders from 60 countries in the two regions. The summit comes at a pivotal moment for the global economy and both regions can play a key role in restoring strong and sustainable growth worldwide.

We are now turning a corner in the financial crisis that has seriously affected the European Union’s economy. Our response to the crisis has been decisive and competitiveness and confidence are being slowly restored in Europe. We are taking the tough but necessary decisions to prevent similar problems from occurring in the future. Countries are undertaking unprecedented structural reforms and we are overhauling our economic governance at EU level. Despite this crisis the European Union remains the largest economy in the world and an indispensable partner for the international community in promoting peace, democracy and the respect of human rights, as well as development, eradication of poverty and the fight against climate change.

Latin America and the Caribbean are also living through profound changes, albeit of a different nature. Governments and citizens are facing choices that will shape their countries' future development path for decades to come. For much of the region, the last few years have brought robust economic growth. Nearly 50 million people have been lifted out of poverty. Democracy has been further consolidated and the region's voice in international affairs has also been strengthened. Yet there are still huge challenges in terms of poverty, inequality, security or environmental issues. Abundant natural resources have proved an asset for some countries, but only a more diversified economic model will sustain growth in the longer term.

Against this backdrop, the Santiago summit comes at a time when the relationship is more important than ever. Its central theme is both a challenge and a call – an 'alliance for sustainable development: promoting investments of social and environmental quality' – and focuses attention on a crucial pillar of the relationship. The European Union accounts for no less than 43% of the total stocks of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in Latin America and the Caribbean. In 2011, annual FDI flows IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

from the European Union to the region reached record levels. How many people realise that European FDI in Latin America and the Caribbean is in fact higher than in Russia, China and India combined?

But it is not just about quantity. It is also about quality. For Latin American and Car- ibbean countries pursuing a more sustainable and inclusive growth model, European investment is decisive, contributing to more competitiveness and social development. European companies are at the origin of almost two-thirds of all R&D investment projects in the region, with a particular commitment to protecting the environment and observing labour standards.

But the summit in Santiago will also cover other issues beyond investment. Our partnership has always embodied a genuine community of values – in terms of human rights, democracy and social cohesion. Gender equality will be discussed and become a new pillar of the common action plan that guides our cooperation between our biennial summits. We will seek ways to work more closely together on security chal- 266 lenges – for instance, how best to support the regional strategy developed by Central American countries. And we will also try to work together more closely and more effectively in multilateral organisations, for instance on climate change and sustainable development.

The Mexican poet Octavio Paz famously once said that (Latin) America is 'not so much a tradition to be continued, more a future to be made into reality'. This saying neatly captures the purpose and spirit of our partnership between the European Un- ion and the new Community of Latin American and Caribbean States. A common future, which we want to build together. The logic of interdependence and its consequences

BUILDING BRIDGES CONFERENCE BRUSSELS, 7 MARCH 2013

Mr President, Ladies and gentlemen, 267

t is a great honour and pleasure to welcome to Brussels President Shimon Peres. I am glad he has accepted the invitation I addressed him to visit Brussels when we I both met last July in Jerusalem. During the talks we held back then, we immediately agreed that besides the traditional bilateral meeting which we had this morning, we should also have a public conversation on wider issues, on the challenges that the world faces today and the best ways to address them.

One of the biggest problems political leaders have today is the lack of time to communicate policies, decisions and their vision of the world, which in the end is what guides our everyday choices.

And some of the biggest problems with which our societies are confronted are I believe the fragmentation of knowledge, the lack of memory and the lack of time to think.

It is therefore a privilege to reflect on these matters together with a man of such merit, a Nobel Peace prize laureate who is proof of the strength of personality in politics, of the power of ideas. Someone who has shown that finding and creating the middle ground is the hard but honourable task of political leaders.

In today’s world, we need the power of ideas more than ever. We need new thinking, a new narrative to tackle the new challenges facing us all.

President Peres will certainly forgive me if I share with you that back in July he told me candidly ‘he remembered to have met one of my predecessors… his name was Jean Monnet’. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

And it is inspired by Jean Monnet that I would like to speak to you today about the undisputable logic of interdependence, and how we can manage this interdependence, namely through education, science and technology, to build bridges and secure peace.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Europe was born from an idea.

The very idea of European unification was there long before the political mind-set and reality were.

When Victor Hugo, the great French poet and novelist, chaired the International Peace Congress of Paris in 1849, he already spoke of European unity as both a pre- diction and an aspiration.

268 ‘A day will come,’ he said, ‘when war will seem as absurd and impossible between Paris and London, … between Vienna and Turin, as it would be impossible and absurd today between Rouen and Amiens, between Boston and Philadelphia. A day will come when you France, … you Italy, you England, you Germany, you all, nations of the continent, without losing your distinct qualities and your glorious individuality, will be merged closely within a superior unit and you will form the European brotherhood… A day will come when the only fields of battle will be markets opening up to trade and minds opening up to ideas.’

He was right - but he was also much ahead of his time. Sad to say, it took another century for minds to open up; for the nation-states of the continent to agree slowly but surely to create one European community, the European Union. This only came about after the blackest page in the history of mankind, after a century of absurd and impossible wars; of crimes against the brotherhood of humanity; of which the Shoa was the most horrendous.

European integration only followed once the old nations of Europe started to realise that the degree of interdependence had surpassed and eroded their national sovereignty and that nation-states needed mechanisms and structures that made cooperation inevitable and war impossible.

The man who first came up with the idea to pool Europe’s industrial resources, thereby making the linkage of states a political reality, was precisely Jean Monnet. At a time when many politicians – the kind of great statesmen for whom countries erected statues – were still celebrated as fathers of independence, Monnet became what one of his biographers called ‘the first statesman of interdependence’.

That is the main idea behind European unification. And it is probably the greatest contribution that post-war Europe has given to the world.

A shared future is built by international cooperation, regional integration and common structures where differences can be overcome. THE LOGIC OF INTERDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

This logic is as relevant today as it was 60 years ago; relevant for Europe, now 27 member states, very soon 28, instead of the original 6; and relevant for the world, so long dominated by 2 blocs succeeded by 1 hyperpower, and now so much changed that even the idea of a ‘G20-world’ doesn’t adequately reflect its multipolarity.

That, for me, is the main lesson to draw from the crisis since 2008. Our economic interdependence was never as obvious as it was in the middle of the financial crisis.

In a world of global supply chains, global financial streams, global companies, global competition for raw materials and so on… there is no country, large or small, that can ignore the international context in which it operates.

And this economic interconnectedness is just one example of the issues we must confront together: climate change is by its very nature blind to political borders; terrorism cuts across national frontiers as never before; underdevelopment is a threat to developed economies; and internal instability in one country can unbalance neighbouring countries as well. 269

Limited environmental resources, as President Peres well knows, may pose a threat to peace and security in the whole region. If we try to tackle collective problems individually, we end up failing - or indeed, even making them worse. But if we work together, delivering concrete results for everyday problems, we make political institutions and minds rise above local, regional or national limitations.

That is why we, as European Commission, are supporting exchanges in the field of science and technology, of trade and investment across our Southern Neighbourhood and the Middle East region.

I hope that one day shared water, food and industrial goods will do for the Middle East what coal and steel have done for Western Europe many years ago: promoting cooperation, preventing conflicts, turning the logic of interdependence into a force for good.

I hope to see one day Israel and Palestine living side by side in secure and recognised borders, sharing Jerusalem as their capital. I hope that one day walls and checkpoints will be replaced by bridges. I hope that one day parents will be able to send their children to school in the morning with the certainty that they will embrace them again in the evening.

This is possible with strong political leadership and by working from the bottom up, because we need to gain our public opinions and popular support for this endeavour.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The world has become more globalised than ever before. We need to welcome such evolutions and make the most of them.

The narrow-mindedness and the Westfallian vision of sovereignty that some still have in official chancelleries is being challenged by business leaders, scientists, researchers, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

artists and creator, intellectuals, but also by common citizens, especially young people.

There is today already a global community that moves beyond the official and political interactions between States.

Technology makes it easier now for young people to follow trends and friends around the world, and for citizens of any country or any regime to voice their concerns and claim their rights.

Collaborative science and international cooperation is also fundamental to address tomorrow’s challenges. This is a deep belief that I share with President Peres (and I remember the very good exchanges we had in the past about this), the role of science in shaping a better world. That is why the European Union has developed international scientific cooperation (INCO) as one of its key priorities in its research framework programmes. And international cooperation in research and innovation will remain a 270 cross-cutting priority of our new programme Horizon 2020.

Some of the problems we are facing in the world stem precisely from the resistance of a few to modernisation and science, opposition to industrial revolution in the past and to scientific progress in the present, opposition to other revolutions like democratic revolution.

So we must find ways to adapt our political institutions and policies - and most of all our mindset - to this new reality, for it will never work the other way around.

We are all in this together – and the people we represent realise this very well.

We need to join forces, political leaders, but go beyond political leaders - business- men, researchers, artists, youth and work together to promote common public goods at world level, with peace certainly being the first of these common public goods.

19th century nation-states are powerless against 21st century challenges.

20th century thinking will not save us from 21st century problems.

Ladies and gentlemen,

While Europe has brought about peace between nations we need to remain vigilant as ever to our inner peace. The current situation in Europe is fertile ground for populism and nationalism. But the strength of Europe is not only based on peace among its members, but also on making the diversity of our societies an asset for all.

Anti-Semitism or xenophobia have no place in European society. We are a Union that treasures diversity and protects the rights of the individual to lead the life they wish to lead – as long it is in line with our European values of democracy, freedom and human rights. THE LOGIC OF INTERDEPENDENCE AND ITS CONSEQUENCES

As President of the European Commission, let me reassure you that, together with the other European institutions and the governments of the member states, we will stand up against all forms of Anti-Semitism, Racism and Xenophobia.

That too is part of the mindset needed to overcome the divisions of the past and tackle the issues of the future.

Ladies and Gentleman,

The process towards European unification was never meant to be an end in itself, or even the final stage of the integration process. As Jean Monnet wrote in his Memoirs, a sentence that I also recalled when on behalf of the European Union I was speaking at the ceremony of the awarding of the Nobel Peace Prize, Jean Monnet said: ‘The Community itself is just another step towards the forms of organisation of tomorrow’s world.’

European political integration was always considered to be a stepping stone towards 271 more forceful multilateral cooperation, the start of multipolar global governance: one region in the world that was joined together more closely, in order to work more effectively with other countries and regions in the world. It was an exercise in building bridges, starting from our part of the world and hoping to meet others halfway. And I believe this is still the meaning of European integration.

In that sense the EU has played and is playing the role of a kind of laboratory of globalisation, and we can share this experience with others – not to give lessons, but to share experiences and propose partnerships that can build a conscious and managed interdependence.

One example is how our trade policy and the web of trade agreements we are developing around the world can bring not only economic and social development, but also play a role in securing world peace. This is not something new - already 300 years ago Montesquieu wrote his famous sentence that ‘Peace is the natural effect of trade’. But today, in this globalisation time more than ever, trade is part of the solution to foster peace in the world.

By linking Europe’s economy with our partners’ economies we are promoting integration, fostering human contacts, creating a common set of rules and building interdependencies.

For instance, there can be no peace across the Southern Mediterranean as long as prosperity seems beyond reach. And neither peace nor prosperity can be achieved as long as countries look inwards. Regional cooperation can bring people, businesses, researchers and intellectuals closer together. Regional trade and investment across the Mediterranean can release the creative and constructive forces that were so long repressed by the old regimes. This is why I would like to call on business leaders. I believe business leaders have for this a better understanding that many politicians. I believe that that ideal of the global community can, to a large extent, be driven by the civil society. If we are waiting only for political leaders, we may be waiting for too IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

long. It is extremely important that also in the Mediterranean region and in other parts of the world we are able to understand what is going on in terms of the shaping of the global community.

And Europe, which is the biggest trading partner for Mediterranean countries, including Israel, can play a key role in bringing this about.

Interdependence should not be a side effect of globalisation but a conscious policy choice of today’s leaders. It is the way to seal our future, to seal a cooperation that can create unbreakable bonds, to tie our destinies together. It is the way to make cooperation inevitable and war impossible. Finally, it is the way to consolidate the idea of a ‘global citizenship’, a single mankind. And let me tell you how much we owe to the classic secular Jewish thinkers for this, from Isaiah Berlin to George Steiner, how many great secular Jewish thinkers brought to this idea of a global citizenship of mankind and how important this idea was also as a source of European integration as well. It is present also in the DNA of European integration. 272 President Peres,

Dear friends and guests,

When Victor Hugo made his appeal for European unity, people were not yet ready to accept it and put it in practice. They could imagine peace between nation-states, but anything that transcended national boundaries was beyond people’s imagination.

And yet, Victor Hugo was right. And he also knew that ‘an invasion of armies can be resisted, but not an idea whose time has come’. Eventually, the time for the European idea came through.

Similarly, today, the undeniable logic of interdependence is only starting to really reach people’s minds. I believe we can do something for that to happen. I believe that we can, namely through education, science, technology to create more conditions for this idea of interdependence and peace to flourish.

We need to convince our citizens – with the strength and conviction that matches President Peres’ engagement throughout his life – that we must not hesitate to adapt our mindsets, our behaviour and our political attitudes to the unquestionable power of an idea whose time has come.

I thank you for your attention. Moving into a Partnership of Choice

RUSSIA-EUROPEAN UNION – POTENTIAL FOR PARTNERSHIP CONFERENCE MOSCOW, 21 MARCH 2013

Prime Minister Medvedev, Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, 273

irst of all I want to thank and congratulate the Russian International Affairs Council and Igor Ivanov for organizing this conference at such a timely mo- F ment. It is a pleasure and an honour to be here with such a distinguished audience. I recognise many friends, I cannot mention all of them, but some of them with whom I have been working very closely from Javier Solana to Wolfgang Schüssel to François Fillon, to Paavo Lipponen, to Franco Frattini, and some others I see in the audience. Some of you that have done so much over the years for the process of partnership and friendship between the European Union and Russia.

The world is indeed changing fast. I believe we should not take old partnerships for granted and we need to nurture all our partnerships.

For the strategic partnership between Europe and Russia this is a double challenge, because our relationship is simultaneously centuries old and very recent, with a fresh restart just a couple of decades ago. And some of the protagonists are here today. This relationship cannot be taken for granted and needs constant nurturing. It is a relation that needs to be thought, understood, recreated and I can think of no better place to think, understand and recreate this very important partnership than here in the Russian International Affairs Council in your company and of course in the company of Prime Minister Medvedev.

Let me start with a simple premise: there is no doubt that Russia and the European Union are deeply intertwined. We share a continent, a history, a rich and diverse cultural heritage forged throughout the centuries.

European and Russian intellectual and creative life from science to philosophy, from arts to music and literature have been enriching and influencing each other to the point of being one and the same. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Tolstoy, Dostoyevsky, Chekhov are part of the European collective memory. Mayak- ovsky and Malevich were influenced by and have influenced the European avant-garde movement. I also remember for instance the extraordinary correspondence between Rainer Maria Rilke, Boris Pasternak, Marina Tsvetaeva, which is now common part of our shared literary history.

And on this very day we celebrate the birth of Modest Mussorgsky, 174 years ago. It is impossible to forget his strong influence on Debussy, Berg, Poulenc. His major work, Boris Godunov is an illustration of “our” cultural melting pot, with a skilful balance between Russian music identity and classical Western conventions, giving a new life to a story written by Pushkin and with inspiration of Shakespeare and Karamzin.

Even more importantly, these ties are not just history or culture; they are strongly entrenched in today’s life. They are alive in strong human bonds, in the hearts and minds of our people, in the warmth of many family unions, in the enthusiasm of young students, workers or tourists discovering each other’s countries and ways of life; 274 exchanging experiences, opening up to new perspectives.

And even in the years when the difference of political regimes and an iron curtain drove us apart, the voices of Solzhenitsyn and Sakharov, the poetry of Anna Akhma- tova, the music of Shostakovich and Stravinsky, the dance of Rudolf Nureyev, the cinema of Tarkovsky reminded us that what unites us is much, much deeper than what separated us.

In short, European history and civilization would be incomplete without Russia. Yes, Russia is a European country and Russian history and civilization cannot be dissoci- ated from Europe and the cross fertilization that happened over the centuries.

But our close relationship is not just based on our long and solid bonds of history, culture and kinship, crucial though they are. Over the years and in particular after the developments in Russia in the 90s, there is a hard and sustained effort to build a wide-ranging partnership for the sake of greater prosperity, predictability and security for the European Union and Russia, and for the world and also for the region at large.

Economic bonds are often regarded, and rightly so, as one of the most important factors to bring people and nations together, to lay sound foundations for broader and strengthened relations and improve stability over-time. The European Union in itself is indeed a case in point!

And here, the European Union and Russia have a particularly impressive story to tell. Trade is really part of the heartbeat of our relationship. The European Union is by far Russia’s biggest overall trade partner. And Russia is the European Union’s third largest trade partner. In 2012 alone the total volume of trade between the European Union and Russia reached 336 billion euro and around 75 % of foreign direct investment in Russia is of European origin. In 2010 the European Union stock of foreign direct investment in Russia amounted to 120 billion euros. More than China and India combined! MOVING INTO A PARTNERSHIP OF CHOICE

And we should not forget either that the European Union is the first customer of the main Russian export: energy. 80% of all Russian oil exports; 70% of all Russian gas exports; 50% of all Russian coal exports go to the European Union.

This shows that history and kinship have been underpinned by a solid and structured relation that has a direct bearing in our people’s prosperity and well-being.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The case for European Union-Russia engagement is overwhelming. Clearly we have a strong interest in building upon our economic interdependence and working ever-closer together in so many areas from trade and investment to energy and mobility, to good governance, human rights, humanitarian and world security issues.

The core question is whether we are doing as much as we can to ensure that our partnership delivers on its full promise. I think the honest answer is: not yet. The fact is that we should work closer together not only because we have to, but also because we 275 want to. Not just because we are condemned to be neighbours but because we have chosen to be partners.

In other words to realize the full potential of our relationship, we should add to our partnership of necessity a Partnership of Choice.

We already share a vision for such a Partnership, the long-term vision, and I think it is important, even when we take concrete decisions be it in daily life, in politics or business, to have a long-term vision. The long term vision is a common economic and human space from Lisbon to Vladivostok with free travel of people, free exchange of goods and services, very close overall cooperation. This is our long-term vision.

But I think all of us agree that this genuine common objective will remain somehow conceptual unless we define together how we get there. Certainly not in one go. The gap is too broad between short-term issues and long-term consensus. So to help bridge this gap, we ought to adjust our political ambition and focus on the midterm with a set of credible and realistic objectives that we can achieve in the years to come. And indeed the meeting that I am going to have later today, with President Putin and Prime Minister Medvedev, and tomorrow, between the Commission and the Russian government, are part of this process.

A key first step in this mid-term agenda should be to agree on a proper institutional framework. A new EU-Russia Agreement is intended to fulfil that task. It would be highly symbolic if we could conclude the negotiations on it by next year when we will celebrate the 20th anniversary of our Partnership and Cooperation Agreement of 1994. The PCA has served us well and has given a solid legal basis to our relations, being further elaborated in 2003 with the Four Common Spaces and the respective roadmaps.

But now the time has come for a modernized and upgraded agreement fit for a 21st century relationship and commensurate with our strategic partnership and having in mind this long-term vision. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

An ambitious and comprehensive New Agreement, which includes a developed regulatory framework with common standards and norms, trade and energy provisions would help to create wider cooperative approaches with clear win-win situations.

It would also underpin our common objective of bringing our peoples even closer together in a visa-free travel regime.

Secondly, if we are serious about the deepening of our strategic partnership and establishing a partnership of choice, the sine qua non is certainly mutual trust. This entails that mutual commitments, be they bilateral or multilateral, have to be respected. A strategic relationship needs to be underpinned with strategic trust.

Both of us, Russia and the European Union, share global responsibilities as members of the G8, the G20 and the World Trade Organization. As you know the European Union, and the Commission directly, has fully supported Russia’s accession to the WTO. We see it as a truly historic step. 276 We obviously understand that an important process of adaptation of internal rules is necessary for Russia to fully comply with WTO’s commitments. But this should be about moving forward and not backward. This should be about applying the letter and the spirit of the commitments made and not about breaching them. This should be about a genuine and mutually beneficial level playing field. And in this regard the G20, currently under Russia’s chairmanship, must certainly continue its fight against all forms of protectionism and in defence of open markets.

Both of us also have binding commitments as members of the United Nations, the Council of Europe and the OSCE: commitments to respect democracy and human rights, rule of law and freedom of expression and of assembly. The respect of these values is key for a solid and trusting relationship.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Winston Churchill, in a very quoted sentence once said that Russia is “a riddle, wrapped inside a mystery, inside an enigma”. But what people know less is what he said following that sentence and he said that “there is a key to understand it and that key is Russian national interest”. The Russian national interest is certainly for Russia to decide.

But if we look back in history we can see that the greatest moments of this great country and the great Russian history were when it opened up to the world, when it embraced Europe, when it successfully modernised.

Let’s think of Peter the Great advised by the great German mathematician and phi- losopher Leibniz on the founding of an academy of science in Russia or Catherine the Great who corresponded with so many leading Western European intellectuals from Diderot to the English economist Arthur Young or the Swiss mathematician and physicist Leonhard Euler. Great moments of civilisation were the moments of interaction between Russia and Western Europe. MOVING INTO A PARTNERSHIP OF CHOICE

Modernisation still is a strategic objective of today’s Russia. And the European Un- ion still is the first partner of choice in this process. I am therefore particularly glad to have launched, together with Dmitry Medvedev, in our 24th EU-Russia Summit some time ago, an important Partnership for Modernization, which was formalized the following year, 2010, at the Rostov Summit.

Since then we have made progress. Our regulatory frameworks are being approximat- ed; Russian participation in EU research and development programmes has increased. 475 Russian research organisations are involved in more than 300 projects, receiving an EU contribution of 60 Million euros.

And the European Investment Bank has given a 200 million euro loan for the internationalisation of SME’s, to give just a few examples, I could add several more. With more trade and more investment also come new ideas and more innovation, leading to products and services that create jobs and economic growth. This means more opportunities for all of us to prosper together. We are indeed set to benefit significantly from a greater integration of trade, investment and technology exchange. 277

Today’s world is driven by knowledge, innovation and technology. This is why we have declared 2014 as the EU-Russia Year of Science, Technology and Innovation and we have proposed to establish a European Union-Russia Strategic Partnership in Research and Innovation. This will be a very important step forward in the deepening of our relationship because research and innovation is much more than product development. It is about how our societies change and improve. It is about our capacity to adjust together to new economic and social realities and to create the future we aspire to.

It is about confronting together new challenges. And energy, a crucial field for both of us, is clearly one of these challenges.

At the core of the European Union’s energy policy are consumer choice, fairer prices, cleaner energy and security of supply. It is on this sound basis that we are developing our internal energy market. And we have moved a long way towards this aim over the last years.

This is an area where there is sometimes tension in our relationship. And I still feel that our objectives were probably not sufficiently explained or not fully understood by our Russian partners.

The reality is that within an open, interconnected and competitive EU energy market, Russian supplies will remain a very important component. A fully liberalized EU market will also mean more opportunities for more Russian suppliers. We have a common interest in keeping energy supplies and markets stable and in helping to promote competition and prevent monopolies. This is also part of the modernisation agenda that we are both engaged in.

But an effective economic modernisation process can only rely on talented, innovative and dedicated people. A thriving, sustainable economy goes hand in hand with a IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

thriving society. This requires respect of the rule of law and ensuring citizens’ rights, fighting corruption and developing a level playing field for companies. Moreover, sustainable economic prosperity and lasting social stability depend on the full implementation of such commitments. This is a question of well understood self-interest.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Russia is a continent disguised as a country, Russia is a civilization veiled as a nation. However, in today’s world even the biggest and the mightiest are not capable of addressing current challenges all alone. This is the biggest lesson to draw from the recent economic and financial crisis. And in Europe we are overcoming this crisis through a deepening of our regional integration project, through completing our Economic and Monetary Union and filling in the missing links of our internal market.

Russia has recently embarked on a regional integration project which is leading to the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union. As a regional integration project itself 278 the European Union can only support regional integration elsewhere.

It is however important that these integration projects are constructed in a manner that enhances our bilateral relations instead of hampering them. That they serve the purpose of further opening up our countries to the rest of the world, instead of self-retrenchment. And that they are based on open regionalism instead of regional protectionism.

That is why it is crucial that we start working to make our respective projects compatible and convergent, in terms of principles, values and regulations. We have a wealth of expertise in this area that we can share with Russia and the Eurasian Commission, if we can be reassured on these principles.

In fact, our vision for the European continent is one of openness to all partners and to the world, cooperation based on common values and principles, free and integrated economies, and respect of the free will of the people.

It is on this vision that we have built our enlargement policy and our Eastern partnership. It is on this vision that we want to deepen our strategic partnership with Russia and other counties in the region. We have much to gain from it and our common neighbourhood can only benefit if there is collaboration between our approaches rather than competition.

We also need to continue aligning our positions on the most critical international matters. The constructiveness that guides already our joint work in the framework of the Iran talks, or in the Middle East Peace Process, should also allow us to converge our positions on Syria. I have said many times that the situation in Syria is a stain on the world’s conscience. The international community has a moral duty to address it.

Excellencies,

Ladies and Gentlemen, MOVING INTO A PARTNERSHIP OF CHOICE

Just a word on a matter that I know is of your interest: the Cyprus issue. I’m very concerned with the latest developments in Cyprus, namely because of the consequences for the citizens of Cyprus. Consequences that are the result of an unsustainable financial system that is basically eight times bigger than the GDP of that country - a system that certainly has to adapt. And as you know, there was not the possibility to implement the agreement reached unanimously in the Eurogroup between Cyprus and the other countries in the eurozone. The European Commission stands ready to assist finding an agreement, and in fact, as you know, consultations are going on between Cyprus and the other members of the Eurogroup to find a solution. We have in the past solved bigger problems; I hope that this time a solution can also be found.

I am also aware of the interests of Russia in this issue. And in fact we as European Commission have been in consultation with Russia for some time. I spoke about this issue with President Putin after the European Union-Russia Summit on 21 Decem- ber in Brussels. The Commissioner responsible, Vice-President Rehn, in the Saint Petersburg G20, met the Finance Minister of Russia, and just on the 7 March there was a phone call conversation between the Commissioner and the Finance Minister 279 of Russia.

Regarding the conclusions of the last Eurogroup, Russia was not informed because the governments of Europe were not informed - let’s be completely open and honest about that issue. There was not a pre-decision before the Eurogroup meeting. The Eurogroup meeting concluded, I think, in the very early hours of Saturday and the decision was the result of a compromise between the countries in the Eurogroup. But of course here in Russia, today, I will be, of course, as always, open to listen to the concerns of our Russian partners.

Ladies and gentlemen,

My vision of world politics is not one of a zero sum game, but rather of a win-win approach. This should also apply to our relationship. I have tried to develop today very briefly the pillars and principles for what I think should be a partnership of choice between the European Union and Russia, founded on strategic trust.

This is certainly a long-term process. But Leo Tolstoy reminded us in his great work War and Peace, that “the two most important warriors are patience and time”.

And in this same spirit I invite all our Russian partners in the government, in business and in civil society to dedicate their time to this outstanding great project of making the European Union-Russia relations a Partnership of Choice, a great partnership based also on the principles of friendship between the peoples of the European Union and the people of Russia.

I thank you for your attention.

A new era of good feelings

BLOOMBERG & EUROPEAN AMERICAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE CONVERSATION NEW YORK, 12 APRIL 2013

Ambassadors, Distinguished guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear friends, 281

t is indeed a great pleasure for me to be here in the European-American Chamber I of Commerce in New York in this event organised by Bloomberg. There is a period in American history, around two hundred years ago, that is known as ‘The Era of Good Feelings’.

It was a time when political parties put aside the deeply-felt differences between them, when politicians in Washington buried the hatchet and shared with their ever more vocal citizens a sense of national purpose; a time of peace, of reconciliation and prosperity.

This Era of Good Feelings started in Europe, with an agreement signed in a place not far from Brussels, the Treaty of Ghent of 1814, that ended the war between Britain and the United States.

At a time when we are about to negotiate an unprecedented trade agreement between the EU and the US, it’s good to remember that the reason why the British finally accepted the terms of peace was not merely military, moral or diplomatic but largely economic. Britain came to realise it needed American markets more than anything, and that peace, rather than an obstacle, was a key enabler of trade and joint prosperity. In fact it was one of the founding stones of modern free trade.

Let us make sure that the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership, two hundred years later, will be a trade agreement of the new generation, inaugurating an era of 21st century free trade deals.

Let us hope that, once again, it is the start of a new era of prosperity, purpose and, above all, of good feelings.

Ladies and gentlemen, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

There are certainly good feelings between the United States and Europe.

Our partnership, which has such a long and rich tradition, has developed into the most prosperous and dynamic economic bond in the world ever, and it still is, accounting for nearly half of global GDP and almost one third of world trade. A phenomenal 2.7 billion dollars’ worth of trade flows between the two of us on a daily basis. Over 3.7 trillion dollars is invested across the Atlantic, creating powerful links between companies and researchers, creating business and employment opportunities on a scale that remains incomparable.

For decades, this bond between the two most developed economic blocs in the world has been the driver for growth and jobs on both sides of the Atlantic.

It has set the example for economic openness and entrepreneurship elsewhere. And it will continue to do exactly that in the future.

282 That is the logic behind the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership on which negotiations should begin before the summer.

The agenda for these negotiations is clear, the ambition is certain. We have made thorough preparations that have mapped out the way ahead.

Conventional barriers to trade in goods, such as tariffs and tariff-rate quotas, are obviously on top of the list. Even if these are already fairly low at the moment - transatlantic tariffs are between 3.5% and 5% - - because of the massive trade flows involved, even the slightest reduction has considerable impact, and we want to get as close as possible to the removal of all duties, with a special treatment for the most sensitive products.

Non-tariff barriers, regulatory issues or ‘behind-the-border’ measures are even more important, because these are even more costly to businesses and consumers alike. Indeed, such barriers are estimated to be the equivalent of a tariff of between 10 and 20% on traded products.

Currently, producers often have to comply with two sets of rules and go through two procedures on either side of the Atlantic, both aimed at the same result - for instance raising safety standards and limiting the environmental impact of cars, or increasing health and hygiene standards for food.

We want to cut such unnecessary costs and shorten delays for businesses. But rest as- sured: unnecessary costs and procedures only. We, on both sides, will not compromise on our high levels of health and safety standards, on consumer and environmental protection. Our citizens and our societies would not allow that to happen.

That is what makes these issues so complex, so we need to be realistic. We will not be able to eliminate all regulatory divergences in one round. For that reason, we aim to negotiate what you could call a ‘living agreement’ - one that not only removes the main trading obstacles of the past, but that looks just as much towards the future: A NEW ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS working on the prevention of regulatory barriers; establishing mechanisms that enable a further deepening of economic integration over time; enhancing cooperation for the development of rules and principles on global issues of common concern.

We will work towards new, global standards for business. And we should set the benchmarks of an open, modern trade policy as well.

If the agenda and the ambition are undeniable, so are the potential benefits of such a deal. If we manage to come to a comprehensive agreement, the overall gains could add up to a 0.5% increase in GDP for both sides.

We need that growth more than ever. Our businesses need more opportunities, and our citizens need those jobs more than ever. Therefore, the political push for a transatlantic free trade zone has never been this powerful. Let us seize this opportunity.

Ladies and gentlemen, 283 Let me briefly mention the multilateral impact of this trade deal as well.

All too often, we hear that this type of agreement is another nail in the coffin of the WTO, that bilateralism on this scale means the end of multilateralism. That should not be the case. That will not be the case.

In fact, regional agreements have paved the way for multilateralism in the 1990s, when the signature of the North Atlantic Free Trade Agreement and the integration of the European Single Market set a new standard and gave a new impetus for trade liberalisation. Regional efforts made multilateral discussions more manageable. And once that train was underway, everyone was anxious to be on it, leading to a multilateral breakthrough in the Uruguay Round. Free trade needs leadership, and it was the transatlantic partnership that delivered it - then as now. The European Union, for one, will continue to be the most forceful and vocal supporter of any balanced and ambitious deal that can be reached within the WTO. The European Union has resumed its bilateral FTA negotiations in 2006, when it was clear that unfortunately a deal on Doha would not be forthcoming. And the trade agreements that we have initiated and concluded should be seen as a stepping-stone for future liberalisation, not as a stumbling-block. Agreements that are ‘Doha-plus’, that tackle issues which are not ready for a multilateral settlement and that go much beyond multilateral commitments.

The already highly developed and integrated transatlantic trade and investment relationship, by its very nature, is part of that sphere – and therefore not in competition with multilateral discussions.

Indeed, we are expressly committed to using these negotiations to go beyond bilateral issues, taking advantage of our combined weight to strengthen the multilateral trading system. For instance, we will cooperate to strengthen the protection of Intellectual Property Rights; we will together assess possibilities to deal with social and environmental aspects of trade and sustainable development; and together, we will tackle IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

trade-related aspects of customs and trade facilitation, competition and state-owned enterprises, raw materials and energy and so on.

Trade liberalisation needs global political engagement, and with this effort both the European Union and the United States have given a clear and constructive signal: we believe free trade has a future, and we are willing to invest in it.

Ladies and gentlemen,

We take this step at a time of economic crisis, as a way to get through the crisis, and I want to take this opportunity to say a few words about Europe’s evolution as a result of the financial crisis – which is often misunderstood and usually underestimated, our effort.

Our economy was hit particularly hard by the global economic downturn. And yet, as an economic bloc, we will emerge from it stronger, more united and more com- 284 petitive than we were before. The crisis has forced us, more than ever, to reassess our economic policies, to fundamentally revise our public finances and to deepen our economic and monetary union in a way that we were unable – in some cases unwill- ing - to do before the crisis.

Our economic fundamentals remain strong. Europe is still the largest economy in the world. With over 500 million consumers, it represents a €12.6 trillion economy. Only the United States is in the same league, worth €11.3 trillion, while even China remains considerably smaller, at €4.6 trillion.

We have managed to hold our own in the face of strong competition from emerging economies. Europe has a manufacturing trade surplus of almost 300 billion euro, five times as large as it was in 2000. Sometimes people tend to forget this, that even in the crisis, Europe is in fact increasing its surplus. Our services surplus has expanded to over 100 billion euro. And our agricultural trade has shifted from a deficit to a surplus.

Europe remains the world’s largest importer of both manufactured goods and services. And not only do we still have the largest stocks of foreign direct investment abroad, we are also the largest host of foreign direct investment in the world.

If you compare our overall public finances to those of the US and Japan, you come to a surprising conclusion: in terms of the debt-to-GDP ratio, the European average of 82.5%, even if it is too high, is decidedly better than the United States’, which is almost 103%, or Japan’s, whose debt is close to 230% of its GDP. I don’t underestimate the current difficulties; and as I’ve been saying very often, we should not be complacent with them. And there are still many challenges ahead . But we are making progress, in spite of all the difficulties. WE have seen the recent developments in -Cy prus. And let me tell you, I’m very happy with the results of today’s Eurogroup meeting where the programme for Cyprus was confirmed and approved for all members of the euro area. I was also noting with satisfaction the agreement on the extensions A NEW ERA OF GOOD FEELINGS of maturities for Ireland and Portugal, which will help those countries in their so far successful steps to re-enter the markets.

There are in fact some difficulties; there were always responses. And I really believe we are now better equipped to face any kind of accidents. We had to build the life boat in the middle of the storm and, while not entirely finished yet, I believe this lifeboat is sufficiently strong to face the headwinds.

And if we go further on the road to real economic and monetary unification, as we are doing, if we further strengthen the credibility of our reform efforts, we will be building the most solid of boats based on our common interdependence and our combined strengths.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I believe that the EU-US trade negotiations are a game changer and can be the start of a new era. 285

They will further intensify the economic relationship between the United States and European Union, two economic giants eager to be as successful in the future as they were in the past.

They will add to the international push for trade liberalization, hammering out a new framework for open, transparent and balanced trade that fits the realities of the global economy.

But most of all, they will reaffirm the global role and responsibility of both partners, which goes much beyond economics. Together, we share a world view based on democracy, human rights and the rule of law. We share an engagement and the ambition to cooperate across borders, to think and act multilaterally, to look for global solutions to global problems.

We can only support and advance that world view if we are consistent and bold in applying it, even in times of crisis. Especially in times of crisis.

That, for me, is what is at stake.

Margaret Thatcher, who passed away last week, once said that EU and the US are different because Europe is a product of history and America is a product of philosophy.

Our common aim should be to write the next chapter of what is in fact now a common history, forged by a sense of sharing the same principles and values.

I thank you very much for your attention.

The State of the EU in 2013: Heading towards Federalism or Fragmentation?

BRUSSELS THINK TANK DIALOGUE BRUSSELS, 22 APRIL 2013

Chairman, Ladies and gentlemen, Distinguished guests, Dear friends, 287

et me first thank you for the invitation to open what is indeed a very important debate. And let me congratulate you, some of the most important think tanks L that work on European affairs all over Europe for having taken this initiative. I agree that, at times when Europe often seems to shift between integration and fragmentation, we need to come clear about our political plans, options and intentions. Today’s programme shows that this is much more than a semantic discussion: it is a fundamental choice we have to make if we want the European idea and the European values to succeed both within and beyond our borders.

I for one have not been afraid to use the forbidden word: federalism.

In last year’s State of the Union speech in the European Parliament, I have clearly described the need to move towards a federation of nation states. I felt I had to put forward this idea at this point in time because that should be our political horizon, that is what we need to tackle the challenges of the future, and we should not be afraid to use that particular expression. Indeed, one of my distinguished predecessors, Jacques Delors, has used the term as well, and I believe with the same rationale behind it. So we can say that at least the European Commission has a consolidated doctrine on the matter.

A half-hearted attitude towards the project of European integration only serves to strengthen its opponents; to concede the political momentum to those on the side of nationalism and populism. Only by calling it by its name do we get a chance to debate the real issues, to make clear what is behind the word federalism.

To begin with, it has precisely the opposite meaning of what a lot of people suspect or fear. As I said in the State of the Union, what is meant by such a federation is ‘not a superstate (but) a democratic federation of nation states that can tackle our common problems, through the sharing of sovereignty in a way that each country and each IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

citizen are better equipped to control their own destiny.’ So what I said is clear, even if I know that federalism sometimes is ambiguously read in different languages. It implies an explicit acknowledgement - about which I feel very strongly, coming from a country with a long and living history - that we cannot unite Europe against the member states, so we need to build it with the Member States. As I said in my speech at the time: ‘I believe in a Europe where people are proud of their nations but also proud to be European and proud of our European values.’

Speaking of Europe’s federalism is all about clarifying the way ahead for Europe without denying the past and the present; about openly, realistically and democratically discussing the medium and long term.

Ladies and gentlemen,

One of the reasons why the term federalism is so sensitive is of course the idea or the suspicion that countries would be overshadowed by a unified, centralised federal state. 288 For European countries, most of which have fought long and hard to become united and/or independent, the thought of being a mere sub-federal entity is unbearable. This aversion to centralisation is both understandable and unsurprising. One of the classic 19th century Irish nationalist songs goes: ‘and Ireland, long a province, be a nation once again’. It is only natural that such a nation does not want to go back to being, even if only symbolically, ‘a province once again’, and the same feeling lives just as strongly in many, if not in all Member States.

Whether or not we agree or appreciate that sentiment, is not the point. The point is: we cannot deny it. We could not cast off the weight of history, even if we wanted to.

That should not be news for us. In 1900, the French École Libre des Sciences Poli- tiques devoted a whole conference to a debate about ‘Les États-Unis d’Europe’ - one of the first systematic approaches to the issue, exactly with this expression, ‘Unites States of Europe’ - and already then explicitly recognised and explained the fundamental difference between the not-yet-united states of Europe at the time and the federal union on the other side of the Atlantic:

‘Pour qui veut réfléchir à tous les traits physiques, politiques, historiques qui dif- férencient les deux continents,’ its final declaration read, ‘en Europe, à l’opposé des anciennes provinces coloniales dont sont issus les Etats-Unis d’Amérique, il existe des peuples multiples et divers, des nations différentes ayant chacune une individualité nationale ancienne et vivace, illustrée par une passé glorieux, possédant le plus sou- vent une langue de haute culture et une littérature originale.

Entre ces nations diverses, à charactère si tranché, on ne conçoit pas une fusion poli- tique qui absorberait les glorieuses nationalités de l’Europe dans une unité nationale nouvelle, et de tous ces peuples, si justement épris de leur personnalité historique, ne ferait plus qu’un seul et même peuple.’ THE STATE OF THE EU IN 2013: HEADING TOWARDS FEDERALISM OR FRAGMENTATION?

So the problem is not the political integration, the problem is to have an integrated single national unity at European level. This was said 113 years ago, when the Amer- ican civil war was still fresh in people’s memories and the most turbulent part of the different, antagonistic histories of the European states was yet to come.

Already then it was clear that Europe’s unity would be formed along a different, specifically European model.

Any federal system is to a large degree original, sui generis, different from all the others and developed from within.

A standard definition of federalism simply reads: ‘A system of government in which power is divided between a central authority and constituent political units; an en- compassing political or societal entity formed by uniting smaller or more localized entities.’ When I was in Geneva in the early 80s, working with a great European federalist, Denis de Rougemont, in his Dictionnaire Internationale de Federalism, that was posthumously published, this was the current definition of federalism. So 289 federalism is in itself a concept with two faces: searching for unity whilst recognising, respecting and reconciling genuine autonomy. At its very core is the idea of unity in diversity. Now, what can be more European than that?

The European Union as we know it today already has a number of undeniably federative elements: a supranational European Commission with a mandate to promote the general European interest, a directly elected European Parliament, an independent European Central Bank and a European Court of Justice based on a system of law, the primacy of which is recognised over national law. All of these institutions have supranational powers which increased over time.

This division of power between the central level and the component states is never set in stone and will always be disputable and disputed. Even in established federal states, from the US to Germany, there is an ongoing debate about subsidiarity, about what the federal government can and must do, and about where its power ends, and should end.

This too is an integral part of federal democracy.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The financial crisis has underlined the weaknesses and inconsistencies in our institutional design and since then, step by step, we have come a long way to addressing these problems. In terms of economic governance - with the legislation known as the ‘six pack’, the ‘two pack’ and the Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance – in all these legislations, the balance of power has shifted further towards the European level, with new competences and a much stronger role for the European Commission. Institutionally, we are now more integrated than we were before.

The progress we have made over the last few years, since the crisis, in these institutional political issues, is not always acknowledged. We have taken major steps towards IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

more and better integration, towards a real economic and monetary union. Despite the crisis or rather: because of the crisis, against the odds and contrary to the thinking in some circles, we have countered the risks of fragmentation precisely by uniting against common challenges, applying what amounts to a federal approach. And while there is some tension between the intergovernmental and the community method, it is interesting to notice that the European Commission is even given a role in intergovernmental instruments as foreseen in the Fiscal Treaty.

This goes beyond economic governance even. For instance, the European Commis- sion’s authority is now relied on not just to review the compatibility of national law with European community law but even to check the compatibility of the constitutional order of Member States with the values of the European Union.

When needs, expectations and demands are federalised, so to speak, institutions are bound to follow. That is so far one lesson of the crisis.

290 Ladies and gentlemen,

Federalism is also a dynamic concept. The idea of a federation as a process, an evolving and incremental political and institutional reality, an ever closer union, has always been part of the European idea.

I personally see no contradiction between a functionalist approach and federalist aspirations. The two are perfectly compatible. They very often go together.

Indeed, Jean Monnet’s method has also been called ‘functional federalism’. He realised better than anyone that Europe, precisely because of its problematic history, its colourful national identities and plural public opinions, would never be built ‘all at once, or according to a single plan,’ as it was described in the Schuman declaration. Nevertheless he, and the other “founding fathers” of the European Community, like Schuman himself, or Konrad Adenauer, and others, found a way to break down the concrete walls of impenetrable national sovereignty and change the logic of the relationships between states, replacing international power politics by a law-based order; turning the fata morgana of strict national independence into a wake-up call for Europe’s interdependence; opening the way to European unity ‘through concrete achievements which create a de facto solidarity’.

This dynamic was present at every step of the European integration process, because the logic behind it has proved to be correct: from the European Coal and Steel Com- munity to the European Economic Community; from the Single Market to the Eco- nomic and Monetary Union; from the incomplete Economic and Monetary Union to the further integration efforts we have seen since the crisis and we will develop further in the years to come...

Time and again practical cooperation has reinforced the trend to political integration; shared problems have led to shared solutions; small steps for Member States could indeed be giant leaps for Europe as a whole. THE STATE OF THE EU IN 2013: HEADING TOWARDS FEDERALISM OR FRAGMENTATION?

The process towards an ever closer union continues. With the Blueprint for a Deep and Genuine EMU, the Commission has put forward its ideas on how this dynamic should be dealt with. It raises the hard questions on how to strengthen cooperation and integration in the financial, fiscal, economic and also in the institutional political field. It positively addresses the challenge to combine the indispensable deepening of the EMU with the integrity of the single market and of the European Union as a whole. And it provides some of the answers and aspirations as we see them - some concrete and short-term; others ambitious and long-term. Some depend on political will only now; others require treaty change later. All of them demand a profound political commitment to better cooperation and more integration.

Beyond the Blueprint, the Commission intends to present the broad contours of its outline for the shape of the future European Union in good time to allow the issue to be debated by European citizens and other stakeholders ahead of the next European Parliament elections in 2014. As I have said earlier, and it is also in the Blueprint presented by the Commission, for further steps to achieve the goals, yes, we will need later a treaty revision. 291

All this is what functional federalism means in practice: we take one step at a time, yet we can only do that successfully if we have the larger context and a long-term vision in mind.

The question is always: how do we apply the general, holistic federalist method to specific, current issues and how do we keep the institutional dynamic going forward in order to deal with them effectively.

Ladies and gentlemen,

In a sense, federalism is also an attitude: a political commitment to see things through together, to find common solutions to common challenges, no matter how serious they are.

This political unification of Europe has also taken another giant leap forward as a result of the crisis. That is why successive statements of the Euro area Heads of State and Government (let me just quote this example from March 2012) where they af- firm their ‘determination to do whatever is needed to ensure the financial stability of the euro as a whole and their readiness to act accordingly’. These are representing a breakthrough. Every one of these statements is an undeniable and unmistakable Declaration of Interdependence. Those who thought that Europe was a fair-weather friendship only, thought wrong.

And yet, on the political front, we must admit we still have a long way to go. In reality, there is also resistance, delays, hesitation; contradictions between decisions taken at the highest level and their implementation; and sometimes contradictions between the principles professed and the policies followed. But there is resistance, because there is movement. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Public opinion is still fragmented along national borders; political debate is still too much guided by national interests and national perceptions only; the political mindset is often behind on the institutional realities.

This too is a historical constant. Despite its success the incremental, realistic, ‘neo-functional’ approach towards European unity has always been met with criticism for lacking in heart and soul. Even from those who strongly supported it.

Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, the illustrious founder of the Pan-European Movement in the 1920s and one of the fathers of the idea of European unity, voiced this critique already in 1953:

‘Europe is uniting without the majority of the Europeans being ready for it,’ he said, ‘Europe becomes one on the level of parliamentarians and state chancelleries but not within the hearts of the Europeans.’

292 The same lament was heard throughout the European Union’s history. Democratic integration was slower than administrative integration, and we have reached the limits of this imbalance long ago. The Lisbon Treaty was a huge step forward in correcting this, in promoting a more democratic Europe.

Now it is up to us, as engaged Europeans, to breathe life into this European political sphere. I believe the European Parliament elections are a unique opportunity to do so.

That is why I feel strongly about European political parties taking a bigger, more pro-active and coherent role. If we have a genuine and open debate about Europe, citizens will feel their voices and opinions are heard and reflected in Brussels and Strasbourg. Instead of having 27, now 28 national campaigns, as usually happens when there is a European election that in fact is an addition to national elections, we should have a truly European debate. If we have a broader debate on the challenges for Europe, we are one step further towards the unity we need to tackle those challenges. If we make a closer link between the outcome of the elections and the running of the EU, voters will understand their choice really counts. The political accountability will be reinforced.

Ladies and gentlemen,

European integration has at times been driven forward by engaged citizens, by committed trade unions, by business communities who knew where their interests lay and by citizens who spoke their minds. Today, facing the economic and social crisis, we need them more than ever. We need to fully engage them in the European process.

Of course I know that this is not without risk. Most likely, in the next European elections, the eurosceptic and europhobic forces will have their share of the vote, also exploiting the current difficult context Europe is facing. But the times of implicit consent are over, and it’s better to have a real European democratic debate where mainstream pro-European forces leave their comfort zone than to try to manage Eu- THE STATE OF THE EU IN 2013: HEADING TOWARDS FEDERALISM OR FRAGMENTATION? ropean challenges only in bureaucratic or even diplomatic terms trying to avoid the hard questions.

Last but not least a federation, as I see it, is also a meeting of minds.

Europe would never have succeeded and will never succeed if there is not a community of ideas to back up these initiatives.

The academic, cultural and intellectual narrative about European unity has played a key role in its history, from its inception. If the political breakthrough after the Second World War initially seemed much too distant to some, the intellectual push for genuine European integration was widespread and well-founded even at the time.

Europe was already an aspiration and a cause with popular appeal before the first political steps were possible. Numerous intellectuals - philosophers, scientists, artists and writers - formed an ideological avant-garde of creative thinking about Europe and, as their voices grew louder, their influence increased both on political leaders 293 and on public opinion.

Then, as now, intellectuals realised that Europe needed to form a closer bloc to play its role internationally, to defend not just its interests but its values, the very ideas and ideals on which Europe’s societies and cultures are built.

For the next decades, I believe the European Union will be more forward looking and more outward looking.

It will be a powerful instrument for European citizens and Member States to unite their efforts in shaping globalisation and in defending our common values. The world is changing very fast and, together, European Member States can play a fundamental role. Only united and with stronger common institutions, will we be able to tackle the challenges of economic and financial crises, of resource scarcity and climate change, of the situation in the world about poverty and underdevelopment. And, together, we will also create better conditions to protect our shared values and to keep, while reforming, our social model, our social market economy and the most important features of the European way of life.

The case for more European unity is clear:

More European integration is simply indispensable for our economy, to shield us from international rough weather, to face strong competition and to maintain the trust of markets and investors. Politicians who still doubt the arguments supporting the push for more European unity, towards a deep and genuine Economic and Monetary Union, should ask financial markets, should ask international institutions, should ask our major economic partners what they think of it.

Globalisation itself is a key driver for European unification. As the programme of this conference underlines, issues like energy supply and climate action, our global role in a changing world and our trade interests in a global economy... these issues demand a IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

more coherent approach and a stronger voice than any Member State alone can offer. They demand a strong European Union.

Our citizens also realise that many of the problems, the risks and the threats to their welfare and well-being go beyond the level of the nation state, and so the solutions must do so as well. European integration can support national policies and strengthen European citizens’ freedoms. Only Europe can provide a guarantee that the mistakes of the past will not happen again and the challenges of the future will be better dealt with.

The real risk of fragmentation comes from not hearing citizens’ concerns. The real stress test today is the polarisation that is threatening to be the end result of the crisis. So there is a real risk of polarisation in Europe. I am deeply concerned about the divisions that we see emerging: political extremes and populism tearing apart the political support and the social fabric that we need to deal with the crisis; disunion emerging between the centre and the periphery of Europe; a renewed demarcation line being 294 drawn between the North and the South of Europe; prejudices re-emerging and again dividing our citizens, sometimes national prejudices that are simply unacceptable also from an ethical point of view.

One of the effects of the crisis and the shock waves it has sent from one Member State to another, is that the finer points of the jurisprudence of the Bundesverfassungs- gericht are now discussed in Greek coffee houses, while popular German TV shows debate the state of the Cypriot banks’ balance sheets. This debate can be divisive, but it can also be instructive. It can be a step towards a European public sphere. And it can certainly not be ignored. The worst thing for the EU is the political indifference of moderate forces that leaves the initiative to all kinds of populism and narrow nationalism.

And here comes the role of democratic debate and political vision. It will take leadership to counter these troubling trends. It will take a broad and open discussion on what Europe really means, on where its potential and its pitfalls lie. A debate beyond swear words and taboos, in which the general European interest is defended and mobilised as clearly and forcefully as possible, where a positive and forward-looking vision is voiced as strongly and enthusiastically as ever before.

We need a reflection, indeed, on the real state of the European Union today – in the beginning of a century that promises to be as transformative for Europe as the last one was.

Let me conclude by saying that, knowing all the difficulties and challenges, I am confident that the European Union will once again rise to the occasion. But that will not happen automatically, just because of some “spill-over” effects or historic fatalism. As Denis de Rougemont said speaking about Europe “L’avenir c’est notre affaire,” and yes, the Europe of tomorrow, depends on the choices we will be able to make today.

I thank you for your attention. Statement on the EU-US Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership

WITH U.S. PRESIDENT BARACK OBAMA, THE PRESIDENT OF THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL HERMAN VAN ROMPUY AND UK PRIME MINISTER DAVID CAMERON, G8 SUMMIT PRESS CONFERENCE LOUGH ERNE, 17 JUNE 2013

oday is a special day for the relationship between the European Union and the 295 T United States. Today, we announce that we will start the negotiations of a comprehensive Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership agreement.

Very frankly, three years ago very few would have bet that today we will be in the position to launch negotiations on an ambitious European Union-United States free trade agreement.

And when the teams of the European Commission and the United States will meet for the first round of negotiations next month, it will be the start of a joint undertaking of real strategic importance.

Our joint endeavour is part of our overall agenda for growth and jobs to both sides of the Atlantic by boosting trade and investment.

It is also a powerful demonstration of our determination to shape an open and rules- based world.

We intend to move forward fast. We can say that neither of us will give up content for the sake of speed, but we intend to make rapid progress.

I do not underestimate the core challenge: moving our regulatory regimes closer and addressing the harmful effect of behind-the-border trade barriers. Huge economic benefits are expected from reducing red tape and avoiding divergent regulations for the future. I would rather have our companies invest in new innovative products and services and job creation than in double testing and multiple inspections or even separate manufacturing lines.

Our regulators need to build bridges faster and more systematically. The current economic climate requires us to join forces and to do more with less. More importantly, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

in doing so, we will remain strong global players who set the standards for the 21st century.

Therefore, I call on our legislators on the European side, especially the European Parliament, our regulators, our civil society to play a constructive and engaged part in these negotiations.

The business communities on both sides of the Atlantic, in particular, have been a strong advocate of free trade and investment between Europe and the United States.

And this is also good for the rest of the world. Given the integrated supply chains in today’s global markets, everyone can benefit from this agreement.

Integrating two of the most developed, most sophisticated and certainly the largest economies in the world can never be an easy task.

296 But we will find convincing answers to legitimate concerns,

we will find solutions to thorny issues,

we will keep our eyes on the prize, and we will succeed.

So even if these negotiations may not always be easy, I am sure they will be worth it.

For the sake of the jobs it creates, and because of the strategic dimension of what we are doing: to write the next chapter of what is our common history, forged by the sense that we share the same principles and values, the principles and values of open economies and open societies. A united, strong and open Europe

ADDRESS TO EUROPEAN UNION HEADS OF DELEGATION BRUSSELS, 3 SEPTEMBER 2013

Ladies and gentlemen, 297

t is a great pleasure to once again address the Seminar of the Heads of Delegation I of the European External Action Service. I know that I am not addressing just everyone here in this room but also more than five thousand five hundred Commission and EEAS staff in our delegations around the world. And through you I am reaching out to heads of state and government, politicians, leaders of faith, civil society activists, businesspeople, the media and ordinary citizens from the very oldest to school children in the countries in which we operate and you are accredited.

Today is, therefore, an opportunity to say a big “thank you” for your hard work and to express my personal appreciation for your efforts. I am a firm believer in the virtues of diplomacy. In fact one of the criticisms that I often hear is that I would be “too diplomatic”. Well to me that it is not a criticism, it is actually a compliment.

Of course, diplomacy is essentially about getting things done in a complex global environment. And in life you have two basically ways of getting things done: against the others, or with the others. Only things which are done with people, communi- cated properly and transparently, and ultimately accepted by others stand a chance of passing the test of time and making real change.

This is precisely what diplomacy is all about. And not only I have been preaching the virtues of diplomacy, I have also been practicing them. As many of you know, whenever my heavy internal responsibilities allow it – and the last years were not easy in this regard, I have been engaging with partner countries, travelling to different continents, meeting both political leaders and civil society, visiting our projects that are making a difference on the ground, and also meeting our excellent teams in our delegations to show my appreciation for their hard work. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

At this crucial moment, we need to demonstrate more than ever that our diplomacy plays an essential role in shaping the future of Europe, and that it delivers to our citizens: from underpinning our economic recovery, to facing up to global challenges such as climate change, from promoting and defending the values on which our Un- ion is based to securing regional and global peace: Our Europe will only succeed if it remains united, strong and open on the international stage.

Dear colleagues,

I remember telling you last year that the effectiveness of our foreign policy is a function of our internal well-being and of the success of our integration project. Hence the solution to the economic difficulties, the pace and quality of future growth and the demographic prospects of the Union are among the key factors that will affect our international profile and capacity to influence world affairs. It is, therefore, useful to highlight where we are now as compared to when the crisis started.

298 Throughout these last 4 years we have taken very tough measures to deal with what has become a crisis of confidence in the European model, as the financial crisis of 2008 mutated into first an economic and then a social and political crisis.

Of course, there can be no overnight success. How could there be when the structural weaknesses which the crisis exposed and exacerbated; excessive public borrowing, corporate and individual indebtedness and erosion of the EU’s [or certainly of many Member States’] global competitiveness have been building up over decades?

But our efforts to ensure stability, through fiscal consolidation combined with deep structural reform and targeted investment to lay the foundations for smart sustainable inclusive growth, are beginning to bear fruit.

The results of the last quarter show a modest, but encouraging growth of 0.3%, breaking with two years of recession. The rebalancing of the euro area is underway: the improvement in the net export performance of the countries hardest hit by the crisis is driven not only by a fall in domestic demand but also by an increase in their competitiveness.

The challenging reform programmes being undertaken by those countries most under pressure is leading to a turnaround in economic sentiment. Greece has made major structural reforms; Ireland regained access to capital markets in the summer of 2012 and the economy is expected to grow for a third consecutive year in 2013. And this year, for the first time in over 40 years, the Portuguese current account is expected to be broadly balanced.

We have also overhauled and dramatically strengthened the mechanisms for the coordination and surveillance of economic and budgetary policies inside the European Union.

A Banking Union is in the making. The Commission proposal for a Single Supervi- sory Mechanism was approved and I hope that the proposal for a Single Resolution A UNITED, STRONG AND OPEN EUROPE

Mechanism which we recently tabled will meet the same degree of urgency and support. The logic is simple: if the financial sector has become trans-border and Europe- an, supervision and resolution cannot remain national.

This a basic premise of the institutional overhaul that we are carrying out. We need to bridge the governance gap that currently exists. Member States are no longer capable of facing up to some of the challenges that a globalised economy puts them; so we need to empower the European level to do it. This is not about losing sovereignty; it’s about pooling it to be stronger, about sharing power to regain it. And it is not about giving up on politics, it is about adapting our political toolbox to make a difference and help shape globalization.

In stark contrast to the views of the professional pessimists and of those who think that doom-saying is somehow intellectually glamorous, the European Union and the euro area has not imploded - it has in fact expanded. In July this year Croatia became the 28th member of our Union, and from 1st January 2014 Latvia will be welcomed as the 18th euro area Member State. 299

Ladies and gentlemen

Despite all these efforts, we are not yet out of the woods. This is not the time for complacency or to slacken off in the intensity of our reforms. Many challenges remain: first and foremost that of unemployment, especially youth unemployment, which stands at over 50% in some Member States.

The EU is meeting this challenge head on with a comprehensive approach based on the Youth Guarantee – to ensure that all young people up to 25 receive a good quality offer of employment, an apprenticeship, a traineeship or the chance to continue their education within four months of leaving formal education or becoming unemployed.

We need to prevent the risks of a jobless recovery. Europe’s young men and women need to be given an opportunity to succeed.

Our capacity to defend our interests and values in the world also hinges on our internal cohesion and solidarity, between citizens and between Member States, on the effectiveness of our integration model and on the legitimacy of our political construct.

Dear colleagues,

In a world where size matters and scale is an asset, both economically and politically, we have to use our collective weight to shape a rules based international order and to promote our interests. We stand tall when we stand together but we lose stature when we stand apart.

In all of this we have a good story to tell: a story to which you have all made, and will continue to make, a significant contribution. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

The EU with its 507 million inhabitants accounts for 7.3 % of the world’s population but accounts for over 23% of global GDP. Our combined GDP is greater than that of the United States and twice that of China.

Please note that I said “our combined GDP”, we live in a world of globalising giants; a world where the economy of our largest member state is only 40% the size of China’s and less than a quarter the size of the United States; a world where the GDP of each of our next two largest economies is comparable to that of Brazil.

It is not, however, just about size and scale. It is also about the model.

In an interdependent and polycentric world, the Union is endowed with powerful assets including great human capital, vibrant civil societies, a social market economy with high labour and environmental standards, world-class companies and, last but not least, a model of governance that reconciles national sovereignty with inter-state cooperation and political integration. 300 We have been witnessing demonstrations and social unrest in several countries around the world. Democracy is being tested everywhere. Change has also come to the other parts of the world, not just in Europe. The huge rise of global middle class – from 1.8 billion today to 3.2 billion in 2020 and 4.9 billion in 2050 – is an enormous factor of transformation in the world. Better services, housing, healthcare, environment and political accountability will be in high demand. Everyone needs to adapt and reform. We understood this quickly in Europe; it is important that other countries and other regions of the world do the same.

Dear colleagues,

Ultimately the world needs smart, sustainable and inclusive economic growth. This is what I will be discussing later in the week when I will travel to Saint Petersburg, together with President Van Rompuy, to represent the EU at the G20 Summit.

Trade is one engine for such growth: we need to remain open and tap into the growth potential of other regions of the world. Thanks to the openness of our trade regime the EU remains the biggest player on the global trading scene. Latest figures indicate that the European Union has a trade surplus of 10 billion euros with the rest of the world [17.3 billion euro surplus in the case of the Euro area].

The EU is the largest exporter and the largest importer of goods among the G20. And we are the leading trading partner of more than 80 countries, among them the United States, China, Russia, India, Brazil and South Africa.

We remain the most important global player precisely because we are united. We want trade to be open and fair, abiding by international norms and rules. Free trade for all must not be a free ride for some. We will only achieve that if we remain ambitious in opening and concluding trade deals that promote growth and jobs for our economy and if we remain cohesive when upholding European and international norms to ensure a level playing field. A UNITED, STRONG AND OPEN EUROPE

Such deals can have a significant impact. For instance, the annual budget of an average European family should increase by some €500 once the EU-US negotiations launched in June 2013 are successfully concluded. The rest of the world also stands to benefit from the positive impact of this trade agreement, as it is set to produce a spill-over effect adding an extra €100 billion to the world economy.

And despite our ambitious bilateral trade agenda, which also includes FTAs with Ja- pan, Canada, India, Southeast Asian countries, neighbouring countries and Mercosur we remain committed to the Doha agenda and to the multilateral process. We expect that these agreements can serve as an incentive to progress in global trade talks.

Energy is another essential element of our competitiveness and economic security. A chain is as strong as its weakest link, and our Union is only as “energy secure” as the most exposed of our members. This is why we need to complete our internal energy market by the end of next year – and I have worked hard to get Member States to agree on this, and eliminate any energy islands that still might exist in the Europe. This is, by the way, also a major driver of growth in Europe. 301

And on the external front, we have also improved our game and reinforced our diversity of supplies – the important recent decisions taken on the Southern Gas Corridor, a key priority for the Commission, being an illustration of that progress.

Just as globalisation has accentuated new economic challenges, it has also led to other global issues for example, climate change and ensuring sustainable development.

Here the internal policies of the Union play a strong role in shaping our external actions.

Let me take the example of climate change – one of the most critical challenges we face. The greenhouse gas emissions of the EU account for only around 11% of global emissions, and our continued success in reducing them through our ambitious energy and climate package until 2020 means this share will fall further in the future. Already today, our per capita emissions amount to less than half those of the US and are at similar levels to the, rapidly increasing, per capita emissions of China.

Therefore, it is obvious that we need a truly global climate agreement to really protect our planet. We need a comprehensive, legally binding arrangement that covers all emitters. The next two years will be crucial in fleshing out this global agreement, and we must remain at the forefront of this work with our green diplomacy.

In particular, we must continue supporting developing countries in their efforts to combat climate change. They are key allies here! The EU is the world’s largest donor of climate finance to developing countries. As you know, we already provided over €7.3bn in ‘fast start’ finance to developing countries in 2010-2012, more than originally pledged. As of next year, at least 20% of our external aid under the new MFF will go to sustainability purposes. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Beyond global climate action, there will be a second key “rendez-vous” in 2015: meeting the Millennium Development Goals and agreeing on a new global development agenda which should combine the fight against poverty with the fight for sustainability.

Europe is and remains the world’s most generous donor of development aid and accounts for more than half of the global aid, even in difficult economic times. Our new Multi-annual Financial Framework from 2014-2020 will maintain our high levels of external aid. I have fought hard for this, not just because it is the right thing to do from a moral perspective but also because it is central to our strategic credibility, as our Delegations which implement our many projects know better than anyone else.

We are also actively working to develop the export potential of developing countries in a fair and equitable manner. This is key, as development can only be achieved via the gradual integration of all countries into the global economy.

302 Dear Colleagues,

Each one of you knows that day in, day out, we do make a difference on the ground. Through the prospect of EU membership, through our power of attraction, we are slowly but surely bringing about change in the key area of South Eastern Europe. This year, through the tireless efforts of Cathy Ashton and her team, we achieved a historic deal between Serbia and Kosovo which was only possible because it was complemented by parallel steps of setting a date for opening accession negotiations with Serbia and starting negotiations for a Stabilisation and Association Agreement with Kosovo.

Later in the year we will have a historical rendezvous in Vilnius for our third Eastern Partnership Summit, launched during my tenure as President of the Commission. We are close to concluding the main objective of political association and economic integration with most of these countries.

This should be a decisive step for anchoring their reform process and their gradual approximation to EU. But this is just a step, albeit an important one. They will have to show that they want to travel the rest of the journey. It will ultimately depend on them and on their will and determination to live by EU principles and norms. Their sovereign decisions need to be fully respected and they should decide free of any external pressures.

The tragic situation in some countries of our Southern Neighbourhood is a powerful reminder that we have not reached the end of history. History is being lived and fought in the quarters of Damascus and Homs, in the squares of Cairo and Alexandria and in the streets of Tunis.

Syria remains a stain on the world’s conscience; we are now witnessing things which we thought were long eradicated from human behaviour. The use of chemical weapons is an abhorrent act that deserves our firm condemnation. It cannot go unnoticed or unpunished. But we should also focus on a comprehensive solution for the conflict. The chance of peace is fading quickly it is our collective duty to restore it. A UNITED, STRONG AND OPEN EUROPE

Egypt also shows that democracy is not a calm river that always flows in a straight line. There are many twists and turns. For democracy to be built we need people and forces committed to its principles and to the fundamental freedoms that underpin it. It is essential that in Egypt both the interim authorities and the opposition show this commitment.

In my last State of the Union address I spoke of my commitment to a united, strong and open Europe. With an influential and more effective foreign policy at its heart. This also requires a stronger and more effective EU defence policy. We need to reinforce our capacity to participate in military and civilian missions aimed at stabilising regions in conflict. We need to assume our responsibilities in the world as a force for stability. We need to reinvigorate an important sector of our industry with a high innovation and technology content. And we need to make the most of our taxpayers’ money.

These were the principles that have guided the Commission recent communication on Defence which I hope will be matched by a similar degree of ambition by the Eu- 303 ropean Council when it meets in December to discuss European Defence.

We want a world of international cooperation based on a rules based global order. Our partnership with the UN is fundamental in this respect. Just last weekend, I co-sponsored with UN Secretary General Ban Ki moon a strategic retreat with global leaders from various walks of life exactly to reflect on global challenges and reinforce this common vision of an effective multilateralism. But let’s not fool ourselves. Com- petition still exists and will exist for a long time: competition for growth, competition for resources, and competition of models. These are all compelling reasons why the EU needs to hang together if it does not want to be hung high and dry separately.

Ladies and gentlemen,

In previous speeches I referred to all of you who started this project of the EEAS as true pioneers. But with these three years of hard work I think you have already moved from pioneers to settlers.

We have achieved a lot together in the short time since the creation of the EEAS. There is much more to be done. I am certain that building on the foundations which have been created the external dimension of the European Union will continue to be reinforced. This is the dimension you represent in terms of daily work, commitment and intellectual input; this is the dimension which will continue to be one of the pillars on which the future of our Union is built: a Union which meets the aspirations of citizens and plays a full and constructive role in the world.

I thank you for your attention and look forward to your comments and questions.

State of the Union Address 2013

EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT STRASBOURG, 11 SEPTEMBER 2013

Mr. President, Presidency of the Council, Honourable Members, Ladies and gentle- 305 men,

n 8 months’ time, voters across Europe will judge what we have achieved together I in the last 5 years. In these 5 years, Europe has been more present in the lives of citizens than ever before. Europe has been discussed in the coffee houses and popular talk shows all over our continent.

Today, I want to look at what we have done together. At what we have yet to do. And I want to present what I believe are the main ideas for a truly European political debate ahead of next year’s elections.

Honourable Members,

As we speak, exactly 5 years ago, the United States government took over Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, bailed out AIG, and Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy protection.

These events triggered the global financial crisis. It evolved into an unprecedented economic crisis. And it became a social crisis with dramatic consequences for many of our citizens. These events have aggravated the debt problem that still distresses our governments. They have led to an alarming increase in unemployment, especially amongst young people. And they are still holding back our households and our companies.

But Europe has fought back. In those 5 years, we have given a determined response. We suffered the crisis together. We realised we had to fight it together. And we did, and we are doing it. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

If we look back and think about what we have done together to unite Europe throughout the crisis, I think it is fair to say that we would never have thought all of this possible 5 years ago.

We are fundamentally reforming the financial sector so that people’s savings are safe.

We have improved the way governments work together, how they return to sound public finances and modernise their economies.

We have mobilised over 700 billion euro to pull crisis-struck countries back from the brink, the biggest effort ever in stabilisation between countries.

I still vividly remember my meeting last year with chief economists of many of our leading banks. Most of them were expecting Greece to leave the euro. All of them feared the disintegration of the euro area. Now, we can give a clear reply to those fears: no one has left or has been forced to leave the euro. This year, the European Union en- 306 larged from 27 to 28 member states. Next year the euro area will grow from 17 to 18.

What matters now is what we make of this progress. Do we talk it up, or talk it down? Do we draw confidence from it to pursue what we have started, or do we belittle the results of our efforts?

Honourable members,

I just came back from the G20 in Saint Petersburg. I can tell you: this year, contrary to recent years, we Europeans did not receive any lessons from other parts of the world on how to address the crisis. We received appreciation and encouragement.

Not because the crisis is over, because it is not over. The resilience of our Union will continue to be tested. But what we are doing creates the confidence that we are overcoming the crisis – provided we are not complacent.

We are tackling our challenges together.

We have to tackle them together.

In our world of geo-economic and geopolitical tectonic changes, I believe that only together, as the European Union, we can give our citizens what they aspire: that our values, our interests, our prosperity are protected and promoted in the age of globalisation.

So now is the time to rise above purely national issues and parochial interests and to have real progress for Europe. To bring a truly European perspective to the debate with national constituencies.

Now is the time for all those who care about Europe, whatever their political or ideological position, wherever they come from, to speak up for Europe. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

If we ourselves don’t do it, we cannot expect others to do it either.

Honourable Members,

We have come a long way since the start of the crisis.

In last year’s State of the Union speech, I stated that ‘despite all [our] efforts, our responses have not yet convinced citizens, markets or our international partners’.

One year on, the facts tell us that our efforts have started to convince. Overall spreads are coming down. The most vulnerable countries are paying less to borrow. Industrial output is increasing. Market trust is returning. Stock markets are performing well. The business outlook is steadily improving. Consumer confidence is sharply rising.

We see that the countries who are most vulnerable to the crisis and are now doing most to reform their economies, are starting to note positive results. 307 In Spain, as a signal of the very important reforms and increased competitiveness, exports of goods and services now make up 33% of GDP, more than ever since the introduction of the euro. Ireland has been able to draw money from capital markets since the summer of 2012, the economy is expected to grow for a third consecutive year in 2013 and Irish manufacturing companies are re-hiring staff.

In Portugal, the external current account, which was structurally negative, is now expected to be broadly balanced, and growth is picking up after many quarters in the red. Greece has completed, just in 3 years, a truly remarkable fiscal adjustment, is regaining competitiveness and is nearing for the first time in decades a primary surplus. And Cyprus, that has started the programme later, is also implementing it as scheduled, which is the pre-condition for a return to growth.

For Europe, recovery is within sight.

Of course, we need to be vigilant. ‘One swallow does not make a summer, nor one fine day’. Let us be realistic in the analysis. Let us not overestimate, but let’s also not underestimate what has been done. Even one fine quarter doesn’t mean we are out of the economic heavy weather. But it does prove we are on the right track. On the basis of the figures and evolutions as we now see them, we have good reason to be confident.

This should push us to keep up our efforts. We owe it to those for whom the recovery is not yet within reach, to those who do not yet profit from positive developments. We owe it to our 26 million unemployed. Especially to the young people who are looking to us to give them hope. Hope and confidence are also part of the economic equation.

Honourable members,

If we are where we are today, it is because we have shown the resolve to adapt both our politics and our policies to the lessons drawn from the crisis. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

And when I say ‘we’, I really mean: ‘we’: it has really been a joint effort.

At each and every step, you, the European Parliament, you have played a decisive role through one of the most impressive records of legislative work ever. I personally believe this is not sufficiently known by the citizens of Europe, and you deserve more credit and recognition for this.

So let us continue to work together to reform our economies, for growth and jobs, and to adapt our institutional architecture. Only if we do so, we will leave this phase of the crisis behind us as well.

There is a lot we can still deliver together, in this Parliament’s and this Commission’s mandate.

What we can and must do, first and foremost, let’s be concrete is delivering the banking union. It is the first and most urgent phase on the way to deepen our economic 308 and monetary union, as mapped out in the Commission’s Blueprint presented last autumn.

The legislative process on the Single Supervisory Mechanism is almost completed. The next step is the ECBs independent valuation of banks assets, before it takes up its supervisory role.

Our attention now must urgently turn to the Single Resolution Mechanism. The Commission’s proposal is on the table since July and, together, we must do the necessary to have it adopted still during this term.

It is the way to ensure that taxpayers are no longer the ones in the front line for paying the price of bank failure. It is the way to make progress in decoupling bank from sovereign risk.

It is the way to remedy one of the most alarming and unacceptable results of the crisis: increased fragmentation of Europe’s financial sector and credit markets - even an implicit re-nationalisation.

And it is also the way to help restoring normal lending to the economy, notably to SMEs. Because in spite of the accommodating monetary policy, credit is not yet sufficiently flowing to the economy across the euro area. This needs to be addressed resolutely.

Ultimately, this is about one thing: growth, which is necessary to remedy today’s most pressing problem: unemployment. The current level of unemployment is economically unsustainable, politically untenable, socially unacceptable. So all of us here in the Commission – and I’m happy to have all my Commissioners today here with me - all of us want to work intensively with you, and with the member states, to deliver as much of our growth agenda as we possibly can, we are mobilizing all instruments, but of course we have to be honest, not all are at European level, some are at national STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013 level. I want to focus on implementation of the decisions on youth employment and financing of the real economy. We need to avoid a jobless recovery.

Europe therefore must speed up the pace of structural reforms. Our Country Specific Recommendations set out what the member states must do in this respect.

At EU level - because there is what can be done at national level and what can be done at European level -, the focus should be on what matters most for the real economy: exploiting the full potential of the single market comes first.

We have a well-functioning single market for goods, and we see the economic benefits of that. We need to extend the same formula to other areas: mobility, commu- nications, energy, finance and e-commerce, to name but a few. We have to remove the obstacles that hold back dynamic companies and people. We have to complete connecting Europe.

I’d like to announce that, today, we will formally adopt a proposal that gives a push 309 towards a single market for telecoms. Citizens know that Europe has dramatically brought down their costs for roaming. Our proposal will strengthen guarantees and lower prices for consumers, and present new opportunities for companies. We know that in the future, trade will be more and more digital. Isn’t it a paradox that we have an internal market for goods but when it comes to digital market we have 28 national markets? How can we grab all the opportunities of the future that are opened by the digital economy if we don’t conclude this internal market?

The same logic applies to the broader digital agenda: it solves real problems and improves daily life for citizens. The strength of Europe’s future industrial base depends on how well people and businesses are interconnected. And by properly combining the digital agenda with data protection and the defence of privacy, our European model strengthens the trust of the citizens. Both with respect to internal and external developments, adopting the proposed legislation on data protection is of utmost importance to the European Commission.

The single market is a key lever for competitiveness and employment. Adopting all remaining proposals under the Single Market Act I and II, and implementing the Connecting Europe Facility in the next few months, we lay the foundations for prosperity in the years to come.

We are also adapting to a dynamic transformation on a global scale, so we must encourage this innovative dynamism at a European scale. That is why we must also invest more in innovation, in technology and the role of science. I have great faith in science, in the capacity of the human mind and a creative society to solve its problems. The world is changing dramatically. And I believe many of the solutions are going to come, in Europe and outside Europe, from new science studies, from new technologies. And I would like Europe to be leading that effort globally. This is why we - Parliament and Commission - have made such a priority of Horizon 2020 in the discussions on the EU budget. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

That is why we use the EU budget to invest in skills, education and vocational training, dynamising and supporting talent. That is why we have pushed for Erasmus Plus.

And that is why, later this autumn, we will make further proposals for an industrial policy fit for the 21st century. Why we mobilize support for SMEs because we believe a strong dynamic industrial base is indispensable for a strong European economy.

And whilst fighting climate change, our 20-20-20 goals have set our economy on the path to green growth and resource efficiency, reducing costs and creating jobs.

By the end of this year, we will come out with concrete proposals for our energy and climate framework up to 2030. And we will continue to shape the international agenda by fleshing out a comprehensive, legally binding global climate agreement by 2015, with our partners. Europe alone cannot do all the fight for climate change. Frankly, we need the others also on board. At the same time, we will pursue our work on the impact of energy prices on competitiveness and on social cohesion. 310 All these drivers for growth are part of our ‘Europe 2020’ agenda, and fully and swiftly implementing it is more urgent than ever. In certain cases, we need to go beyond the 2020 agenda.

This means we must also pursue our active and assertive trade agenda. It is about linking us closer to growing third markets and guaranteeing our place in the global supply chain. Contrary to perception, where most of our citizens think we are losing in global trade, we have a significant and increasing trade surplus of more than 300 billion euro a year, goods, services, and agriculture. We need to build on that. This too will demand our full attention in the months to come, notably with the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership with the US and the negotiations with Canada and Japan.

And last but not least, we need to step up our game in implementing the Multiannual Financial Framework, the European budget. The EU budget is the most concrete lever we have at hand to boost investments. In some of our regions, the European Union budget is the only way to get public investment because they don’t have the sources at national level.

Both the European Parliament and the Commission wanted more resources. We have been in that fight together. But even so, one single year’s EU budget represents more money - in today’s prices - than the whole Marshall plan in its time! Let us now make sure that the programmes can start on the 1st of January 2014. That the results are being felt on the ground. And that we use the possibilities of innovative financing, from instruments that have already started, to EIB money, to project bonds.

We have to make good on the commitment we have made in July. From the Commis- sion’s side, we will deliver. We will, for example, present the second amending budget for 2013 still this month. There is no time to waste, so I warn against holding it up. In particular, I urge member states not to delay. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

I cannot emphasise this enough: citizens will not be convinced with rhetoric and promises only, but only with a concrete set of common achievements. We have to show the many areas where Europe has solved problems for citizens. Europe is not the cause of problems, Europe is part of the solution.

I address what we have to do still more extensively in today’s letter to the President of the European Parliament, which you will also have received. I will not go now in detail regarding the programme for next year.

My point today is clear: together, there is a lot still to achieve before the elections. It is not the time to thrown in the towel, it is time to roll up our sleeves.

Honourable Members,

None of this is easy. These are challenging times, a real stress test for the EU. The path of permanent and profound reform is as demanding as it is unavoidable. Let’s make no mistake: there is no way back to business as usual. Some people believe that after 311 this everything will come back as it was before. They are wrong, This crisis is different. This is not a cyclical crisis, but a structural one. We will not come back to the old normal. We have to shape a new normal. We are in a transformative period of history. We have to understand that, and not just say it. But we have to draw all the consequences from that, including in our state of mind, and how we react to the problems.

We see from the first results that it is possible.

And we all know from experience that it is necessary.

At this point in time, with a fragile recovery, the biggest downside risk I see is political: lack of stability and lack of determination. Over the last years we have seen that anything that casts doubt on governments’ commitment to reform is instantly punished. On the positive side, strong and convincing decisions have an important and immediate impact.

In this phase of the crisis, governments’ job is to provide the certainty and predictability that markets still lack.

Surely, you all know Justus Lipsius. Justus Lipsius is the name of the Council building in Brussels. Justus Lipsius was a very influential 16th century humanist scholar, who wrote a very important book called De Constantia.

He wrote, ‘Constancy is a right and immovable strength of the mind, neither lifted up nor pressed down with external or casual accidents.’ Only a ‘strength of the mind’, he argued, based on ‘judgment and sound reason’, can help you through confusing and alarming times.

I hope that in these times, these difficult times, all of us, including the governments’ representatives that meet at the Justus Lipsius building, show that determination, that perseverance, when it comes to the implementation of the decisions taken. Because IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

one of the issues that we have is to be coherent, not just take decisions, but afterwards be able to implement them on the ground.

Honourable members,

It is only natural that, over the last few years, our efforts to overcome the economic crisis have overshadowed everything else.

But our idea of Europe needs to go far beyond the economy. We are much more than a market. The European ideal touches the very foundations of European society. It is about values, and I underline this word: values. It is based on a firm belief in political, social and economic standards, grounded in our social market economy.

In today’s world, the EU level is indispensable to protect these values and standards and promote citizens’ rights: from consumer protection to labour rights, from women’s rights to respect for minorities, from environmental standards to data protection 312 and privacy.

Whether defending our interests in international trade, securing our energy provision, or restoring people’s sense of fairness by fighting tax fraud and tax evasion: only by acting as a Union do we pull our weight at the world stage.

Whether seeking impact for the development and humanitarian aid we give to developing countries, managing our common external borders or seeking to develop in Europe a strong security and defense policy: only by integrating more can we really reach our objectives.

There is no doubt about it. Our internal coherence and international relevance are inextricably linked. Our economic attraction and political traction are fundamentally entwined.

Does anyone seriously believe that, if the euro had collapsed, we or our Member States would still have any credibility left internationally?

Does everyone still realise how enlargement has been a success in terms of healing history’s deep scars, establishing democracies where no one had thought it possible? How neighbourhood policy was and still is the best way to provide security and prosperity in regions of vital importance for Europe? Where would we be without all of this?

Today, countries like Ukraine are more than ever seeking closer ties to the European Union, attracted by our economic and social model. We cannot turn our back on them. We cannot accept any attempts to limit these countries own sovereign choices. Free will and free consent need to be respected. These are also the principles that lie at the basis of our Eastern Partnership, which we want to take forward at our summit in Vilnius.

And does everyone still remember just how much Europe has suffered from its wars during the last century, and how European integration was the valid answer? STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

Next year, it will be one century after the start of the First World War. A war that tore Europe apart, from Sarajevo to the Somme. We must never take peace for granted. We need to recall that it is because of Europe that former enemies now sit around the same table and work together. It is only because they were offered a European perspective that now even Serbia and Kosovo come to an agreement, under mediation of the EU.

Last year’s Nobel Peace Prize reminded us of that historic achievement: that Europe is a project of peace.

We should be more aware of it ourselves. Sometimes I think we should not be ashamed to be proud. Not arrogant. But more proud. We should look towards the future, but with a wisdom we gained from the past.

Let me say this to all those who rejoice in Europe’s difficulties and who want to roll back our integration and go back to isolation: the pre-integrated Europe of the divisions, the war, the trenches, is not what people desire and deserve. The European con- 313 tinent has never in its history known such a long period of peace as since the creation of the European Community. It is our duty to preserve it and deepen it.

Honourable members,

It is precisely with our values that we address the unbearable situation in Syria, which has tested, over the last months, the world’s conscience so severely. The European Union has led the international aid response by mobilising close to 1.5 billion euros, of which €850 million comes directly from the EU budget. The Commission will do its utmost to help the Syrian people and refugees in neighbouring countries.

We have recently witnessed events we thought had long been eradicated. The use of chemical weapons is a horrendous act that deserves a clear condemnation and a strong answer. The international community, with the UN at its centre, carries a collective responsibility to sanction these acts and to put an end to this conflict. The proposal to put Syria’s chemical weapons beyond use is potentially a positive development. The Syrian regime must now demonstrate that it will implement this without any delay. In Europe, we believe that, ultimately, only a political solution stands a chance of delivering the lasting peace that the Syrian people deserve.

Honourable members,

There are those who claim that a weaker Europe would make their country stronger, that Europe is a burden; that they would be better off without it.

My reply is clear: we all need a Europe that is united, strong and open.

In the debate that is ongoing all across Europe, the bottom-line question is: Do we want to improve Europe, or give it up?

My answer is clear: let’s engage! IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

If you don’t like Europe as it is: improve it!

Find ways to make it stronger, internally and internationally, and you will have in me the firmest of supporters. Find ways that allow for diversity without creating discrim- inations, and I will be with you all the way.

But don’t turn away from it.

I recognize: as any human endeavour, the EU is not perfect.

For example, controversies about the division of labour between the national and European levels will never be conclusively ended.

I value subsidiarity highly. For me, subsidiarity is not a technical concept. It is a fundamental democratic principle. An ever closer union among the citizens of Europe demands that decisions are taken as openly as possible and as closely to the people as 314 possible.

Not everything needs a solution at European level. Europe must focus on where it can add most value. Where this is not the case, it should not meddle. The EU needs to be big on big things and smaller on smaller things - something we may occasionally have neglected in the past. The EU needs to show it has the capacity to set both positive and negative priorities. As all governments, we need to take extra care of the quality and quantity of our regulation knowing that, as Montesquieu said, ‘les lois inutiles affaiblissent les lois nécessaires’. [‘Useless laws weaken the necessary ones’.]

But there are, honourable members, areas of major importance where Europe must have more integration, more unity. Where only a strong Europe can deliver results.

I believe a political union needs to be our political horizon, as I stressed in last year’s State of the Union. This is not just the demand of a passionate European. This is the indispensable way forward to consolidate our progress and ensure the future.

Ultimately, the solidity of our policies, namely of the economic and monetary union, depend on the credibility of the political and institutional construct that supports it.

So we have mapped out, in the Commission Blueprint for a deep and genuine Eco- nomic and Monetary Union, not only the economic and monetary features, but also the necessities, possibilities and limits of deepening our institutional set-up in the medium and long term. The Commission will continue to work for the implementation of its Blueprint, step by step, one phase after the other.

And I confirm, as announced last year, the intention to present, before the European elections, further ideas on the future of our Union and how best to consolidate and deepen the community method and community approach in the longer term. That way, they can be subject to a real European debate. They will set out the principles and orientations that are necessary for a true political union. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

Honourable Members,

We can only meet the challenges of our time if we strengthen the consensus on fundamental objectives.

Politically, we must not be divided by differences between the euro area and those outside it, between the centre and the periphery, between the North and the South, between East and West. The European Union must remain a project for all members, a community of equals.

Economically, Europe has always been a way to close gaps between countries, regions and people. And that must remain so. We cannot do member states’ work for them. The responsibility remains theirs. But we can and must complement it with European responsibility and European solidarity.

For that reason, strengthening the social dimension is a priority for the months to come, together with our social partners. The Commission will come with its commu- 315 nication on the social dimension of the economic and monetary union on the 2nd of October. Solidarity is a key element of what being part of Europe is all about, and something to take pride in.

Safeguarding its values, such as the rule of law, is what the European Union was made to do, from its inception to the latest chapters in enlargement.

In last year’s State of the Union speech, at a moment of challenges to the rule of law in our own member states, I addressed the need to make a bridge between political persuasion and targeted infringement procedures on the one hand, and what I call the nuclear option of Article 7 of the Treaty, namely suspension of a member states’ rights.

Experience has confirmed the usefulness of the Commission role as an independent and objective referee. We should consolidate this experience through a more general framework. It should be based on the principle of equality between member states, activated only in situations where there is a serious, systemic risk to the rule of law, and triggered by pre-defined benchmarks.

The Commission will come forward with a communication on this. I believe it is a debate that is key to our idea of Europe.

This does not mean that national sovereignty or democracy are constrained. But we do need a robust European mechanism to influence the equation when basic common principles are at stake.

There are certain non-negotiable values that the EU and its member states must and shall always defend.

Honourable Members, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

The polarisation that resulted from the crisis poses a risk to us all, to the project, to the European project.

We, legitimate political representatives of the European Union, can turn the tide. You, the democratic representatives of Europe, directly elected, will be at the forefront of the political debate. The question I want to pose is: which picture of Europe will voters be presented with? The candid version, or the cartoon version? The myths or the facts? The honest, reasonable version, or the extremist, populist version? It’s an important difference.

I know some people out there will say Europe is to blame for the crisis and the hardship.

But we can remind people that Europe was not at the origin of this crisis. It resulted from mismanagement of public finances by national governments and irresponsible behaviour in financial markets. 316 We can explain how Europe has worked to fix the crisis. What we would have lost if we hadn’t succeeded in upholding the single market, because it was under threat, and the common currency, because some people predicted the end of the euro. If we hadn’t coordinated recovery efforts and employment initiatives.

Some people will say that Europe is forcing governments to cut spending.

But we can remind voters that government debt got way out of hand even before the crisis, not because of but despite Europe. We can add that the most vulnerable in our societies, and our children, would end up paying the price if we don’t persevere now. And the truth is that countries inside the euro or outside the euro, in Europe or outside Europe, they are making efforts to curb their very burdened public finances.

Some will campaign saying that we have given too much money to vulnerable countries. Others will say we have given too little money to vulnerable countries.

But every one of us can explain what we did and why: there is a direct link between one country’s loans and another country’s banks, between one country’s investments and another country’s businesses, between one country’s workers and another country’s companies. This kind of interdependence means only European solutions work.

What I tell people is: when you are in the same boat, one cannot say: ‘your end of the boat is sinking.’ We were in the same boat when things went well, and we are in it together when things are difficult.

Some people might campaign saying: Europe has grabbed too much power. Others will claim Europe always does too little, too late. The interesting things is that sometimes we have the same people saying that Europe is not doing enough and at the same time that’s not giving more means to Europe to do what Europe has to do. STATE OF THE UNION ADDRESS 2013

But we can explain that member states have entrusted Europe with tasks and competences. The European Union is not a foreign power. It is the result of democratic decisions by the European institutions and by member states.

At the same time we must acknowledge that, in some areas, Europe still lacks the power to do what is asked of it. A fact that is all too easily forgotten by those, and there are many out there, who always like to nationalise success and Europeanise failure. Ultimately, what we have, and what we don’t have, is the result of democratic decision-making. And I think we should remind people of that.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Mr President,

Honourable members,

I hope the European Parliament will take up this challenge with all the idealism it 317 holds, with as much realism and determination as the times demand of us.

The arguments are there.

The facts are there.

The agenda has been set out.

In 8 months’ time, voters will decide.

Now, it’s up to us to make the case for Europe.

We can do so by using the next 8 months to conclude as much as we can. We have a lot to do still.

Adopt and implement the European budget, the MFF. This is critical for investment in our regions all over Europe. This is indispensable for the first priority we have: to fight against unemployment, notably youth unemployment.

Advance and implement the banking union. This is critical to address the problem of financing for businesses and SMEs.

These are our clear priorities: employment and growth.

Our job is not finished. It is in its decisive phase.

Because, Honourable Members, the elections will not only be about the European Parliament, nor will they be about the European Commission or about the Council or about this or that personality.

They will be about Europe. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

We will be judged together.

So let us work together - for Europe.

With passion and with determination.

Let us not forget: one hundred years ago –Europe was sleepwalking into the catastrophe of the war of 1914.

Next year, in 2014, I hope Europe will be walking out of the crisis towards a Europe that is more united, stronger and open.

Thank you for your attention.

318 Statement at the Eastern Partnership Summit

EASTERN PARTNERSHIP SUMMIT VILNIUS, 29 NOVEMBER 2013

et me first thank President Grybauskaite of Lithuania for the organisation of 319 L this very successful summit. Four years ago, when we launched the Eastern Partnership, our objective was to support partner countries’ political and economic reforms, to assist their modernisation process and to move them closer to the European Union, while respecting the degree of closeness chosen by each one.

This Vilnius Summit has been a summit of real progress, a Summit where we have delivered on our commitments.

The Association Agreements which Moldova and Georgia have been initialled today and they are a very important force for change.

I firmly believe that these Association Agreements including a Deep and Comprehen- sive Free Trade Area provide the best possible opportunity for political and economic reform today. History can show us why.

In the early 1990s, ten central and eastern European countries signed up to Free Trade Agreements with the European Union, including the country where we are today. Within 6 years, the GDP per capita in these countries had increased by 57%. Investment per capita had increased by 61%. And exports per capita had increased by 65%. As a result of these Agreements, those ten countries began one of the major transformations of their recent history.

So I think it is very important to remind us of the record already of Free Trade Agree- ments that we have before the accession of the new Member states of the European Union.

Contrary to what some are suggesting, these Association Agreements and Free Trade Agreements have been an extremely important contribution to growth, to jobs, to social and economic development in all those partners. Partners, some of them that IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

today are full members of the European Union. One of them is having the current Presidency of the Council, it is precisely Lithuania.

Yesterday and today we have discussed about this. Many of those new Member states said what they have gained becoming members of the European Union and how important is the European Union as a guarantee of independence and of social economic development.

During our summit, today and yesterday we have reiterated to Ukraine that the offer to sign these Agreements remains on the table, provided the government of Ukraine delivers on its commitments.

This Agreement would save Ukrainian business some 500 million euros a year just in import duties. It would increase Ukraine’s GDP by more than six per cent in the longer term. And by confirming Ukraine’s modernisation pledge, it would also give momentum to billion-euro loan negotiations with International Financial Institu- 320 tions. The Ukrainian people have demonstrated these last days that they fully understand the strategic nature of the reform’s path. We know how much the Ukrainian people feel European, how much they care about Europe, how much they aspire to be recognised as members of the democratic community of nations of Europe and we will of course now pursue our conversations with our Ukrainian partners, knowing well that we should always respect Ukraine’s sovereign decisions.

Because this partnership was from the very outset based on the key principles of mutual respect, transparency, individual and collective ownership.

This Partnership was never an imposition, but rather a proposition.

And all stand to gain. Our neighbours; and the neighbours of our neighbours. Let me be clear, this is a process for something. This is a process not against someone. This is a process for something; it is for democracy, for stability and for prosperity. It is not against someone, because I don’t believe someone should be against democracy, against stability or against prosperity.

And our partnership also has a real meaning for the citizens.

Take firstly the issue of travelling without the need for a visa. Something very concrete, something all our young people in Europe want: freedom of movement. Just a fortnight ago, the Commission published its final report on visa liberalisation for Moldovan citizens. Moldova has met all the benchmarks set, so the European Com- mission has already issued a proposal to enable visa-free travel to the European Union for Moldovan citizens who own a biometric passport.

Today, we have also signed a Visa Facilitation Agreement with Azerbaijan, which will make the process of applying for an European Union visa easier. By the way, with Azerbaijan, today we’ve heard the President and also the members of the European Union showing their commitment to the progress in our strategic modernisation partnership. And today also, we knew about the willingness of Belarus to negotiate STATEMENT AT THE EASTERN PARTNERSHIP SUMMIT a Visa Facilitation Agreement. I’m sure this will be for the benefit of the Belarussian citizens, especially their young people. And I also hope that the future democratisa- tion of Belarus will enable the country to fully seize the potential of this partnership. So, the point I want to make clear is the following: the Eastern Partnership is not just about the economy or not just about abstract concepts; it’s about concrete benefits for citizens, removing barriers, enabling people to meet each other. It is in fact a transformational project of the highest importance.

An important issue that we also discussed is energy. Making sure that no European nation is an energy island – isolated from European networks. That is why we have taken very tangible steps over the last years to link our neighbours to the EU market, through new corridors, new physical connections, the possibility of reverse flows, support for their domestic energy reforms and so on, everything to bolster our shared energy security.

And today we have shown, as European Union, that we can deliver on our commitments. I want to thank all of those that made possible the progress today. And 321 allow me a special word of thanks to my colleagues in the Commission. Of course to Vice-President and High Representative Cathy Ashton, but also to Commissioner Füle, who is responsible for Enlargement and Neighbourhood Policy and of course Commissioner for trade Karel De Gucht. And other colleagues also that are giving their contribution in energy or in the issue of visa-free travel, from Commissioner Oettinger to Commissioner Malmström, the European Commission is fully behind this agenda and today I was very happy to see the strong support of all the European Union Member States and also the willingness of our partners in the East to go forward in this common journey.

I thank you.

Address on a New Narrative for Europe at the Opening of the Milan General Assembly

NEW NARRATIVE FOR EUROPE MILAN, 9 DECEMBER 2013

Presidente Letta, Prime Minister Bratušek, Senatore Monti, President of ISPI, Distin- 323 guished guests, Ladies and gentlemen, Dear friends,

et me start by thanking Prime Minister Enrico Letta. When I spoke to him some time ago, some months ago, suggesting that the second General Assembly L of this New Narrative for Europe could be organised here in Milan, immediately he embraced this idea and he promised me his full support. I want to thank you very sincerely Enrico also for your inspiring words today. I know they are extremely sincere and they show your commitment and, I would even say, your passion for Europe. And I know that in Italy, here in Milano, and in Italy, we can feel this spirit. And I know that you are going to keep this line.

My words of appreciation also go to Prime Minister Bratušek. In fact you represent that new Europe that now unites us. In fact even if I am a man - I think I don’t have to apologise for that - I am one of those who believe that women have brought so much to our Union. And probably it is good to remind, in fact we discussed this last night, that in the very founding charter of the European community, the Treaty of Rome, it was already recognised in the fifties, that men and women are equal in rights. And this was important also for the shaping of our policies, even if you believe that something has still to be done on that matter.

It is a personal pleasure for me to have the opportunity to be with such a distinguished audience in such a vibrant city, a cradle of culture, creativity and innovation, as Milan is.

I would like to congratulate ISPI for its 80th anniversary and also for its European vocation. And also I believe it was difficult to find a better place than Milano, because, as the President of the Italian government just said, Milano has now a destiny to be our capital and I will be happy after this meeting together with Prime Minister Letta and the other authorities to witness the signing of the European Union, the European Commission contribution to that very important European and global exhibition here in Milano in 2015. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Ladies and gentlemen,

At our previous General Assembly in Warsaw we discussed how Europe’s cultural heritage and academic disciplines – our European soft power – can contribute to respond to the crisis and develop a new notion of European citizenship and how men and women of culture can inspire young people.

I think we all know that the word Europe comes from the goddess Europe, Europa. And one of the questions we should raise today is how can we make today’s Europe as attractive for the Europeans as Europa was for Zeus.

After all Europa is the central character of Antonio Salieri’s Europa Riconosciuta that was first performed for the original inauguration of La Scala in 1778; and also a few centuries later was chosen for its reopening in December 2004 after a 3-year major refurbishment. So how can we recognise Europe today? This is indeed a point; a point that was already mentioned in the very eloquent intervention of Enrico Letta. 324 We have also this morning heard two excellent keynote speeches by Professor Jean- Marc Ferry and Professor Elena Cattaneo with a lot of food for thought. I really want to thank you. Because from two different perspectives, namely philosophy and culture, and including political science, on one hand, to science, research, neuroscience on the other, we understood better where Europe is and where Europe may be going. Those statements vividly illustrate how much insights from thinkers, from scholars, scientists, artists can help us navigate in this transformative moment. Because indeed I believe we are in the midst of a turning point, a very important challenge for Europe that has to do of course with globalisation.

We are at the turning point and all turning points in history: our fraught with uncertainty and anxiety, angst. This in Europe is now reinforced, of course, by the social problems that we have in so many of our countries, namely the tragedy of unemployment, specifically youth unemployment. Europe has been seriously hit by a financial, economic and social crisis, which became indeed a crisis of confidence. If you want to be honest, it is not just about Europe, it is about leadership in general. It is the way people look at the European institutions, certainly, but also look at national governments, look at national politicians, look at some elites, including by the way, the financial elite, because people have lost confidence in the so-called elites. And this is why it is important more than ever, to listen to people, as we have discussed today. We are asking people to contribute. We are asking, as Olafur Eliasson put it yesterday, we are asking an effort. An effort of people to contribute. And we should also make the effort of listening. Listening to citizens (as we have been doing all over this year with the European year of citizenship), but listening also to men and women of culture, to men and women of science. First of all because of a very pragmatic reason: it is that they have more credibility than politicians today. Because our publics in general are very much disappointed when they see that politicians, be it at national or European level, are indeed in difficulties to find convincing responses. So we need our friends from the cultural and scientific fields to come to discuss with us. Not because culture or science are an instrument, but because they can illuminate us in this very important and challenging moment You know, and I have said it already in Warsaw, that ADDRESS ON A NEW NARRATIVE FOR EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE MILAN GENERAL ASSEMBLY for me, culture or science are not instruments for some kind of objective; of course, they can help our sustainable- growth, certainly. But culture and science are ends in themselves, in the sense that they are the best ways we have to fulfil our dreams, for the improvement of persons. - Apart from, let’s say, the more intimate aspects of our lives, what has to do with spirituality, or with friendship or love;- in the public sphere, it is from knowledge and art, culture and science, that men and women can fulfil their dreams. And this is why it is so important also for our European project.

When having the honour of receiving on behalf of the European Union the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo last year, I underlined precisely the value of culture and science. Because, I believe, the European project is a project that puts at its heart the human being. And we have also discussed this last evening. European Union is not an end in itself. The European Union is a great project but the project that helps us, as human beings, being able to realise our potential, the emancipation of men and women, this is our goal. At the core of the European vision is the human dignity of every human being: a man, a woman or a child. And this is why, I think it is important to reinforce that attention to every human being because we know by experience also in 325 our continent that all the ideologies, or the parties, or dictators that put at the end as an objective in itself, a party or the state, they created totalitarianism; while those who have put at the centre every human being they created democracy, pluralism and societies about which we can basically be proud. Certainly, we have difficulties and we know about the difficulties but I believe we should be proud of what we have achieved as European countries.

And following the challenges of Enrico Letta, where we were before, let me now go a little bit more far away. Next year we are going to commemorate the beginning of the First World War; in fact, the first big first civilian European war. It started in Sarajevo, in the Balkans, not far from here. I think we should remember that time. Afterwards we had the Second World War, where probably the worst events in human history, like the Shoah, took place.

And then we got the European Union of six. Six founding fathers, including Italy, the Treaty of Rome and then nine, 10, 12, I remember well when we were 12 because it was when my country joined the European Community and I was member of the government then.

And afterwards we were able to realise the reunification of our continent. Basically, it’s done. So, how can we be pessimistic about Europe when we think that for instance in the 70s the South of Europe, like my country, or Spain or Greece, were under dictatorships, or in the beginning of the 80s, Central and Eastern Europe was under communist totalitarianism and some countries were indeed part of the Soviet Union, like the three Baltic countries. Now they are free and united in peace, sharing basically the same values.

So, I think that Europe today, and I want to give you my testimony, is much better than Europe 20, 30, 50 or 60 years ago. Of course, if you think only about a small Europe some people may have doubts, but if you think as Europeans as a big family, I think there should be no doubts. Europe today is stronger than before. Europe counts IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

more in the world than before, but we have to see what is the next stage. Yes, what can fuel the European dream? I think if the Europeans have not yet discovered or understood, they will understand and discover because of globalisation. Because globalisation, and then I join what Jean-Marc Ferry said, can be seen as a great opportunity or as a great problem. I also tend to see it as basically a great opportunity. Whether we like it or not, globalisation will happen, unless there is a catastrophe. Why will it happen? Because globalisation is not controlled by politicians or by governments. Globalisation today is basically driven by science and technology.

And so, we have to prepare for it and the question is what message we convey to our citizens? What message do we convey to our young people? That they should hide? That they should just resist? Or that they should embrace the opportunities of globalisation, namely the great opportunities of science as highlighted in the brilliant intervention of Professor Cattaneo? I believe it is like that. But it’s critically important, as Enrico Letta mentioned, to have the dimension to count in the world. Because Europe alone can give also our countries, a country like Italy, smaller countries or 326 big countries even, the necessary leverage to count at the global level. This is quite obvious. And to count for what? To count to defend our interests certainly but also to promote our values. This is important: the values of Europe, of peace, of freedom and justice. The values that are in the Treaty of Rome and, today, in the Treaty of Lisbon.

The social market economy that is important for us. I think we should be proud that we have open economies, but economies that have a commitment to social justice and also that care about the future of our planet.

We can be setting the standard for a much better world order. Yes, following also the comments of Professor Jean-Marc Ferry, yes, Europe by its own definition, is a cosmopolitan order. We are open to the world. We are not creating an identity against other identities, a counter-identity, the identities of chauvinistic people. We are creating an identity that is open to others and able to promote, precisely, these values. And this is the goal of the New Narrative of Europe: to shape globalisation with our values and be confident about values. And I am saying that because today I feel very often this pessimism, this negativism, the déclinisme that is so fashionable today.

And I think we should remind today; today myself and Enrico Letta we are going to travel to Johannesburg, so that tomorrow we can pay tribute to one of the greatest figures of our time indeed of any times, Nelson Mandela and he said: “The greatest glory in living lies not in never falling, but in rising every time we fall.” Such inspirational words. And I think there could not be a better place than Italy, because of the Renaissance, to remind us that Europe is faith in progress and faith in human beings. This is a great message of the European humanism.

My appeal to all the intellectuals, to all men and women of culture, to all citizens, is not to give up to this defeatism, is to have the courage to fight the negative forces because yes, the populist forces, the extremist forces are negative forces that are today under a theme that is very often an anti-European theme, making the revival of the all demons of Europe, like extreme nationalism, like xenophobia, sometimes racism – these are negative values. ADDRESS ON A NEW NARRATIVE FOR EUROPE AT THE OPENING OF THE MILAN GENERAL ASSEMBLY

It is important, in face of these challenges - instead of keeping ourselves in the comfort zone, namely the so called establishment parties - to have the courage to go out and fight, not to give up to those arguments, to explain with reasonable and rational arguments - sometimes for some of us with emotion - why we care about Europe, why Europe is something we must cherish precisely to defend these values.

And if sometimes in Europe some of us have doubts about how important these values are, just look at Ukraine. Those young people in the streets of Ukraine, with freezing temperatures, are writing the new narrative for Europe.

When we see in the cold streets of Kiev, men and women with the European flag, fighting for that European flag, it is because they are also fighting for Ukraine and for their future. Because they know that Europe is not just the land of opportunity in terms of economic development, because they have seen what happened in Poland or what happened in the Baltic countries, but also because Europe is the promise of hope and freedom. And I think the European Union has the right and the duty to stand by the people of Ukraine in this very difficult moment, because they are giving to Europe 327 one of the greatest contributions that can be given.

Just yesterday I had a phone call – another one - with President Yanukovych. I asked him to show restraint in the face of these recent developments, to not use force against the people that are demonstrating peacefully, to respect fully the freedoms that are so important for all of us in Europe. I have asked him to receive the High Representative / Vice-President of the Commission Cathy Ashton who will be in Kiev already tomorrow and the day after tomorrow, so she can also have a role in trying to bring some solutions to the very tense situation that Ukraine is living today. And I hope that the European forces will show their commitment to our common project. Because it is not true that is it just in the Western part of Ukraine. No, most of the Ukrainians care about a future in peace and freedom. And I think we have this duty to recognise them today.

Because precisely, our history is a history of openness. I said it also when we were discussing about the world that knows hunger, knows so many difficulties. Just now, thanks to the European Union support, we are providing humanitarian assistance for the people in the Central African Republic. The European Union, in spite of all difficulties, is the biggest donor of development aid. I think this is something we also should be proud of, namely our young people, that Europe is not just looking inwards, but also looking outwards. That we keep this cosmopolitan objective, precisely because, as Jean Monnet, probably the biggest genius of the European integration said - I am now quoting, by memory, the last words of his Memoirs: “La communauté d’aujourd’hui n’est qu’une étape vers l’organisation de la communauté internationale de demain”. So, the European community of today is just a step for the organisation of the world community of tomorrow. That was the final message in the Memoirs of Jean Monnet. I think it cannot be clearer that cosmopolitan vision that we are aspiring to.

I think this is very important to remind us today, when we see so many voices calling for chauvinistic, ultra-nationalistic, protectionist or sometimes even xenophobic atti- IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

tudes. So I am looking forward to the ideas that you can bring in this New Narrative that can inspire our citizens.

I would like once again to thank the Cultural committee and all those who have given a great part of the efforts to building this New Narrative. I think it is a proof of modesty and humility to put some of these ideas in paper, not only the individual contributions like the bright contributions that we have heard today, but to try to have a declaration, in the spring, that could be a way of filling the debate in Europe.

One of my masters, with whom I have worked for several years in Geneva, Denis de Rougemont, said: “Penser l’Europe c’est la faire.” To think Europe is also to do Europe. And L’avenir c’est notre affaire, il a dit aussi, he said also,. That’s why I think the contribution of people from the cultural and scientific side is so important to reinforce our vision and our hope. And I believe that your contribution can be extremely important for the European debate. Because, and I conclude, the Europe we want, the dream we want, cannot be of a bureaucratic, technocratic or even diplomatic Eu- 328 rope. It has to be a democratic Europe, and so for all those who are not happy with the current situation in Europe, I say don’t turn your back on Europe, make it better. Give your contributions through our debate, because what we have in Europe is too important to be lost for future generations.

I thank you for your attention. Acceptance Speech for the Charles V European Award

EUROPEAN ACADEMY OF YUSTE FOUNDATION YUSTE, 16 JANUARY 2014

Your Royal Highness, Your Excellency the Prime Minister of Spain, Your Excellency 329 the Prime Minister of Portugal, Honourable President of Extremadura, Honourable Ministers, Your Grace, Ladies and Gentlemen, Dear friends,

irst and foremost I should like to express my gratitude to the European Acade- my of Yuste Foundation for the great honour it has bestowed on me by adding F my name to the prestigious group of recipients of the Charles V European Award; each one of them, in his or her own way, has made a very significant contribution to European values. This is, for me, a very proud and extremely moving moment.

I am especially honoured to be receiving this award from His Royal Highness the Prince of Asturias, for whom I feel great respect and sincere affection. Your Royal Highness, thank you so much for this particularly moving gesture.

I should also like to thank the Prime Minister, Mariano Rajoy, for his kind and gra- cious words. Our friendship goes back a long time, and I have always admired his patriotism, his love for Spain and, at the same time, his strong commitment to Eu- rope and to European ideals. Thank you for your words (and never was a truer word spoken than when you referred to me as a true friend of Spain).

And now, allow me to say a few very special words in my mother tongue to the Prime Minister of Portugal, Dr. Pedro Passos Coelho. Your Excellency, and my dear friend, I was very touched to see that you took the time to attend this ceremony. I would like to take this opportunity to express my sincere admiration for the determination and courage with which you have addressed the historic challenges now facing Portugal. I should also like to thank you for your committed and constructive contribution to the development of the European project.

My thanks also go to President Monago and the Extremadura authorities for their welcome and kind words. Your efforts to keep the tradition of this award alive have substantially raised the profile of your region and its government at European and international level. This ceremony in Yuste, in this region, has also brought together IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

the governments of Portugal and Spain; this encounter reflects the increasingly close ties being forged between our two countries as we work together to shape and direct European values and ideals. Throughout history, Spain and Portugal have carried Eu- ropean civilisation to many corners of the world: today they are working together to reinforce the European project, increasing Europe's relevance throughout the world.

The Foundation's work in disseminating and realising the European project is very important. Its activities in the social sphere and in communication, culture, science, research and history mesh perfectly with the efforts being made at European level to close the gap between the European project and the man in the street and to dissem- inate its values of respect for human dignity, freedom, democracy, equality, the rule of law and human rights. I should like to emphasise and pay special tribute to all of this work.

Please allow me to take this opportunity to remember one of the recipients of this award, Wilfried Martens, Belgian Prime Minister and President of the European Peo- 330 ple's Party, who passed away last year — that skilled politician's convictions and commitment to Europe will leave an indelible mark on the history of European integration.

Receiving this prestigious award is a matter of considerable gratification to me not only as a Portuguese national, but also as a European.

Being Portuguese, the name of Charles V evokes the history and the deep, centuries-old ties that bind the two nations of Spain and Portugal, ties that found concrete expression in his marriage to Isabella of Portugal.

As a European, the name of Charles V is also a reminder that the quest for Europe- an unity is an ancient one, inextricably linked to the history of Europe as a whole. Countless attempts were made over the centuries to bring about the Union that is today is a reality.

Politically, but also and most importantly intellectually, through the studia generalia and the proliferation of rich intercultural exchanges, a certain form of European unity began to take shape — and to break down on more than one occasion.

This aspiration to European unity was dashed time and time again by the very things it hoped to overcome: national interests, extreme nationalism, wars.

However, the history of European thinking has shown that the dream of European unity is indestructible.

The history of European integration has also taught us the following, to quote the words of Jean Monnet in a speech given in Strasbourg in December 1952: "In these days when the first supranational institutions of Europe are being established, we are conscious of the beginning of the great European revolution of our time: the revolution which, on our Continent, aims at substituting unity in freedom and in diversity for tragic national rivalries, the revolution which tends to stop the decay of our civi- ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE CHARLES V EUROPEAN AWARD lisation and to initiate a new renaissance. (...) For, since they have sprung into being, the Europe which we wish to leave to our children is no longer only an aspiration. It has become a reality".

Ladies and gentlemen,

Allow me to take a few moments to examine some of the key words delivered by Jean Monnet here, since they describe perfectly how the European Union we know today is a political project that is absolutely unique in history and, in many respects, a testing ground for globalisation.

First of all, "unity" - not just of nations, but also of peoples. It is clear that the various peoples, their constituent individuals and their interests are at the heart of European construction.

Secondly, "freedom" - since our Union, unlike other past attempts at European unity, is based on mutual consent and not on force. Our Member States have freely accepted 331 to share their sovereignty. And it is in this very consent, granted freely by the Member States and enshrined in the founding Treaties, and in this community based on the rule of law and on shared values that the unifying strength of the European project lies.

The Portuguese and Spanish peoples are well aware of how much we owe to this vision of European construction: its achievements include enabling the establishment of democracy in our countries which, a few short decades ago, were still ruled by dictators.

And lastly, "diversity". One of the main strengths of our Union is that it has consistently embraced diversity, and did not grow out of standardisation. In fact, the opposite is true: it has always drawn nourishment from differences, contrasts - and even tensions. One of Europe's greatest assets is its ability to assimilate influences from other cultures, open up to other societies and flourish thanks to its openness to the world.

And lastly, one of the factors making the European project so special and unique is that it has effectively reconciled the legitimacy of democratic states with the legitimacy of the supranational institutions (European Parliament, European Commission, Court of Justice of the European Union) that safeguard the European general interest and defend the common good of Europe. Not to mention the successful way it managed to synthesise supranationality and concrete economic realities.

Indeed, it is in the areas where the Member States have made greatest progress in transferring sovereignty (trade, competition and currency) that Europe's political voice is best heard and most respected across the world. As a result, we are today the world's leading trading bloc, with 20% of international trade and 30% of investments, we have international influence in the area of standardisation (thanks to our single market, the largest in the world) and we have one of the world's leading cur- rencies, the euro, a strong and stable currency that is one manifestation of Europe's existential force. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Ladies and gentlemen,

It is thanks to these basic elements (unity of peoples, freedom, diversity and supranational institutions) that the European Union remains a formidable and original political construct, making it possible to guarantee peace, democracy, solidarity and fairness.

These characteristics have made Europe into the most balanced model of its kind in the world, a space for freedom and democracy, a social market economy whose main priority is promoting the development and protection of individuals in open societies and economies.

Many people all over the world, from the icy streets of Kiev to our neighbours in the South, have drawn inspiration from our social models.

And while there is sometimes a tendency in Europe to focus exclusively on the crisis, 332 it is important to recall where we have come from and who we are, as I have just done, so that we can better see where it is we want to go.

I am very aware of the disquiet among all of our fellow Europeans — including those from Spain and my home country of Portugal — who were not responsible for the crisis but who are nevertheless all too frequently the first to suffer its consequences.

To all of my fellow Europeans, I wish to say that Europe is also not responsible for the crisis and that it must not fall victim to it. Europe is not the problem. Europe is part of the solution.

I also wish to tell them that if we forget where we came from, if we do not fight to defend Europe, we risk losing it. And if we lose sight of the principles and values on which our Union is founded, reality will provide reminders that may cost us dear.

We have witnessed a global financial crisis that did not start in Europe but spread to it and which, in some European countries, became combined with budgetary laxity, competitive vulnerabilities, national self-interest, financial excess and, on a more general European scale, shortcomings in the economic governance model.

The response developed over the past five years and given impetus by the European Commission has been a fair and responsible one. In an unprecedented effort of solidarity and stabilisation, some 700 000 million euro were mobilised to prevent the collapse of the national economies worst affected by the crisis — including specific aid to shore up the Spanish financial sector. In addition, some of the Member States — including Spain and Portugal — have made considerable efforts to overhaul their economies. Moreover, and the European Union budget notwithstanding, additional resources have been made available to tackle the serious problem of youth unemployment in the Member States that were hardest hit.

Likewise, a joint effort has been made to closely coordinate economic and budgetary policies and establish solid institutions. ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE CHARLES V EUROPEAN AWARD

All of these efforts are now beginning to bear fruit. The markets have cooled down and the first signs of recovery have appeared. The countries most at risk are paying less to borrow money, and the economic outlook is gradually improving.

In the case of Spain, last week the risk premium was 3.91%, its lowest level since May 2010. Spanish exports are on the up. Exports of goods and services now account for 33% of the GDP - the highest level since the introduction of the euro. I would like to pay tribute here to the Spanish government and people for these very heartening results.

Cervantes wrote that he who stumbles and does not fall takes a great stride forward. Europe stumbled, but it did not fall. Europe has taken great strides forward.

The euro was saved, and has emerged stronger. And I should like to remind you here that it was not very long ago that expert analysts were predicting the disintegration of the euro and the breakup of the European Union. Yet both have shown extraordinary resilience. What the analysts failed to understand is that Europe and the euro are 333 much more than an economic and financial reality; they are a political project and a shared destiny.

European economic governance is more integrated than ever. The foundations for banking union have been laid. The single market has expanded to encompass new sectors of primordial importance for our future, such as the digital sector. Over the next seven years, Europeans will be able to reap the benefits of a European budget dedicated to sustainable and wide-ranging growth and to job creation. And, above all, we achieved these results while maintaining our openness to the world and choosing not to withdraw into ourselves. We signed major bilateral trade agreements, notably with Korea, Central America, Singapore, Canada, Peru and Colombia. Others — specifically, with the United States, Japan and the Mercosur bloc — are in the pipeline. Interdependence is the keyword of the age. Europe needs the rest of the world as a source of strength and to stimulate its growth. And the rest of the world needs a strong, unified Europe for its stability and prosperity. It is for this reason that I proposed that the Yuste Foundation dedicate this year's Charles V research grants to the topic of "History, memory and European integration from the point of view of EU transatlantic relations".

Having said this, we are fully aware that there are no miracle solutions in the area of economy and finance, and that we are still not entirely out of the woods yet. The social repercussions of the crisis, and in particular the current unemployment levels, remain unacceptable, and we must not resign ourselves to them. Unemployment is the most serious problem currently facing Europe. The mobility we are seeking to promote at European Union level should be one option for our youth – but it cannot be the only alternative. The financial markets remain fragmented and this may prove detrimental to our small and medium-sized enterprises. In a single market, it is unacceptable for the costs of financing businesses to vary so widely between Northern and Southern Europe. We have to work together to resolve these problems. Recovery will be gradual and we must keep up our efforts so that our initial successes do not IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

come to nothing. Growth, job creation and banking union must continue to be our main priorities.

I should like to publicly express my gratitude to Spain for always playing an active and vocal role in Europe, working ambitiously to defend the need to move forward in terms not only of greater responsibility but also of greater solidarity. In Europe, and in Spain, we are aware that in order to achieve these objectives we need a strong commitment from not only the European institutions but also the Member States and their citizens to increase European integration in order to safeguard our values and promote our interests in the era of globalisation.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I should like to draw special attention to one aspect of our collective response to the crisis that has occasionally been underestimated, despite its fundamental importance. The countries of the European Union have freely chosen the path of greater integra- 334 tion, namely the path towards more integrated economic and budgetary governance.

I call that learning from the crisis. We need more Europe where more Europe is needed - but we must not forget that the European Union does not need to involve itself in everything. As I have repeatedly stated, Europe must show greater unity, strength and visibility in response to the major challenges, but it must show more discretion when it comes to lesser matters, since – to quote Montesquieu – "useless laws weaken the necessary laws".

We must also acknowledge that, in this era of globalisation the European Union is, more than ever, a formidable multiplier of the power of each Member State and that each country's sovereignty can only be fully realised if it is shared. This is necessary to maintain our influence in the world; and we have to be influential if we are to promote our values and safeguard the interests of our citizens.

However we must recognise that if we are to move towards greater European integration, that same integration must be wanted and understood by our citizens. My wish is a Europe that is not technocratic but democratic. A Europe that is realised with the commitment of its citizens to defending a shared vision of the future.

In 2012, the European Commission presented detailed plans for a genuine economic and monetary union, to be completed with banking union and budgetary union, and with an eye to political union on the horizon; I believe this is the path we need to follow in order to consolidate the progress we have made and safeguard the future.

I am aware that while some countries are already convinced that political union is the next major European Union project, others remain very reluctant. This is what we now have to discuss amongst ourselves. Next May's European elections should be an occasion not only to compare citizens' real gains from the European Union against the popular myths and stereotypes about the EU, but also to debate the future we wish to work together to build — because a commitment to Europe and patriotism are not contradictory but complementary. ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE CHARLES V EUROPEAN AWARD

I therefore believe that it is important to foster a genuine feeling among Europeans of belonging to the same European community — a community that draws on the diversity of our national, regional and local communities but in which we can all see ourselves.

In the past, we Europeans have made great progress by working together. And this was recognised by the Nobel Committee when, in 2012, it awarded its prestigious Peace Prize to the European Union for its contribution to the advancement of peace and reconciliation, democracy and human rights.

Today, a united Europe has numerous opportunities to attain other great achievements in the future. And I am not thinking only of the single market or economic and monetary union but also of the richness of our history, the diversity of our cultures, our creative and innovative capacity, our science, our technology and research capacity, our wonderful reserves of human resources, our commitment to protecting the environment and our vision for a world where we will always stand shoulder to shoulder with those fighting for these universal values that mean so much to us and 335 upon which our Union is founded.

It is my hope that we as Europeans will be able to clearly manifest our willingness to work together towards greater achievements in the future. In any event, it is with this spirit and conviction that I shall keep my own commitment, because it is my firm belief that our best prospect for the future is Europe — a Europe that is even more present in the world, a more political, caring and civic-minded Europe.

I thank you for your attention.

Strengthening Europe security and defence sector

HIGH-LEVEL CONFERENCE ON THE EUROPEAN SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR BRUSSELS, 4 MARCH 2014

Dear Minister Avramopoulos, dear Minister Dunne, Honourable members of the 337 European Parliament, Ladies and Gentlemen, And of course my dear colleague An- tonio Tajani,

irst let me express my appreciation to Vice-President Antonio Tajani and to Commissioner Michel Barnier for organising and hosting this high-level con- F ference. I want to thank in particular the Minister of defence Dimitrios Avramopoulos, representing the Greek presidency of the European Union, thank you for coming; and I would like also to thank all the distinguished guests from the public and private sectors who are attending the conference.

It is a pleasure for me to join you for this discussion on a key issue: the future of the European security and defence sector. I believe it is vitally important to the European Union, to its lasting stability and prosperity as well as to its role and projection on the world stage.

As shown in our regular Eurobarometer surveys, a strong and credible Common Se- curity and Defence Policy (CSDP) features high among our citizens’ legitimate aspirations; and a credible CSDP must be underpinned by a competitive and efficient security and defence sector.

This is why, I have been pleading over the past years for a strengthening of our CSDP and of our security and defence sector. I have been doing so for instance in the Euro- pean Parliament, in the State of the Union speeches and also in many other occasions. And I am happy to see that progress has now been achieved.

Today, I will focus here on two questions. First, why does the security and defence sector matter to the European Union? And second, how to do more and better with less?

Let me start with a few words on Europe’s industry as such. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

If we are serious when we speak about competitiveness, sustainable growth and job creation, then we need to pay more attention to our industry.

Figures show the strong resilience of the sector. Industry still accounts for over 80% of Europe’s exports and generates around a billion euros a day (365 billion euros a year) of trade surplus in manufactured goods; 75% of trade within the single market is in industry, almost every fourth private sector job is in industry, and industry accounts for over 80% of private research and innovation.

Yet this resilience is put to a test by relatively weak internal demand, shrinking investment and the subsequent declining share of industry in Europe’s GDP, currently at 15.1%.

That is why we have called for what we have called the “European Industrial Renais- sance”, with concrete actions to be debated in the upcoming European Council, this very month of March. 338 The proposals we have presented earlier this year aim at bringing the share of industry in Europe’s GDP to 20% target by 2020 and better taking into account industrial competitiveness in other policy strands.

Now when it comes more specifically to the security and defence sector, figures are very compelling as well.

This is a major industrial sector, which directly employs 400.000 people and indirect- ly generates another 960.000 jobs in Europe, with a turnover of 96 billion euros in 2012 alone, and 23 billion euros of exports in 2011.

It is also a key driver of innovation, centred on high-end engineering and technologies. Its cutting-edge research has generated important indirect effects in other sectors, such as electronics, space and civil aviation and provides thousands of highly skilled jobs. Many of what have become everyday technologies, from microwave to internet, as you know, have their roots in the defence industry.

So clearly our security and defence industrial sector matters for economic reasons. It significantly contributes to the growth of the wider economy. And by strengthening this industrial sector we can also strengthen our economies.

But it does of course matter for strategic reasons too.

It is a key element of our capacity to ensure that every European has access to security, economic prosperity, political freedom and social well-being. It is therefore at the core of Europe’s “raison d’être”.

But it is also at the core of Europe’s role and ambition on the international stage, in an increasingly interdependent and interconnected world. STRENGTHENING EUROPE SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR

The strategic and geopolitical environment is constantly evolving and we are witnessing a wide range of new and complex security challenges of trans-national nature. To name a few, international terrorism, organised crime, cyber threats, piracy, human rights violations, all this challenges can only be tackled in a comprehensive approach combining different policies and instruments, underpinned by a large range of civil and military capabilities.

Recent events from Afghanistan to Africa and even more recently Ukraine have shown that for the sake of its own stability and security, Europe has to pay attention to old “frozen conflicts” and other potential new flashpoints.

There is also beyond Europe a growing demand for Europeans to dispatch their military forces on mission abroad.

We must have the capabilities to defend and uphold our values and interests in our neighbourhood and beyond, and to promote our commitment to a multilateral, rule- based approach to international affairs. 339

The reality is that in today’s rapidly evolving security environment, the need for further efforts in security and defence is increasingly seen as a matter of political credibility of the European Union.

So a strengthened and credible CSDP underpinned by a competitive and efficient security and defence sector is a key political, strategic and economic priority.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Now how can we do more and better with less?

And I say less because we are living under financial constraint, as we all know.

Because indeed we have to do more with less: expectations for more action from Europe worldwide have been rising since the 1990s, but defence budgets have substantially been reduced over the same period.

This has adversely affected public R&D spending in the defence sector. Between 2006 and 2010 R&D spending in this sector has declined by 14% while the overall budgets diminished by 3.5%. The US alone today spends seven times more on defence R&D than all 28 Member States together.

At the same time, the cost of modern capabilities has steadily increased: the growing technological complexity of defence equipment and reduced production volumes are having a knock-on effect on the industry.

What does this mean for us?

This means that with shrinking defence budgets we have to think differently about how we work together. This must serve as a catalyst for a more co-operative work. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

We need to take a hard look together at what we need to improve and how to do it.

There is room for Member States to get better value from their existing defence budgets. There is room for an improved coordination of equipments and requirements and more efficient collaborative programmes.

Indeed there is a lot we can do together to overcome the current fragmentation of the European defence market, to avoid duplication of capabilities, to achieve greater cost-effectiveness and ultimately to enable Europe to maintain a competitive defence industrial and technological base.

Of course, this is primarily for the Member States to define the ambition, degree of autonomy and scope of CSDP and future work on capabilities.

But Member States and European institutions have to work together to adapt and respond to these new challenges. Indeed, this effort is already being pursued through 340 the so-called “pooling and sharing” approach in the European Union in complementarity with the so-called “smart defence” concept in NATO.

This is the reason why the European Commission, in full respect of the Member States’ competences, has come with some ideas. And we have, within our competences, taken bold initiatives and will continue to do so. I am particularly pleased that the December European Council has broadly endorsed our proposals of last July for a more efficient and a more competitive defence and security sector.

Let me recall them briefly.

First, we have proposed to reduce the current market fragmentation by tackling market distortions and improving security of supply on the basis of the two directives adopted in 2009: one on intra-EU transfers and the other on public procurement.

Second, we also propose to strengthen the competitiveness of Europe’s Defence Tech- nological and Industrial Base (EDTIB) by promoting standardisation and common certification; by improving access to raw material; and by properly ensuring SMEs’ role in the supply chain, notably through the development of industrial clusters with SMEs.

Third, we propose to fully exploit potential synergies between civil and defence sectors by developing more dual-use products and capabilities. We are notably looking at ensuring as many synergies as possible between our civil research programme, Ho- rizon 2020, and those co-ordinated by the European Defence Agency.

Horizon 2020 was conceived for civilian purposes but there is a lot of dual use potential in key enabling technologies. There is also a specific theme “Secure societies” with many potential and spill over effects on defence.

And we are working on a preparatory action to support defence related research outside Horizon 2020. STRENGTHENING EUROPE SECURITY AND DEFENCE SECTOR

To deliver this ambitious agenda, the Commission, through the Defence task Force set up in 2011, continues to work in close consultation with the External Action Service, of course under the leadership of our representative and Vice-president of the Commission Cathy Ashton, with the Member States and the European Defence Agency.

Ladies and gentlemen,

I am glad that the Commission’s proposals have been one of the pillars of the Europe- an Council discussions and conclusions in December.

But clearly this is not the end of the road. It is the beginning of a new chapter, a new dynamic for CSDP. Let’s not forget that the European Council will address concrete progress on all issues in June 2015.

The Commission is now working on a roadmap with concrete actions and timelines, to be adopted by the summer. 341

And today’s conference is an opportunity for us to hear your views on the way ahead and on how we could best add value to European-level action; as defence is clearly one of the new frontiers of European Union cooperation

I thank you for your attention.

Speech at the EU-Africa Summit

EU-AFRICA SUMMIT BRUSSELS, 2 APRIL 2014

Dear President Aziz, Dear Chairperson Dlamini-Zuma Your Excellencies, Distin- 343 guished Heads of State and Government, Dear Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon La- dies and Gentlemen, Dear Friends,

et me also welcome you to Brussels, the headquarters of the European Union Institutions. I am delighted to see so many of you here today. Your presence and L the richness of the agenda of this Summit are a real illustration of the vibrant partnership that exists between our two continents.

It is the first time we meet in a Europe-Africa format since the passing away of the great African and world leader, Nelson Mandela. He was a giant. He changed the course of his country, of the African continent and of the whole world. I trust that his vision, his commitment to peace, freedom and justice and his wisdom will inspire our discussions today and our actions tomorrow.

This is the 4th EU-Africa Summit which brings together in one place 54 African and 28 European countries.

I also welcome the presence in this Summit of Secretary General Ban Ki Moon and all our other high level guests. This perfectly illustrates that our vision of the world is one of cooperation and not competition, of openness and not retrenchment or exclusivity. History shows that people and countries prosper when they open up to the world, when they expand their trade, when they exchange ideas. Our partnership with Africa, like with any other partner, is constructed as a bridge and not as a barrier to more global cooperation. For us the era of spheres of influence should be over. We need to replace it by wider circles of convergence.

Our partnership with Africa is a partnership based on mutual respect – and I underline the word ‘respect’ – a partnership of equals. A partnership that is now more relevant than ever. Both our continents are going through tremendous change. In Europe, we are deepening and enlarging. We are now 28 countries and we are making the necessary reforms to remain open, united and even stronger. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Africa is also on the move. Change is all over, from the shores of the Mediterranean to the coasts of the Atlantic and Indian Oceans. Economic and demographic growth represents an exciting opportunity. I was able to witness all these changes in my several visits to Africa, from Cotonou to Cape Town, from Ivory Coast to Cape Verde, from Tunisia to Tanzania, from Algeria to Angola, from Morocco to Mozambique. Profound changes are happening.

Future generations will face a totally different world and I believe a totally different Africa. In the next 50 years they could witness Africa’s population quadruple and the African GDP triple. They could witness the continent decisively affirming itself on the international scene.

Last year I was honoured to represent the EU on the 50th anniversary of the African Union in Addis and to express, on behalf of the European Union, our support to the spirit of African renaissance and to the integration of the continent.

344 But to deliver on the great potential of Africa, responsible leadership will be fundamental to overcome the challenges and risks that still exist.

The challenges of eradicating poverty, of promoting a sustainable and inclusive growth that does not deplete the continent’s natural resources, the challenges of consolidating democracy, rule of law, good governance and respect for human rights, the threat of emerging radical movements, as we saw unfortunately in Mali and Somalia or the fragility of State structures that challenge the viability of countries such as the Central African Republic or Guinea Bissau.

These challenges are common to us all. When terrorism expands in the Sahel or in the Horn of Africa, it is a threat to Africa and to Europe. When migration flows become unmanageable and the source of organised crime, it is a threat to Africa and to Eu- rope. When growth increases in Africa, it is an opportunity for Africa and for Europe.

Your Excellencies, Heads of State and Government,

It was for these reasons, amongst others, that we launched a common European Un- ion-Africa strategy in Lisbon in 2007, to enable us, over the years to come, to move further and further ahead as equal partners showing mutual respect.

The partnership between Africa and Europe is one of a kind. It is a natural partnership, based on our common history and our geographical proximity. It is also based on our shared desire to place human dignity and better living conditions for our people at the heart of our actions. It is a partnership based on mutual interests. Peace for you means peace for us. Prosperity for you means prosperity for us. Well-being for our people means well-being for your people. This partnership is becoming ever more crucial. Europe and Africa are stronger when we work together. Together we can also help to frame an international agenda based on the principles of peace, justice and freedom. SPEECH AT THE EU-AFRICA SUMMIT

This solidarity, distinguished Heads of State and Government, is also reflected in concrete commitments and actions, which can be better illustrated by figures rather than words

Between 2007 and 2013, around 140 billion euros, that is to say, 20 billion euros per year, have been made available on the continent of Africa, which receives an average of 40% of the European Union’s collective ODA. We shall remain equally ambitious over the period 2014-2020. I would like briefly to express my appreciation for our Member States. The truth is that, in the midst of a European crisis, and even though they have reduced the European budget, the countries of the European Union have nevertheless chosen to maintain the bulk of these development-aid commitments to Africa. On the basis of the European budget which we are responsible for managing, the European Commission alone will make available some 28 billion euros in aid for the continent as a whole.

Over the last ten years, we have provided 1.2 billion euros for the African Peace Facil- ity. I am pleased to be able to announce here today that some 800 million euros will 345 be made available over the next three years, because, though we support the principle of African solutions for Africa’s problems, we shall continue to offer it solidarity as it tackles those problems.

This is a question both of common values and of strategic intelligence.

Similarly, Europe will be at the forefront of multilateral efforts to set a global and ambitious post-2015 agenda, based both on the fight against poverty and on the fight for sustainability.

In this respect, economic integration between our two continents will be vital. Be- tween 2007 and 2012, our total commercial exchanges increased by 45%, and almost 44% of direct foreign investments in Africa between 2005 and 2010 came from Eu- rope. It is clear, therefore, that, even during the economic and financial crisis, our commercial and economic relations were sufficiently dynamic to allow a remarkable degree of growth. I believe that we can do even more and even better, particularly in terms of economic partnership agreements, because by increasing opportunities for trade and investment we can help to ensure sustainable growth and job creation.

EPAs can also act as springboards to economic integration at continental level, at pan-African level, as set out in Africa’s Agenda 2063 drawn up by the Commission of the African Union. This integration is something we are extremely eager to see.

Now that we are living in an era of global interdependence, this summit also offers an opportunity to re-state our shared determination to tackle all of the global challenges facing us, particularly those relating to food security, migration, energy and climate change.

Climate change is one of the key challenges of our times and it is the poorest countries that are suffering most. Europe will be on the front line in the quest to achieve a global agreement in Paris in 2015, shoulder to shoulder with our African partners. As IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

the Maasai proverb reminds us, ‘We do not inherit the Earth from our ancestors; we borrow it from our children’.

The alliance between Africa and Europe is more crucial than ever. Our populations expect us to offer them a future of peace, democracy and prosperity. In a changing world, with other partners emerging, it is now more important than ever to make our partnership flourish, to give it a direction and to give it a future.

Thank you for your attention.

346 Acceptance speech for the Atlantic Council's Distinguished Leadership Award

2014 DISTINGUISHED LEADERSHIP AWARDS WASHINGTON DC, 30 APRIL 2014

Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, dear friends, 347

et me start by thanking Governor Huntsman for his very kind and spirited words. A word of thanks also to Chancellor Angela Merkel for her friendly L transatlantic message from Berlin. And a final word of sincere recognition to the Atlantic Council and Fred Kempe for this honourable distinction.

I was told when I was invited to come here that these are the Oscar prize for foreign policy. In this case I’m not going to make a long list of persons to which I dedicate this prize. I can only say to you very sincerely that, yes, I am a very committed Euro- pean and, yes, I am very committed to this great relationship and friendship between United States and European Union.

Not only politically, when I was Foreign Minister and Prime Minister of Portugal, but also as President of the Commission during these last ten years I’ve done my best to make this a strong relationship. And today when I was listening to this first speeches today I was also remembering some time I spent here in Washington, D.C., ‘cause I was two years, four semesters, visiting professor at Georgetown University.

And let me tell you that the students that time were even much more disciplined than this audience when this you were listening to the different speeches. At that time I was always suspicious when I saw students coming to my course or my seminars with Coca-Cola or Pepsi Cola.

In Europe usually that does not happen. But I assume that tonight it’s a moment of conviviality and that we can also drink to this great relationship between Europe and United States. Now, dear friends and distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, it is indeed a great honour to receive this award from such a prestigious institution and in such distinguished company.

I see many friends around here. I cannot mention all of them. But thanks to all of them who came and also to share this moment with me and the other-- recipients of IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

this prize. I want to congratulate Atlantic Council for the great work you do. And I also warmly applaud my fellow honourees, Secretary Hagel, Tom Enders, General Dunford and Ruslana for their leadership, example and inspiration in their different fields of activity.

Let me make a special word to Ruslana, artist and activist, whose consistent advocacy for democratic change in Ukraine is quite remarkable. I assure you that European Union is strongly committed to supported the people of Ukraine as they are striving to turn their legitimate inspiration for peace, democracy and freedom into reality.

The European Union itself is a child of the victory of peace and democracy over the forces of destruction and oppression. In a reaction to the traumatic events of our past, human dignity, freedom and justice lie at the very heart of European integration. And from the very beginning this has been a vision going well beyond our borders. Indeed the very first words of the European Union birth certificate, the famous Schuman Declaration, are not about Europe but about world peace. The European community, 348 the European Union as you know started after the Second World War. And so, the idea, the basic concept, was to put together former enemies and through economic integration promote in fact political union, promote this space that today we have in Europe of freedom and democracy.

And the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to the European Union in 2012 was certainly an acknowledgement of our great achievements in the past building a peaceful, democratic, free Europe. But this is not about an idea of the past. It’s about what remains more than ever a project for the future.

The powerful images of Ukrainian protesters waving the European flag tell us more about this than a long speech could do. They show this where they feel-- that they feel that they belong emotionally, culturally, politically, they belong to Europe. Those young people in Ukraine that want to be closer to us and they were not allowed to be closer to us, because someone thought that a country, a sovereign country, a sovereign member of the United Nations in the 21st century has not the right to decide its own destiny. This is why I want to say that tonight my thoughts are also with millions of people within Ukraine and indeed all over the world are fighting for peace, for democracy, for freedom and human dignity. We will stand by them.

Ladies and gentlemen, the attractiveness of Europe’s values, way of life, respect for cultural diversity, is something that I directly experience myself. I was 18 years of age. It was 40 years ago when my country, a very old European country, Portugal, for centuries of history, was leaving 48 years of dictatorship.

And this year we are commemorating my country the 40 anniversary of democracy. That’s why I feel so close to the new democracies of-- central and eastern European countries. For my generation in Portugal or in Spain or in Greece and for the other generations now in Poland or Czech Republic or Hungary or the Baltic countries or Romania or Bulgaria or Slovenia, Europe, European Union appeared as a promise of democracy. NATO was critically important, but in fact the way to join European ACCEPTANCE SPEECH FOR THE ATLANTIC COUNCIL'S DISTINGUISHED LEADERSHIP AWARD

Union appeared to these countries as a way also of joining the more advanced democracies in the world.

Just a figure to give you-- in 2004 when-- the Poland joined the European Union the GDP per capita of Poland was more or less GDP per capita of Ukraine. Now it is more than three times bigger. This shows how powerful is European Union in terms of magnet, attraction, and also with the transformative power to bring these countries together. And yes-- my first mandate as President of Commission started when we went from 15 to 25 countries. We are commemorating-- today and these days the anniversary, the tenth anniversary, of this big enlargement. But now, when I will leave the European Commission presidency we are 28 countries.

If I was invited by you one or two years it will not be such a festive occasion, because when I was coming to the United States one or two years the question I was receiving more often was, “Is Greece going to exit? When is Greece going to exit euro? When is the implosion of the euro? When is disintegration of the European Union?” 349 And today I can tell you, no, we did not disintegrate. You may trust European Union not only as a loyal partner, but also as a strong force that is resilient, because some of those analysts and commentators that were predicting the end of the euro, and they were certainly great experts in economy and finance, but they have underestimated the political logic behind the euro.

As Chancellor Merkel and many other great leaders in Europe said, we will stand by the euro, because the euro is more than a currency. It’s a symbol of the determination of the Europeans to stand together. And this was underestimated not only in our partners, but also in Europe itself.

So, it’s representing this European Union that has shown resilience, capacity to resist, and today we can say the euro area is a haven of stability. The euro is a credible, strong and stable currency. It’s representing this European Union that I’m speaking to you tonight and tell you that we need to do more together. And I think the recent events in the Ukraine, in the other parts of the world, show that we should never take peace for granted and that we should work together, United States and Europe, for this purpose. Because if you can make the deal on the transatlantic trade and investment partnership it will be the biggest ever bilateral trade and investment agreement made. But apart from the economic dimension, it is the biggest economic relation by any-- way you analyse, the American-European Union relationship. That’s why the business community of both sides of the Atlantic are so supportive. Apart from the economic dimension I was saying we have the geopolitical dimension. It means that the two of the biggest economies in the world, Europe and the United States, open economies, open societies, sharing the same values, are able to make an agreement between themselves, with an agreement that will probably set the global standard.

So, what a great historic achievement it can be? So, my message today, or this evening, to you is let’s work to make it happen, not only for the benefit of course of the citizens of the European Union and of the United States but also of the world. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Because I believe that open societies and open economies have a lot to give to the world. I don’t believe those declinologues, as we say sometimes in Europe, those who are preaching the decline of the values of the West, of developed economies, are right. I believe they are wrong. I believe the value of freedom, be it in economy or be it in politics is stronger than any other value. That’s why we have to come to that agreement. And I’m sure that you, the Atlantic Council, are going to give a very important contribution for that.

I was proud that sometime ago-- in the margin of a G8 Summit together with Pres- ident Obama I’ve launched these negotiations for the transatlantic Trade and Invest- ment Partnership. It is a platform to project our shared values worldwide with regard to open markets, democracy and the rule of law.

We can say to some extent that this transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership can become the economic pillar of our political alliance. Ladies and gentlemen, our long history and very rich history teaches us that capacity for change and renewal 350 is as much in our European DNA as it is in the American one. And today United States-Europe partnership can again adapt and thrive amidst new challenge, play a leadership role in shaping this globalized world into a fairer, safer, rules-base, human-rights-abiding place.

And in pursuing this objectives we should all remember the world-- the words of Abraham Lincoln, a man who also stood to the challenge of keeping the union of its country, of this country. And he said, “Let’s have faith that right makes might. And in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty as we understand it.” I’m sure the Atlantic Council and the citizens of the European Union and the United States are ready to do their duty as they understand it.

Thank you very much for your distinction. Let reason prevail over force

JAGIELLONIAN UNIVERSITY – CONFERRAL OF THE PLUS RATIO QUAM VIS GOLD MEDAL KRAKÓW, 10 MAY 2014

Mr President of the Republic, Mr Rector of the Jagiellonian University, Distinguished 351 Honourees, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen,

et me start by thanking Rector Wojciech Nowak, Professor Karol Musioł and the Jagiellonian University. I am deeply grateful to receive this honour, the Plus L Ratio Quam Vis, from such a prestigious University; one of the oldest Univer- sities in Europe, on the occasion of its 650th anniversary.

It is with real emotion that I participate in this commemoration of a Polish university where among others have studied such great Polish, European and world figures like Nicolaus Copernicus and Karol Józef Wojtyła who later became Pope Jean Paul II.

This morning I could visit the Collegium Maius and learn more about your proud tradition.

The history of your university bears witness of the extraordinary resilience of the women and men of Poland. Throughout a very turbulent history marked by so many changes, more than once your determination and your courage have prevailed over wars and invasions, partitions and deportations, deprivation and totalitarianism. Thanks to you and your ancestors today Poland stands as a strong democracy and a vibrant member of our European Union.

Both you and your predecessors have shown as Czesław Miłosz put it: “The passion- less cannot change history.”

The history of your university is also the history of the extraordinary resilience of an ideal: the aspiration to European unity. Over the centuries this enduring ideal has always outlived war, nationalism and division. It went through a stormy journey, from our common Christian roots, the Renaissance and the rediscovery of Europe’s Greco-Roman heritage, the early days of the European communities and then the fall of the Iron Curtain and the Berlin Wall; from the peregrinatio academica to the Euro- pean Commission’s Erasmus programmes and Marie Skłodowska-Curie Fellowships. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

The history of your university sends to all of us a powerful message: how important it is to hold on to our ideals. Nothing worth having is easy to get. We will suffer set- backs. We will be confronted with doubts and even fears. But if we hold firm on what we believe in, if we stick to our goals and uphold our values; then we can look forward with confidence to a brighter future.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Plus Ratio Quam Vis is the motto of your University and to receive the Plus Ratio Quam Vis gold medal has a very special meaning for me, personally of course, but also as President of the European Commission.

“Let reason prevail over force” or “Let wisdom prevail over power” could have been indeed the motto of the European Union. A Union built on shared values: peace, democracy, respect of human dignity, and I mean the respect of every man, woman and child, tolerance and justice. It has been since the very beginning the guiding principle 352 of the European integration process. A process built on free consent. No country has been forced to join or stay against the collective will of its citizens.

Let reason prevail over wars has been the founding narrative of our Union born on the ashes of two devastating World Wars. And it still remains our fundamental “raison d’être”. Peace is not a given once and for all. How could we forget it as the crisis in Ukraine is showing the fragility of peace in Europe and challenging the core values on which our Union is built?

Let reason prevail over oppression and division has been the dream of millions of Europeans from the streets of Lisbon and Athens in 1974 to the Gdansk shipyards in 1980 and then Berlin in 1989. And for each of us, our accession to the European Union has contributed to anchor democracy in our countries and to support our economic progress.

Enlargement, or what I prefer to call it: reunification of Europe, has been a key element of the project of a united, free, democratic continent at peace. It also makes Europe more prosperous. It has indeed made Europe more stable and stronger. In this fast-changing globalised world, size and integrity matter more than ever.

That is why our European firm commitment must be now to let reason prevail over the reawakening of the old demons – the demons of populism, protectionism, extreme nationalism, xenophobia. We need to move toward a more perfect political union to strengthen our capacity while upholding our values and defending our interests and model of society.

Today two leading intellectuals – Professor Robert Huber and Professor Witold Kieżun – will be conferred Honoris causa degrees from the Jagiellonian University and let me extend my warmest congratulations to both of them.

People of the worlds of science and culture can play a vital role to confront prejudices, to break down barriers, and to draw people together beyond borders. They can deep- LET REASON PREVAIL OVER FORCE en our understanding, raise questions, mobilise our imagination and, also sometimes from unconventional perspectives, light the way towards creative solutions to new challenges. As Marie Skłodowska-Curie, once said and I quote “nothing in life is to be feared. It is only to be understood.”

And when I had the great honour on behalf of the European Union to make the acceptance speech of the Nobel Peace Prize attributed precisely to the European Union, I not only quoted that great Polish and European figure that was John Paul II but I also mentioned that at the core of the European Union and at the core of our civilization is the idea of science and culture. And I believe, more than ever, that the role of universities and I want also to extend my admiration to the community of universities across Poland is so important in this very turbulent and unpredictable beginning of the 21st Century.

And the European leaders of this 21st century should nurture these words of Marie Skłodowska-Curie since we do have now to make decisions that will determine for many years whether Europe remains an area of stability, shared prosperity and free- 353 dom.

Europe is now at a turning point where we do need to come to a clear political understanding of what we want and need to do together and to display an unwavering commitment to the democratic power of deliberation and to forge a new consensus for a united, open and stronger Europe.

The fundamental question we must answer is what kind of communality do we recognise as necessary; and the fundamental approach we must embrace is a cooperative one between the European Union, its institutions and all its the Member States.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Let me conclude by stressing that as imperfect as our Union might be we should never forget that millions outside our borders want what we take for granted, millions outside our borders some of them close to Poland like Ukraine in fact are aspiring to our standards of living, to the fundamental civil and political freedoms, to the rule of law, to free and fair elections and to the respect of their sovereignty.

But the fact is that our European success story has never been a natural development and we would take it for granted at our peril. It has always been a process – based on reform and not revolution - requiring at each step clear vision, steady determination and hard work.

And today more than ever it requires collective political vision and leadership as well as explicit national ownership. Europe is not just Brussels or Strasbourg, it is not just European institutions, Europe is all of us, Europe is also here at the centre of Europe, at the centre of Poland, it is here in Krakow. It is now our responsibility to continue making the path as we walk. Having that in mind, as another great former student of your university Wisława Szymborska’s said: “The only roads are those that offer access.” [Nie ma dróg innych oprócz drogi dojścia].

Paving the way for a European Energy Security Strategy

ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY CONFERENCE BRUSSELS, 21 MAY 2014

Dear Prime-Minister Tusk, Dear Commissioner Oettinger, Ladies and gentlemen, 355

would like to thank and congratulate Commissioner Oettinger for this initiative, for the competence he has shown pushing this very important file inside the I Commission. Commissioner Oettinger and his services are doing a great job under exceptionally challenging circumstances, and I want to acknowledge that.

Today’s conference could not be more topical. With the events in Ukraine, Europe is facing a threat to its peace, stability and security the likes of which we have not seen since the fall of the Iron Curtain.

The ‘Great Game’ of geopolitics has made an unwelcome return and this is being particularly felt in the area of energy. Unfortunately the actions of some actors are based on a logic we cannot share. Because the European idea stems from a different perspective. For us the rule of law prevails over the rule of force. Sovereignty is shared and not limited. The logic of cooperation replaces the logic of confrontation.

And this leads - at least temporarily - to consequences we did not want, because Eu- rope’s world view sees countries as free to choose their own partnerships and to look for opportunities wherever they can be found, not as exclusively part of one sphere of influence or another, or bound to choose between one camp and the other.

But the current situation also asks some very real and very tough questions to the European Union. It is a test to our resolve, our determination and our unity. And all this comes together in the field of energy security. In fact the Ukraine crisis once again shows that for Europe energy independence is crucial. We have to explore all the possibilities which make this goal reachable. The situation also confirms that it is in our own interest to choose a path towards a low carbon, competitive and energy secure European Union. And, first of all, that it is vital for us that we stay together and united. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

The European Commission has been calling and making proposals for such a stronger and more robust EU energy policy over these last years. There were many times in which we, in different Council formations and myself in the European Council, were pleading for a truly European energy policy. The reality is that because there were probably other priorities at the time, including by the way the very important financial crisis, minds were not sufficiently focussed on the urgency of a real energy policy for the EU. But because of these recent developments, I believe now minds are focussed and we could now make more progress than in the years before. This has been an objective, to increase our security of supply through our energy and also our climate policies. But now, because the situation has changes, I believe it is time to take it one step further.

This is vital for our prosperity, for our strength and our credibility. So we have to prove that European cooperation and integration is the right way – the only way indeed - to overcome such challenges. I am extremely pleased to discuss this with you, with my friend, Prime Minister of Poland Donald Tusk. I want to also to thank you, 356 Prime Minister, for your strong commitment to this energy policy in the EU. In fact, we have launched this very inspiring idea of this energy community and I can testify that the Prime Minister and Poland have always been among our Member States one of those that have been doing more to achieve what I believe is critically important, that is to have a real Europeanization of energy policies – from the interconnectors and the infrastructures to the internal market and other instruments that we can develop. And I wish that many of your ideas that have been so important for the debate can now be discussed also among the members of the European Council, and as you know the European Commission is preparing and I will have the honour to present some ideas also in the European Council next month.

Ladies and gentlemen,

Europe’s energy dependency is of course not new. But it did gain an added dimension in the light of recent events and in a context of growing energy demand worldwide, which is expected to increase by 27% by 2030.

The European Union currently imports 53% of the energy it consumes and is dependent on external suppliers for crude oil (almost 90%), natural gas (66%) and to a lesser extent also solid fuels (42%) as well as nuclear fuel (40%).

Some countries are particularly vulnerable, namely the less integrated and connected regions such as the Baltic and Eastern Europe. Six of our Member States depend on Russia as single supplier for their entire gas imports and three of them use natural gas for more than a quarter of their total energy needs. Nevertheless, this discussion is vital for the European Union as a whole and not just of the countries most concerned. Our external energy bill today represents more than 1 billion € per day and more than a fifth of total European imports. In fact, as you know, the EU today has a surplus in trade, not only in goods and in services, but since recently we have also a surplus in agriculture. The only important area where we don’t have a surplus for obvious reasons, is of course raw materials and energy. PAVING THE WAY FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY

At the same time, dependency is a two-way street. It ties both suppliers and custom- ers alike. Russia exports 80% of its oil and more than 70% of its gas to the EU - by far the most attractive market for Russia. Its revenues from this trade are key for the Russian budget. That is why we have stressed very firmly over the last months that energy must not be abused as a political weapon. Doing so would only backfire on those who try it.

Temporary disruptions of gas supplies in the winters of 2006 and 2009 already provided a wake-up call, underlining the need for a common European energy policy. Since then – and I remember well, because at that time I had to intervene very strongly, speaking not only with the leadership in Russia but also the leadership in Ukraine, and the European Commission has done everything it could to help the Member States most affected – since then, the Commission has done a lot to strengthen the EU’s energy security in terms of gas supplies and to reduce the number of Member States exclusively dependent on one single supplier. Over the years, we have made significant progress towards completion of the internal energy market with increased interconnections. And in parallel, we have built up one of the best records worldwide 357 in terms of energy intensity and a more balanced energy mix. So we have a lot to build on, and a lot of experience to learn from.

Yet despite all this the EU remains vulnerable. The tensions over Ukraine again drove home that message. For that reason, the European Council in March put a strong focus on security of supply and invited the Commission to study the EU’s energy security in depth and develop a strategy for the reduction of our energy dependence by June. This is something our services are now working very hard on.

The strategy should build on a number of strengths and lessons learnt from current policies as well the effectiveness of the Union’s response to previous energy supply crises.

All too often energy security issues are being addressed at national level without taking fully into account the interdependence between Member States and the added value of a more collective approach at regional and European levels, in particular for coordinating networks and opening up markets.

And energy security in the long term is also intrinsically linked to the EU becoming a competitive, low-carbon economy. Stronger energy security and the 2030 energy and climate framework go hand in hand. Energy security and decarbonization are actually two sides of the same coin.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

There are a number of key areas where action is needed in the short, medium and longer term:

Reducing energy demand is a fundamental precondition for limiting our energy dependence. It is also crucially important from a competitiveness perspective: as a price taker, the EU cannot rely on cheap energy, but can limit overall energy costs through by being more efficient. Meeting the existing 2020 energy efficiency target of 20% IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

will result in 371 million tonnes of oil equivalent primary energy savings in 2020. So we need to speed up our efforts and focus on heating in building and industry, transport and equipment in particular so as to achieve our agreed target of 20%.

Next, increasing energy production in the European Union wherever possible. In the past two decades, our own production of energy has steadily declined. Howev- er, thanks to the 2020 targets, in 2012 energy from renewable sources contributed 14.1% of final energy consumption, and the European Union is on track to meet this common 20%-goal by 2020.

Member States have already planned to add an additional 29 million tonnes of oil equivalent of renewable heating between 2012 and 2020, corresponding to about 85% of the Russian natural gas imports used for heat production. Strengthening a market-based approach and improving coordination of national support schemes can provide further impetus to this very promising evolution.

358 Some Member States have also opted for nuclear energy to avoid excessive dependence from non-European suppliers. This remains an option that our Member states can explore according to their political and societal circumstances. Fully exploiting the potential of conventional hydrocarbons both in traditional production areas, like the North Sea, and in newly discovered areas, for instance in the Eastern Mediter- ranean, is also on the cards. And on top of that the possibility of unconventional resources, such as shale gas, is being considered by some Member States. The Com- mission has already provided a recommendation to ensure that risks that may arise from individual projects and cumulative developments are managed adequately in Member States that wish to explore or exploit such resources.

Diversifying external energy supplies is also vital. At EU level, external gas supplies are more diversified today than they were a decade ago, mainly due to new liquefied natural gas producers and to the rapid development of LNG regasification capacities in Eu- rope. This is a development to build on, for instance through mechanisms that could increase the bargaining power of European buyers, as proposed by Poland precisely.

Building a resilient internal market remains work in progress. Following the 2009 gas crisis, we have taken action to strengthen gas interconnections and have successfully implemented “reverse flow” projects with financial support from the Europe- an Economic Plan Recovery. We need to step up such efforts, mainly through the Connecting Europe Facility, which Member States are now implementing. I expect governments to act swiftly in this critical field, for instance when it comes to permits. Because a functioning internal energy market, both for regulation and infrastructure, is the best cushion against external supply shocks. The Commission will continue to push for this, as the guardian of the Treaties.

Strengthening our emergency and solidarity mechanisms is another field for action. This includes minimum storage obligations, cooperation between Member States and crisis coordination mechanisms, which should be considered carefully. And, as highlighted in the G7 Ministerial Statement adopted earlier this month in Rome, emergency plans for the next winter should be developed at regional level. PAVING THE WAY FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY

And finally, developing our technological and industrial capabilities will be vital. From highly-efficient new coal plants and to the large scale deployment of CO2 cap- ture and storage at coal-fired power stations, tomorrow’s energy potential will depend on today’s research. And, you know, we have also made a point of making this a clear priority in our next perspectives in terms of support for research, the Horizon 2020 European Union programme.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The June European Council will be crucial for our energy security strategy.

The Commission’s to-do-list is clear:

A final decision on the new 2030 climate and energy policy framework - ensuring a cost-effective transition to a competitive low-carbon economy - should be taken as quickly as possible. 359 Also for reasons of certainty and not only for the climate discussions, this is important, because they are going to have a high level event in the margins of the general assembly in New York in September, called by Secretary General Ban Ki-moon, but also because the most important economic players in Europe and outside of Europe are asking us is what is our panorama, what is our horizon, what is the legal certainty we can have. So the sooner the Member States agree on the 2030 horizon the better.

For the next winter, we will ensure coordination with Member States and all key players for increasing storage, developing reverse flows, the LNG potential, as well as security of supply plans at regional and EU levels.

The European Union must reduce its external dependency on particular suppliers and fuels by diversifying its energy sources, suppliers and routes, notably through the Southern Gas Corridor - which the Commission, and I have to say myself personally, has pushed tirelessly over the last years - and a new gas hub in Southern Europe. Our Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership should also have an energy chapter where we further advance the goal of a transatlantic gas market.

Energy security in the European Union cannot be separated from the energy security of its neighbours and partners within the Energy Community, notably Ukraine. That is why the Commission brokered the recent agreement on reverse flows between the Slovak Republic and Ukraine. Once again, thanks to Günther Oettinger. And this is why the Commission is leading on behalf of the 28 the trilateral discussions with Rus- sia and Ukraine to guarantee the security of transit and supply of gas to Ukraine and to the European Union. I am glad that Member States agreed to entrust the European Commission with the responsibility to conduct these delicate talks.

And, as you know, just yesterday, on behalf of all the Member States of the Europe- an Union, I answered to President Putin clarifying what is our position on such an important and urgent matter. And just to tell you that I just came from a meeting – that’s why we came a bit later and couldn’t listen to the whole speech of Commission IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Oettinger – with the Georgian government. I received the Prime Minister of the Georgian government, and in fact they are now planning to join the European energy charter. So it shows how much it is important to have this space of energy as a way of having security and certainty and not an area of conflict.

Measures are also needed to integrate the internal energy market further, especially for the most dependent Member States. We need more integration, not more obstacles.

Energy security should be mainstreamed for the implementation of the European financial instruments up to 2020, in particular the European Regional Development Fund, the Connecting Europe Facility. As you know, this is an innovation. It was the European Commission that for the first time proposed this instrument, the Con- necting Europe Facility, not only for transport but for energy, and also symbolically for digital - symbolically because Member States could not agree more than 1 billion euros. But for energy we have some funds there, so we should also use the Connecting Europe Facility, the Horizon 2020 that I already mentioned – and there the Member 360 States agreed to increase the volumes of funding for research – and the European Neighbourhood Policy Instrument.

So we have different budgetary windows in the European Union to support, even if some resources have, of course, to come either from the national governments or from private companies. If we have a real functioning internal market I’m sure that more investment will come from our private partners. And we have of course not to forget that the European energy security should also be a stronger policy objective for the European Investment Bank interventions both in the EU and outside the EU. And we are in good contact and cooperation with the European Investment Bank on this specific issue.

More coordination of national energy policies is necessary to respond credibly to the challenge of energy security. Consultations on envisaged intergovernmental agreements with third countries having a possible impact on security of supplies are a must, and the Commission should be informed and involved at an early stage.

If we agree on these priorities and maintain the momentum that resulted from the Ukrainian wake-up call, Europe will come out of this crisis stronger, more united and more secure than we were before. In fact Energy, besides the geopolitical aspects, can be/must be a very important driver for European integration. After all, we should not forget that the European integration process started functioning precisely around coal and steel. So it is a very powerful driver for European integration, provided also there is political will of all our capitals. This is the condition sine qua non, the political will to do it. If the political will is there I have no doubts that we can achieve impressive results, not from today to tomorrow, because some of these decisions take a while to implement, but in a relatively short time. Our common project is not completed yet and energy cooperation is certainly one of the areas where we have more to gain in working together and more to lose if we act separately.

And indeed if you look at the last years, that has been constantly and consistently presented as one of areas where more Europe was needed. Not more Europe in the PAVING THE WAY FOR A EUROPEAN ENERGY SECURITY STRATEGY sense of more centralisation, but the Europeanisation of the policies. That’s what the European Commission, namely through the support to the deepening of the internal market, has been leading for some time.

I can assure you that the Commission will make very clear proposals in this sense to the June European Council. The work is going very well within our services, namely with the leadership of Günther Oettinger, but also with all the other colleagues that have to with this. I’m personally following them at work closely. So I’m happy that the Commission will be ready to present a very good package and then it will of course be up to our governments to take the next steps. I am confident they will make the necessary steps forward, speaking with one voice. Because today there is more than ever an awareness of the political and economic importance of this policy.

And to our international partners we say: the EU remains the world’s largest energy market. It remains a transparent, reliable and responsible partner. Therefore, we have a shared interest in preserving transparency, reliability and responsibility for the sake of our energy cooperation, but also for the sake of a predictable and rules based world. 361

What is at stake indeed when we speak about energy, even if we don’t want to see it as a political weapon, is much more than energy. It’s about the kind of world we want to live in.

I thank you very much for your attention.

Statement at the signing of the Association Agreements with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine

EUROPEAN COUNCIL BRUSSELS, 27 JUNE 2014

Today, we are signing Association Agreements between the European Union and 363 three important European countries: Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. This is indeed a historic day: for the three countries themselves, for the European Union and for the whole of Europe.

For our three partners, it is a recognition of the significant progress made over recent years and of their strong political determination to come closer to the European Un- ion; their shared outlook on a prosperous economic model; and their desire to live by the European spirit and with European values.

For the European Union, it is a solemn commitment to support Georgia, the Repub- lic of Moldova and Ukraine, each step of the way, along the road of transforming their countries into stable, prosperous democracies.

These Association Agreements are the logical and natural outcome of a path started more than 20 years ago when these countries became independent sovereign states.

These Agreements are also a landmark in our Eastern Partnership policy that set the objective of achieving political association and economic integration with our partners, who were willing and ready to do so.

The Agreements we are signing today are the most ambitious the European Union has entered into so far. They will enable our partner countries to drive reforms, to consolidate the rule of law and good governance; and to give an impetus to economic growth in the region by granting access to the world’s largest internal market and by encouraging cooperation across a wide range of sectors.

But let us be under no illusion. The task ahead is substantial. The Association Agree- ments’ main objective is to help to deliver on the partner countries’ own reforms, own ambitions. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

To succeed will require strong political will. It will require effective coordination within each of the partner governments. It will require each of them to reach out to their parliaments, to opposition, to civil society in order to build a national consensus in favour of the measures required to guarantee a genuine and sustainable transformation. No international agreement can ever replace the momentum and political leadership within the country itself.

Key issues to address to make the reform process successful and irreversible include reforming the judiciary systems and public administration; improving efficiency and transparency; and fighting corruption.

It is also important to state that we are not seeking an exclusive relationship with our three partners, with Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. We believe in open societies, open economies, open regionalism.

These Agreements are positive agreements. They are meant to add more momentum 364 to our partners’ established international relations, not to compete with - or intrude in - our partners’ relations with any neighbour. These Agreements are for something – they are not against anyone.

We are well aware of our partners’ aspirations to go further; and we acknowledge their European choice. As we have stated before, these agreements do not constitute the endpoint of the EU’s cooperation with its partners.

Quite the opposite. Signing these Association Agreements with Deep and Compre- hensive Free Trade Areas should not be seen as the end of the road, but as the beginning of a journey on which the European Union and these three partner countries are embarking together today.

IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

366

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Sforzi globali biex naffrontaw problemi globali — il-G20 f'Cannes fl-2011, f'Lough Erne fl-2013 u l-G8 f' L'Aquila fl-2009. 367

[minn fuq għal isfel] Udjenza privata mal-Papa Franġisku fil-Vatikan fl-2013 Realtajiet globali u traġedja umana: żjara f'Lampedusa wara l-mewt ta' aktar minn 350 immigrant, mal-Prim Ministru Enrico Letta; il-Ministru Angelino Alfano fl-isfond. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

368

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] 10 snin ta' tisħiħ tad-djalogu mal-mexxejja reliġjużi u ma' organizzazzjonijiet filosofiċi u non-konfessjonali Laqgħa mad-Dalai Lama. Kont stidintu għal waħda mil- laqgħat tagħna mal-mexxejja reliġjużi fi Brussell. Tiswir l-istorja: laqgħa fi Brussell mal-attivista impressjonanti għad-demokrazija Burmiża Aung Sang Suu Kyi. 369

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Fid-9a' summit tal-Komunità tal-Pajjiżi ta' Lingwa Portugiża (Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa - CPLP) f'Maputo, il-Mozambik, fl-2012. Kontinent ta' opportunitajiet: laqgħa mal-President tal- Kummissjoni tal-Unjoni Afrikana Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma...... iżda anki ta' sfidi urġenti: nikkordinaw l-appoġġ għall-Mali mal-President François Hollande u l-President Dioncounda Traoré – konferenza fi Brussell fl-2013. Nilqa' fil-Kummissjoni – fl-2008 – lil Abdou Diouf, Segretarju Ġenerali tal-Organisation internationale de la Francophonie. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

370

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Inġibu l-appoġġ għall-għajnuna għall-iżvilupp — ma' Bono. Ma' Bill Gates - impenn veru għall-iżvilupp. Ma' Anthony Lake, Direttur Eżekuttiv tal-UNICEF fil-kamp tar-refuġjati ta' Za’atari, il-Ġordan, inqassmu l-basktijiet tal-iskola tal-EU-UNICEF. 371

[skont l-arloġġ, mix-xellug fuq] Il-Prinċep ta' Wales iżur il-Kummissjoni Ewropea fl-2008: il-ġlieda kontra t-tibdil fil-klima kienet wieħed mis-suġġetti li ddiskutejna. Żjara l-Groenlandja fl-2007 ma' Anders Fogh Rasmussen, il-Prim Ministru Daniż, biex nosservaw l-effetti tat-tibdil fil-klima. Mexxejja Ewropej mal-President Barack Obama waqt in- negozjati diffiċli dwar il-klima f'Kopenħagen fl-2009. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

372

[SKONT L-ARLOĠĠ MIX-XELLUG FUQ] © Pete Souza/White House/Getty Images Xogħol iebes imma nieħdu gost xorta! Silvio Berlusconi qatt ma jitlef ċans biex jgħid ċajta. Mument ta' rilassament għall-Franċiżi u l-Ġermaniżi waqt is-summits G8/G20 fil- Kanada (ma' Nicolas Sarkozy, Angela Merkel u Herman Van Rompuy) fl-2010. Il-Prim Ministru David Cameron u l-Kanċilliera Angela Merkel jitgħannqu wara l-penalties fil-finali taċ-Champions League bejn iċ-Chelsea u l-Bayern Munich, waqt il-G8 f'Camp David. Like! Insiru ħbieb jien u Mark Zuckerberg waqt l-"e-G8" f'Deauville fl-2011. 373

[SKONT L-ARLOĠĠ MIX-XELLUG FUQ] L-Ewropa hi l-kultura: il-kompożitur Arvo Pärt jurini daru u l-mużika tiegħu flimkien mal-Prim Ministru Estonjan Taavi Rõivas, u l-kuratur Rem Koolhaas idawwarni mal-Biennale ta' Venezia. Id-diskors tiegħi għad-Dottorat Onorarju minn University College Cork - l-Università Nazzjonali tal-Irlanda, Cork, fl-2014. L-universitajiet huma t-tlaħħim tat-tiftixa għall-għerf. Tul il-mandat tiegħi żort aktar minn tletin università madwar l-Ewropa. Ma' Olafur Eliasson fl-istudjow tiegħu f'Berlin: Il-kontribut lid- dibattitu kulturali dwar in-Narrattiva Ġdida għall-Ewropa.

IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 TESTIMONJANZA MILL-PRESIDENT

Komunikazzjonijiet mill-Kummissjoni Ewropea Dokumenti uffiċjali

Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona

KOMUNIKAZZJONI LILL‑KUNSILL EWROPEW TAR‑REBBIEGĦA KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑PRESIDENT BARROSO BI FTEHIM MAL‑VIĊI‑PRESIDENT VERHEUGEN BRUSSEL 2.2.2005 COM(2005) 24

Daħla Għamilna dan billi ħdimna fi sħubija – l‑istituzzjonijiet, il‑gvernijiet u l‑amministrazzjonijiet fuq il‑livelli nazzjon- 377 ali, reġjonali u lokali, l‑imsieħba soċjali tagħna, is‑soċjetà It‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi: Bidu ċivili– lkoll mexjin flimkien lejn għan komuni. Ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona Dan il‑wirt jirrappreżenta investiment sostanzjali għal Aħsbu ftit x’tista’ tkun ‑l Ewropa. Aħsbu fil‑qawwa in- dik il‑viżjoni li torbotna flimkien; viżjoni, ikkonfermata trinsika ta’ l‑Unjoni mkabbra tagħna. Aħsbu fil‑potenzjal fil‑Kostituzzjoni, li niżguraw “l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli ta’ tagħha - li għad irid jiġi sfruttat - biex toħloq il‑ġid u toffri l‑Ewropa msejjes fuq tkabbir ekonomiku bbilanċjat u stab- l‑opportunitajiet u l‑ġustizzja għaċ‑ċittadini kollha tagħha. biltà fil‑prezzijiet, ekonomija soċjali tas‑suq mill‑aktar L‑Ewropa tista’ tkun xempju ta’ progress ekonomiku, soċ- kompetittiva, li timmira lejn l‑okkupazzjoni sħiħa, il‑pro- jali u ambjentali għall‑bqija tad‑dinja. gress soċjali u livell għoli ta’ ħarsien u titjib fil‑kwalità ta’ l‑ambjent”. Huwa f ’dan l‑ispirtu ta’ ottimiżmu realista li l‑Kummissjo- ni Ewropea l‑ġdida ħejjiet ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet tagħha L‑aħħar 50 sena kienu snin ta’ progress straordinarju, għar‑Reviżjoni Intermedja ta’ l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona – imma f ’dinja li dejjem tinbidel l‑Ewropa ma tistax tibqa’ l‑aġenda ambizzjuża tagħna għar‑riforma li nieda l‑Kunsill wieqfa. Huwa għalhekk li ħames snin ilu l‑Kapijiet ta’ Ewropew f ’Marzu 2000. l‑Istati u tal‑Gvernijiet iffirmaw programm ambizzjuż ta’ bidla. Huma mpenjaw irwieħhom li jagħmlu mill‑Unjo- L‑Ewropej għandhom kull raġuni li jkunu pożittivi dwar ni Ewropea l- ekonomija ta’ l‑għarfien ‑l aktar dinamika il‑potenzjal ekonomiku tagħna. Is‑suċċessi tat‑tieni nofs u kompetittiva fid‑dinja, kapaċi li toħloq tkabbir ekono- tas‑seklu għoxrin ħallew wirt b’saħħtu. Wara nofs seklu ta’ miku sostenibbli bit‑tkattir u t‑titjib ta’ l‑impjiegi u aktar paċi, magħqudin flimkien f ’Unjoni politika waħdanija ta’ koeżjoni soċjali, flimkien mar‑rispett għall‑ambjent. Stati Membri stabbli u demokratiċi, aħna għandna waħ- da mill‑ekonomiji l‑aktar żviluppati fid‑dinja waħdani- Illum, naraw li s’issa l‑aktar li nistgħu ngħidu huwa li ja. Dik l‑Unjoni ħolqot Suq Waħdieni li fil‑bażi tiegħu, r‑riżultati kienu mħallta. Filwaqt li ħafna mill‑kundizz- għall‑dawk il‑membri li qed jieħdu sehem fiha, hemm mu- jonijiet fundamentali għal rinaxximent Ewropew hemm nita waħdanija li tikkonsolida l‑istabbiltà ekonomika u tk- qegħdin, ma kienx hemm biżżejjed twettiq fuq il‑livell Ew- abbar il‑potenzjal għall‑integrazzjoni ekonomika. Ikkon- ropew u nazzjonali. Dan ma kienx biss minħabba kundiz- solidajna mudell soċjali parteċipattiv uniku. L‑istandards zjonijiet ekonomiċi diffiċli minn meta tnediet‑ l Aġenda ta’ tagħna ta’ edukazzjoni bażika huma għolja u l‑bażi xjenti- Liżbona imma jirriżulta wkoll minn aġenda politika li saret fika hija storikament żviluppata tajjeb. L‑Ewropa għand- mgħobbija ż‑żejjed, minn nuqqas ta’ suċċess fil‑koordina- ha kumpaniji dinamiċi u innovattivi b’saħħa kompetittiva ment u xi kultant minn prioritajiet konfliġġenti. Għal xi straordinarja. Fl‑aqwa tagħhom, huma qed juru kapaċità wħud, dan ifisser li għandna nabbandunaw ‑l ambizzjoni ta’ straordinarja ta’ tiġdid. Għamilna aktar progress lejn l‑iżvi- 5 snin ilu. Il‑Kummissjoni ma taqbilx ma dan. L‑isfidi li lupp sostenibbli minn kwalunkwe reġjun ieħor fid‑dinja. hemm quddiemna huma aktar urġenti issa li aħna ffaċċjati b’ popolazzjoni li qed tixjieħ u bil‑kompetizzjoni globali. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Jekk ma nsaħħux l‑impenn tagħna biex nilqgħulhom, b’en- • Niżviluppaw il‑miżuri li jħallu lill‑intrapriżi tagħna erġija u b’konċentrazzjoni mġedda, ma jdumux ma jit- jkattru u jtejbu l‑impjiegi poġġew fid‑dubju l‑mudell tagħna għas‑soċjetà Ewropea, Li npoġġu t‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi bħala l‑għan immedjat il‑pensjonijiet tagħna, il‑kwalità tal‑ħajja tagħna. imur id f ’id mal‑promozzjoni ta’ l‑għanijiet soċjali u ambjentali. L‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona hija ingredjent essenzjali Il‑bżonn ta’ azzjoni urġenti huwa kkonfermat mir‑rapport fl‑għan aktar wiesa’ ta’ żvilupp sostenibbli li jistabbilixxi tal‑Grupp ta’ Livell Għoli, ippresedut minn Wim Kok t‑Trattat: li ntejbu l‑għajnuna soċjali u l‑kundizzjonijiet ta’ f ’Novembru li għadda. Huwa jidentifika sfida qawwija. l‑għajxien b’mod sostenibbli għall‑ġenerazzjonijiet preżen- Skond Kok, “L‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona hija aktar urġenti ti u futuri. Kemm Liżbona kif ukoll l‑Istrateġija għall‑Iżvi- llum likiber id‑distakk fit‑tkabbir ekonomiku bejna u bejn lupp Sostenibbli jikkontribwixxu sabiex jiġi żgurat l‑ilħiq l‑Amerika ta’ Fuq u l‑Ażja,u fl‑istess waqt l‑Ewropa trid tif‑ ta’ dan l‑għan. Billi huma jirrinforzaw lil xulxin, jimmiraw faċċja l‑isfidi ta’ popolazzjoni li qajla qed tikber u li qed tix‑ għal azzjonijiet li jikkomplementaw lil xulxin, jużaw stru- jieħ. Ftit baqgħalna żmien u ma nistgħux nibqgħu sodisfatti menti differenti u jipproduċu ‑r riżultati tagħhom fuq skali bina nfusna. Hemm bżonn twettiq aħjar biex nirkupraw ta’ żmien differenti. iż‑żmien mitluf”. B’din l‑isfida quddiemha, ‑l Ewropa jeħtiġilha li ttejjeb il‑produttività u li toħloq aktar impjiegi. Il‑Kummissjoni hija mpenjata għal kollox għall‑iżvi- lupp sostenibbli u għall‑immodernizzar u l‑promozzjoni Skond ix‑xejriet kurrenti, it‑tkabbir potenzjali ta’ tal‑mudell soċjali Ewropew. Mingħajr aktar tkabbir ekono- l‑ekonomija Ewropea se jonqos bin‑nofs matul id‑deċennji 378 miku u impjiegi, dan ma jkunx possibbli. L‑Istrateġija li ġejjin u jasal għal kemm kemm aktar minn 1% fis‑sena. għall‑Iżvilupp Sostenibbli tagħna u l‑Aġenda Soċjali tagħ- na dan l‑aħħar kienu qed jiġu riveduti u se jiġu ppreżenta- Ir‑riżultati miksuba mill‑Ewropa huma differenti minn ti proposti fil‑ġimgħat li ġejjin, qabel il‑Kunsill Ewropew dawk tal‑kompetituri tagħna f ’partijiet oħra tad‑dinja. tar‑Rebbiegħa. Barra minn dan, irridu nkomplu naħdmu Il‑produttività tagħhom kibret iżjed malajr u investew iż- mas‑sieħba internazzjonali tagħna biex nindirizzaw żbi- jed fir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp. Aħna għadna ma ħejjejniex l‑is- lanċi makroekonomiċi globali, għax it‑tisħiħ tat‑tkabbir trutturi meħtieġa biex nantiċipaw u nikkontrollaw aħjar ekonomiku huwa ta’ ġid għas‑sieħba tagħna daqs kemm il‑bidliet fl‑ekonomija u s‑soċjetà tagħna. Għad jonqosna huwa għall‑Unjoni. wkoll viżjoni għas‑soċjetà li tkun tista’ tintegra fiha sew lil dawk li qed jixjieħu kif ukoll liż‑żgħażagħ, partikolar- “Liżbona” għalhekk titlob azzjoni immedjata u l‑argument ment fejn jidħol l‑iżvilupp tal‑forza tax‑xogħol tagħna, fejn favur li nieħdu azzjoni flimkien huwa b’saħħtu. id‑dinamika kurrenti titfa’ dell sew fuq it‑tkabbir ekonomiku fil‑ġejjieni fit‑tul kif ukoll fuq il‑koeżjoni soċjali. Il‑prezz jekk ma nagħmlux dan huwa kbir u kwantifikab- bli. Il‑prezz tan-‘nuqqas ta’ Ewropa’ ġie stabbilit permezz Il‑Kummissjoni aċċettat din l‑isfida bil‑preżentazzjoni ta’ volum qawwi ta’ evidenza akkademika. Wieħed jista’ ta’ l‑Għanijiet Strateġiċi ta’ l‑Unjoni, ‘tkabbir ekonomiku ma jaqbilx mal‑figuri. Imma li ma nwettqux lil “Liżbona” mġedded huwa essenzjali għall‑prosperità, jista’ jġib lura jkollu tassew il‑prezz tiegħu. L‑aħjar xhieda nistgħu in- l‑okkupazzjoni sħiħa u huwa l‑pedament tal‑ġustizzja soċ‑ sibuha fit‑tkabbir tad‑distakk bejn il‑potenzjal tat‑tkabbir jali u ta’ l‑opportunitajiet għal kulħadd. Huwa wkoll vitali ekonomiku ta’ l‑Ewropa u dak ta’ partners ekonomiċi oħra. għall‑pożizzjoni ta’ l‑Ewropa fid‑dinja u għall‑kapaċità ta’ Madankollu, ir‑rebħ potenzjali minn integrazzjoni ekono- l‑Ewropa li timmobilizza r‑riżorsi biex tiffaċċja bosta sfidi glo‑ mika aktar wiesgħa u profonda f ’Ewropa mkabbra huma bali differenti’. enormi.

Neħtieġu ekonomija dinamika sabiex nirrankaw l‑am- Din ir‑revizjoni intermedja tgħid kif nistgħu ngħinu bizzjonijiet aktar wiesgħa tagħna fil‑qasam soċjali u amb- lill‑Ewropa tiffaċċja ‑l isfidi tat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u ta’ jentali. Huwa għalhekk li l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona mġedda l‑impjiegi. Hija tniedi l‑idea ta’ Ħidma bi Sħab għat‑Tk- tikkonċentra fuq it‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi. Biex abbir Ekonomiku u għall‑Impjiegi, appoġġjata minn Pro- nagħmlu dan irridu niżguraw li: gramm ta’ Azzjoni għall‑Unjoni u Programmi Nazzjon- ali ta’ Azzjoni li fihom impenji sodi. Hija tibni fuq tliet • L‑Ewropa ssir post aktar attraenti biex fih wieħed kunċetti ċentrali: jinvesti u jaħdem • L‑Għarfien u l‑innovazzjoni jkunu l‑pern tat‑tkabbir • First, Europe’s actions need more focus. We must ekonomiku Ewropew concentrate all our efforts on delivering on the ground policies that will have greatest impact. This means keeping existing promises, building on the reforms Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona

already underway in every Member State and launching Dan kollu għandu jitpoġġa fuq l‑isfond ta’ riformi aktar new action where it is needed to keep us on target. It wiesgħa. Irridu nipprovdu r‑riżorsi li jikkorrispondu ma’ requires a rigorous prioritisation on the part of the l‑ambizzjoni tagħna sew fuq il‑livell ta’ l‑UE u kif ukoll fuq Commission and must be anchored in the firm support dak nazzjonali. of the European Council and the European Parliament. Kundizzjonijiet makroekonomiċi b’saħħithom huma es- • Second, we have to mobilise support for change. Establishing broad and effective ownership of the senzjali bħala bażi għal sforz kredibbli biex jiżdied it‑tk- Lisbon goals is the best way to ensure words are turned abbir ekonomiku potenzjali u biex jinħolqu l‑impjiegi. into results. Everyone with a stake in Lisbon’s success Il‑bidliet proposti għall‑patt ta’ l‑istabbiltà u t‑tkabbir and at every level must be involved in delivering these ekonomiku ta’ l‑Unjoni Ewropea – ir‑regoli li fuq il‑livell reforms. They must become part of national political ta’ l‑UE jiggvernaw il‑politika tal‑baġit nazzjonali – għand- debate. hom ikomplu jistabbilizzaw l‑ekonomija tagħna, filwaqt li jiżguraw li l‑Istati Membri jkunu jistgħu jagħtu sehmhom • Third, we need tosimplify and streamline Lisbon. sħiħ fil‑ħolqien tal‑kundizzjonijiet għat‑tkabbir fit‑tul. This means clarifying who does what, simplify reporting and backing up delivery through Union and Fuq il‑livell Ewropew, id‑dibattitu dwar il‑qafas finanzjar- National Lisbon Action Programmes. There should ju futur ta’ l‑Unjoni sa l-2013 (“il‑Prospettivi Finanzjarji”) be an integrated set of Lisbon “guidelines” to frame għandu jżomm quddiem għajnejh il‑konsegwenzi ta’ l‑am- Member State action, backed up by only one report bizzjoni tagħna ta’ Liżbona, u jappoġġa l‑prijoritajiet ta’ at EU level and only one report at national level Liżbona fil‑baġit futur ta’ l‑UE. Irridu nipprovdu l‑appoġġ 379 presenting the progress made. This will significantly u l‑investiment li teħtieġ ekonomija moderna ta’ l‑għarfien, reduce the national reporting burden placed on nużaw ir‑riżorsi tagħna b’modi li jgħinuna naddattaw ir- Member States. wieħna għal kundizzjonijiet ekonomiċi u soċjali li jkunu • L‑ewwel, L‑Azzjonijiet ta’ l‑Ewropa jinħtieġ li jkunu qed jinbidlu, u nħaddmu programmi li jipprovdu l‑inċen- aktar ikkonċentrati. Irridu nikkonċentraw l‑isforzi tivi meħtieġa sabiex l‑Istati Membri jikkonċentraw l‑ispiża kollha tagħna biex inwettqu fil‑prattika politika li tħalli nazzjonali tagħhom fuq l‑għanijiet ta’ Liżbona. Il‑proposti l‑ikbar impatt. Dan ifisser li nżommu mal‑wegħdiet tal‑Kummissjoni għall‑Perspettivi Finanzjarji jirriflettu eżistenti, nibnu fuq ir‑riformi li diġa bdew f ’kull Stat dawn il‑prioritajiet. Membru u nagħtu bidu għal azzjoni ġdida fejn hija meħtieġa sabiex iżżommna mexjin lejn il‑mira tagħna. Jekk nistgħu nlaqqgħu flimkien ‑l ambizzjoni, ir‑riżorsi Dan jitlob identifikazzjoni rigoruża tal‑prijoritajiet u l‑ideat tajbin; jekk nistgħu nittrasformawhom sa tmiem min‑naħa tal‑Kummissjoni u sisien qawwija ta’ appoġġ id‑deċennju f ’bidliet konkreti u li jibqgħu; u jekk nistgħu sod mill‑Kunsill Ewropew u mill‑Parlament Ewropew. nappoġġaw lil Liżbona billi nagħlqu d‑distakk ta’ l‑investiment fl‑ekonomija tagħna u nagħtu bidu għal kampanja • It‑tieni, irridu nimmobilitaw l‑appoġġ għall‑bidla. ġdida favur koeżjoni aktar qawwija madwar il‑kontinent Li nistabbilixxu parteċipazzjoni wiesgħa u effettiva tagħna, imbagħad inkunu nistgħu nerġgħu naraw il‑miri fl‑għanijiet ta’ Liżbona huwa l‑aħjar mod biex ta’ Liżbona jfeġġu fuq ix‑xefaq. niżguraw li l‑kliem jitbiddlu f ’riżultati. Dawk kollha, f ’kull livell, li huwa fl‑interess tagħhom is‑suċċess ta’ Dan hu l‑bidu ġdid li l‑Ewropa għandha bżonn. Liżbona għandhom ikunu involuti fit‑twettiq ta’ dawn ir‑riformi. Dawn għandhom isiru parti mid‑dibattitu politiku nazzjonali. Sinteżi

• It‑tielet, Liżbona rridu nissimplifikawha u nħaffuha. Ħames snin ilu l‑Unjoni Ewropea nediet aġenda ambizz- Dan ifisser li niċċaraw min huwa responsabbli li juża ta’ riforma. Matul l‑aħħar sena, l‑Kummissjoni tat jagħmel liema ħaġa, li nissimplifikaw ir‑rappurtaġġ u li ħarsa lura lejn il‑progress li sar. Dan wassal għal dibat- nagħtu appoġġ għat‑twettiq permezz tal‑Programmi ta’ titu mqanqal fuq il‑livell Ewropew u dak nazzjonali fost l‑Azzjoni sew ta’ l‑Unjoni kif ukoll dawk Nazzjonali. dawk kollha li għandhom interess fis‑suċċess ta’ Liżbona. Għandu jkun hemm sett integrat ta’ “linji ta’ gwida” Barra minn dan, il‑Kummissjoni bbenefikat mix‑xogħol biex joffri qafas għall‑azzjoni ta’ l‑Istati Membri, tal‑Grupp ta’ Livell Għoli ppresedut minn Wim Kok, li appoġġat minn rapport wieħed biss fuq il‑livell ta’ ppreżenta r‑rapport tiegħu f ’Novembru li għadda. Illum, l‑Unjoni u rapport wieħed biss fuq il‑livell nazzjonali hemm kunsens ġenerali li l‑Ewropa hija ‘l bogħod milli li jippreżentaw il‑progress li jkun sar. Dan għandu tilħaq il‑potenzjal għall‑bidla li toffri ‑l istrateġija ta’ Liżbo- jnaqqas b’mod apprezzabbli l‑piż ta’ rapurtaġġ na. Filwaqt li kulħadd jaqbel sew fuq id‑dijanjosi u kif ukoll nazzjonali li jaqa’ fuq l‑Istati Membri. fuq ir‑rimedji, ir‑realtà hi li ma sarx biżżejjed progress. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Dan ir‑Rapport, f ’dan l‑istadju intermedju ta’ Liżbona, issa jgħid kif nistgħu naħdmu flimkien għall‑futur ta’ l‑Ewropa Post aktar attraenti fejn wieħed jinvesti u nerġgħu inpoġġu l‑aġenda ta’ Liżbona lura fuq il‑binarji u jaħdem tagħha. • Inwessgħu u napprofondixxu s‑suq intern L‑Istrateġija Mġedda ta’ Liżbona – x’se • Intejbu s‑sistemi regolatorji Ewropej u nazzjonali jinbidel? • Niżguraw swieq miftuħa u kompetittivi sew fl‑Ewropa kif ukoll barra minnha Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ • Nespandu u ntejbu l‑Infrastruttura Ewropea Liżbona, li nikkonċentraw l‑isforzi tagħna fuq żewġ ħid- miet prinċipali - li nwettqu tkabbir ekonomiku aktar qa‑ wwi u li jibqa’ u li nkattru u ntejbu l‑impjiegi. Iċ‑ċavetta biex nilliberaw ir‑riżorsi meħtieġa sabiex nilħqu l‑ambizz- • Irridu nwessgħu u napprofondixxu s‑suq intern. jonijiet aktar wiesgħa tagħna fl‑oqsma ekonomiċi, soċjali L‑Istati Membri għandhom itejbu t‑twettiq u ambjentali hija li naffrontaw ‑l isfida li għandha ‑l Ewropa tal‑leġiżlazzjoni eżistenti ta' l‑UE jekk irridu li fil‑qasam tat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u ta’ l‑impjiegi; filwaqt l‑intrapriżi u l‑konsumaturi jgawdu l‑benefiċċji kollha. li l‑ilħiq ta’ dawk l‑għanijiet aktar wiesgħa jikkonsolida F’għadd ta' Stati Membri, swieq importanti bħal dawk s‑suċċess tar‑riformi tagħna. Biex dan ikun possibbli, huma tat‑telekomunikazzjoni, l‑enerġija u t‑trasport huma kruċjali kundizzjonijiet makroekonomiċi b’saħħithom, miftuħa biss fit‑teorija - ħafna wara li skada ż‑żmien li fih 380 b’mod partikolari li nżommu ma’ politika makroekonomi- l‑Istati Membri kienu qablu li se jiftħuhom. ka mmirata lejn l‑istabbiltà u ma’ politika soda tal‑baġit. • Riformi kruċjali għadhom meħtieġa biex jiġi kkompletat is‑suq waħdieni u dawn għandhom jingħataw attenzjoni speċifika: is‑suq tas‑servizzi finanzjarji, kif ukoll dak 1. Niżguraw it‑twettiq tas‑servizzi b’mod ġenerali, il‑proposta REACH, bażi komuni kkonsolidata għat‑taxxi tal‑kumpaniji u wkoll It‑twettiq huwa l‑kwistjoni prinċipali għall‑Istrateġija il‑Brevett tal‑Komunità. ta’ Liżbona, sew fuq il‑livell Ewropew kif ukoll fuq dak • Il‑klima regolatorja trid titjieb. F’Marzu l‑Kummissjoni nazzjonali. L‑implimentazzjoni ta’ l‑aġenda tar‑riformi se tvara inizzjattiva ġdida għal riforma regolatorja, u se tinħtieġ Sħubija mġedda għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku nużaw esperti esterni biex jagħtuna pariri dwar il‑kwalità u għall‑impjiegi. u l‑metodoloġija ta' kif inwettqu evalwazzjonijiet ta' l‑impatt. Fejn jidħol il‑livell ta’ l‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni se twettaq ir‑rwol ċentrali tagħha li tniedi l‑politika u li tiżgura • Ir‑regoli tal‑kompetizzjoni għandhom jiġu applikati l‑implimentazzjoni. b’mod proattiv. Dan jgħin biex iqawwi l‑kunfidenza tal‑konsumaturi. Investigazzjonijiet settorjali ta' l‑ostakli Fl‑istess ħin, l‑Istati Membri għandhom iwettqu dawk għall‑kompetizzjoni se jitniedu f ’setturi bħall‑enerġija, ir‑riformi ta’ Liżbona li għadhom ma sarux minkejja li it‑telekomunikazzjoni u s‑servizzi finanzjarji. kienu miftehma. Dan għandu jkun appoġġat mill‑Pro- • L‑intrapriżi Ewropej jinħtieġu wkoll swieq globali grammi Nazzjonali ta’ Liżbona – li jgħidu kif dan se jit- miftuħa. L‑Unjoni se tagħfas ħafna sabiex tiġi konkluża wettaq. (ara t‑tmexxija aktar ‘l isfel). u implimentata il‑Fażi Ta' Żvilupp ta' Doha, u wkoll sabiex isir progress f 'relazzjonijiet ekonomiċi oħra bilaterali u reġjonali. 2. Programm imġedded ta’ Azzjoni ta’ Liżbona L‑għarfien u l‑innovazzjoni għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku Dan ir‑rapport mhuwiex qed jipprova jerġa jikteb • Inżidu u ntejbu l‑investiment fir‑Riċerka u l‑Iżvilupp mill‑ġdid l‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona, imma qiegħed jidentifika miżuri ġodda fuq il‑livell Ewropew u dak nazzjonali • Niffaċilitaw ‑l innovazzjoni, l‑adozzjoni li sejrin jgħinuna niżguraw li l‑viżjoni tagħna ta’ Liżbona tat‑Tekonoloġija ta’ l‑Informatika sseħħ. u l‑Komunikazzjoni (ICT) u l‑użu sostenibbli tar‑riżorsi • Nikkontribwixxu għal bażi industrijali Ewropea b’saħħitha Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona

• L‑awtoritajiet pubbliċi fil‑livelli kollha ta' l‑Istati Membri jridu jaħdmu biex jappoġġaw l‑innovazzjoni, It‑tkattir u t‑titjib ta’ l‑impjiegi sabiex nirrealizzaw il‑viżjoni tagħna ta' soċjetà • Niġbdu aktar nies lejn l‑impjiegi ta' l‑għarfien. L‑issuktar tal‑konċentrazzjoni ta' u nimmodernizzaw is‑sistemi tal‑ħarsien soċjali l‑Unjoni fuq oqsma bħas‑soċjetà ta' l‑informazzjoni, il‑bijoteknoloġija u l‑eko‑innovazzjoni għandha • Intejbu l‑adattabilità tal‑ħaddiema u ta’ l‑intrapriżi tgħinhom f ’dan. u l‑flessibilità tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol • Aktar investiment sew mis‑settur pubbliku kif ukoll • Ninvestu aktar fil‑kapital uman permezz ta’ minn dak privat fl‑infiq għar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp. edukazzjoni aħjar u titjib tal‑ħiliet Fuq il‑livell ta' l‑UE, hemm bżonn l‑adozzjoni f ’qasir żmien mill‑Parlament u l‑Kunsill tal‑programm ta' Qafas għar‑Riċerka u ta' programm ġdid • L‑Imsieħba Soċjali huma mistiedna li jiżviluppaw għall‑kompetittività u l‑innovazzjoni. Dawn se jiġu pjan ta' azzjoni konġunt għal Liżbona qabel il‑Kunsill ppreżentati f 'April. Ewropew tar‑Rebbiegħa 2005 li fih jidentifikaw il‑kontribut tagħhom għall‑ilħiq tal‑miri ta' Liżbona. • Bħala parti mir‑riforma maġġuri tal‑politika ta' l‑Għajnuna mill‑Istat li se tibda aktar tard din is‑sena, • L‑Istati Membri u l‑imsieħba soċjali jridu jżidu l‑isforzi l‑Istati Membri u l‑parteċipanti reġjonali u oħrajn tagħhom sabiex jgħollu l‑livell ta' l‑okkupazzjoni fil‑qasam pubbliku, se jkollhom iżjed possibiltà li partikolarment billi jsegwu politika attiva favur jwieżnu r‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni, partikolarment l‑impjiegi li tgħin lil min qed jaħdem u tipprovdilu 381 mill‑intrapriżi żgħar u medji ta' l‑UE. inċentivi biex ikompli jaħdem, jiżviluppaw politika favur ħajja attiva għal dawk li deħlin fix‑xjuħija • It‑tixrid ta' l‑għarfien permezz ta' sistema edukattiva biex jiskoraġġixxu lin‑nies milli jitilqu kmieni wisq ta' kwalità għolja huwa l‑aħjar mod kif niżguraw mill‑forza tax‑xogħol, u billi jimmodernizzaw is‑sistemi il‑kompetittività ta' l‑Unjoni għall‑ġejjieni fit‑tul. tal‑ħarsien soċjali, sabiex dawn ikomplu joffru s‑sigurtà B’mod partikolari, l‑Unjoni għandha tiżgura li meħtieġa biex tgħin lin‑nies jaċċettaw il‑bidla. l‑universitajiet tagħna jkunu jistgħu jikkompetu ma' l‑aqwa fid‑dinja permezz tat‑tlestija ta' l‑Ispazju • Il‑futur ta' l‑Ewropa u ta' l‑Istrateġija ta' Liżbona huwa Ewropew għall‑Edukazzjoni Għolja. marbut mill‑qrib maż‑żgħażagħ. L‑Unjoni u l‑Istati Membri iridu jiżguraw li r‑riformi proposti jgħinu • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tipproponi l‑ħolqien ta' “Istitut biex jagħtuhom l‑ewwel ċans fil‑ħajja u jagħtuhom Ewropew għat‑Teknoloġija”. il‑ħiliet meħtieġa matul ħajjithom. L‑Unjoni trid • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tappoġġa u tinkoraġġixxi Poli ukoll tiżviluppa l‑prijoritajiet tagħha biex tirrispondi ta' Innovazzjoni maħsuba biex jgħinu lill‑operaturi għall‑isfidi demografiċi li għandna quddiemna. reġjonali jlaqqgħu flimkien ‑l aħjar imħuħ fix‑xjenza • L‑Istati Membri u l‑imsieħba soċjali jridu jtejbu u l‑kummerċ mar‑riżorsi meħtieġa, sabiex iwasslu l‑adattabilità tal‑ħaddiema u ta' l‑intrapriżi kif l‑ideat mil‑laboratorju għall‑produzzoni kummerċjali. ukoll il‑flessibilità tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol biex jgħinu • Il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Istati Membri għandhom lill‑Ewropa taġġusta ruħha għar‑ristrutturar u għal iżidu l‑isforzi tagħhom favur il‑promozzjoni ta' bidliet fis‑suq. l‑eko‑innovazzjoni li tista' ġġib titjib sostanzjali sew • Quddiem it‑tnaqqis fil‑għadd tal‑ħaddiema, neħtieġu fil‑livell ta' l‑għajxien tagħna kif ukoll fit‑tkabbir strateġija li tkun żviluppata tajjeb fir‑rigward ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi, pereżempju f ’oqsma bħall‑użu ta' l‑immigrazzjoni legali. Il‑Kummissjoni se sostenibbli tar‑riżorsi, il‑bidla fil‑klima u l‑effiċjenza tippreżenta pjan qabel l‑aħħar ta' l-2005 fuq il‑bażi fl‑użu ta' l‑enerġija. tal‑konsultazzjoni pubblika li tinsab għaddejja bħalissa. • It‑tisħib ma' l‑industrija se jkun megħjun ukoll • L‑Ewropa jinħteġilha li tkattar u ttejjeb l‑investimenti mill‑Inizjattivi Ewropej għat‑Teknoloġija, li jibnu fl‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ. Billi tikkonċentra fuq fuq l‑esperjenza tas‑sistema Galileo tan‑navigazzjoni il‑livell Ewropew u dak nazzjonali fuq il‑ħiliet u fuq bis‑satellita. L‑ewwel waħda minn dawn għandha l‑edukazzjoni matul il‑ħajja hija tagħmilha eħfef tibda tidher fl-2007 ladarba ‑l Programm ta' Qafas għan‑nies li jgħaddu għal impjiegi ġodda. Dan għandu għar‑Riċerka li jmiss ikun beda jopera. jiġi megħjun mill‑adozzjoni din is‑sena tal‑Programm għall‑Edukazzjoni matul il‑Ħajja fuq il‑livell ta' l‑UE u fl-2006 mill‑preżentazzjoni mill‑Istati Membri ta’ strateġiji għall‑edukazzjoni matul il‑ħajja. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

• L‑Ewropa tinħtieġ ukoll iżjed mobbiltà fost Din l‑istrateġija se tagħmilha eħfef għall‑Kunsill Ewropew li il‑ħaddiema. Il‑mobbiltà fuq it‑territorju ta' l‑Unjoni jagħti gwida prattika kull Rebbiegħa u għall‑Kummissjoni li tkun megħjuna wkoll mill‑adozzjoni bikrija tal‑qafas twettaq ir‑rwol tagħha ta’ monitoraġġ tal‑progress lejn il‑mi- għall‑kwalifiki professjonali li għadu pendenti. ri ta’ Liżbona, filwaqt li toffri inkoraġġiment u tipproponi Il‑Kummissjoni se tressaq proposti matul l-2006 sabiex azzjoni addizzjonali biex Liżbona tinżamm fuq il‑binarji jiġi ssimplifikatir‑rikonoxximent tal‑kwalifikifuq bażi tagħha. reċiproka. L‑Istati Membri għandhom iħaffu ‑t tneħħija ta' kull restrizzjoni fuq il‑mobbiltà tal‑ħaddiema mill‑pajjiżi li m'ilhomx li daħlu fl‑Unjoni. //// • L‑awtoritajiet reġjonali u lokali għandhom iħejju proġetti li jqarrbuna lejn l‑ilħiq ta' l‑ambizzjoni tagħna Fuq din il‑bażi, l‑Kummissjoni tirrakkomanda lill‑Kunsill ta' Liżbona. Il‑fażi li jmiss ta' Fondi Strutturali Ewropew li: (fosthom dawk għall‑iżvilupp rurali) qed tiġi mfassla mill‑ġdid fid‑dawl ta' dan – biex tikkonċentra iżjed Ivara Sħubija ġdida għat‑Tkabbir Ekonomiku fuq kif tista' tgħin ħalli twettaq it‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑Impjiegi u toħloq l‑impjiegi fuq livell lokali. Japprova l‑Programm Komunitarju ta’ Azzjoni u jitlob 3. Intejbu t‑tmexxija ta’ Liżbona lill‑Istati Membri biex jistabbilixxu l‑Programmi Nazzonali 382 ta’ Azzjoni tagħhom It‑tmexxija ta’ l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona tinħtieġ titjib radikali biex issir aktar effettiva u tkun tinftiehem aktar Japprova l‑arranġamenti l‑ġodda għat‑tmexxija ta’ l‑Istrateġi- faċilment. Ir‑responsabbiltajiet huma mqassma b’mod xejn ja ta’ Liżbona ppreżentati f ’dan ir‑Rapport, sabiex itejjeb ċar bejn l‑Unjoni u l‑Istati Membri. Hemm wisq proċeduri l‑effikaċja tat‑twettiq tal‑politika fuq il‑livell tal‑Komunità ta’ rappurtaġġ burokratiċi u li jitrikkbu fuq xulxin u m’hem- u dak nazzjonali, u sabiex jinkoraġġixxi dibattitu reali u pus- mx biżżejjed pussess politiku. sess politiku ġenwin tal‑miri tagħna ta’ Liżbona.

Biex jiġi ċċarat sew dak li hemm bżonn isir kif ukoll min huwa responsabbli li jagħmlu, il‑Kummissjoni se tressaq 1. It‑tkabbir ekonomiku Programm ta’ Azzjoni għal Liżbona. u l‑impjiegi taħt il‑lenti

Barra minn dan, il‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi strateġija in- L‑aġenda ta’ Liżbona kienet maħsuba biex tillibera l‑po‑ tegrata sabiex jitħaffu l‑Linji Ġenerali ta’ Gwida għall‑Poli‑ tenzjal ta’ l‑Unjoni... tika Ekonomika u ta’ l‑Impjiegi eżistenti, fi ħdan ċiklu ġdid ekonomiku u ta’ l‑impjiegi. Fil‑ġejjieni, sett integrat Is‑Suq Waħdieni, l‑Ewro u t‑tkabbir riċenti ta’ l‑Unjoni juru ta’ Linji ta’ Gwida flimkien mal‑Programm ta’ Azzjoni għal l‑potenzjal li għandha l‑Unjoni biex tilħaq għanijiet am‑ Liżbona se jintuża biex imexxi ‘l quddiem l‑aġenda tar‑rifor- bizzjużi. Għal aktar minn nofs seklu, l‑Unjoni bniet il‑paċi ma. Dawn se jkopru l‑politika makroekonomika, l‑impjiegi u l‑prosperità. Hija kompliet miexja ‘l quddiem minkejja u r‑riformi strutturali. Min‑naħa tagħhom, l‑Istati Membri t‑tibdiliet fix‑xenarju ekonomiku, politiku u soċjali. Għam- huma mistennija li jaddottaw Programmi Nazzonali ta’ Azz- let dan billi stabbiliet miri komuni u ħadmet flimkien biex joni għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi, imsaħħa b’impen- tilħaqhom; l‑Unjoni u l‑Istati Membri, il‑Gvernijiet u s‑soċ- ji u b’miri, wara diskussjoni wiesgħa fuq livell nazzjonali. jetà ċivili, l‑intrapriżi u ċ‑ċittadini. Dan l‑istess dinamiżmu wassal għat‑tnedija ta’ l‑aġenda ambizzjuża għar‑riforma Biex jgħaqqdu dan kollu flimkien, ‑l Istati Membri għand- f ’Marzu 2000 fil‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Liżbona. Hija indikat hom jappuntaw “Sur” jew “Sinjura Liżbona” fuq il‑livell it‑triq lejn ekonomija kompetittiva, inklużiva u msejsa fuq governattiv. l‑għarfien, u offriet risposta Ewropea għall‑isfidi urġenti li għandu quddiemu l‑kontinent tagħna. Ir‑rappurtaġġ ukoll se jiġi ssimplifikat. Se jkun hemm rapport wieħed ta’ Liżbona fuq il‑livell ta’ l‑UE u fuq dak …iżda ma sarx biżżejjed progress. nazzjonali dwar il‑progress li jkun sar. Dan il‑proċess ġdid ta’ rappurtaġġ se jipprovdi mekkaniżmu li permezz tiegħu Illum, naraw li t‑taħlita tal‑kundizzjonijiet ekonomiċi, l‑in- il‑Kunsill Ewropew u l‑Parlament Ewropew ikunu jistgħu ċertezza internazzjonali, il‑progress kajman fl‑Istati Mem- jikkonċentraw fuq kwistjonijiet importanti ta’ politika min- bri u t‑telf gradwali tal‑konċentrazzjoni wassal biex Liżbo- għajr ma jkunu mgħobbija bil‑għadd kbir ta’ rapporti settor- na tilfet it‑triq. Madankollu, l‑isfidi saru jekk xejn aktar jali li huma bħalissa parti miċ‑ċiklu annwali. Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona urġenti quddiem il‑kompetizzjoni globali u popolazzjoni l‑istrateġija mġedda ta’ Liżbona hu li tagħmel użu minn dan li qed tixjieħ; fatturi li huma saħansitra aktar evidenti llum il‑potenzjal għaċ‑ċittadini tagħna. Hija titkellem dwar l‑op- milli kienu ħames snin ilu. Din il‑valutazzjoni hija l‑istess portunità u dwar viżjoni komuni għall‑progress. bħal dik tar‑Rapport ippreżentat mill‑Grupp ta’ Livell 6 Għoli ppresedut minn Wim Kok . Huwa għamel enfasi Kundizzjonijiet makroekonomiċi tajbin huma l‑punt fuq il‑progress mhux suffiċjenti ta’ l‑Ewropa lejn l‑ilħiq ta’ tat‑tluq għas‑suċċess. l‑għanijiet ta’ l‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona. B’reazzjoni għal dan, irridu nerġgħu nistabbilixxu l‑kunfidenza fil‑kapaċità ta’ Kundizzjonijiet u politika makroekonomiċi tajbin l‑Ewropa li toħloq il‑kundizzjonijiet biex tilħaq l‑għanijiet tagħha. L‑Ewropa tista’ tibni fuq it‑tradizzjoni u d‑diversi- Kundizzjonijiet makroekonomiċi tajbin huma essenzjali tà rikka tagħha, il‑mudell soċjali uniku tagħha u tisaħħaħ biex iservu ta’ bażi għal sforz kredibbli biex jitkattar it‑tk- mit‑tkabbir riċenti li jagħmilha l‑ikbar suq waħdieni u l‑ik- abbir ekonomiku potenzjali u jinħoloq ix‑xogħol. B’mod bar blokk kummerċjali fid‑dinja. partikolari, se jkun kruċjali li nkomplu nsegwu politika makroekonomika orjentata fuq l‑istabbiltà u politika soda It‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi huma l‑proġett il‑kbir tal‑baġit. Il‑Gvernijiet iridu, filwaqt li jsostnu jew jippruvaw Ewropew li jmiss. jibnu finanzi pubbliċi f ’saħħithom, jagħtu ‑l ikbar kontribut possibbli għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi. Il‑konklużjoni l‑aktar importanti tar‑rapport Kok hija li “l‑promozzjoni tat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u ta’ l‑impjiegi Il‑bidliet proposti għall‑patt ta’ stabbiltà u tkabbir ekonomi- fl‑Ewropa huma l‑proġett il‑kbir Ewropew li jmiss”. Il‑Kum- ku ta’ l‑Unjoni Ewropea – ir‑regoli li fuq il‑livell ta’ l‑UE jig- 383 missjoni tipproponi li nikkonċentraw l‑aġenda ta’ Liżbona gvernaw il‑politika tal‑baġits nazzjonali – għandhom ikom- mill‑ġdid fuq azzjonijiet li jippromwovu t‑tkabbir ekono‑ plu jistabbilizzaw l‑ekonomija tagħna, filwaqt li jiżguraw li miku u l‑impjiegi b’mod li huwa għal kollox konsistenti l‑Istati Membri jkunu jistgħu jwettqu r‑rwol sħiħ tagħhom ma’ l‑għan ta’ l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli. L‑azzjonijiet li jaqgħu fil‑ħolqien tal‑kundizzjonijiet għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku taħt din l‑istrateġija għandhom jirrinforzaw il‑potenzjal ta’ fit‑tul. l‑Unjoni li tilħaq u tkompli tiżviluppa l‑għanijiet ambjentali u soċjali tagħna. Madankollu, l‑isfida hi li niddefinixxu Il‑produttività u l‑impjiegi issa strateġija li tindirizza l‑oqsma li fihom ‑l Ewropa mhi- L‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona tagħti importanza ndaqs lit‑tkat- jiex sejra tajjeb (pereżempju, it‑tkabbir ekonomiku staġnat tir ta’ l‑impjiegi u tal‑produttività, permezz ta’ titjib u n‑nuqqas ta’ ħolqien suffiċjenti ta’‑ l impjiegi). fil‑kompetittività.

Dan jitlob sħubija mġedda. Tkattir u titjib ta’ l‑impjiegi….

Din l‑istrateġija trid titmexxa ‘l quddiem permezz ta’ sħubi- Is‑swieq tax‑xogħol għandhom jitħallew jiffunzjonaw aħjar ja mġedda bejn l‑Istati Membri u l‑Unjoni – bl‑involviment u jipprovdu inċentivi għan‑nies biex jaħdmu u għall‑in- sħiħ ta’ l‑imsieħba soċjali. L‑aġenda l‑ġdida ta’ Liżbona hija trapriżi biex jimpjegawhom, u biex –ikattru u jtejbu l‑im- bilfors waħda wiesgħa imma sett limitat ta’ prioritajiet ta’ pjiegi. Dan se jitlob investiment konsiderevoli fir‑riżorsi politika se jkunu ċentrali għas‑suċċess tagħha. Irridu nik- umani, u adattabilità akbar tal‑ħaddiema fi swieq tax‑xogħol konċentraw fuq dawn biex niżguraw is‑suċċess ta’ kollox. aktar inklużivi. It‑twettiq se jkun kruċjali u t‑titjib fil‑mekkaniżmi eżisten- ti tat‑twettiq huwa meħtieġ b’urġenza. Dan jitlob metodu mħaffef u effettiv ta’ ħidma sabiex tiġi implimentata‑ l is- …kompetittività mtejba permezz tat‑tkabbir tal‑produttiv‑ trateġija li torbot flimkien ‑l Unjoni u l‑Istati Membri. Biex ità … dan ikun possibbli, l‑aġenda ta’ Liżbona jrid ikun hemm pussess dirett tagħha minn dawk kollha kkonċernati sew Ir‑rata tat‑tkabbir tal‑produttività naqset ħafna fl‑UE. Li fuq il‑livell ta’ l‑UE, nazzjonali, reġjonali u lokali: l‑Istati nreġġgħu lura din it‑tendenza hija l‑ikbar sfida fil‑qasam Membri, iċ‑ċittadini Ewropej, il‑parlamenti, l‑imsieħba soċ- tal‑kompetittività li għandha quddiemha l‑Unjoni. Fl‑ist- jali u s‑soċjetà ċivili u l‑istituzzjonijiet kollha tal‑Komunità. ess ħin, irridu nimmiraw għal żidiet li jibqgħu fil‑produt- Dawn ilkoll għandhom jikkontribwixxu għall‑bini tal‑fu- tività f ’kull settur fundamentali ta’ l‑ekonomija. Flimkien tur ta’ l‑Ewropa. Wara kollox, kulħadd se jgawdi mill‑futur mat‑titjib tal‑ħiliet tal‑ħaddiema, investimenti ikbar u l‑użu li l‑aġenda ta’ Liżbona qed tipprova ssawwar. L‑iskop ta’ ta’ l‑ICT madwar l‑ekonomija kollha kemm hi, ambjent kompetittiv f ’saħħtu u l‑bilanċ tajjeb ta’ regolamentazzjoni huma ta’ importanza ewlenija biex intejbu l‑produttività. 6 Rapport mill‑Grupp ta’ Livell Għoli dwar l‑Istrateġija ta’ Madankollu, il‑lista mgħobbija żżejjed ta’ għanijiet politiċi Liżbona, ppresedut minn Wim Kok, Novembru 2004. http:// li għandha Liżbona tfiet ‑l importanza ta’ dawn il‑miżuri li europa.eu.int/comm/lisbon_strategy/group/index_en.html IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

jistgħu jistimulaw it‑tkabbir fil‑produttività. Minn issa ‘l 2. Nibnu sħubija ewropea quddiem, ir‑riformi strutturali, permezz ta’ miżuri bħal dawn, għandhom ikunu pern fl‑istrateġija mġedda ta’ għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku Liżbona. u l‑impjiegi

…iridu jimxu id f’id. Tkabbir ekonomiku u impjiegi – l‑ewwel eżempju tas‑Sħubija tagħna għat‑tiġdid Ewropew Iż‑żieda fil‑produttività u t‑tkattir ta’ l‑impjiegi jridu jimxu id f ’id. Irridu nevitaw it‑tip ta’ tkabbir ekonomiku min- Il‑Kummissjoni dan l‑aħħar ipproponiet li tinbena sħubija għajr żieda fl‑impjiegi li tappan ir‑rendiment ta’ l‑ekonom- għat‑tiġdid Ewropew7. Din tifforma parti mill‑programm ija Amerikana fl‑aħħar snin. Fl‑istess ħin, irridu nerġgħu strateġiku għall-2005-2009 u għandha l‑għan li tħalli indaħħlu lil dawk li ilhom ħafna bla xogħol, u lil dawk lill‑Istati Membri, lill‑Unjoni Ewropea u lill‑imsieħba soċjali li huma relattivament nieqsa mill‑ħiliet, lura fid‑dinja biex jaħdmu flimkien lejn ‑l istess għan. Kif intqal diġà, it‑tk- tax‑xogħol. Dan jista’ jkollu impatt fuq ir‑rata li biha l‑pro- abbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi se jkunu fuq quddiem nett ta’ duttività tagħna tista’ titjieb. L‑enfasi qawwi fuq l‑għarfien, din is‑sħubija. Ir‑reazzjonijiet li kien hemm s’issa juru biċ‑ċar l‑edukazzjoni u l‑innovazzjoni fl‑istrateġija mġedda tagħna li tassew hemm ir‑rieda li naħdmu lejn din l‑ambizzjoni ta’ Liżbona se tagħti lin‑nies l‑opportunità li jitilgħu is‑sel- mġedda. lum tal‑produttività u tiggarantixxi li b’mod ġenerali l‑pro- duttività tagħna tikber malajr. 384 Sabiex nirnexxu rridu mmexxu Liżbona ‘l quddiem billi...

Swieq internazzjonali miftuħa huma importanti. Il‑Kummissjoni qiegħda għalhekk tagħmel sejħa lil dan il‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Marzu sabiex jerġa’ jniedi l‑Istrateġija Il‑ftuħ tas‑swieq internazzjonali u t‑tkabbir ekonomiku ta’ Liżbona permezz ta’ Sħubija Ewropea għat‑tkabbir ekono‑ qawwi fl‑ekonomiji li qed jindustrijalizzaw se jagħtu kon- miku u l‑impjiegi. Is‑sħubija se jkollha għan wieħed u wieħed tribut apprezzabbli għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑imp- biss: li tħaffef u tgħaġġel it‑twettiq tar‑riformi meħtieġa jiegi. Madankollu, dan jiġri biss jekk jirnexxielna niżguraw biex jagħtu spinta lit‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi. proċess aktar profond u aktar mgħaġġel ta’ aġġustament strutturali ta’ l‑ekonomija tagħna biex nallokaw mill‑ġdid Għandha ġġib magħha valur miżjud sod jekk f ’qasir żmien ir‑riżorsi lejn setturi li fihom ‑l Ewropa għandha vantaġġ trid tagħti frott konkret: komparattiv. Huwa għalhekk kritiku għas‑suċċess ta’ l‑is- trateġija mġedda ta’ Liżbona li niffaċilitaw il‑bidla lejn setturi aktar kompetittivi u lejn impjiegi ta’ kwalità aħjar. ... nimmobilitaw l‑appoġġ... • L‑elementi differenti jaħdmu flimkien. L‑immobilitar Ir‑responsabbiltà trid tinqasam bejn ll‑livell ta’ l‑UE u l‑isforz kollettiv huma l‑elementi ewlenin ta' din u dak nazzjonali. is‑Sħubija. L‑isfidi huma sfidi komuni li jaffetwaw il‑mudell tagħna ta’ żvilupp. Għandna naffrontawhom Fuq dan l‑isfond, it‑tmexxija ‘l quddiem ta’ l‑aġenda poli- flimkien – wara kollox, il‑kontributi individwali huma tika tagħna tiddependi fuq azzjoni sew fuq il‑livell ta’ essenzjali biex niżguraw suċċess kollettiv. Id‑daqs ta’ l‑UE kif ukoll dak nazzjonali. Is‑suċċess jiddependi fuq li l‑isfidi huwa hekk kbir, u l‑ekonomiji tagħna tant naqsmu flimkien ir‑responsabbiltajiet u l‑pussess. Huwa jiddependu fuq xulxin, li l‑ebda Stat Membru ma huwa għalhekk li s‑sħubija hija indispensabbli. kapaċi jħabbat wiċċu ma’ din il‑biċċa xogħol waħdu. ... nifirxu s‑sens ta’ pussess...

• Jiġi żgurat li dawn l‑għanijiet u r‑riformi jingħarfu tassew mill‑partijiet kollha. L‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona ma rnexxilhiex timpenja biżżejjed lill‑partijiet ewlenin għal dak li għandu x'jaqsam mal‑kisba tar‑riżultati, partikolarment fuq livell nazzjonali. L‑immobilitar huwa possibbli biss jekk il‑partijiet varji jħossu li l‑miżuri proposti jolqtuhom tassew, u li huma involuti tassew fil‑proċess tat‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet u tat‑twettiq

7 KUMM(2005)12, Għanijiet strateġiċi 2005-2009. Ewropa 2010: sħubija għat‑tiġdid Ewropew – Ġid, solidarjetà u sigurtà. Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona

tagħhom. L‑Istati Membri għalhekk qed jintalbu sabiex Membru u dak ta’ l‑Unjoni Ewropea. L‑aktar azzjonijiet im- jipproduċu programm ta’ azzjoni nazzjonali waħdieni – portanti huma ppreżentati f ’dan il‑kapitlu. wara li ssir konsultazzjoni wiesgħa – u rapport nazzjonali waħdieni dwar l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona (ara punt 4). L‑istituzzjonijiet kollha ta’ l‑UE għandhom sehem x’jagħ‑ …u nsaħħu l‑prijoritajiet. tu.

• Jiġu ffukati mill‑ġdidl ‑isforzi fuq l‑għanijiet ta’ Għal dak li jirrigwarda l‑livell ta’ l‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni se prijorità u li jidhru, bl‑appoġġ ta’ miżuri konkreti li jkollha rwol ċentrali sabiex tfassal il‑politika u tiżgura li jwasslu għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi. Dan huwa din titwettaq. Dan se tagħmlu f ’ħidma mill‑qrib mal‑Par- ta' importanza fundamentali jekk irridu li Liżbona lament u l‑Kunsill, kif ukoll billi tibbenefika mill‑għarfien tirnexxi. Huwa biss billi jiġu identifikati prijoritajiet ċari espert ta’ istituzzjonijiet oħra ta’ l‑UE bħalma huma u konkreti li nistgħu nwasslu lin‑nies biex jappoġġjaw l‑Kumitat Soċjali u Ekonomiku Ewropew, il‑Kumitat l‑istrateġija u jimpenjaw irwieħhom fiha. tar‑Reġjuni, jew fil‑qasam finanzjarju, il‑Bank Ewropew ta’ l‑Investiment. Sabiex din is‑sħubija tagħti l‑frott, teħtieġ, fuq il‑livell nazzjonali, l‑impenn kollu ta’ kull imsieħeb. L‑Istati Membri għandhom jieħdu impenji sodi.

Fuq il‑livell nazzjonali, il‑Kummissjoni se tiffaċilita ‑l proċess 3. Azzjonijiet biex jinkiseb billi twaqqaf standards ta’ riferiment, tagħti appoġġ finanz- 385 it‑tkabbir ekonomiku jarju, tmexxi ‘l quddiem id‑djalogu soċjali jew tistabbilixxi l‑aħjar prassi. Iżda kien proprju fuq il‑livell tas‑suċċess u l‑impjiegi konkret li falliet l‑ewwel fażi ta’ Liżbona. Huwa għalhekk li l‑Kummissjoni, billi tqis kullsitwazzjoni nazzjonali speċi- 3.1. Programm ta’ Azzjoni għal Liżbona fika, qed turi fejn ‑l Istati Membri huma mistennija jieħdu għall‑Unjoni u l‑Istati Membri impenji sodi fi ħdan il‑programmi nazzjonali ta’ azzjoni tagħhom. Dawn l‑impenji għandhom ikopru miżuri konkreti, inkluż skeda taż‑żmien għall‑ħidma u indikaturi ta’ Tliet oqsma ewlenin... progress. Il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli l‑monitoraġġ u l‑kejl tal‑progress li jkun qed isir, billi tuża metodu ġdid ta’ rappur- Fil‑qalb tas‑sħubija proposta għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku taġġ u ta’ koordinament kif deskritt hawn taħt. u l‑impjiegi hemm Programm ta’ Azzjoni għalLiżbona. Dan jelenka l‑prijoritajiet li għandhom jgħinu lill‑Unjoni u lill‑Istati Membri sabiex iżidu l‑produttività u jkattru u jte- 3.2. Li l‑Ewropa ssir post li jiġbed aktar jbu l‑impjiegi. Tkopri azzjonijiet fi tliet oqsma ewlenin: investiment u xogħol

• Li l‑Ewropa ssir post li jiġbed aktar investiment u xogħol, Sabiex tingħata spinta lit‑tkabbir ekonomiku u lill‑impjiegi, jeħtieġ li l‑Ewropa ssir post li jattira l‑investiment • L‑għarfien u l‑innovazzjoni għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku, u x‑xogħol. L‑Unjoni Ewropea u l‑Istati Membri għand- • It‑tkattir u t‑titjib ta’ l‑impjiegi hom jiffukaw ‑l azzjonijiet tagħhom fuq il‑mezzi ewlenin.

... se nissimplifikaw il‑mod ta’ ħidma tagħna... Neħtieġu ambjent aħjar għall‑intrapriżi żgħar u medji tagħna. Dan se jiffoka mill‑ġdid l‑istrateġija mġedda ta’ Liżbona. Jagħti sens aktar ċar tal‑prijoritajiet. Iwieġeb għall‑kritika li L‑azzjoni hija hawnhekk ta’ importanza partikolari Liżbona kellha wisq prijoritajiet, u li kienet kumplessa wisq għall‑intrapriżi żgħar u ta’ daqs medju (SMEs) ta’ l‑Ew‑ biex in‑nies jifhmuha tassew. ropa li jiffurmaw 99% ta’ ‑l intrapriżi kollha u jirrapreżentaw żewġ terzi ta’ l‑impjiegi. Hemm wisq ostakli quddiem min ... jintqal min se jagħmel xiex, sa meta u kif se nkejlu l‑pro‑ jixtieq isir intraprenditur jew jiftaħ intrapriża, u għalhekk, gress. l‑Ewropa qed titlef l‑opportunitajiet. Li ninkoraġġixxu l‑inizjattiva intraprenditorjali timplika li għandna nġibu Il‑Programm ta’ Azzjoni ta’ Liżbona – li jibni fuq l‑esperjen- ‘l quddiem l‑attitudnijiet intraprenditorjali. Għandu jiġi za tal‑Programm tas‑Suq Intern - jidentifika ‑r responsabbil- revist il‑bilanċ bejn ir‑riskju u l‑premju marbuta ma’ l‑in- tajiet, jagħti skadenzi u jkejjel il‑progress. B’mod partikolari, traprenditorjat. L‑istigma tal‑falliment tikkumplika li dak jagħmel distinzjoni ċara bejn azzjonijiet fuq il‑livell ta’ Stat li jkun jerġa’ jibda mill‑ġdid u saħansitra żżomm lil ħafna milli jiftħu ‑l ewwel intrapriża. Fl‑aħħarnett, fl‑Ewropa, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

minkejja l‑progress li sar fl‑ewwel ħames snin ta’ Liżbona, ... u l‑amministrazzjonijiet nazzjonali għandhom rwol għad m’hemmx biżżejjed kapital għall‑investiment riskjuż ċentrali. biex jinbdew intrapriżi innovattivi minn żgħażagħ u r‑regoli tat‑taxxi kurrenti xejn ma jinkoraġġixxu ż‑żamma Fl‑aħħarnett, l‑Istati Membri għandhom jiżguraw li s‑sis- tal‑qliegħ biex jinbena l‑kapital proprju. temi regolatorji tagħhom jsiru aktar jaqblu mal‑ħtiġijiet ta’ suq mifrux ma’ l‑UE kollha kemm hi. Huwa kruċjali li Jeħtieġ li nwessgħu u napprofondixxu s‑suq intern jiġi żgurat li, fejn meħtieġ, jittejjeb ir‑rwol ta’ l‑amministrazzjonijiet nazzjonali sabiex ikun hemm kundizzjonijiet 3.2.1. Inwessgħu u napprofondixxu s‑Suq tas‑suq tajbin (pereżempju użu akbar ta’ servizzi on‑line Intern (e‑government), l‑affrontar tal‑korruzzjoni u l‑frodi). Barra minn hekk, jista’ jsir wisq aktar fil‑qasam tat‑tas- It‑temm tas‑Suq Waħdieni, b’mod partikolari fl‑oqs- sazzjoni sabiex is‑Suq Waħdieni jkun jista’ jaħdem aħjar ma tas‑servizzi, tal‑professjonijiet regolati, l‑enerġija, u jitnaqqsu l‑ostakli u t‑toqol amministrattiv eżistenti it‑trasport, ix‑xiri pubbliku u s‑servizzi finanzjarji tibqa’ għall‑intraprendituri. biċċa xogħol kruċjali. Il‑proviżjon ta’ servizzi ta’ kwalità għolja ta’ interess ġenerali għaċ‑ċittadini kollha bi prez- LEġIżLAZZJONI DWAR IS‑SUQ WAħDIENI zijiet li jilħaqhom kulħadd hija meħtieġa wkoll. Qasam tas‑servizzi f ’saħħtu u miftuħ qed isir dejjem aktar kruċ- Il‑Pjan ta’ Azzjoni għas‑Servizzi Finanzjarji kien wieħed jali għat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi fl‑ekonomija ta’ l‑Ewropa. mis‑suċċessi reali ta’ l‑ewwel fażi ta’ l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona: 386 Il‑qasam tas‑servizzi kien responsabbli kważi għat‑toalità miżuri leġiżlattivi tlestew fil‑ħin; l‑Istituzzjonijiet Ewropej ta’ l‑impjiegi ġodda maħluqa fl‑UE fiż‑żmien bejn l-1997 ħadmu tajjeb flimkien u nstabu soluzzjonijiet innovattivi u l-2002. Is‑servizzi issa jgħoddu għal 70% tal‑valur miżjud biex jimtlew id‑dettalji ta’ dan il‑qafas ġdid u ambizzjuż. ta’ l‑UE. Il‑ħelsien tal‑proviżjon ta’ dawn is‑servizzi se jisti- Dak li jgħodd issa huwa li jiġi żgurat li r‑regoli jiġu applika- mola t‑tkabbir ekonomiku u joħloq l‑impjiegi. Żieda netta ti b’mod konsistenti madwar l‑Unjoni. Fl‑istess waqt, dak ta’ 600.000 impjieg tista’ tintlaħaq jekk il‑qasam tas‑serviz- li baqa’ xi jsir fil‑Pjan ta’ Azzjoni għas‑Servizzi Finanzjarji zi jiġi meħlus. għandu jiġi indirizzat fis‑snin li ġejjin. Tittieħed azzjoni biss jekk wara konsultazzjoni wiesgħa mal‑partijiet inter- Dawn huma oqsma li jistgħu jagħtu riżultat tassew essati u evalwazzjoni ta’ l‑impatt, jidher ċar li din tirrendi fit‑tkabbir u fl‑impjiegi u huma ta’ rilevanza immedjata valur miżjud. għall‑konsumaturi. F’ħafna minn dawn l‑oqsma, Liżbona diġà lestiet ħafna mil‑leġiżlazzjoni, iżda l‑Istati Membri Sabiex jinbena kunsens dwar id‑Direttiva tas‑Serviz‑ qed jiddiżappuntaw lill‑intrapriżi u liċ‑ċittadini tagħhom zi u sabiex tiġi żgurata diskussjoni bla skossi dwar din billi jittrattienu biex jimplimentawha u jinfurzawha. il‑proposta importanti, il‑Kummissjoni se taħdem b’mod kostruttiv mal‑Parlament Ewropew, il‑Kunsill u dawk koll- ... nixprunaw l‑investiment u l‑innovazzjoni... ha kkonċernati fiż‑żmien qabel l‑adozzjoni ta’ l‑ewwel qari mill‑Parlament. Se niffukaw b’mod partikolari fuq tħassib It‑tneħħija ta’ l‑ostakli li għad baqa’ toħloq opportunita- li ssemma’ dwar oqsma bħalma huma t‑tħaddim tad‑dis- jiet ġodda għal dawk li jidħlu fis‑suq, u l‑kompetizzjoni li pożizzjonijiet tal‑pajjiż ta’ l‑oriġini u l‑impatt potenzjali tirriżulta tgħin biex jiżdied l‑investiment u l‑innovazzjoni. fuq ċertu setturi. Dan isir aktar importanti fl‑isfond ta’ l‑istaġnar tal‑kum- merċ fi ħdan ‑l UE nnifisha u d‑diffikultajiet ‑fil konverġen- Dwar id‑Direttiva REACH, il‑Kummissjoni tenfasizza tal‑prezzijiet. za l‑ħtieġa li tittieħed deċiżjoni li tkun konsistenti ma’ l‑għanijiet ta’ Liżbona dwar il‑kompettitività ta’ l‑industriji Ewropej u l‑inkoraġġament ta’ l‑innovazzjoni, u li għandha Nużaw mill‑aħjar li nistgħu s‑servizzi ta’ interess ekono‑ tikseb titjib notevoli fis‑saħħa u l‑ambjent għall‑benefiċċju miku ġenerali taċ‑ċittadini Ewropej. Il‑Kummissjoni tiġbed l‑attenzjoni fuq ir‑rieda tagħha li tikkoopera bis‑sħiħ mal‑Parlament Is‑servizzi pubbliċi għandhom rwol ċentrali f ’suq waħ- u mal‑Kunsill fit‑tfittxija ta’ soluzzjonijiet pragmatiċi għal dieni effettiv u dinamiku. F’Mejju 2004 il‑Kummissjoni kwistjonijiet ċentrali li feġġew fl‑evalwazzjoni li saret ta’ ppubblikat li fasslet il‑prinċipji li jsejsu l‑poli- White Paper REACH sabiex jittejjeb il‑mod kif jitħaddem. tika ta’ l‑UE fil‑qasam tas‑servizzi ta’ interess ġenerali u li indirizzat kwistjonijiet ċentrali bħalma huma l‑konnessjonijiet mar‑regoli tas‑suq intern, tal‑kompetizzjoni u ta’ Sabiex tegħleb l‑ostakli mqegħda mill-25 sett differen- l‑għajnuna ta’ l‑istat, u l‑għażla tal‑fornitur tas‑servizz ti ta’ regoli li jikkmandaw kif jiġu ntaxxati l‑kumpaniji u d‑drittijiet tal‑konsumatur. Il‑Kummissjoni se terġa’ lura meta joperaw f ’diversi Stati Membri, il‑Kummissjoni qed għal din il‑kwistjoni aktar ‘il quddiem fl-2005. tagħmel ħilitha ħalli tmexxi ‘l quddiem il‑ħidma biex Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona tipprova tikseb ftehim dwar bażi ta’ taxxa korporattiva fid‑dinja, huma kruċjali biex joħolqu rati ogħla ta’ tkabbir kkonsolidata u komuni u dwar it‑twettiq tagħha. Dan ekonomiku. se jnaqqas ammont apprezzabbli ta’ spejjeż għal dawk li jagħmlu l‑kummerċ f ’pajjiżi differenti, u fl‑istess waqt iħal- It‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi: id‑dimensjoni lu lill‑Istati Membri liberi li jistabbilixxu r‑rata tat‑taxxa dinjija korporattiva. L‑ilħiq ta’ftehim ambizzjujż tal‑fażi ta’ Doha għalhekk, jibqa’ l‑għan fundamentali. Flimkien ma’ dan, u komple- Il‑Brevett tal‑Komunità sar simbolu ta’ l‑impenn ta’ l‑Ew- mentari miegħu, għandhom isiru atti ta’ Ftehim ta’ Kum- ropa favur ekonomija bbażata fuq l‑għarfien. Din tibqa’ merċ Ħieles reġjonali u bilaterali, fost l‑oħrajn mal‑Merco- proposta importanti, u għandnanfittxu li nagħmlu pro- sur u mal‑Kunsill ta’ Kooperazzjoni fil‑Golf. gress malajr lejn soluzzjoni li tassew tista’ titħaddem u li tappoġġa l‑innovazzjoni. Għandha tingħata spinta ġdida għall‑konverġenza amministrattiva u regolatorja fuq il‑livell internazzjonali, b’mod Il‑kompetizzjoni hija ta’ importanza fundamentali. partikolari fir‑relazzjonijiet kummerċjali trans‑Atlantiċi. L‑żgurar tal‑konverġenza ta’ l‑istandards fuq il‑livell in- 3.2.2. Jiġu żgurati swieq miftuħa ternazzjonali, bl‑aktar mod wiesgħa possibbli – kemm u kompetittivi ġewwa u barra jekk dan huwa ma’ l‑imsieħba kummerċjali ewlenin tagħ- l‑Ewropa na bħalma huma l‑Istati Uniti jew ma’ swieq li qed jikbru Il‑kompetizzjoni hija ta’ importanza fundamentali fl‑Ażja bħaċ‑Ċina u l‑Indja, jew ma’ pajjiżi oħra fil‑viċinat 387 għas‑sħubija kollha għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi. ta’ l‑UE – għandhom potenzjal għal tnaqqis apprezzabbli Il‑politika dwar il‑kompetizzjoni ta’ l‑UE kellha rwol fl‑ispejjeż u tkabbir tal‑produttività. Il‑Kummissjoni se ċentrali biex is‑swieq kompetittivi Ewropej jingħataw ssegwi din l‑aġenda attivament. surithom, li taw kontribut biex tiżdied il‑produttività. Dan se jkompli fl‑Ewropa mkabbra b’mod partikolari Qafas regolatorju tajjeb jgħin il‑kummerċ u jibni l‑kunfi‑ permezz ta’ l‑infurzar proattiv u riforma ta’ l‑għajnuna ta’ denza fost il‑konsumaturi. l‑istat fir‑rigward ta’ l‑innovazzjoni, ir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp (R&D) u l‑kapital tar‑riskju. Il‑Kummissjoni, għalhekk, 3.2.3. Titjib tar‑regolamentazzjoni nazzjonali se tkompli tfittex li twettaq il‑politika tal‑kompetizzjoni u Ewropea tagħha, u dan jista’ jgħin biex jiġu identifikati ostakli regolatorji u mhumiex għall‑kompetizzjoni. Investigazzjoni‑ Il‑qtugħ ta’ spejjeż mhux meħtieġa, it‑twarrib ta’ l‑ostak- jiet f ’oqsma ewlenin, bħalma huma s‑servizzi finanzjarji li għall‑adattabilità u l‑innovazzjoni u leġiżlazzjoni li ma u l‑enerġija, se jinbdew biex jistħarrġu r‑raġunijiet għalfejn toħloqx diffikultajiet lill‑kompetizzjoni u lill‑impjiegi is‑swieq ma jaħdmux għal kollox f ’dawn l‑oqsma. se jgħinu biex jinħolqu kundizzjonijiet li jwasslu aħjar għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u produttività mtejba. Dan jinkludi miżuri bħas‑simplifikar, leġiżlazzjoni mfassla tajjeb L‑Istati Membri jridu jnaqqsu u jagħtu direzzjoni ġdida u sforzi biex jitnaqqas il‑piż ta’ l‑ispejjeż amministrattivi. lill‑għajnuna ta’ l‑Istat. Qafas regolatorju tajjeb se jsaħħaħ ukoll il‑kunfidenza fost il‑konsumaturi u jgħinhom jagħtu kontribut għat‑tkab- L‑Istati Membri għandhom inaqqsu u jagħtu direzzjoni bir ekonomiku. Piżijiet regolatorji jaffetwaw b’mod spro- ġdida lill‑Għajnuniet ta’ l‑Istat biex jindirizzaw in‑nuqqa- porzjonat l‑intrapriżi żgħar u ta’ daqs medju li normalment sijiet tas‑swieq f ’oqsma b’potenzjal għoli ta’ tkabbir u jisti- ikollhom riżorsi limitati biex ikampaw ma’ l‑amministrazz- molaw ukoll l‑innovozzjoni. Dawn l‑inizjattivi għandhom joni li dawn ir‑regoli ta’ spiss jimponu. jaffrontaw b’mod ċar il‑ħtiġijiet u d‑diffikultajiet ta’‑ l in- trapriżi żgħar u ta’ daqs medju. Il‑Kummissjoni se tniedi riforma globali tar‑regoli ta’ l‑għajnuna ta’ l‑Istat matul din Irridu nneħħu piżijiet mhux meħtieġa is‑sena (ara taqsima 3.3.1). Approċċ ġdid għar‑regolamentazzjoni għandu jfittex li jneħħi l‑piżijiet u jnaqqas il‑burokrazija mhux meħtieġa, Il‑kummerċ fl‑UE jeħtieġ ukoll swieq dinjija miftuħa. sabiex jintlaħqu l‑għanijiet tal‑politika. Regolamentazzjo- ni aħjar għandha tkun il‑pedament għat‑teħid tad‑deċiż- Aktar ma jgħaddi ż‑żmien, il‑kumpaniji Ewropej qed iħab- jonijiet fil‑livelli kollha ta’ l‑Unjoni. btu wiċċhom ma’ aktar sfidi internazzjonali, u ‑ l politika tal‑kummerċ ta’ l‑UE trid tiżgura li jkollhom aċċess għal Regolamentazzjoni aħjar swieq terzi u li fihom jikkompetu fuq bażi ġusta b’regoli ċari. Fil‑qosor, swieq miftuħa, kemm ‑fl Ewropa kif ukoll Regolazzjoni aħjar għandha impatt pożittiv apprezzabbli fuq il- qafas ta’ kundizzjonijiet għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

l‑impjiegi u l‑produttività billi titjieb il‑kwalità tal‑leġiżlazz- Il‑ftuħ tas‑settur ta’ l‑enerġija u ta’ setturi oħra ta’ netwerk joni, u b’hekk jinħolqu l‑inċentivi l‑meħtieġa għall‑kum- ghandu jitwettaq ghal kollox merċ, jinqatgħu l‑ispejjeż bla bżonn u jitwarrbu l‑ostakli għall‑adattabilità u l‑innovazzjoni. Fl‑aħħarnett irridu niżguraw li l‑ftuħ għall‑kompetizzjoni, li fuqu kulħadd jaqbel, ta’ setturi bħal ma huma dawk ta’ L‑Istati Membri għandhom jieħdu wkoll l‑inizjattivi l‑enerġija u industriji ta’ netwerk oħrajn issa tiġi mwettqa tagħhom għal regolamentazzjoni aħjar, l‑aktar f ’oqsma fil‑konkret. Dawn il‑miżuri huma mezz importanti biex fejn it‑tkabbir tal‑produttività ta’ l‑Ewropa jidher b’mod ikun hemm l‑aħjar użu ta’ l‑infrastruttura fiżika, b’mod li ċar li baqa’ lura, bħalma hu l‑qasam tas‑servizzi. sew il‑konsumaturi kif ukoll l‑industrija, ikunu fejn ikunu, igawdu l‑benefiċċji li jiġu minn prezzijiet orħos, għażla ak- Il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli tfittex b’ambizzjoni li tilħaq bar u garanzija ta’ servizzi ta’ kwalità għolja u ta’ interess dan l‑għan u sejra tniedi inizjattiva ġdida kbira qabel ġenerali ghaċ‑ċittadini kollha il‑Kunsill tar‑Rebbiegħa, li tkun tinkludi: L‑infrastrutturi Ewropej Evalwazzjoni aħjar ta’ l‑effetti ta’ proposti għal‑leġiżlazzjo- Biex jinkisbu l‑benefiċċji li jistgħu jaslu bis‑saħħa ta’ l‑is- ni jew ta’ miżuri ġodda dwar il‑kompettittività, anke per- trateġija rrinforzata ta’ Liżbona, jinħtieġ l‑ewwel u qabel mezz ta’ l‑istrument tagħha għall‑Evalwazzjoni ta’ l‑Impatt. kollox li jkun hemm infrastruttura moderna tat‑trasport u l‑enerġija mal‑firxa kollha tat‑territorju ta’ l‑Unjoni Il‑ġbir ta’ għarfien espert minn barra għal pariri dwar 388 Ewropea. L‑istati membri għandhom iwettqu l‑impenn li il‑kwalità tal‑metodoloġija tat‑twettiq ta’ l‑evalwazzjoniji- ħadu u jibdew jaħdmu fuq l-45 proġett bejn it‑territor‑ et ta’ l‑impatt. ji ta’ pajjiżi differenti “quick start”, maħsuba biex itejbu l‑infrastruttura tat‑trasport u l‑enerġija. Il‑koordinazzjoni Il‑piż kumulattiv tar‑regolazzjoni, l‑aċċess diffiċli fuq bażi Ewropea, proġett bi proġett, irid ikollha magħha għas‑swieq u l‑pressjoni insuffiċjenti għall‑kompetizzjo- impenn ċar mill‑Istati Membri kkonċernati sabiex jitnieda ni tista’ żżomm lura l‑innovazzjoni f ’oqsma li għandhom proċess ta’ ppjanar u ffinanzjar. Fil‑programmi nazzjonali potenzjal kbir għat‑tkabbir. Il‑Kummissjoni, għalhekk, se tagħhom ta’ azzjoni, l‑Istati Membri għandhom jagħtu tniedi serje ta’ reviżjonijiet settorjali sabiex tidentifika ‑l os- rendikont ta’dak li jkun qed isir. takli li qed iżommu lura t‑tkabbir u l‑innovazzjoni f ’setturi ewlenin. Attenzjoni speċjali se tingħata lill‑piżijiet li 3.3. L‑għarfien u l‑innovazzjoni jaqgħu fuq l‑intrapriżi żgħar u ta’ daqs medju. ghat‑tkabbir ekonomiku Infrastruttura moderna tgħin fil‑kummerċ u fil‑mobilità. L‑għarfien imexxi t‑tkabbir fil‑produttività. 3.2.4. L‑infrastruttura Ewropea għandha tinfirex u tittejjeb F’ekonomiji avvanzati, bħal ma hi dik ta’ l‑UE, l‑għarfien, jiġifieri ‑l R&D, l‑innovazzjoni u l‑edukazzjoni, huwa fat- Jeħtieġ li s‑Suq Waħdieni jingħata infrastuttura moderna tur ċentrali li jmexxi ‘l quddiem it‑tkabbir ekonomiku. biex il‑kummerċ u l‑mobilità jitħaffu. Sa llum f ’dan il‑qasam L‑għarfien huwa fattur kritiku biex ‑l Ewropa tkun tista’ ti- il‑progress kien batut u diżappuntanti, u wasal iż‑żmien li bqa’ kompetittiva f ’dinja globalizzata fejn pajjiżi oħra qed nħarsu lejn din il‑problema. Infrastruttura moderna hija jikkompetu b’pagi baxxi jew riżorsi primarji irħas. fattur importanti ta’ kompetittività f ’ħafna deċiżjonijiet ta’ l‑intrapriżi, u dan jaffettwa kemm post partikolari jkun Jeħtiġilna nagħlqu d‑distakk ta’ l‑UE fl‑R&D attraenti soċjalment u ekonomikament. Tagħti garanzija għall‑mobilità tal‑persuni, tal‑merkanzija u tas‑servizzi fi 3.3.1. żieda u titjib fl‑investimet fir‑Riċerka ħdan l‑Unjoni. Barra minn hekk, l‑investiment li jsir, speċ- u l‑Iżvilupp jalment fl‑Istati Membri l‑ġodda, jgħin it‑tkabbir ekonomiku u jwassal biex ikun hemm konverġenza akbar f ’sens Madankollu, l‑UE għadha tinvesti madwar terz anqas ekonomiku, soċjali u ambjentali. Meta wieħed iqis li l‑ef- minn dak li tinvesti l‑Istati Uniti fl‑R&D. 80% tad‑differ- fetti li ġġib magħha l‑infrastruttura jibqgħu jinħassu għal enza ġejja minn nuqqas ta’ investiment mis‑settur privat żmien twil, id‑deċiżjonijiet għandhom jagħtu kontribut fir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp, speċjalment fl‑ICT. L‑UE bħalissa siewi lejn is‑sostenibbilità. Bl‑istess mod, dan l‑għan ikun tonfoq biss 2% tal‑PGD, kemm kemm aktar minn kemm jista’ jintlaħaq aħjar ukoll meta l‑prezzijiet għall‑użu ta’ din kienet tonfoq fiż‑żmien meta tnediet l‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbo- l‑infrastruttura jkunu ġusti u effiċjenti. na. Jeħtieġ li jsir aktar biex jintlaħaq l‑għan li n‑nefqa fuq l‑R&D tilħaq il‑livell ippjanat ta’ 3% tal‑PGD. Biex dan isir, tinħtieġ nefqa pubblika akbar u aktar effiċjenti, qafas Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona ta’ kundizzjonijiet aktar favorevoli, inċentivi qawwija biex 3.3.2. L‑iffaċilitar ta’ l‑innovazzjoni, l‑użu kumpaniji privati jidħlu għall‑innovazzjoni u l‑R&D, kif ta’ l‑ICT u l‑utilizzazzjoni sostenibbli ukoll għadd akbar ta’ riċerkaturi li jkunu mħarrġa aħjar tar‑riżorsi. u aktar immotivati. L‑universitajiet għandhom rwol kruċjali biex joħolqu u ji‑ L‑ilħiq tal‑mira ta’ nefqa ta’ 3% fuq l‑R&D firxu l‑għarfien.

Huma l‑Istati Membri li l‑aktar li jistgħu jirsistu biex tint- Il‑kontribut ta’ l‑universitajiet biex l‑għarfien jinħoloq laħaq il‑mira stabbilita f ’Liżbona għal nefqa fuq ir‑riċer- u jinfirex ma’ l‑Unjoni kollha kemm hi jrid jissaħħaħ. ka u l‑iżvilupp (3% tal‑PGD sa l-2010). Fil‑programmi Il‑Kummissjoni se toħroġ b’ideat dwar kif dawn jista’ jiżdid- nazzjonali ta’ Liżbona tagħhom, l‑Istati Membri jridu ulhom il‑potenzjal u l‑kwalità tagħhom fir‑riċerka u fix‑xjen- juru ċar x’passi qed jieħdu biex joqorbu lejn it‑twettiq ta’ za sabiex isiru aktar attraenti u biex ikollhom rabtiet aħjar dawn l‑għanijiet. Hija ħaġa kruċjali li jitħajjar aktar inves- ma’ l‑industrija. Il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi wkoll linji ta’ timent kummerċjali, u l‑Istati Membri għandhom jisfrut- gwida biex titjieb il‑kollaborazzjoni bejniethom fir‑riċerka, taw il‑possibilitajiet kollha offruti mill‑qafas il‑ġdid dwar u biex jitjieb il‑mod kif it‑teknoloġija tgħaddi għand l‑in- l‑għajnuniet statali. dustrija. Se tidħol ukoll fil‑kwistjoni dwar kif l‑universitajiet Ewropej jistgħu jikkompetu fuq bażi internazzjonali. Minn Fattur ewlieni għandu wkoll ikun l‑ikkoordinar ta’ ħidma ħafna lati, qiegħed isir evidenti li l‑mod kif l‑universitajiet Ewropea biex jitjieb il‑qafas ta’ tassazzjoni għall‑R&D. iħarsu lejn l‑iffinanzjar, ‑it tmexxija u l‑kwalità mhux tajjeb Dan huwa fattur li kull ma jmur aktar qed isir impor- biżżejjed biex jintlaqgħu l‑isfidi ta’ dak li issa sar suq globali, 389 tanti, biex is‑settur kummerċjali jitħeġġeġ jonfoq aktar sew għall‑akkademiċi kif ukoll għall‑istudenti, barra milli għar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp f ’pajjiżi oħra. Dan ikun importan- għall‑għarfien innifsu. ti b’mod partikolari għat‑tkabbir ta’ l‑intrapriżi żgħar u ta’ daqs medju li jaħdmu fil‑qasam tat‑teknoloġija avvanzata L‑investiment ta’ l‑UE għandu jkollu rwol ukoll fl‑Unjoni kollha kemm hi. Biex jinkisbu sinerġiji akbar bejn l‑iffinanzjar għar‑riċerka, Fuq il‑livell ta’ l‑Unjoni, is‑seba’ programm ta’ qafas għall‑istrutturi u għall‑koeżjoni, jeħtieġ li ninvestu aktar għar‑riċerka se jkollu l‑għan li jqawwi bis‑sħiħ il‑kom- f ’faċilitajiet għar‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni, biex aktar reġjuni petittività ta’ l‑industriji tagħna f ’oqsma teknoloġiċi ew- jkunu jistgħu jieħdu sehem f ’attivitajiet ta’ riċerka fuq livell lenin, billi l‑isforzi li jsiru madwar l‑Unjoni kollha jissaħħu Ewropew. u jinqasmu bejn kulħadd, kif ukoll biex iġi amplifikat ‑l investiment mis‑settur privat. Il‑programm ta’ qafas se jiffo- Poli ta’ innovazzjoni ka fuq l‑eċċellenza tal‑bażi tar‑riċerka, bis‑saħħa ta’ Kunsill Ewropew għar‑Riċerka li għad irid jiġi stabbilit, magħmul Sew fuq livell reġjonali kif ukoll fuq livell lokali, jinħtieġ minn xjenzati indipendenti ta’ klassi internazzjonali, li li jsir sforz akbar biex jitwaqqfu poli ta’ innovazzjoni, jagħżlu l‑proġetti u l‑programmi tar‑riċerka skond kemm u b’hekk jitqarrbu l‑intrapriżi żgħar u medji li jaħdmu dawn jilħqu livelli xjentifiċi ta’ eċċellenza. b’teknoloġija avvanzata, l‑universitajiet, u l‑appoġġ kum‑ merċjali u finanzjarju meħtieġ. L‑Istati Membri għand- Reviżjoni tal‑qafas dwar l‑għajnuniet statali hom jisfruttaw kemm jifilħu ‑l opportunitajiet li joffru għall‑R&D u l- innovazzjoni l‑fondi reġjonali u soċjali ta’ l‑UE għas‑sostenn ta’ strateġiji reġjonali għall‑innovazzjoni. Dan hu kruċjali biex ikunu Fil‑kuntest ta’ riforma sħiħa fir‑regolamenti dwar l‑għajn- jistgħu jintużaw iċ-”ċentri ta’ eċċellenza” ġodda miġjuba ‘l uniet statali, ir‑reviżjoni tal‑Qafas ta’ llum dwar l‑Għa‑ quddiem fil‑programm tagħna ta’ riċerka, biex b’hekk l‑ideat jnuniet Statali għall‑R&D se ssir qabel ma kien maħsub, ma jibqgħux fil‑laboratorju iżda jibdew jintużaw fl‑industri- biex jitħaffef sew ‑l aċċess għall‑iffinanzjar u għall‑kapital ta’ ja. Dan jitħaffef billi tissaħħah il‑konnessjoni bejn il‑fondi riskju, kif ukoll l‑iffinanzjar pubbliku ta’‑ l R&D u l‑inno- reġjonali, il‑programm ta’ qafas għar‑riċerka, u l‑Programm vazzjoni. Qabel is‑Sajf ta’ l-2005, il‑Kummissjoni se toħroġ il‑ġdid dwar il‑Kompetittività u l‑Innovazzjoni. komunikazzjoni fuq il‑futur tal‑politika dwar l‑ghajnuniet statali. Jeħtieġ li jitħaffef il‑mod kif ir‑riċerka u l‑innovazz- Il‑programmi nazzjonali ta’ Liżbona għandhom jagħtu joni, speċjalment dawk li jsiru minn kumpaniji ġodda u in- r‑rotta sabiex jiġu stabbiliti ċentri ġodda u jiġu żviluppati novattitivi, jirċievu l‑għajnuna finanzjarja. Illum, wieħed dawk eżistenti. mill‑akbar ostakli għall‑innovazzjoni huwa l‑aċċess limitat għall‑iffinanzjar. ‑Il pubbliku x’aktarx li jagħti l‑appoġġ Il‑kisba ta’ l‑għarfien dejjem kienet fil‑qalba ta’ l‑avven- tiegħu meta jara ċar x’benefiċċji ġenerali hemm għas‑soċ- tura Ewropea. Għenitna nfasslu l‑identità u l‑valuri tagħ- jetà, fil‑waqt li jiħi żgurat li l‑ambjent kompetittiv jibqa’ na, u tmexxina ‘l quddiem biex għall‑ġejjieni nibqgħu bla mittiefes. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

kompetittivi. Biex insaħħu l‑impenn tagħna favur l‑għarfien din l‑isfida u tkun minn ta’ quddiem fil‑mixja lejn mudelli bħala ċ‑ċavetta għat‑tkabbir, il‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi aktar sostenibbli ta’ produzzjoni u konsum. il‑ħolqien ta’ “Istitut Ewropew tat‑Teknoloġija” biex iservi bħala ċentru ta’ attrazzjoni għall‑aħjar imħuħ, l‑aħjar ideat …iċ‑ċavetta tinsab fl‑Eko‑innovazzjoni u l‑aħjar kumpaniji minn madwar id‑dinja kollha. Il‑Kum- missjoni se tfittex, flimkien ma’‑ l Istati Membri, kif ukoll ma’ Aktar minn hekk, it‑tkabbir ekonomiku jista’ jsir tassew ak- dawk kollha kkonċernati, sew mis‑settur pubbliku kif ukoll tar sostenibbli f ’sens ambjentali jekk bis‑saħħa ta’ tkabbir minn dak privati, biex tara kif l‑aħjar iġġib ‘il quddiem din innovattiv, tinkiseb aktar produzzjoni mill‑istess tidħil ta’ l‑idea. riżorsi. Huwa għalhekk li jinħtieġ li jingħata appoġġ qawwi lill‑eko‑innovazzjoni, speċjalment fit‑trasport u l‑enerġija. L‑investiment fit‑teknoloġiji l‑ġodda … L‑eko‑innovazzjoni Il‑politika dwar il‑kompetizzjoni u dik dwar it‑tassazzjoni għandhom effett qawwi fuq ‑l innovazzjoni. Il‑ħeffa li biha Il‑Kummissjoni se tmexxi ‘l quddiem it‑teknoloġiji amb- jibdew jintużaw teknoloġiji ġodda ukoll għandha effett qaw- jentali. Se tieħu wkoll dawk il‑passi meħtieġa biex tmexxi wi, speċjalment f ’kuntest fejn it‑teknoloġija tinbidel malajr. ‘l quddiem l‑iżvilupp ta’ metodi u teknoloġiji biex l‑UE tagħmel it‑tibdiliet strutturali meħtieġa sabiex ikun hawn is‑sostenibbiltà fuq medda twila ta’ żmien, pereżempju …huwa kruċjali biex tiżdied il‑produttività,waqt li… f ’dak li għandu x’jaqsam ma’ l‑użu sostenibbli tar‑riżor- 390 si, it‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑użu effiċjenti ta’‑ l enerġija. Dawn B’mod aktar ġenerali, ir‑riżultati tagħna fl‑innovazzjoni jid- huma meħtieġa sew biex jintużaw fi ħdan ‑l UE kif ukoll l‑investiment fit‑te‑ dependu b’mod kruċjali fuq it‑tisħiħ ta’ biex jilqgħu għad‑domanda fi swieq li qed jespandu madwar knoloġiji l‑ġodda u l‑użu li nagħmlu minnhom, speċjal‑ id‑dinja kollha. Hemm potenzjal apprezzabbli għal sinerġiji ment l‑ICTs, sew fis‑settur privat kif ukoll f ’dak pubbliku. ekonomiċi, ambjentali u ta’ l‑impjiegi li jiġu minn teknoloġi- It‑teknoloġiji ta’ l‑informazzjoni u l‑komunikazzjoni huma ja ambjentali u mill‑użu effiċjenti ta’‑ l enerġija. l‑qafas ta’ ekonomija msejsa fuq l‑għarfien. Madwar nofs iż‑żieda fil‑produttività fl‑ekonomiji moderni ġejja minn- Dawn jiġu mwieżna bi sforzi akbar ghat‑tixrid tar‑riċer- hom. Madankollu, l‑investiment f ’din it‑teknoloġija fl‑Ew- ka u t‑teknoloġija, fosthom billi jinkiseb iffinanzjar privat ropa qed ikun anqas minn dak fl‑Istati Uniti, u qed isir ukoll mill‑Bank ta’ l‑Investiment Ewropew, biex jitmexxa ‘l quddi- aktar tard, speċjalment fis‑setturi tas‑servizzi bħal ma huma em l‑iżvilupp u t‑tixrid ta’ teknoloġija li tuża anqas karburi t‑trasport, il‑bejgħ bl‑imnut u s‑servizzi finanzjari. 3.3.3. Kontribut lejn bażi industrijali Ewropea i2010: Soċjetà Ewropea ta’l‑Informatika tista’ tkabbar l‑użu ta’ l‑ICT qawwija Bażi industrijali qawwija tgħinna nżommu postna fuq Fil‑waqt li r‑responsabbiltà ewlenija tibqa’ dik ta’ l‑amminis- quddiem nett fix‑xjenza u t‑teknoloġija trazzjonijiet kummerċjali u pubbliċi, l‑Ewropa qed tkun ta’ għajnuna. Inizjattiva ġdida – i2010: is‑Soċjetà Informatika Li nimxu ‘l quddiemnett fid‑dinja fil‑qasam ta’ l‑R&D Ewropea se tgħin biex tifrex u tkabbar l‑użu ta’ l‑ICTs, biex u l‑innovazzjoni, ikun ifisser li niksbu vantaġġ ta’ ħeffa li b’hekk titkompla l‑aġenda eEwropa, li ħeġġet l‑istrateġi- nibqgħu ngawduh għal żmien twil. L‑esperjenza li ksib- ja ta’ Liżbona. Dan isir billi jiddakkar ambjent ċar, stabbli na bit‑tħaddim ta’ teknoloġija innovattiva bħal ma kienet u kompetittiv għall‑komunikazzjoni elettronika u s‑servizzi dik tal‑GSM, fissret li ‑l Ewropa setgħet tistabilixxi stand- diġitali, aktar riċerka u innovazzjoni fl‑ICTs, u Soċjetà ta’ ards internazzjonali. Biex iżżomm ruħha fuq quddiem l‑Informatika orjentata lejn l‑inklużjoni u l‑kwalità tal‑ħajja. fl‑ekonomija u fit‑teknoloġija, u biex tkompli tkabbar il‑vantaġġ tagħha, l‑Ewropa jrid ikollha kapaċità indus‑ Irridu wkoll nilqgħu l‑isfidi tar‑riżorsi u ta’ l‑ambjent trijali qawwija, billi tisfrutta kemm tiflaħ il‑potenzjal teknoloġiku li għandha. Hemm bżonn li jkollna metodu Suċċess dejjiemi għall‑Unjoni jiddependi fuq kemm ikunu integrat u li jħares bil‑quddiem lejn il‑problemi, ibbażat jistgħu jintlaqgħu għadd ta’ sfidi ambjentali u ta’ riżorsi fuq żvilupp tas‑settur industrijali skond il‑ħtiġijiet tas‑suq. għax jekk dawn jitħallew għal riħhom, jiġri li ma jkunx jista’ Is‑sinerġiji li jiġu meta nilqgħu l‑isfidi tar‑riċerka, tar‑reg- jsir tkabbir fil‑futur. Dan il‑ħsieb jinsab fil- qalba ta’ ‑l iżvi- olamentazzjoni u ta’ l‑iffinanzjar fuq livell Ewropew – lupp sostenibbli. B’kuntrast ma’ l‑Ewropa, f ’ħafna nħawi f ’dawk il‑każi fejn, minħabba raġunijiet ta’ daqs jew skop, tad‑dinja hemm rati għolja ta’ tkabbir ekonomiku, flimkien l‑Istati Membri individwali ma jistgħux ikollhom suċċess ma’ żieda qawwija fil‑popolazzjoni. L‑Ewropa trid tilqa’ għal waħedhom – mhux dejjem ġew sfruttati kemm imiss. Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona

Il‑proġett Galileo u l‑ajrunawtika huma eżempji fejn 3.4. It‑tkattir u t‑titjib ta’ l‑Impjiegi it‑tisħib bejn is‑settur pubbliku u dak privat kisbu riżultat. L‑Ewropa teħtieġ li jitkattru u jittejbu l‑impjiegi... Il‑proġett Galileo u l‑ajrunawtika huma eżempji qawwija tat‑tlaqqigħ flimkien b’suċċess tal‑livelli eċċellenti li jint- L‑iżgurar tal‑prosperità u t‑tnaqqis tar‑riskji ta’ l‑esklużjo- laħqu fl‑Ewropa. Fiż‑żewġ każijiet l‑ekonomija Ewropea ni soċjali jeħtieġu li jsir sforz akbar biex in‑nies jingħataw kisbet benefiċċji apprezzabbli. Dawn il‑metodi li bihom ix‑xogħol u biex jibqgħu fix‑xogħol jew fl‑edukazzjoni it‑tisħib bejn is‑settur pubbliku u dak privat jingħa- matul ħajjithom. ta spinta ‘l quddiem għandhom jiġu żviluppati f ’dawk il‑każijiet fejn is‑soċjetà ġenerali tikseb vantaġġi akbar ...iżda r‑realtà demografika qed tkompli żżid il‑pressjoni milli jikseb is‑settur privat: pereżempju, fil‑ksib ta’ l‑en- fuq ir‑riżultati tagħna fl‑impjiegi. erġija mill‑idroġenu. It‑tnedija mill‑ġdid ta’ l‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona għandha toħloq il‑kundizzjonijiet meħtieġa biex dan il‑potenzjal jintuża’, u biex jitħaffef it‑tibdil strutturali F’kuntest ta’ bidla ekonomika mgħaġġla u żieda qawwija meħtieġ, fil‑waqt li ssir ħidma esterna biex jinkisbu swieq fid‑demografija tax‑xjuħija, it‑tkattir u t‑titjib ta’ l‑impjie- miftuħa. gi mhumiex biss ambizzjonijiet politiċi: huma bżonnijiet ekonomiċi u soċjali. Matul il-50 sena li ġejjin, l‑Ewropa sejra taffronta transizzjoni demografika li qatt ma rajna Inizjattivi Ewropej fit‑Teknoloġija bħalha. Bi tkomplija tax‑xejriet demografiċi tal‑preżent, Il‑kompetittività industrijali tista’ tiġi appoġġata bit‑twaq- l‑għadd totali ta’ dawk li jaħdmu se jonqos. Minbarra 391 qif ta’ inizjattivi kbar Ewropej fil‑qasam tat‑teknoloġija l‑bidla soċjali apprezzabbli li se ġġib magħha din it‑tran- permezz ta’ l‑immobilitar ta’ fondi mill‑Unjoni, mill‑Istati sizzjoni, se tagħmel pressjoni qawwija fuq is‑sistemi tagħna Membri u mill‑industrija. Il‑programm ta’ qafas għar‑riċer- tal‑pensjonijiet u tas‑sigurtà soċjali u, jekk ma titrażżanx, ka li jmiss jista’ jmexxi dan il‑proċess, u jagħtih biżżejjed tnaqqas ir‑rati ta’ tkabbir potenzjali tagħna għal‑livell prijorità. L‑għan huwa li jiġu indirizzati l‑fallimenti miżeru ta’ 1% fis‑sena. Barra minn hekk, il‑popolazzjoni fis‑suq u jitmexxew ‘il quddiem l‑iżviluppi ta’ prodotti ta’ xi wħud mill‑Istati Membri tagħna tista’ tiċkien drasti- jew servizzi fuq il‑bażi ta’ dawk it‑teknoloġiji li mhux biss kament. Il‑Kummissjoni se tadotta green paper biex tniedi huma fundamentali għall‑mudell ta’ l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli dibattitu dwar din l‑isfida demografika, sabiex tidentifi- ta’ l‑Ewropa, imma li wkoll jagħtu sehmhom għall‑kom- ka dawk il‑miżuri pubbliċi li jistgħu jiġu introdotti biex petittività industrijali. L‑iskala tagħhom jistħoqqilha fi- jaffrontawha. nanzjament miżjud mill‑UE, u din ta’ l‑aħħar timmobilizza aktar iffinanzjar nazzjonali u privat. ‑It tmexxija tiegħu Fl‑aħħarnett, il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi r‑reviżjoni ta’ issir bi sħab bejn is‑settur pubbliku u dak privat. l‑Istrateġija Ewropea għall‑Impjiegi fl-2005 bħala parti integrali ta’ l‑Istrateġija l‑ġdida ta’ Liżbona, imsejsa fuq Eżempji importanti jirrigwardaw teknoloġiji li ma jgħar- il‑Pjan ta’ Azzjoni ta’ Liżbona. rqux l‑ambjent, bħat‑teknoloġija ta’ l‑idroġenu u dik ta’ l‑enerġija tax‑xemx. Għal dawn il‑proġetti, punt tajjeb ta’ 3.4.1. It‑tressiq ta’ aktar nies lejn l‑impjiegi riferiment huwa l‑proġett Galileo, li se joħloq suq impor- u l‑immodernizzar tas‑sistemi ta’ tanti u għadd kbir ta’ impjiegi. Li tiżdied il‑kapaċità ta’ ħarsien soċjali. l‑UE sabiex tittrasforma t‑teknoloġija fi prodotti konkreti, swieq u impjiegi huwa ta’ importanza ewlenija għas‑suċċess Jeħtiġilna nressqu iktar nies lejn il‑forza tax‑xogħol... ta’ Liżbona. Filwaqt li jeħtiġilna naffrontaw il‑fenomenu ta’ rati baxxi Il‑Kummissjoni se tidentifika ‑l kriterji, it‑temi u l‑proġetti ta’ twelid fl‑Ewropa bħala parti minn politika li tħares f ’kooperazzjoni mill‑qrib ma’ dawk kollha li huma l‑aktar fit‑tul, it‑tkattir ta’ l‑impjiegi huwa l‑iktar mezz effettiv involuti (l‑Istati Membri, il‑komunità tar‑riċerka, l‑indus- għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑promozzjoni ta’ ekonomiji trija, u s‑soċjetà ċivili) u tirrapporta lill‑Kunsill Ewropew li jkunu aktar inklużivi mil‑lat soċjali. L‑isfida tikkonsis- f ’Ġunju. Dan il‑proċess, u warajh il‑fażijiet tat‑tħejjija ti f ’li jitressqu aktar nies lejn is‑suq tax‑xogħol u li dawn u l‑iffinanzjar, se jseħħu fi ħdan‑ il proċess ta’ preparazzjoni jibqgħu fih, permezz ta’ politika attiva rigward ‑l imp- u adozzjoni tal‑Programm ta’ Qafas. jiegi u l‑għoti ta’ l‑inċentivi meħtieġa. Li n‑nies li jkunu waqgħu fil‑qgħad jew fl‑inattività jerġgħu jidħlu fl‑impjiegi, u l‑għoti ta’ inċentivi sabiex in‑nies tibqa’ aktar fit‑tul fil‑forza tax‑xogħol, it‑tnejn jirrikjedu l‑immodernizzar tas‑sistemi tal‑ħarsien soċjali. Il‑potenzjal enormi tan‑nisa fis‑suq tax‑xogħol għadu ma ġiex sfruttat għal kollox. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

L‑imsieħba soċjali għandhom jieħdu l‑impenn biex tkom- Eżempji ta’ miżuri bħal dawn huma ż‑żieda u t‑titjib fl‑ef- pli titwarrab id‑differenza bejn il‑qligħ ta’ l‑irġiel u n‑nisa. fettività ta’ l‑investimenti fl‑edukazzjoni, it‑tnaqqis fil‑għadd ta’ dawk li jitilqu bikri mill‑iskola u ta’ dawk b’ilħiq baxx ...u nfasslu l‑miżuri adatti għall‑ħaddiema sew żgħażagħ ta’ kwalifikazzjonijiet, u aktar parteċipazzjoni ‑fl istudju u mhumiex tal‑matematika, ix‑xjenza, it‑teknoloġija u l‑inġinjerija.

Jeħtieġ ukoll li tittieħed azzjoni għaż‑żgħażagħ, settur li fih Il‑miżuri taħt il‑kap “Żieda u Titjib fl‑investiment fir‑Riċer- l‑Ewropa għadha qed taffronta qgħad strutturali għoli u rati ka u l‑Iżvilupp” – f ’rabta mal‑kapaċità li jitkattar l‑ammont għoljin ta’ tluq bikri mill‑edukazzjoni, kif ukoll għall‑ħaddie- ta’ kapital uman fl‑ekonomija – ukoll se jgħinu lill‑ġenerazz- ma aktar imdaħħlin fiż‑żmien li se jibdew jitilqu mis‑suq jonijiet iż‑żgħar billi jiftħu prospetti ġodda ta’ karrieri. tax‑xogħol f ’numri kbar ħafna hekk kif jilħqu l‑età ta’ 55 sena. Barra minn hekk, ħafna nies isibuha diffiċli li jgħaqqdu L‑immodernizzar tas‑sistemi ta’ ħarsien soċjali wkoll huwa l‑ħajja tax‑xogħol ma’ dik tal‑familja. Il‑provvista ta’ servizzi importanti. għall‑kura tat‑tfal li jkunu sew aħjar kif ukoll aktar għal but kulħadd, b’mod partikolari, jistgħu jgħinu ħafna. Il‑migrazz- L‑Istati Membri għandhom jimmodernizzaw is‑sistemi ta’ joni legali wkoll għandha rwol ewlieni, sabiex jiġu evitati ħarsien soċjali (l‑aktar is‑sistemi tal‑pensjonijiet u tal‑ku- sew in‑nuqqas ta’ ħiliet speċifiċi kif ukoll it‑tlaqqigħ ħażin ra tas‑saħħa) u jsaħħu l‑politika ta’ l‑impjiegi tagħhom. tat‑talba u l‑offerta f ’setturi importanti tas‑suq tax‑xogħol. Il‑politika ta’ l‑impjiegi ta’ l‑Istati Membri għandha tfittex li tressaq aktar nies lejn l‑impjiegi (b’mod partikolari permezz 392 Inizjattiva ewropea għaż‑żgħażagħ ta ‘ riformi tal‑benefiċċji u tat‑taxxi biex jitwarrbu n‑nasbiet li jżommu n‑nies fil‑qgħad u fi dħul baxx, użu mtejjeb ta’ Fl‑ittra tagħhom tad-29 ta’ Ottubru 2004, il‑mexxejja ta’ miżuri attivi fis‑suq tax‑xogħol, u strateġiji biex titwal il‑ħajja Franza, il‑Ġermanja, Spanja u l‑Iżvezja ressqu proposta tax‑xogħol), ittejjeb il‑kapaċità li jadattaw irwieħhom sew għal Patt Ewropew għaż‑Żgħażagħ, li jikkonċentra fuq il‑ħaddiema kif ukoll l‑intrapriżi b’mod speċjali permezz ta’ it‑tnaqqis tal‑qgħad fost iż‑żgħażagħ u t‑tħaffif tad‑dħul żviluppi fil‑pagi pass pass mat‑tkabbir fil‑produttività u in- tagħhom fis‑suq tax‑xogħol. Is‑sejbien ta’ mezzi biex ikomp- vestiment miżjud fil‑kapital uman. Fattur kruċjali fl‑ilħiq ta’ lu jingħaqdu aħjar il‑ħajja tax‑xogħol u dik tal‑familja huwa din il‑mira jkun li f ’ħajjet in‑nies jiżdiedu s‑snin li matul- element ċentrali fl‑inizjattiva. hom ikunu ħielsa minn problemi tas‑saħħa. L‑Oqsma ta’ Politika li huma ppreżentati f ’din il‑Komuni- L‑Istati Membri għandhom jiddefinixxu l‑miri għall‑imp‑ kazzjoni fihom għadd ta’ miżuri li huma tal‑qofol fl‑isforz jiegi... biex jinħeles il‑potenzjal taż‑żgħażagħ. Se jkunu elementi importanti fl‑Istrateġija riveduta Ewropea għall‑Impjiegi l‑Istati Membri jid‑ u għandhom jiġu appoġġati permezz ta’ ffinanzjar mill‑UE, Il‑Kummissjoni qiegħda tipproponi li definixxu miri għall‑impjiegi għall-2008 u l-2010 b’mod speċjali permezz tal‑Fond Soċjali Ewropew. Meta jit- fil‑Pro- qiesu flimkien, dawn il‑miżuri tassew jikkostitwixxu Inizjat- grammi ta’ Liżbona Nazzjonali tagħhom, u li jippjanaw dwar tiva Ewropea għaż‑Żgħażagħ: il‑miżuri se jużaw biex jilħqu dawn il‑miri. Il‑linji ta’ gwida għall‑impjiegi se jkunu ta’ għajnuna għall‑Istati Membri sabiex jagħżlu l‑iktar strumenti effettivi u ‑ l Kummissjoni,- Il‑qasam ta’ miżuri “It‑tressiq ta’ aktar nies lejn l‑impjiegi fuq din il‑bażi, se tevalwa l‑progress li jkun sar fir‑Rapport u l‑immodernizzar tas‑sistemi ta’ ħarsien soċjali” jipproponi Strateġiku Annwali tagħha. miżuri maħsuba sabiex jitnaqqas il‑qgħad fost iż‑żgħażagħ bħal titjib fit‑taħriġ okkupazzjonali u l‑iżvilupp ta’ sistemi ta’ apprendistat, flimkien ma’ miżuri biex jiġi żgurat li Inizjattivi volontarji mis‑settur privat, fis‑sura ta’ prattiċi ta’ ż‑żgħażagħ qiegħda jingħataw attenzjoni partikolari fil‑poli- responsabbiltà soċjali ta’ l‑intrapriżi (CSR), jistgħu jkollhom tika attiva tas‑suq tax‑xogħol. Ukoll taħt dan il‑kap, il‑ħidma rwol ewlieni fil‑bini ta’ żvilupp sostenibbli filwaqt li jtejbu biex jittejbu s‑servizzi għall‑kura tat‑tfal, tax‑xjuħ u tal‑per- l‑potenzjal innovattiv u l‑kompetittività ta’ l‑Ewropa. suni b’diżabilità, kif ukoll l‑estensjoni għall‑missirijiet tal‑lif tal‑ġenituri, se jwassal biex il‑ħajja tax‑xogħol u dik tal‑famil- ...u għandna bżonn l‑appoġġ ta’ l‑imsieħba soċjali. ja jingħaqdu b’mod iktar armonjuż. Fl‑aħħarnett, l‑imsieħba soċjali qed jintalbu biex iġibu ‘l Fil‑qasam ta’ politika “Żieda fl‑investiment fil‑kapital quddiem l‑integrazzjoni ta’ dawk esklużi mis‑suq tax‑xog- uman permezz ta’ edukazzjoni u ħiliet aħjar”, bosta miżuri ħol, fosthom iż‑żgħażagħ. Dan mhux biss ikun kontribut jindirizzaw speċifikament il‑ġenerazzjoni żagħżugħa u jim- għall‑ġlieda kontra l‑faqar, imma jiżgura wkoll li aktar nies miraw lejn li dan il‑grupp jingħata l‑kapital uman u l‑ħi‑ ikunu qed jaħdmu. liet meħtieġa f ’ekonomija dinamika msejsa fuq l‑għarfien. Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona

3.4.2. Titjib fl‑adattabilità tal‑ħaddiema u ta’ L‑edukazzjoni matul il‑ħajja hija prijorità. l‑intrapriżi u fil‑flessibiltà tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol L‑immodernizzar u r‑riforma tas‑sistemi ta’ edukazzjoni u taħriġ ta’ l‑Ewropa huma fil‑biċċa l‑kbira r‑responsabbiltà- Livell għoli ta’ adattabilità jqawwi r‑riżultati milħuqa ta’ l‑Istati Membri. Madankollu, hemm xi azzjonijiet ewlenin u jgħin aktar nies sabiex isibu l‑impjiegi. li, sabiex jgħinu f ’dan il‑proċess u jħaffuh, hemm bżonn li jittieħdu fuq il‑livell Ewropew. Il‑proposta dwar programm F’ekonomiji li jkunu qed jinbidlu bil‑ħeffa, huwa vitali li ġdid ta’ l‑Edukazzjoni Matul il‑Ħajja, maħsub biex mill- jkun hemm livell għoli ta’ adattabilità sabiex jinġieb ‘il 2007 jieħu l‑post tal‑programmi ta’ l‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ quddiem it‑tkabbir tal‑produttività u jitħaffef il‑ħolqien li għaddejjin fil‑preżent, iridu jiġu adottati mil‑leġiżlaturi sa ta’ l‑impjiegi f ’setturi li jkunu qed jikbru malajr. Kull ma tmiem l-2005 sabiex ikun hemm biżżejjed żmien għat‑twet- jmur, intrapriżi ġodda u SMEs aktar qed isiru sorsi ta’ ħol- tiq effettiv u f ’waqtu tal‑programm. Il‑programm għandu qien ta’ l‑impjiegi u tat‑tkabbir ekonomiku fl‑Ewropa. Flessi- wkoll jingħata baġit li jirrifletti ‑l għanijiet tiegħu. L‑Istati biltà akbar flimkien mas‑sigurtà se tkun tinħtieġ kapaċità Membri jridu jwettqu l‑impenn tagħhom li jistabbilixxu akbar min‑naħa tal‑ħaddiema u ta’ l‑intrapriżi biex jantiċi- Strateġiji ta’ Edukazzjoni Matul il‑Ħajja sa l-2006. paw, iniedu, u jassorbu l‑bidliet. Adattabilità akbar għandha tagħti kontribut ukoll sabiex tiżgura li żviluppi fl‑infiq fuq L‑iffinanzjar mill‑UE għandu r‑rwol tiegħu. il‑pagi ma jisbqux it‑tkabbir fil‑produttività matul iċ‑ċik- lu, u jibqgħu jirriflettu tassew il‑qagħda tas‑suq tax‑xog- Il‑Komunità tikkontribwixxi sabiex jintlaħaq il‑għan ħol. Minħabba d‑differenzi li jeżistu bejn ‑l istituzzjonijiet 393 tat‑tkattir u t‑titjib ta’ l‑impjiegi billi timmobilita l‑miżuri fis‑swieq tax‑xogħol varji u fil‑funzjonament ta’ dawn ta’ ta’ l‑infiq tagħha.Il‑Fondi Strutturali diġà huma indiriz- l‑aħħar, huwa evidenti li politika waħdanija li tkun tgħodd zati u qed jintużaw għal dan il‑għan, imma dan il‑progress għal kulħadd ma tkunx effettiva, anzi potenzjalment tkun jista’ jissaħħaħ biss permezz ta’ l‑adozzjoni tal‑proposti kontroproduċenti. L‑Istati Membri għaldaqstant iridu jiżvi- għall‑Qafas il‑ġdid wara l-2007. Jinħtieġ finanzjament luppaw l‑aħjar taħlita ta’ miżuri. adegwat għal dawn il‑miżuri, li jekk jitwettqu jamplifikaw il‑mezzi reġjunali u nazzjonali, sew mis‑settur pubbliku kif Irridu nwarrbu kull ostaklu għall‑mobilità. ukoll minn dak privat, u jappoġġaw il‑qsim meħtieġ ta’ l‑aħ- jar prassi. Sabiex naffrontaw problemi speċifiċi, ‑il Kummissjoni se tressaq proposti sabiex jiġu mwarrba l‑ostakli għall‑mo‑ It‑twettiq ta’ liżbona: ir‑riforma tal‑politika ta’ bilità tax‑xogħol li joħorġu minn skemi okkupazzjonali koeżjoni ta’ l‑ue u r‑rwol tal‑fondi strutturali ta’ pensjoni u sejra taħdem fuq l‑ikkoordinar ta’ politika tad‑dħul għall‑migranti ekonomiċi. Ukoll ta’ importanza Għall‑fażi li jmiss ta’ l‑iżvilupp reġjonali, tal‑Fond Soċjali fundamentali huma l‑adozzjoni ta’ leġiżlazzjoni proposta Ewropew u tal‑programmi ta’ koeżjoni, il‑Kummissjoni biex iġġib ‘il quddiem il‑mobilità fil‑professjonijiet, l‑adozz- qed tipproponi mod aktar strateġiku ta’ ħidma fi sforz biex joni ta’ Qafas Ewropew tal‑Kwalifiki fl-2006 u l‑promozzjo- tiżgura li l‑kontenut tagħhom jagħfas fuq it‑tkabbir u l‑imni ta’ opportunitajiet indaqs (proposta mfassla mill‑ġdid). pjiegi. Linji ta’ gwida strateġiċi se jiġu stabbiliti fuq il‑livell tal‑Komunità b’deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill, b’tali mod li jfasslu 3.4.3. Investiment akbar fil‑kapital uman l‑qafas tal‑linji ta’ gwida fuq il‑livell ta’ kull Stat Membru, li bis‑saħħa ta’ ħiliet u edukazzjoni aħjar. għandhom jiġu nnegozjati bi sħab u wara kunsiderazzjoni tal‑ħtiġijiet u ċ‑ċirkostanzi differenti nazzjonali u reġjonali. Fattur ieħor huwa aktarinvestiment fl‑edukazzjoni u fil‑ħiliet. Il‑programmi reġjonali tal‑ġejjieni u l‑programmi nazzjonali ta’ l‑impjiegi se jfittxu li jallokaw ir‑riżorsi bl‑aħjar It‑tibdil strutturali, il‑parteċipazzjoni akbar fis‑suq tax‑xog- mod, b’mod partikolari fir‑reġjuni anqas sinjuri fejn se jik- ħol u t‑tkabbir tal‑produttività jitolbu t‑tkomplija ta’ l‑in‑ konċentraw irwieħhom ir‑riżorsi Komunitarji: vestiment f ’ħaddiema adattabbli u b’ħiliet għolja. Dawk l‑ekonomiji li jkunu mogħnija b’forza tax‑xogħol li għandha • fuq it‑tkattir u t‑titjib ta’ l‑impjiegi permezz ta’ ħiliet tajbin huma aktar kapaċi joħolqu teknoloġiji ġodda investiment fit‑taħriġ u fil‑ħolqien ta’ attivitajiet ġodda, u jħaddmuhom b’mod effettiv. Il‑livell ta’ l‑ilħiq edukattiv ġew- wa l‑Ewropa ma jservix biex jiżgura li l‑ħiliet meħtieġa jkunu • billi jiġu inkoraġġuti l‑innovazzjoni u t‑tkabbir disponibbli fis‑suq tax‑xogħol jew li jinħoloq għarfien ġdid li ta’ l‑ekonomija ta’ l‑għarfien permezz tat‑tisħiħ mbagħad jinxtered ma’ l‑ekonomija kollha. L‑enfażi fuq l‑edu- tal‑kapaċitajiet għar‑riċerka u tan‑netwerks kazzjoni matul il‑ħajja u fuq l‑għarfien fil‑ħajja ekonomika jirri- għall‑innovazzjoni, inkluż l‑isfruttament ta’ tagħrif ġdid flettu wkoll il‑konvinzjoni li t‑titjib fl‑ilħiq edukattiv u fil‑ħiliet u tat‑teknoloġiji tal‑komunikazzjoni u, jagħti kontribut importanti lill‑koeżjoni soċjali. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

• fuq li r‑reġjuni jsiru aktar attraenti permezz tal‑provvista Żieda minn 1.9% sa 3% bħala l‑proporzjon tal‑PGD dded- ta’ l‑infrastruttura. ikat għar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp (R&D), sabiex tintlaħaq il‑mira ta’ Liżbona sa l-2010, jkollha l‑effett li żżid il‑livell tal‑PGD Miżuri għall‑Iżvilupp Rurali se jiffukaw ukoll b’mod iktar b’1.7% sa l-2010. L‑investiment fil‑kapital uman ukoll huwa speċifiku fuq il‑ħolqien tat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u ta’ l‑imp- meħtieġ, għaliex huma n‑nies b’ħiliet tajbin li huma l‑aktar jiegi fiż‑żoni rurali. Hemm bżonn li jiġu sfruttati għal kollox kapaċi li jaħdmu bil‑kapital l‑iktar produttiv u li jwettqu t‑tib- il‑possibilitajiet li joffru ‑l Internet u l‑mezzi tal‑komunikazz- dil organizzattiv kif ikunu jitolbu t‑teknoloġiji l‑ġodda. Żie- joni sabiex jingħelbu l‑iżvantaġġi tal‑lok. broadband da ta’ sena fil‑livell edukattiv medju tal‑forza tax‑xogħol tista’ tgħolli r‑rata annwali tat‑tkabbir tal‑PGD ta’ l‑UE b’daqs 0.3 sa Dan għandhom imexxuh ‘il quddiem l‑Istati Membri, flimk- 0.5 ta’ punt perċentwali. ien mar‑reġjuni u l‑ibliet. It‑tkattir u t‑titjib ta’ l‑Impjiegi 3.5. L‑impatt fuq it‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi u t‑trattament korrett ta’ l‑impjiegi jista’ jżid ir‑rata ta’ parteċipazzjoni b’1.5%. Liżbona twettaq it‑tkabbir fil‑medda tan‑nofs u f’dik twila. Fl‑aħħarnett, it‑titjib fil‑livelli ta’ l‑impjiegi li rajna f ’dawn l‑aħħar snin kienu aktar apprezzabbli f ’dawk il‑pajjiżi li wettqu L‑azzjonijiet politiċi mfissra f ’din il‑komunikazzjoni se je- riformi maħsuba sabiex tiżdied ir‑rata ta’ parteċipazzjoni, u sa- volvu hekk kif l‑Istati Membri jfasslu fid‑dettall il‑program- biex ifasslu aħjar sew politika attiva tas‑suq tax‑xogħol kif ukoll 394 mi ta’ azzjoni nazzjonali tagħhom. Filwaqt li mhuwiex pos- sistemi ta’ taxxa u benefiċċji. Studji li saru juru li riformi bħal sibbli, għaldaqstant, li f ’dan l‑istadju tingħata evalwazzjoni dawn jistgħu jżidu r‑rata ta’ parteċipazzjoni b’1.5%, u li, flimk- globali ta’ l‑effetti tal‑Programm ta’ Azzjoni ta’ Liżbona, il- ien ma’ trażżin fil‑pagi, jistgħu jbaxxu r‑rata tal‑qgħad b’1%. lum hawn għarfien wiesa’ li ‑t tip ta’ miżuri previsti minn dan il‑Programm ta’ Azzjoni jistgħu jagħtu kontribut essenzjali sabiex jiżdied il‑potenzjal għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku fil‑med- Il‑fatt li dawn il‑miżuri kollha jsaħħu lil xulxin ifisser li l‑im‑ da tan‑nofs u aktar fit‑tul8. patt globali jista’ jkun ogħla sew minn hekk.

Li l‑Ewropa ssir post li jiġbed aktar xogħol Kif turi s‑selezzjoni ta’ hawn fuq, il‑miżuri individwali pre- u investiment visti mill‑Programm ta’ Azzjoni ta’ Liżbona jkollhom effetti pożittivi sostanzjali fuq l‑ekonomija. Iżda l‑istrateġija hija pa- Suq Waħdieni fis‑servizzi jista’ jżid 0.6% mal‑PGD u jgħol‑ kkett globali ta’ riformi li jsaħħu lil xulxin. L‑estimi li bħalissa li r‑rata ta’ l‑impjiegi b’0.3%... huma disponibbli jagħtu ħjiel li jkun raġunevoli li nistennew li l‑Programm ta’ Azzjoni ta’ Liżbona sħiħ, meta jkunu twet- Il‑Programm tas‑Suq Intern huwa wieħed mill‑aħjar eżempji tqu l‑partijiet kollha li minnhom huwa magħmul, jgħolli r‑rata ta’ riforma tat‑tip ta’ Liżbona li kellha impatt apprezzabbli preżenti tat‑tkabbir potenzjali ta’ l‑UE u jqarribha lejn il‑mira fuq it‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi. Per eżempju, it‑twet- ta’ 3%. Iżid ukoll l‑impjiegi b’ta’ l‑anqas madwar 6 miljun post tiq ta’ suq waħdieni fis‑servizzi għandu jwassal għal żieda ta’ tax‑xogħol sa l-2010. 0.6% fil‑PGD, u ta’ 0.3% fl‑impjiegi fil‑medda tan‑nofs. L‑integrazzjoni tas‑swieq finanzjarji tista’ – fil‑medda tan‑nofs sa dik twila – tnaqqas l‑ispejjeż tal‑kapital għall‑intrapriżi ta’ 4. Sabiex bi sħab nilħqu riżultati l‑UE b’madwar 0.5 ta’ punt perċentwali, u dan jista’ jikka- wża żieda ta’ 1.1% fil‑PGD u ta’ 0.5% fl‑impjiegi fil‑medda ta’ veru fit‑tkabbir ekonomiku t‑twila. u fl‑impjiegi

L‑għarfien u t‑tiġdid li jwasslu għat‑tkabbir Qed inġeddu mill‑qiegħ il‑mod li bih Liżbona qed titwettaq,... ekonomiku Filwaqt li sar xi progress lejn l‑ilħiq tal‑miri li ġew definiti ..l‑investiment fl‑għarfien u fl‑edukazzjoni għandu jagħmilna fil‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Liżbona fl-2000, ‑l istampa globali aktar kapaċi nkunu innovattivi,... tvarja ħafna. L‑ikbar nett fost l‑isfidi li qed naffrontaw f ’nofs triqitna lejn l-2010 hija, għalhekk, li nikkoreġu n‑nuqqasijiet L‑investiment fl‑għarfien għandu jqawwi ‑l kapaċità ta’ l‑UE fit‑twettiq. Jeħtiġilna nġeddu mill‑qiegħ il‑proċess ta’ twettiq, li tkun innovattiva u li tipproduċi u tuża teknoloġiji ġodda. li sar wisq ikkumplikat u ftit li xejn jiftiehem. Jiġġenera ħafna karti, imma ftit li xejn azzjoni. Il‑qsim tar‑responsabbiltajiet bejn il‑livelli nazzjonali u dak Ewropew m’għadux ċar. Ir‑riżul- 8 Ara “L‑ispejjeż tan‑Non‑Liżbona. Dokument ta’ temi”, abboz ta’ dokument ta’ ħidma tas‑servizzi tal‑Kummissjoni. tat huwa pussess limitat. Naħdmu flimkien għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi - Bidu ġdid għall‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona

... permezz ta’ programm nazzjonali ta’ Liżbona waħdieni L‑Istati Membri jridu juru l‑impenn tagħhom għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi,... L‑Istati Membri. It‑twettiq huwa l‑punt ta’ dgħufija ta’ ‑l Is- Sabiex dan jiġi kkoreġut, il‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi re- trateġija ta’ Liżbona. Il‑proposti għat‑titjib tal‑mekkaniżmu viżjoni minn fuq s’isfel tal‑mod li bih titwettaq l‑Istrateġija ta’ twettiq jistgħu jsolvu ħafna mid‑diffikultajiet. Imma jist- mġedda ta’ Liżbona: għu jaħdmu biss jekk ikun hemm impenn ta’ veru min‑naħa ta’ l‑Istati Membri. • Pjan Nazzjonali ta’ Azzjoni waħdieni għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi, adottat mill‑gvernijiet Fuq il‑livell Ewropew, jiġu assenjati wkoll rwoli ċari: nazzjonali wara diskussjoni fil‑parlamenti tagħhom għandu jgħin sabiex tassew ikun pjan tal‑pajjiż rispettiv, Il‑Kunsill Ewropew jagħti r‑rotta... u fuq il‑livell nazzjonali tissaħħaħ il‑leġittimità permezz ta’ l‑involviment ta’ l‑imsieħba soċjali u tas‑soċjetà ċivili Il‑Kunsill Ewropew jkollu r‑responsabbiltà globali fit‑tħejjija ta’ programm nazzonali ta’ Liżbona. Dan għat‑tmexxija tal‑proċess. Mod komuni ta’ ħidma għall‑adozz- il‑programm jelenka l‑azzjonijiet li jridu jsiru u l‑miri joni ta’ linji ta’ gwida għall‑programmi nazzjonali għat‑tkab- li jridu jintlaħqu skond il‑qagħdiet differenti ‑fl istati bir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi, kif ukoll sistemi ssimplifikati ta’ membri. Għandu jitħejja u jiġi adottat mill‑gvernijiet wara rappurtaġġ mill‑Istati Membri dwar it‑twettiq, jippermettu dibattiti fil‑parlamenti rispettivi tagħhom. lill‑Kunsill Ewropew jagħti gwida aktar effettiva. ... jkun hemm Sur jew Sinjura Liżbona f’kull gvern Nazzjonali 395 ... filwaqt li jqis il‑fehmiet tal‑Parlament Ewropew... • Kull Stat Membru jagħżel lil persuna li fuq il‑livell tal‑gvern tkun is‑Sur jew is‑Sinjura Liżbona, Il‑Parlament Ewropew ukoll ikun involut f ’dan il‑proċess, bir‑responsabbiltà li tikkoordina l‑elementi differenti ta' billi jagħti l‑fehma tiegħu fuq ir‑Rapport Strateġiku Annwali l‑istrateġija u li tippreżenta l‑programm ta' Liżbona. ħalli l‑Kunsill ikun jista’ jieħu qies xieraq tagħha. Il‑Presiden- ti tal‑Parlament, tal‑Kunsill u tal‑Kummissjoni jkunu jistgħu ... struttura waħdanija ta’ rappurtaġġ jkomplu jiltaqgħu regolarment, inkluż qabel il‑Kunsill Ew- ropew tar‑Rebbiegħa, sabiex jidentifikaw il‑modi kif, fil‑proċess • Il‑programmi nazzjonali ta' Liżbona għat‑tkabbir leġiżlattiv, jistgħu jitmexxew ‘il quddiem dawk il‑proposti ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi jsiru l‑istrumenti primarji leġiżlattivi li jkunu marbuta mal‑Programm Komunitarju ta’ ta' rappurtaġġ fuq il‑miżuri ekonomiċi u ta' l‑impjiegi Liżbona. Il‑Kummissjoni sejra wkoll tinforma lill‑Parlament fil‑kuntest ta' l‑istrateġija ta' Liżbona. Dan jissimplifika Ewropew fuq bażi regolari bl‑analiżi tagħha dwar il‑progress li bil‑kbir il‑geġwiġija preżenti ta' rapporti bit‑tħaddim jkun sar u l‑miżuri li jkunu adottaw l‑Istati Membri. tal‑Metodu Miftuħ ta' Koordinament (OMC), li l‑Kummissjoni fi ħsiebha tirrevedi. ...u l‑Kummissjoni tmexxi ‘l quddiem il‑proċess. ... flimkien ma’ Programm ta’ l‑UE ta’ Liżbona, u ... Il‑Kummissjoni tkun tista’ tappoġġa lill‑Istati Membri • Prijoritajiet għall‑azzjoni fuq il‑livell ta' l‑Unjoni ġew fit‑tfassil tal‑programmi ta’ Liżbona tagħhom, u se twaqqaf identifikati u dehru fi Programm Komunitarju ta' Azzjoni l‑istrutturi meħtieġa biex tħaffef dan il‑proċess. Tkun tista’ te- għal Liżbona li ġie ppubblikat separatament. Qed jintalab valwa l‑miri u l‑miżuri proposti mill‑Istati Membri, tiġbed l‑at- li jkun hemm qbil dwar l‑importanza tagħhom sabiex ikun tenzjoni lejn id‑diffikultajiet bażiċi u tuża‑ r rapport strateġiku jista' jseħħ progress mgħaġġel fit‑teħid ta' deċiżjonijiet, annwali tagħha sabiex tiżgura li l‑Unjoni tibqa’ miexja kif u wara, fit‑twettiq tagħhom. suppost f ’din it‑triq. Flimkien ma’ dan, tkun tista’ tuża l‑poteri tagħha skond it‑Trattat sabiex tiżgura t‑traspożizzjoni korretta pakkett waħdieni integrat għall‑koordinament fl‑ekonomija tal‑leġiżlazzjoni, u li jitwettqu l‑impenji ta’ Liżbona li jkunu u fl‑impjiegi. ħadu l‑Istati Membri.

• Is‑simplifikazzjoni ‑fl istrutturi tar‑rappurtaġġ imbagħad L‑Imsieħba Soċjali għandu jkollhom rwol speċjali. tkun tista' tiġi riflessa fuq il‑livell ta' l‑UE billi jiġu integrati f 'pakkett wieħed il‑mekkaniżmi ta' llum Ir‑rwol ta’ l‑imsieħba soċjali wkoll ikun vitali. L‑appoġġ għall‑koordinament fl‑ekonomija u fl‑impjiegi, lkoll tagħhom se jkun kruċjali f ’oqsma bħall‑miżuri attivi fis‑suq ibbażati fuq it‑Trattati, (taħt il‑Linji ta' Gwida Wiesgħa tax‑xogħol, l‑edukazzjoni matul il‑ħajja jew il‑ħsieb bil‑quddi- għall‑Politika Ekonomika u ta' l‑Impjiegi): dan isir f 'rapport em għar‑ristrutturar fis‑setturi industrijali. Għaldaqstant, Strateġiku Annwali li jiġi ppublikat kull sena f 'Jannar. il‑Kummissjoni tistedinhom ifasslu l‑programmi ta’ Liżbona tagħhom għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi, mifruxin IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

fuq għadd ta’ snin, billi jużaw is‑setgħat li jingħatawlhom il‑proposti meħtieġa għall‑aġġustament fl‑istrumenti tal‑poli- mit‑Trattat. Is‑Samit Tripartitiku regolari għandu jiġi dded- tika, tagħti r‑reazzjonijiet tagħha lill‑Istati Membri u, jekk jin- ikat għall‑evalwazzjoni tal‑progress li jkun sar u għall‑iskamb- qala’ l‑bżonn, tirrapporta dwar xi diffikultajiet serji lill‑Kunsill ju ta’ l‑aħjar prassi fost l‑Istati Membri. Il‑ħidma bi sħab Ewropew. għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi hija, għalhekk, għal kollox konsistenti ma’ l‑ambizzjonijiet tas‑sħubija għall‑bidla Li n‑nies jiġu mgħarrfa dwar Liżbona jkun pass importanti li adottaw l‑imsieħba soċjali fis‑Samit Tripartitiku ta’ Marzu lejn il‑ħolqien ta’ mpenn fuq il‑livelli kollha tal‑gvern. 2004. Fuq kollox, jeħtieġ li n‑nies jifhmu għaliex l‑Istrateġija ta’ Din il‑fażi l‑ġdida ta’ 3 snin tibda fl-2005. Liżbona hija daqshekk importanti.

Din il‑fażi l‑ġdida ta’ 3 snin tkun tista’ titnieda fl-2005, b’linji L‑isfida li nikkonvinċu lin‑nies dwar il‑ħtieġa tar‑riforma ma ta’ gwida ġodda u aktar ġenerali għall‑ekonomija u l‑impjiegi, tingħelibx biss permezz ta’ dan ir‑Rapport, u lanqas bit‑tn- b’tali mod li l‑Istati Membri jkunu jistgħu jfasslu l‑pjanijiet edija fil‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Marzu ta’ qafas ta’ ħidma bi sħab nazzjonali ta’ Liżbona tagħhom skond il‑qagħda li fiha jkunu għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi. L‑aġenda ambizz- jinsabu. Reviżjoni tkun tista’ terġa’ sseħħ fl-2008. Qed tiġi juża ta’ Liżbona għar‑riforma trid timxi id f ’id ma sforzi sa- ppubblikata separatament deskrizzjoni ddettaljata tal‑mod biex nispjegaw l‑isfidi li qed naffrontaw. Irridu nikkonvinċu il‑ġdid ta’ ħidma fl‑iggvernar. darba darbtejn lin‑nies bil‑ħtieġa tar‑riforma, sabiex jiddakkar sens ta’ l‑urġenza u sabiex inkunu nistgħu nuru li qed noffru 396 Dan jagħti struttura lill‑ħidma tagħna bi sħab u jiżgura li rispons – rispons distint u Ewropew. Imma se jkollna bżonn l‑bidla sseħħ. nagħmlu sforz ta’ veru u fit‑tul sabiex jirnexxilna nwasslu dan il‑messaġġ. Biex niġbru kollox fil‑qosor, il‑proposti biex niżguraw li l‑ħid- ma tagħna bi sħab tagħti l‑frott huma msejsa fuq l‑attribuzz- ... u dan irid jiġi spjegat fuq il‑livell ta’ l‑UE u fuq dak naz‑ joni ċara tar‑responsabbiltajiet, b’tali mod li kull settur ikun zjonali. jista’ jieħu pussess ta’ l‑azzjonijiet kollha li jaqgħu fl‑ambitu tar‑responsabbiltà tiegħu. Dan il‑mod il‑ġdid ta’ ħidma jwar- Dan l‑isforz irid jinqasam bejn l‑Istituzzjonijiet Ewropej. Biss, rab il‑ġungla li teżisti bħalissa fir‑rigward ta’ l‑obbligi ta’ rap- ir‑responsabbiltà ewlenija tinsab fuq il‑livell ta’ kull Stat Mem- purtaġġ. Fil‑qofol tiegħu, ma jibqax jiffoka aktar fuq il‑koor- bru, fejn il‑messaġġi jistgħu jingħataw karattru lokali skond dinament permezz ta’ diskussjonijiet multi‑laterali bejn il-25 dak li jkun jikkonċerna lill‑pajjiż u skond id‑dibattitu nazzjon- Stat Membru u l‑Kummissjoni, fuq temi individwali ta’ poli- ali. Dan irid jinvolvi lil kull min għandu sehem fis‑suċċess ta’ tika (il‑Metodu Miftuħ ta’ Koordinament OMC). Minflok, l‑Ewropa – il‑parlamenti nazzjonali, ir‑reġjuni, l‑ibliet u l‑ko- se jkun hemm djalogu bilaterali fil‑fond bejn il‑Kummissjoni munitajiet rurali, kif ukoll is‑soċjetà ċivili. Min‑naħa tagħha, u kull Stat Membru dwar programm nazzjonali ta’ azzjoni il‑Kummissjoni se tkun qed tittratta din l‑aġenda għat‑tkab- msejjes fuq l‑impenn. Dan id‑djalogu jseħħ fil‑qafas ta’ l‑is- bir ekonomiku u għall‑impjiegi bħala prijorità ċentrali matul trumenti tal‑preżent, ibbażati fuq it‑Trattat, għall‑ikkoordinar il‑mandat tagħha kollu. tal‑politika ekonomika u ta’ l‑impjiegi – Il‑Linji ta’ Gwida Wiesgħa dwar l‑Ekonomija u dwar l‑Impjiegi.

...u jħallina naqtgħu l‑frott tal‑benefiċċji ta’ l‑azzjoni koeren‑ ti f’oqsma varji u fuq livelli differenti.

Fl‑aħħarnett, dan il‑mod ta’ ħidma se jħallina naħsdu l‑bene- fiċċji tas‑sinerġija mill‑ħidma tagħna bi sħab fuq il‑livelli differenti, u jkompli jibni fuq il‑komplentarjetà ma’ u bejn l‑Istati Membri. Per eżempju, l‑Istati Membri se jkunu qed jikkonfer- maw fil‑programmi ta’ Liżbona tagħhom il‑miri nazzjonali rispettivi għall‑infiq fuq ‑l R&D, u jsemmu l‑miżuri li jkunu fi ħsiebhom iwettqu. Fuq il‑livell Komunitarju, taħt is‑seba’ programm ta’ qafas qed jiġi propost irduppjar fl‑infiq fuq ‑l R&D, u hemm previst għadd ta’ miżuri biex jiffaċilitaw ‑l infiq fuq l‑R&D fl‑Istati Membri. Fuq il‑bażi tal‑programmi nazzjonali ta’ Liżbona, il‑Kummissjoni għaldaqstant sejra tkun tista’ tevalwa kull sena l‑progress li jkun sar lejn l‑ilħiq tal‑mira ta’ nfiq fuq ‑l R&D, għall‑Unjoni kollha, ta’ 3% tal‑PGD, tressaq The Commission’s contribution to the period of reflection and beyond: Plan‑D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate

COMMUNICATION FROM THE COMMISSION BRUSSELS, 13 OCTOBER 2005 COM(2005) 494

1. Introduction policies. Any vision of the future of Europe needs to build on a clear view on citizen’s needs and expectations. This is 397 the purpose of . At the end of the European Council on 18 June 2005, Plan‑D Heads of State and Government adopted a declaration on “the ratification of the Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe”. This declaration called for a “period of reflection” 2. Objectives of Plan-D following the negative votes in France and the Netherlands on the European Constitution. The Commission has proposed a Plan D for Democracy, Dialogue and Debate, not as a rescue operation for the Heads of State and Government gave guidance to the Constitution, but to stimulate a wider debate between the Member States on the type of debate that could be organ- European Union’s democratic institutions and citizens. It ised: “the period of reflection will be used to enable a broad has to be seen as complementary to the already existing or debate to take place in each of our countries, involving citi‑ proposed initiatives and programmes such as those in the zens, civil society, social partners, national parliaments and field of education, youth, culture and promoting active Eu- political parties”. It also indicated that the European Insti- ropean citizenship. tutions should “make their contribution, with the Commis‑ sion playing a special role in this regard”. The purpose of this Plan-D dovetails with the Action Plan on communicating communication is to respond to the request by Heads of Europe9 which seeks to improve the way that the Com- State and Government. mission presents its activities to the outside world and the forthcoming White Paper on communication strategy and The European Commission has strongly supported the rat- democracy which will start a consultation process on the ification of the Constitution and has provided assistance principles behind communication policy in the European to all Member States with their information campaigns. Union and the areas of co-operation with the other Euro- Individual Commissioners have been active in the national pean institutions and bodies. Together with Plan-D these debates. The Commission continues to consider that the initiatives set out a long-term plan to reinvigorate European Constitution would be an important step forward in mak- democracy and help the emergence of a European public ing the European Union more democratic, transparent, ef- sphere, where citizens are given the information and the fective and stronger to the outside world. The Commission tools to actively participate in the decision making process therefore regrets the fact that in the current circumstances, and gain ownership of the European project. it is unlikely that the Constitution will be ratified in the foreseeable future. Pending the outcome of the ratification Restoring public confidence in the European Union process, the Commission believes that the overall balance Faced with declining confidence in political systems, achieved in the Constitution should not be undermined the Commission believes that it is important to ensure by piecemeal implementation of parts of the text. It believes that the period of reflection should, in a first stage, be used for a broad and intensive debate on European 9 Action Plan to improve communicating Europe by the Commission SEC(2005)985 - 20/07/2005 IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

that representative democracy continues to maintain Commission, and beyond. The current crisis can be over- the trust and involvement of Europe’s citizens. The latest come only by creating a new consensus on the European Eurobarometer survey10 shows that public approval of project, anchored in citizens’ expectations. the European Union has steadily decreased over recent months. Whether in terms of trust, image or assessment From listening to further involvement of EU membership, all the indicators have fallen. A similar decline is seen in the public approval of and trust in Ultimately, Plan-D for democracy, dialogue and debate the national political process. While membership of the is a listening exercise so that the European Union can act European Union is still supported by 54% of EU citizens, on the concerns expressed by its citizens. The objective of the image of the European Union has steadily decreased in the Commission is to stimulate this debate and seek rec- citizens’ eyes with only 47% of respondents giving a posi- ognition for the added value that the European Union can tive response. Trust in the European Union has dropped provide. The democratic renewal process means that EU from 50% of citizens trusting the EU in Autumn 2004 to citizens must have the right to have their voices heard. 44% in Spring 2005.

People need to feel that Europe provides an added value and 3. Assisting national debates they have the ability to affect the way decisions are taken. Currently 53% of European citizens do not believe that 3.1. Organisation of national debates their voice counts in the European Union2. Yet, when ques- 398 tioned about the desired role of the European Union in five The primary responsibility for responding to the call for years' time, 49% would like it to have a greater role while a period of reflection rests with Member States. All have only 14% wish to see it less involved in key policy areas. This committed to undertake broad ranging national debates calls for the emergence of a Europe which listens more in on the future of Europe. order to meet its citizens’ expectations. While the Commission acknowledges that a lively debate This is crucial, as the European institutions are too often is already under way in some Member States, in others it the scapegoat for unpopular decisions and are often seen as has yet to start or, where under way, needs to be intensified remote and bureaucratic. One of the main objectives of the and broadened. The Commission is ready to help add mo- period of reflection should be to stimulate a more accurate mentum by suggesting a common approach and presenting communication of the activities of the European Union. its ideas on how it could, as an institution, contribute to Ending the blame-game, both by Member States and the the debate. European institutions, is an important change that must take place. The Commission believes that its role is to assist rather than replace Member States in the organisation of national Target audiences and modern media debates. The Commission will work with national Govern- The Commission believes that the debate must not be lim- ments to help organise and fund of events promoting the ited to the political leaders and traditional stakeholders. debate. These events should cover the whole political spec- The Commission shares the views of Heads of State and trum of views. The Representations of the European Com- mission in the Member States (Representations) and the Government that these debates should involve “civil soci‑ European Parliament Offices will have a key role in pro- ety, social partners, national parliaments and political par‑ viding assistance during the period of reflection. The Euro- ties” but also believes that there would be an added value in listening to specific target groups, such as young people or pean Parliament could also play a key role in the national minority groups, that were not reached during the referen- debate, both in terms of working with national institutions dum campaigns. Finally, the debates can only be a success and through the involvement of individual members of the if the mass media are engaged in the process, in particular European Parliament. television. Equally the internet is of prime importance for stimulating the debate. There is no standard model for the organisation of debates in the Member States. In some, there are permanent A long term commitment structures, forums or platforms which seek to hold regular debates on European issues. In others, there is less of an Plan-D is not limited to the period of reflection. It is an organised system for dialogue and debate. Models such as exercise that must run throughout the lifetime of this the National Forum in Ireland or the Platform for Europe in Spain may offer inspiration to Member States. 10 http://europa.eu.int/comm/public_opinion/archives/eb/eb63/ eb63_en.htm THE COMMISSION’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE PERIOD OF REFLECTION AND BEYOND: PLAN-D FOR DEMOCRACY, DIALOGUE AND DEBATE

National, regional and local Parliaments have a specific economy, transport, the fight against terrorism, the envi- role to play in the organisation and promotion of debates. ronment, oil prices, natural disasters or poverty reduction National Parliaments are the bridge to ensuring effective in Africa and elsewhere. The results of these debates should scrutiny of decisions taken by National Governments on help the European Institutions, and in particular the Com- European issues. While a number of national Parliaments mission to better define its priorities. are examples of best practice, much more can be done to improve this scrutiny function. The Commission is there- This should be a two way process, informing people about fore keen to develop its co-operation with the National Europe’s role through concrete achievements and projects Parliaments beyond the targets for the Commission’s re- and listening to people’s expectations about what should lations with the National Parliaments, which it started be done in the future. The debate could include the fol- implementing in early 2005. These targets revolve around lowing themes: three main themes: mutual service; concrete networking; connecting with people and their elected representatives, 1. Europe’s economic and social development: the ca- since a greater voice for Parliaments is a greater voice for pacity of Europe to generate growth and create more Europe’s citizens. They include a range of concrete actions jobs, maximising the effects of the strategy agreed in from, for example, high level participation in COSAC Lisbon; the common values on which the economic and the EU Speakers’ Conference to establishing the Na- and social models in Europe are based; the reforms tional Parliaments’ requirements for types of information needed in order to face global competition and the and ways of co-operation, facilitating the electronic ex- conditions for sustainable development. change of EU-related information between the National 399 Parliaments. 2. Feeling towards Europe and the Union’s tasks: Build- ing on previous achievements and the concrete bene- The Commission will as soon as possible, in close co-oper- fits brought to them in their daily lives by the Union ation with the European Parliament, and after consulting (e.g. food safety, Erasmus, single currency, consumer the Presidency in office of the EU Speakers’ Conference and protection, internal market), the debate could con- the Presidential Troika of COSAC, invite the National Par- sider what people think should be done at local level liaments of the Member States to a forum in Brussels. The and what they see as the future role for the Union, purpose will be to discuss the National Parliaments’ contri- including developing an area of justice, freedom and butions during the period of reflection, exchange views on security or dealing with climate change and natural national experiences and best practices, and examine pos- disasters. sible co-operation and joint actions with and/or support from the EU Institutions during this period. 3. Europe’s borders and its role in the world: the prospect of new enlargements, the Union’s capacity to take in 3.2. Content new members, the overall safety of the continent, the relation with its neighbours or Europe’s influence in Plan-D for democracy, dialogue and debate sets out a relation to the other large blocs in the world. What do structured process to stimulate a public debate on the people expect from Europe in a globalised world - from future of the European Union. The policy content of the trade (e.g. textiles), to the environment (e.g. climate public debate should feed into the approach taken at the change), mobility (e.g. trans-European networks), se- end of the period of reflection. curity (e.g. participation in peace-keeping operations), and development (e.g. help to developing countries, In seeking to provide a common framework, the Com- Third World’s debt relief )? mission fully recognises that each debate has its own local, regional and national characteristics. Different issues will It goes without saying, however, that within Plan-D the be highlighted and the importance of the European Un- range of topics will in no way be limited. Indeed, depend- ion will differ according to the country and policy content ing on audience and circumstances, the most interesting discussed. and vivid topic should be chosen and discussed. The Com- mission is ready to elaborate on these themes at the request Notwithstanding the individual national specificities, the of Member States. national debates should focus citizens’ attention on the future of Europe, examining their expectations and dis- 3.3. Feedback process cussing the added value and the concrete benefits of Com- munity action. In this way, the debate should go beyond The national debates need to be structured to ensure that institutional questions and the Constitution. It should the feedback can have a direct impact on the policy agenda focus on how Europe is addressing issues such as jobs, the IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

of the European Union. The listening exercise must be lead political parties and opinion formers to place the issue of to clear results that are taken on board at the end of the Europe at the forefront of public consciousness. period of reflection. Each Member State should present a synthesis to the Commission and Council Presidency The following initiatives should be taken at Community of the initial results of the national debate. This synthesis level during the period of reflection. should be made public. 4.1. Stimulating a wider public debate An initial feedback process should take place in April 2006 so that a first set of conclusions can be drawn. As a first 4.1.1. Visits by Commissioners to Member step, the Commission will organise a European Confer- States ence on 9 May 2006, known as “Europe Day”, on the future of Europe, involving civil society, Member States’ and The Commission intends to have a more direct contact European and national Parliament representatives, citizens with citizens, to listen to their concerns and to become and other EU institutions and bodies. This will seek to more visible and present in the national and regional draw together the main conclusions from the debate at the debates. European level and activities that stem from cross-border debate. In May 2006, the Commission will also prepare a The President and/or the Vice-President for institution- document providing an overall synthesis of the national al relations will undertake a series of visits to as many of visits and debates organised throughout the Union. the Member States as possible. A particular effort will be 400 made in the coming months. They will be accompanied This will also allow the Austrian Presidency to orientate by the Commissioner from the respective Member State the preparation of the stocktaking exercise at the June and other Commissioners where appropriate. The Com- 2006 European Council as set out in the declaration by mission would recommend that Members of the European Heads of State and Government. Parliament are also involved. They should meet with Gov- ernments, national Parliaments, business and trade union leaders, civil society, students and regional and local au- 4. Initiatives at Community thorities. Media events and contacts with civil society will level be a key feature of each visit. 4.1.2. Commissioners availability to National The European Commission stands ready to play a signifi- Parliaments cant role in the wide-ranging debate on the future of Eu- rope. Although not the main focus of the debate, it has a National Parliaments are the bridge to ensuring effective contribution to make in seeking to ensure that cross-bor- scrutiny of decisions taken by National Governments on der initiatives are promoted and supported. A number of European issues. As stated above, the Commission intends high-profile cross-border events can also help to raise the to play an active role in facilitating the debate on European visibility of the process and stimulate the involvement of issues and to increase transparency about European policy new actors in the European decision-making process. making in all political fora.

Partnership with the European institutions and In addition to the fact that there is a Vice-President for bodies relations with national Parliaments, individual Commis- sioners will strive to be accessible and prepared to assist The Commission will work with the current and forth- national Parliaments to explain Commission policies and coming Presidencies, European Parliament, Council, provide an overview of recent EU developments. Contacts Committee of the Regions and European Economic and are on-going with national Parliaments to make the prac- Social Committee to stimulate the debate at the European tical arrangements. level. The vast majority of these initiatives can be undertaken jointly with the European Parliament and the other institutions and bodies. The Commission invites each of the 4.1.3. Representations open to the public European institutions and bodies to contribute and discuss The Commission Representations are the national face the areas of co-operation and joint action. of the Commission but they are not sufficiently known by the majority of citizens who continue to perceive the The initiative of the Commission seeks to inspire EU Commission as a distant institution. The Commission is citizens to become politically active in the debate on the reinforcing the role of the Representations and intends to future of Europe; to publicize the added value that the make them known to the public as a focal point for getting European Union brings; and to encourage government, THE COMMISSION’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE PERIOD OF REFLECTION AND BEYOND: PLAN-D FOR DEMOCRACY, DIALOGUE AND DEBATE information and collecting feedback on their concerns on the cultural, business, sport or any other area of interest European issues. to target audiences. These “ambassadors” could be active in the Member State concerned, holding open meetings, Representations have their premises permanently open workshops and general talks on specific European areas or to the public. Additionally, the Head of Representation programmes such as education, anti-poverty, electoral par- (where possible Commissioners) will be available for reg- ticipation, research and development, etc. ular question times with citizens. These sessions should not be limited to the capital city. The European Parlia- 4.2. Promoting citizens’ participation in ment is invited to do the same and these events should be the democratic process coordinated. 4.2.1. Promoting more effective consultation 4.1.4. Utilising Europe Direct centres for regional events In recent years, the Commission has improved the way it consults on major policy initiatives. The number of con- A decentralised network of EU local information relays sultations with stakeholders through Green and White Pa- has been in put in place by the Commission in partner- pers and internet consultations have risen sharply. As part ship with regional and local host structures. This network of the listening process, the Commission intends to use offers all the EU institutions and bodies a valuable tool for and improve existing tools for collecting feedback directly communicating Europe to the citizens on the ground and from citizens, consumers and business in cooperation with for implementing the Commission’s approach to commu- the European Parliament and other institutions. 401 nication activities. The Commission will more effectively promote its exist- The Representations will make full use of the “new gen- ing consultation procedures in order to achieve increased eration” network of Europe Direct centres in support of involvement of national and regional stakeholders, as fore- Plan-D. They should be used as the focal point of activities seen in the Action Plan on improving communication. at the regional level. 4.2.2. Support for European citizens’ projects 4.1.5. European Round Table for Democracy In order to deal with the perceived lack of legitimacy and The Commission intends to reach out to citizens, particu- involvement of European citizens in the political systems larly young people, interested in European Affairs. The ob- there is a need to further enhance their sense of participa- jective is to explore ways for enhanced cross-border debate, tion and involvement in the European ideal at all levels. promote active citizenship as well as raising awareness of The recently proposed programme “Citizens for Europe” the process of European integration. to promote active European citizenship has defined this precisely as its main objective. The Commission will work with civil society actors to establish a European Round Table for democracy. The round Furthermore, a whole range of citizens’ panels have been table will gather citizens from different horizons that will established at local level in certain Member States which act together or debate on common European issues. Build- are often tied into the decision-making process at region- ing on the results of the European Round Table, meetings al level. The Commission will seek to support European should be organised in all Member States. Citizens’ Panel initiatives to assemble, when possible, a representative cross-section of citizens from European re- 4.1.6. European Goodwill Ambassadors gions to discuss specific policy areas. These should build on existing models in the Member States and also provide Good information and communication activities on what a potential feedback to the European debates. we do will be crucial. Good policies must be complemented by good and creative initiatives seeking to connect with the public and the media. 4.2.3. Greater openness The European citizen is entitled to expect efficient, open The Commission will seek to work with Member States to and service-minded public institutions. The Commission organise a series of regionally based events with “European therefore supports increased transparency at all levels in Goodwill Ambassadors”, building on previous models like the European institutions, including through its own Eu- used by the United Nations and the experience of mem- ropean Transparency Initiative. As regards the Council, bership referenda in new Member States, and invite well the Seville European Council decided on the opening of known personalities or national and local celebrities from Council meetings to the public when the Council acts as IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

a co-legislator. These rules are formalised in the Council’s The Commission will therefore use state-of-art Internet rules of procedure. This ensures presentation of the main technology to actively debate and advocate its policies proposals and opening to the public of votes and explain cyberspace, which has become an important opin- nations of votes. These commitments have not yet been ion-forming forum of debate. translated into practice. The British Presidency is currently considering a series of options to bring about greater open- 4.3.3. Targeted focus groups ness to Council proceedings. As an essential part of the listening exercise, the Commis- The Commission fully supports this Presidency initiative sion should build on the existing good practice of using which dovetails with the Commission’s European Trans- focus groups as a first step in open policy making process- parency Initiative. es. Particular emphasis should be placed on the views of young people. This could help Member States to strengthen the feedback process in the national debates. 4.2.4. Increased voter participation The lower level of participation in national and local elec- The Commission is ready to provide assistance to Member tions has reinforced the sense of lack of legitimacy in the States to undertake focus group work on specific European political process. In particular the turnout in certain Mem- themes. ber States at the latest European Parliament election has been disappointingly low. 402 5. Funding The Commission will propose to the other European institutions that they jointly look into ways to increase voter The wide-ranging debate on the future of Europe must be participation in European elections and national referenda supported by appropriate financial assistance. The Com- on European issues. Specific attention should be given to mission will seek to assist Member States and civil society participation of young people and minority groups and the through support of individual initiatives. use of new technologies to increase participation. A joint inter-institutional working group could be established to At the start of 2005, nine million euros was allocated un- co-ordinate efforts in this area. der the Prince budget line for the future of Europe debate (Budget line 250302). All Member States have received 4.3. Tools to generate a dialogue on some financial assistance with just less than six million al- European policies ready allocated during the ratification process. The Com- mission believes that the remaining resources should be 4.3.1. Specific Eurobarometer on the future used to support Member State and civil society initiatives. of Europe The Commission therefore supports the European Parlia- Plan-D is an exercise for listening and dialogue. The ul- ment’s intention to make available an additional six mil- timate objective of the Commission is to be able to draw lion euros for 2006 on the Prince budget line. lessons from the concerns expressed by the citizens. This will also help Member States understand their citizens’ concerns during the period of reflection. 6. Conclusion The Commission will present a specific Eurobarometer The national debates on the ratification of the European survey on the future of Europe, assessing citizens’ views on Constitution have demonstrated continued support for the future of the European project as well as citizens’ sup- membership of the European Union but an increasing port for and expectations of European policies and actions. sense of remoteness from the democratic process.

4.3.2. Internet The Heads of State and Government of the European Un- Increasingly, experiences shows that the Internet has be- ion have issued a declaration which emphasises the need come an important forum of political debate. If the Com- to listen to citizens’ concerns and enable a broad debate mission intends to play an active role in moderating the to take place. debate on the Future of Europe it should explore the use of every interactive communication medium that can fa- Now is the time to listen and act. This communication cilitate this debate. sets out the content and issues falling under Plan-D for democracy, dialogue and debate. It underlines the national THE COMMISSION’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE PERIOD OF REFLECTION AND BEYOND: PLAN-D FOR DEMOCRACY, DIALOGUE AND DEBATE character of the debate but also recommends a structured feedback process and a series of possible initiatives to be taken at the Community level.

Plan-D must seek to clarify, deepen and legitimise a new consensus on Europe and address criticisms and find solutions where expectations have not been met. According- ly, the European Commission recommends that Member States:

• Take the necessary steps to structure a national debate as soon as possible in each country; • Work with the Commission and other institutions and bodies to organise the most effective assistance and contribution, including national visits, that they can make to the national debate; • By the next European Council, agree on the feedback process to ensure that the concerns and expectations of 403 citizens are disseminated and fed into the stocktaking exercise to be held during the Austrian Presidency.

20 għal darbtejn sa l-2020: L‑opportunità dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima għall‑Ewropa

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL, LILL‑KUMITAT EKONOMIKU U SOĊJALI EWROPEW U LILL‑KUMITAT TAR‑REĠJUNI BRUSSEL 23.1.2008 COM(2008) 30

Is‑sena 2007 rrappreżentat bidla deċiżiva għall‑politika l‑mexxejja ta’ l‑UE wrew il‑volontà tagħhom li jimpenjaw tal‑klima u l‑enerġija ta’ l‑Unjoni Ewropea. L‑Ewropa wri- ruħhom biex jittrasformaw l‑ekonomija Ewropea bi sforz 405 et ruħha lesta li tassumi tmexxija globali: biex tindirizza politiku, soċjali u ekonomiku ewlieni. Fl‑istess ħin, il‑bidla t‑tibdil fil‑klima, biex tiffaċċja ‑l isfida ta’ enerġija sikura, toffri ‑l ewwel pass lejn il‑modernizzazzjoni ta’ l‑ekonomija sostenibbli u kompetittiva, u biex l‑ekonomija Ewropea Ewropea, billi tiġi orjentata lejn futur fejn it‑teknoloġi- tkun mudell għall‑iżvilupp sostenibbli fis‑seklu 21. Seħħet ja u s‑soċjetà jiġu adattati għall‑ħtiġijiet il‑ġodda u fejn evoluzzjoni deċiżiva fl‑opinjoni pubblika li fehmet l‑im- l‑innovazzjoni toħloq opportunitajiet ġodda ta’ tkabbir portanza kbira li jiġi indirizzat it‑tibdil fil‑klima, li l‑Ew- u impjiegi. ropa għandha tadatta għar‑realtajiet il‑ġodda biex tnaqqas il‑gassijiet b’effett serra u biex tiżviluppa ‑r riżorsi ta’ l‑en- Ġew stabbiliti żewġ miri ewlenin mill‑Kunsill Ewropew: erġiji li jiġġeddu u sostenibbli tagħha. Intlaħaq kunsens politiku biex din il‑kwistjoni titqiegħed fil‑qalba tal‑pro- • Tnaqqis ta’ mill‑anqas 20% tal‑gassijiet serra (GHG) gramm politiku ta’ l‑Unjoni Ewropea: tema ta’ gwida sa l-2020 – li għandu jogħla għal 30% jekk jintlaħaq għall‑Unjoni, ċentrali għall‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona għat‑tk- ftehim internazzjonali li jikkometti lil pajjiżi oħra abbir u l‑impjiegi, u ta’ importanza ewlenija fir‑relazzjoni- li qed jiżviluppaw għal “tnaqqis komparabbli ta’ jiet ta’ l‑Ewropa mas‑sħab tagħha madwar id‑dinja. Dan l‑emissjoni u biex aktar pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw 11 ġie appoġġjat kemm mill‑Parlament Ewropew kif ukoll ekonomikament jikkontribwixxu b’mod adegwat skond mill‑Kunsill Ewropew. ir‑responsabbiltajiet u l‑kapaċitajiet rispettivi tagħhom”.

Id‑deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Marzu 2007 biex • Sehem ta’ 20% ta’ l‑enerġiji li jiġġeddu fil‑konsum ta’ jiġu stabbiliti miri preċiżi li jorbtu legalment kienet sim- l‑enerġija ta’ l‑UE sa l-2020. bolu tad‑determinazzjoni ta’ l‑Ewropa. Din id‑deċiżjoni Il‑Kunsill Ewropew qabel li l‑aħjar mod biex dawn l‑għani- ttieħdet bis‑serjetà. L‑isfidi huma bosta, bil‑prosperità ta’ jiet ambizzjużi jintlaħqu kien li kull Stat Membru jkun l‑ekonomija Ewropea tistrieħ fuq is‑sejba tat‑triq it‑tajba jaf x’kien mistenni minnu, u biex l‑għanijiet ikunu jorbtu ’l quddiem. Attwalment teżisti evidenza ċara li l‑ispejjeż legalment. Dan ifisser li ‑l istrumenti tal‑gvern jiġu mo- ta’ l‑inazzjoni jirvinaw l‑ekonomija tad‑dinja: bejn 5% bilizzati bis‑sħiħ; u s‑settur privat ikollu l‑fiduċja fit‑tul 12 u 20% tal‑PGD globali, skond ir‑rapport Stern . B’mod meħtieġa biex jiġġustifika ‑l investiment meħtieġ biex parallel, biż‑żieda riċenti fil‑prezzijiet taż‑żejt u l‑gass jitrasforma l‑Ewropa f ’ekonomija b’livell baxx ta’ karbonju ħareġ fid‑deher sa liema punt il‑kompetizzjoni għar‑riżorsi u b’effiċjenza enerġetika għolja. ta’ l‑enerġija qed issir iktar intensa kull sena; u kemm l‑en- erġija li tiġġedded u s‑sorsi li jiġġeddu ta’ l‑enerġija jistgħu Id‑determinazzjoni tal‑Kunsill Ewropea kienet sinjal jkunu investimenti li jġibu qligħ. Kien f ’dan l‑isfond li lis‑sħab internazzjonali tagħna li l‑UE kienet lesta li tib- del il‑kliem mal‑fatti. Is‑suċċess ta’ dan seta’ jiġi osser- 11 Riżoluzzjoni tal‑Parlament Ewropew dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima vat fil‑Konferenza tan‑Nazzjonijiet Uniti f ’Bali dwar adottata fl-14 ta’ Frar 2007 (P6_TA(2007)0038). it‑Tibdil fil‑Klima, f ’Diċembru 2007. L‑Unjoni Ewropea 12 HM Treasury, Stern Review dwar l‑ekonomija tat‑tibdil fil‑klima, 2006, http://www.hm‑treasury.gov.uk/independent_reviews/stern_ kellha rwol ewlieni f ’li tiżgura li jintlaħaq ftehim dwar review_economics_climate_change/stern_review_report.cfm ir‑roadmap lejn ftehim komprensiv ġdid dwar it‑tnaqqis IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

ta’ l‑emissjonijiet sa l-2009. Dan saħħaħ id‑determinaz- xierqa li mhumiex qed jaġġornaw mad‑domanda tat‑tkabbir zjoni ta’ l‑UE biex tkompli tinsisti fuq l‑impenn tagħha globali. li tiġġieled it‑tibdil fil‑klima, biex turi li hi kienet lesta li ssaħħaħ il‑konvinzjoni tagħha li l‑pajjiżi żviluppati jistgħu L‑opportunitajiet offruti mit‑tranżizzjoni jvarjaw ħafna: u għandhom jintrabtu li jnaqqsu l‑livelli ta’ l‑emissjonijiet tagħhom bi 30% sa l-2020. L‑UE għandha tkompli żżomm • L‑importazzjonijiet taż‑żejt u l‑gass huma mistennija li it‑tmun fin‑negozjati ta’ ftehim internazzjonali ambizzjuż. jonqsu b’madwar EUR 50 biljun fl-202013 biex titjieb is‑sigurtà ta’ l‑enerġija u jkun ta’ benefiċċju għaċ‑ċittadini Il‑pass li jmiss hu li d‑direzzjoni politika ta’ l‑Unjoni Ew- u n‑negozji madwar l‑UE: jekk il‑prezzijiet kurrenti għal ropea tinbidel f ’azzjoni. Il‑pakkett ta’ miżuri propost kull barmil isiru standard, jiżdied l‑iffrankar b’riżultat ta’ mill‑Kummissjoni Ewropea jirrappreżenta triq koerenti tnaqqis fl‑importazzjonijiet. u komprensiva għat‑tħejjija ta’ l‑Ewropa għat‑tranżizzjoni lejn ekonomija b’livell baxx ta’ karbonju. Dan juri li l‑is- • It‑teknoloġiji ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded diġà jiġġeneraw forzi meħtieġa jagħmlu sens. Il‑miżuri huma ddisinnjati fatturat ta’ EUR 20 biljun u ħolqu 300,000 impjieg. b’tali mod li jsaħħu lil xulxin. Dawn joffru ‑t triq it‑tajba Sehem ta’ 20% fl‑enerġiji li jiġġeddu huwa stmat li biex jinżamm il‑momentum u jitwasslu l‑ambizzjonijiet jfisser kważi miljun impjieg f ’din ‑l industrija sa l-2020 – ta’ l‑Ewropa għat‑tibdil fil‑klima, is‑sigurtà ta’ l‑enerġija u ċ‑ċifra tikber jekk l‑Ewropa tisfrutta l‑potenzjal u l‑kompetittività. sħiħ tagħha fit‑tmexxija globali f ’dan il‑qasam. Barra dan, is‑settur ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded jirrikjedi ħafna 406 ħaddiema u jistrieħ fuq ħafna impriżi ta’ daqs żgħir Niżguraw il‑prosperità ta’ u medju, biex b’hekk l‑impjiegi u l‑iżvilupp jixterdu ma’ l‑erbat irjieħ ta’ l‑Ewropa: dan huwa minnu wkoll l‑Ewropa fi żminijiet ta’ bidla għall‑effiċjenza ta’‑ l enerġija fil‑bini u l‑prodotti. • Billi l‑kumpaniji jkunu inkoraġġiti li jużaw teknoloġiji L‑ekonomija Ewropea qed tiffaċċja sfida biex tadatta b’livell baxx ta’ karbonju, l‑isfida tat‑tibdil fil‑klima tista’ gaħd‑domandi ta’ ekonomija b’livell baxx ta’ emissjonijiet tiġi trasformata f ’opportunità għall‑industrija Ewropea. bi provvisti sikuri ta’ l‑enerġija. Iżda l‑isfida tista’ tintlaħaq, B’kollox, l‑ekoindustrija diġà tiġġenera madwar 3.4 u tiftaħ ukoll il‑bieb għal opportunitajiet ġodda. Jeżisti po- miljun impjieg fl‑Ewropa: din toffri potenzjal partikolari tenzjal reali biex il‑politiki favur il‑klima jsiru stimolu ew- għat‑tkabbir. It‑teknoloġiji favur l‑ambjent m’huma lieni għat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi fl‑Ewropa. L‑Ewropa tista’ l‑monopolju ta’ l‑ebda parti waħda ta’ l‑Ewropa. Huma turi li l‑bidla meħtieġa tmur id f ’id mal‑proċess li tiġi żgura- parti li dejjem tikber ta’ industrija li issa tiġġenera ta ekonomija kompetittività u li tifjorixxi adattata għas‑se- iktar minn EUR 227 biljun f ’fatturat annwali, u joffru klu 21. Il‑proċess tal‑bidla għal ekonomija b’livell baxx ta’ vantaġġi reali lil dawk li jidħlu l‑ewwel fis‑suq. karbonju irid jiġi akkumpanjat ukoll mill‑involviment xieraq tas‑sħab soċjali, partikolarment fil‑livell settorjali. Ir‑raġuni sottostanti hija l‑bażi tal‑kunsens politiku favur il‑bidla, u l‑ftehim tal‑Kunsill Ewropew biex jaġixxi. Impenn globali jibqa’ l‑mezz indispensabbli biex jiġi indirizzat it‑tibdil fil‑klima. Iżda l‑argument favur li l‑Ewropa Il‑binja tal‑proposti tmexxiet minn żewġ fatturi. L‑ewwel, taġixxi issa huwa ta’ importanza kbira. Iktar ma l‑Ewropa il‑proposti kienu ddisinnjati b’tali mod li l‑miri jintlaħqu ddum tistenna, iktar ikunu għoljin l‑ispejjeż għall‑adatta- bl‑iktar mod ekonomiku possibbli. It‑tieni, l‑isforz meħtieġ ment. Iktar ma l‑Ewropa tiċċaqlaq kmieni, iktar tkun kbira minn Stati Membri partikolari u minn industriji partikolari l‑opportunità li jintużaw il‑ħiliet u t‑teknoloġija tagħha biex jibqa’ bbilanċjat u proporzjonat, u jieħu in kunsiderazzjoni tingħata spinta lill‑innovazzjoni u t‑tkabbir billi jiġi sfruttat ċ‑ċirkostanzi tagħhom. L‑ekwità u s‑solidarjetà kienu fil‑qa- il‑vantaġġ ta’ min jopera l‑ewwel fis‑suq. Ix‑xejra ta’ l‑opin- lba tal‑ħsieb tal‑Kummissjoni għall‑iżvilupp tal‑proposti. joni globali hija ċara, u l‑UE tista’ tmexxi t‑triq lejn ftehim internazzjonali dwar il‑klima għall‑perjodu ta’ wara l-2012 Il‑prinċipji ewlenin It‑tnaqqis ta’ l‑emissjonijiet b’effett serra u ż‑żieda ta’ l‑en- erġija li tiġġedded skond il‑miri miftiehma mill‑Kapijiet Il‑pakkett ta’ miżuri jirrispondi għal stedina mill‑Kunsill ta’ Stat u Gvern għandhom jagħmlu lill‑UE ħafna inqas Ewropew lill‑Kummissjoni Ewropea biex tressaq propos- dipendenti fuq l‑importazzjonijiet taż‑żejt u l‑gass. Dan inti speċifiċi. Fl‑istess waqt, il‑mexxejja ta’ l‑UE żviluppaw aqqas l‑espożizzjoni ta’ l‑ekonomija ta’ l‑UE għal prezzijiet ta’ l‑enerġija dejjem jogħlew u volatili, l‑inflazzjoni, ir‑riskji ġeopolitiċi u riskji relatati ma’ katini tal‑provvista mhux 13 Dan kien imfassal fuq il‑bażi tal‑prezz taż‑żejt ta’ US $ 61 kull barmil. 20 għal darbtejn sa l-2020: L‑opportunità dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima għall‑Ewropa ftehim politiku dwar il‑prinċipji li fuq il‑bażi tagħhom L‑għodod biex jitwasslu l‑miri għandhom jitwasslu l‑proposti. L‑aġġornar tas‑Sistema għall‑Iskambju Il‑binja żviluppata mill‑Kummissjoni ġiet iddisinnjata biex tirrispetta l‑prinċipji stabbiliti fil‑Kunsill Ewropew. B’mod ta’ l‑Emissjonijiet partikolari, it‑trasformazzjoni tal‑miri ġenerali għall‑UE kollha f ’miri speċifiċi għal kull Stat Membru kienet irreg- Is‑Sistema għall‑Iskambju ta’ l‑Emissjonijiet ta’ l‑Unjo- olata mill‑bżonn li jiġi żgurat kunsens politiku li jġib bidla ni Ewropea tat prova ta’ strument innovattiv biex tinsab u jikkonvinċi l‑opinjoni pubblika. soluzzjoni bbażata fuq is‑suq li tagħti inċentiv biex jitnaqqsu l‑emissjonijiet b’effett serra. Din is‑sistema tinħtieġ li Il‑proposti jistrieħu fuq ħames prinċipji ewlenin: l‑kumpaniji jċedu kwoti ekwivalenti għal‑livell ta’ l‑emissjonijiet tas‑CO2 tagħhom. Din is‑sistema ta’ “limiti massimi u skambji” (cap and trade) fil‑forma preżenti tagħha • Il‑miri għandhom jintlaħqu: biex l‑Ewropej ikunu żgurati tfisser li huma allokati kwoti mill‑gvernijiet nazzjonali mir‑realtà tal‑bidla, biex l‑investituri jkunu konvinti lill‑kumpaniji, suġġetti għall‑approvazzjoni mill‑Kum- ħalli jinvestu, u biex tintwera s‑serjetà ta’ l‑għan ta’ l‑UE missjoni tal‑pjanijiet nazzjonali. Żviluppa suq fl‑iskambju lis‑sħab tagħha madwar id‑dinja kollha. Għalhekk, tal‑karbonju, minħabba li l‑kumpaniji jistgħu jbigħu l‑kwo- il‑proposti għandhom ikunu effettivi u b’saħħithom ti jekk inaqqsu l‑emissjonijiet tagħhom, jew jixtruhom biżżejjed biex ikunu kredibbli, b’mekkaniżmi fis‑seħħ jekk ma jkollhomx biżżejjed kwoti biex ikopru l‑emissjoni- għas‑sorveljanza u l‑konformità. jiet tagħhom. B’hekk, jekk il‑kumpaniji jinvestu fit‑tnaqqis 407 • L‑isforz meħtieġ mill‑Istati Membri differenti għandu ta’ l‑emissjonjiet, jista’ jkollhom sors ta’ dħul mill‑bejgħ jkun ekwu. B’mod partikolari, xi Stati Membri huma tal‑kwoti – waqt li fl‑istess ħin jistimolaw l‑innovazzjoni kapaċi iktar minn oħrajn biex jiffinanzjaw‑ l investimenti u jinkoraġġixxu l‑bidla fejn tkun l‑aktar ekonomika. Din meħtieġa. Il‑proposti għandhom ikunu flessibbli is‑sistema tkopri madwar 10,000 impjanti industrijali biżżejjed biex jieħdu in kunsiderazzjoni l‑punti ta’ tluq madwar l‑UE – inklużi impjanti ta’ l‑enerġija, raffineriji u ċ‑ċirkostanzi differenti ta’ ‑l Istati Membri. taż‑żejt, u funderiji ta’ l‑azzar – li huma responsabbli għal kważi nofs l‑emissjonijiet tas‑CO ta’ l‑UE. • L‑ispejjeż iridu jkunu minimizzati: b’disinn 2 magħmul apposta li jillimita l‑prezz ta’ l‑adattament Madankollu, reviżjoni ta’ l‑ETS uriet li hemm bżonn li għall‑ekonomija ta’ l‑UE. L‑ispejjeż tal‑bidla tissaħħaħ u tiġi aġġornata biex tilħaq l‑għanijiet il‑ġodda u l‑konsegwenzi għall‑kompetittività globali, l‑impjieg tagħha. L‑effett ta’ inċentiv ta’ ‑l ETS kurrenti kien imtaffi u l‑koeżjoni soċjali ta’ l‑Unjoni jeħtieġ jinżammu fuq minn numru ġeneruż ta’ benefiċċji mogħtija ‑fl ewwel fażi quddiem nett fl‑iddisinnjar ta’ l‑istruttura t‑tajba. (2005-2007). L‑istruttura ta’ l‑ETS, bil‑pjanijiet ta’ alloka- • L‑UE għandha tkompli miexja ’l quddiem lilhinn zzjoni nazzjonali, qajmet ir‑riskju ta’ distorzjonijiet f ’ter- mill-2020 biex tnaqqas iktar il‑gassijiet b’effett serra mini tal‑kompetizzjoni u s‑suq intern. L‑ambitu ta’ l‑ETS, biex tilħaq il‑mira li tnaqqas l‑emissjonijiet bin‑nofs sa f ’termini tas‑setturi ta’ l‑ekonomija koperti u inklużi l-2050. Dan ifisser li ‑l istimolar ta’ l‑iżvilupp teknoloġiku l‑gassijiet, jillimita wkoll il‑kapaċità tagħha li ġġib tnaqqis u l‑iżgurar li s‑sistema tista’ tieħu vantaġġ meta tibda fl‑emissjonijiet. titħaddem teknoloġija ġdida, billi jintużaw l‑għodod disponibbli biex tkun inkuraġġita l‑innovazzjoni Skema Mtejba ta’ Emissjonijiet għandha tibni fuq l‑esper- u vantaġġ kompetittiv fl‑enerġija nadifa u t‑teknoloġiji ta’ jenza pożittiva li nkisbet s’issa u għandha tkun iddisinnjata l‑industrija. biex twassal stimolu ġdid lejn ekonomija favur il‑klima: • L‑UE għandha tagħmel dak kollu possibbli biex tippromwovi ftehim internazzjonali komprensiv biex • L‑ambitu ta’ l‑ETS għandu jiġi estiż bl‑inklużjoni tal‑gassijiet b’effett serra minbarra dawk tas‑CO 14 jitnaqqsu l‑emissjonijiet b’effett serra. Il‑proposti huma 2 , mfassla biex juru li l‑Unjoni tinsab lesta biex tieħu u l‑emittenti industrijali kollha ewlenin. Biex jitnaqqas iktar azzjoni bħala parti minn ftehim internazzjonali, il‑piż amministrattiv, l‑impjanti industrijali li jemettu inqas minn 10,000 tunnellata ta’ CO ma jkollhomx biex tgħolli l‑mira ta’ minimu ta’ 20% għat‑tnaqqis ta’ 2 l‑emissjonijiet b’effett serra għal tnaqqis iktar ambizzjuż għalxiex jipparteċipaw fl‑ETS, sakemm ikollhom fis‑seħħ ta’ 30%. miżuri ekwivalenti li jiżguraw il‑kontribuzzjoni xierqa tagħhom fl‑isforz għat‑tnaqqis.

14 N2O mill‑produzzjoni ta’ l‑aċidu u emissjonijiet tal‑PFC mis‑settur ta’ l‑aluminjum. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

• ETS armonizzata li tkopri l‑Unjoni kollha tkun adattata dan il‑mekkaniżmu ser ikun limitat għal‑livelli użati aħjar għas‑suq intern, b’regoli komuni biex ikunu żgurati matul il‑perjodu attwali kopert mis‑sistema. Dan għandu kondizzjonijiet ugwali għal kulħadd. Il‑pjanijiet ta’ jippermetti li jsaħħaħ l‑aċċess għal dan il‑mekkaniżmu allokazzjoniji nazzjonali tal‑kwoti għandhom jinbidlu ladarba jiġi ffiramt ftehim internazzjonali – element b’allokazzjoni ħielsa ta’ kwoti permezz ta’ regoli uniċi ċentrali biex l‑UE tkun tista’ timxi l‑quddiem malajr madwar l‑UE kollha. Il‑kwoti mqiegħda fuq is‑suq għal tnaqqis iktar ambizzjuż ta’ 30% ta’ l‑emmissjonijiet għandhom jitnaqqsu kull sena biex l‑emisssjonijiet b’effett serra jekk jintlaħaq ftehim internazzjonali. koperti mill‑ETS ikunu jistgħu jonqsu b’21% mil‑livelli Billi jiġi lliberat l‑aċċess għal dan il‑mekkaniżmu, ta’ l-2005 sa l-2020. il‑pajjiżi terzi jkollhom ukoll inċentiv biex jiffirmaw Is‑settur ta’ l‑enerġija – li jirrappreżenta parti kbira ftehim internazzjonali, bl‑għarfien li jista’ jġib miegħu mill‑emissjonijiet – ikun suġġetti għal irkant sħiħ investimenti u teknoloġiji Ewropej. tal‑kwoti mill‑bidu tas‑sistema l‑ġdida fl-2013. Bosta setturi industrijali oħra, kif ukoll l‑avjazzjoni, ser jiġu Tnaqqis ta’ gassijiet serra lilhinn progressivament sottomessi għal irkant sħiħ li għandu jintlaħaq sa l-2020. mill‑ETS L‑irkant tal‑kwoti għandu jiġi organizzat mill‑Istati Membri, u d‑dħul għandu jitqiegħed fit‑teżor ta’ Peress li r‑reviżjoni ta’ l‑ETS se tkopri inqas minn nofs l‑Istati Membri. Madankollu, dan l‑irkant ser ikun l‑emissjonijiet b’effett serra, huwa meħtieġ qafas ta’ ‑l UE pubbliku: kwalunkwe operatur fl‑UE jista’ jixtri kwoti għal impenji nazzjonali biex ikopri l‑bqija ta’ l‑emissjoni- 408 fi kwalunkwe Stat Membru. Il‑proċess ta’ rkant ser jiet – billi jkopri oqsma bħall‑bini, it‑trasport, l‑agrikoltu- jiġġenera dħul sinifikanti għall‑Istati Membri, li għandu ra, l‑iskart u l‑impjanti industrijali li jaqgħu taħt il‑limitu jgħin fl‑aġġustament tal‑proċess ta’ ekonomija b’livell ffissat biex ikunu inklużi‑ fl ETS. Il‑mira għal dawn is‑set- baxx ta’ karbonju, u jippromwovi r‑riċerka u l‑iżviliupp turi għandha tkun tnaqqis ta’ 10% fl‑emissjonijiet mil‑liv- (R&D) u l‑innovazzjoni f ’oqsma bħall‑enerġiji li elli ta’ l-2005, b’miri speċifiċi għal kull Stat Membru. Ftit jiġġeddu u l‑qbid u l‑ħżin tal‑karbonju, u li għandu minn dawn l‑għanijiet ser ikunu mmexxija minn miżuri jgħin lill‑pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw u lil dawk inqas sinjuri ta’ l‑UE – bħal standards aktar stretti fuq l‑emissjonijiet biex jinvestu fl‑effiċjenza ta’‑ l enerġija. L‑Istati Membri tas‑CO2 mill‑karozzi u l‑karburanti, u regoli mifruxin ma’ għandhom jintrabtu li jużaw mill‑inqas 20% tad‑dħul l‑UE kollha li jippromwovu l‑effiċjenza ta’‑ l enerġija – iżda mill‑irkant għal dan il‑għan. sakemm ma jkunx speċifikat mod ieħor ‑l Istati Membri jkunu ħielsa li jiddeterminaw fejn għandhom jikkonċen- • Taħt il‑Protokoll ta’ Kyoto, il‑pajjiżi industrijalizzati traw l‑isforzi tagħhom, u liema miżuri għandhom jieħdu jistgħu jiksbu parti mill‑impenji tagħhom biex biex iġibu bidla. L‑Istati Membri ser ikollhom ukoll aċċess inaqqsu l‑emissjonijiet tagħhom billi jinvestu fi għall‑krediti tas‑CDM li jkopru kważi terz mill‑isforz proġetti għat‑tnaqqis ta’ l‑emissjonijiet barra minn tagħhom għat‑tnaqqis. pajjiżhom – speċjalment fil‑pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw, 15 permezz tal‑Mekkaniżmu ta’ Żvilupp Nadif (CDM) . Era ġdida għall‑enerġija li tiġġedded Dan għandu l‑vantaġġ li jilħaq l‑obbligi tat‑tnaqqis ta’ l‑emissjonijiet b’inqas spejjeż, kif ukoll li jippromwovi t‑trasferiment ta’ teknoloġiji b’livell baxx ta’ karbonju Il‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Marzu saħaq fuq l‑enerġija li lejn il‑pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw. Is‑CDMs li wrew tiġġedded. Billi għażlu li jiffissaw mira speċifika għall‑UE l‑effikaċja tagħhhom biex inaqqsu‑ l emissjonijiet, joffru b’mod ġenerali, u biex din tkun appoġġjata b’miri nazzjon- aċċess għal soluzzjonijiet iktar ekonomiċi minn dawk li ali preċiżi, il‑mexxejja ta’ l‑UE rrikonoxxew il‑kontribuzz- huma disponibbli f ’ċerti każi fl‑Ewropa. Madankollu, joni speċjali li l‑enerġija li tiġġedded tista’ tagħti għaż‑żewġ hemm ir‑riskju li użu frekwenti tas‑CDMs jista’ jdgħajjef miri li jitnaqqsu l‑emissjonijiet u titjieb is‑sigurtà ta’ l‑en- l‑effettività ta’ ‑l ETS billi jżid il‑provvista ta’ krediti erġija. Illum, is‑sehem ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded fil‑konsum u b’hekk inaqqas id‑domanda għall‑kwoti, u jnaqqas finali ta’ ‑l eneġija ta’ l‑UE hu ta’ 8,5%. Hija meħtieġa żieda l‑inċentiv tal‑gvernijiet u l‑kumpaniji biex jippromwovu ta’ medja ta’ 11,5% biex tintlaħaq il‑mira ta’ 20% fl-2020. t‑tnaqqis ta’ l‑emissjonijiet f ’pajjiżhom. Dan jista’ Dan ser jeħtieġ sforz ewlieni ta’ investiment madwar l‑Un- jillimita wkoll il‑kapaċità ta’ l‑ETS li taġixxi bħala joni, iżda l‑ispejjeż relattivi ser jaqgħu hekk kif produtturi l‑istrument ewlieni biex tintlaħaq il‑mira għall‑enerġija li oħra ta’ l‑enerġija jiffaċċjaw ‑l ispejjeż tal‑kwoti ta’ l‑ETS tiġġedded. u l‑prezzijiet taż‑żejt u l‑gass li qed jogħlew. Taħt l‑ETS il‑ġdida, il‑kumpaniji ser jibqa’ jkollhom aċċess għas‑CDMs, iżda l‑użu tal‑krediti ġġenerati minn L‑Istati Membri jgawdu minn possibbiltajiet differenti biex jużaw l‑enerġija li tiġġedded, u l‑isforzi meħtieġa biex jintlaħaq is‑sehem ta’ 20% ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded 15 Teżisti wkoll Implimentazzjoni Konġunta biex tkopri proġetti fil‑konsum ġenerali ta’ l‑UE jeħtieġ li jkunu differenti bejn f’pajjiżi industrijalizzati oħra bil‑miri ta’ Kyoto. 20 għal darbtejn sa l-2020: L‑opportunità dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima għall‑Ewropa l‑Istati Membri. Il‑Kunsill Ewropew iddefinixxa numru ta’ l‑investiment fejn jistgħu jiġu prodotti l‑enerġiji li jiġġed- kunsiderazzjoni li għandhom jitqiesu meta jiġu stabbiliti du bl‑iktar mod ekonomiku fl‑UE, u l‑prezz biex tinlaħaq l‑miri nazzjonali. Il‑miri għandhom ikunu ekwi, u jieħdu il‑mira jista’ jonqos bejn 2 sa 8 biljuni ta’ euro. in kunsiderazzjoni l‑punti ta’ tluq u l‑potenzjali nazzjonali differenti, inkluż il‑livell eżistenti ta’ l‑enerġiji li jiġġeddu Dawn l‑investimenti fi Stat Membru ieħor ma jeħtieġux u t‑taħlita ta’ l‑enerġija, speċjalment it‑teknoloġiji b’livell trasferiment fiżiku tar‑riżorsi enerġetiċi, li jkunu sottomes- baxx ta’ karbonju. si għal ostakoli ġeografiċi u tekniċi. Jistgħu jsiru b’garanziji ta’ oriġini trasferibbli (li jagħtu prova li l‑enerġija li tiġġed- Il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni hija bbażata fuq metodoloġi- ded ġiet prodotta). Il‑proposta se toħloq dawn l‑għodod ja skond liema nofs l‑isforz addizjonali huwa maqsum għall‑użu flimkien ma’ skemi nazzjonali ta’ appoġġ eżisten- b’mod ugwali bejn l‑Istati Membri. In‑nofs l‑ieħor huwa ti ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded. Dan għandu jippermetti li modulat skond il‑PGN per capita. Barra dan, il‑miri huma l‑mira ġenerali tintlaħaq bl‑iktar mod ekonomiku. modifikati biex jieħdu in kunsiderazzjoni proporzjon mill‑isforzi li diġà saru minn dawk l‑Istati Membri li kisbu Kwalunkwe espansjoni ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded tirrikjedi ċertu żieda fis‑sehem tagħhom ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded wkoll li l‑qafas regolatorju tradizzjonali għall‑enerġija kon- fis‑snin riċenti. Din il‑metodoloġija ta’ allokazzjoni, flimk- venzjonali tiġi adattata: l‑ostakoli regolatorji, amministrat- ien ma’ mekkaniżmu ġdid ta’ flessibbiltà, tfisser li‑ l mandat tivi u ta’ ppjanar inutli għall‑promozzjoni u l‑iżvilupp ta’ tal‑Kunsill Ewropew ġie rrispettat bis‑sħiħ. l‑enerġija li tiġġedded jeħtieġ li jingħelbu, u l‑proposta tara li tiggarantixxi l‑ambjent xieraq biex jiffjorixxu‑ l enerġiji li L‑għażliet għall‑iżvilupp ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded ivarjaw jiġġeddu. 409 minn Stat Membru għal ieħor. Xi wħud għandhom potenzjal fl‑enerġija mir‑riħ, oħrajn fl‑enerġija mix‑xemx jew Fl‑aħħarnett, il‑Kunsill Ewropew approva wkoll mira fil‑bijomassa. L‑Istati Membri jinsabu fl‑aħjar pożizzjoni minima separata għas‑sehem tal‑bijokarburanti sostenib- biex jagħżlu liema sors ta l‑enerġija għandhom jenfasizzaw. bli fit‑trasport fl‑UE. Għalkemm il‑bijokarburanti huma Madankollu, peress li l‑isfruttar ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded l‑unika alternattiva għall‑fjuwil tat‑trasport fil‑futur prev- jieħu ż‑żmien u minħabba li l‑investituri jrid ikollhom idibbli, biex ikun żgurat it‑tkabbir tagħhom jeħtieġ li jiġu ċertezzi, huwa importanti li l‑Istati Membri jkollhom viż- ffissati kriterji għas‑sostenibbiltà ambjentali tagħhom. joni ċara tal‑politika li biħsiebhom jimxu fuqha. Kull Stat L‑iskema proposta tinkludi kriterji minimi applikabbli Membru ser iressaq pjan ta’ azzjoni nazzjonali, li jistab- għall‑emissjonijiet ta’ gassijiet b’effett serra tal‑bijokarbu- bilixxi kif biħsiebu jilħaq il‑miri tiegħu u li jippermetti li ranti, li għandhom jiġu rrispettati għal dawk il‑bijokarbu- l‑progress jiġi mmonitorjat b’mod effettiv. Huwa meħtieġ ranti li huma użati biex tintlaħaq il‑mira ta’ 10%. Bl‑istess sforz speċifiku biex jitnaqqsu ‑l emissjonijiet b’effett serra mod, din tiffissa kriterji li jorbtu għall‑bijodiversità u tip- u biex titjieb is‑sigurtà tal‑provvista ta’ l‑enerġija fis‑set- projbixxi ċerti tipi ta’ bidliet fl‑użu ta’ l‑art. Meta tiġi ad- tur tat‑trasport, u huwa minħabba f ’hekk li l‑Kunsill Ew- ottata, din ser tkun is‑sistema l‑iktar komprensiva ta’ dan ropew għażel li jiffissa mira minima speċifika għall‑bijokar- it‑tip introdotta fi kwalunkwe post fid‑dinja u ser tapplika buranti sostenibbli ta’ 10% tal‑konsum ġenerali tal‑petrol bl‑istess mod għall‑bijokarburanti prodotti fl‑UE u għalbi- u d‑dijżil. jokarburanti importati. Ir‑regoli huma kritiċi biex jiġi żgu- rat li l‑benefiċċji ambjentali talli jintużaw il‑bijokarburanti L‑ispiża biex tiġi sfruttata l‑enerġija li tiġġedded tvarja jegħlbu kwalunkwe żvantaġġi ambjentali possibbli. Fl‑ist- wkoll. Ċerti investimenti jistgħu jsiru malajr u jkunu kum- ess waqt, il‑Kummissjoni hija marbuta li fil‑politiki kollha merċjalment vijabbli, iżda meta dawn l‑għażliet jintużaw tagħha tippromwovi l‑iżvilupp rapidu ta’ bijokarburanti kollha, l‑investiment ikollu jaqa’ fuq għażliet li jqumu ak- tat‑tieni ġenerazzjoni. Ser tissorvelja mill‑qrib l‑iżvilup- tar flus. Fl‑istess waqt, hekk kif il‑volumi tal‑produzzjoni pi fis‑suq u l‑effetti tagħhom fuq ‑l ikel, l‑għalf, l‑enerġija jiżdiedu, l‑ispejjeż tal‑produzzjoni jaqgħu. Huwa għalhekk u użu industrijali ieħor tal‑bijomassa, u jekk ikun meħtieġ li l‑Istati Membri jeħtieġu livell ta’ flessibbiltà. Sakemm tieħu l‑azzjoni xierqa. il‑mira ġenerali ta’ l‑UE tintlaħaq, l‑Istati Membri għand- hom ikunu permessi li jagħtu l‑kontribuzzjoni tagħhom Ir‑rwol ta’ l‑effiċjenza ta’ l‑enerġija billi jappoġġjaw l‑isforz ġenerali ta’ l‑UE għall‑enerġiji li jiġġeddu, u mhux neċessarjament fi ħdan il‑fruntie- Il‑mira ta’ l‑UE li tiffranka 20% tal‑konsum ta’ l‑enerġija sa ri tagħhom: jekk l‑Istati Membri jistgħu jilħqu l‑miri l-2020 permezz ta’ l‑effiċjenza ta’‑ l enerġija hija parti kruċ- tagħhom billi jgħinu jiżviluppaw enerġija li tiġġedded jali tas‑sitwazzjoni. L‑UE tifranka madwar €100 biljun fi Stat Membru ieħor, dan jista’ jnaqqas ‑l ispejjeż proprji u tnaqqas l‑emissjonijiet bi kważi 800 miljun tunnellata tiegħu ta’ konformità filwaqt li jforni lill‑Istat Membru fis‑sena. Dan huwa wieħed mill‑modi ewlenin kif jista’ jit- l‑ieħor bi dħul addizzjonali utli. Minn perspettiva Ewro- wettaq l‑iffrankar ‑fl emissjonijiet tas‑CO . pea, aktar minn perspettiva nazzjonali, dan għandu jċaqlaq 2 IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

It‑trasport, il‑bini u effikaċità ikbar tal‑produzzjoni, Il‑leġiżlazzjoni Ewropea hija meħtieġa tipprovdi l‑qafas tat‑trasport u tad‑distribuzzjoni ta’ l‑enerġija lkoll joffru operattiv xieraq għall‑qbid u l‑ħżin tal‑karbonju fis‑suq opportunitajiet li jeħtieġ li jiġu stimulati kemm permezz intern u biex tieħu in kunsiderazzjoni tal‑vantaġġi li din tal‑leġiżlazzjoni u kemm bl‑informazzjoni – u li huma inko- it‑teknoloġija tippreżenta għall‑ETS. Dan huwa element im- raġġiti wkoll bil‑volontà li jiġi evitat l‑impatt ta’ l‑ispejjeż portanti tal‑pakkett: dawk li jinvestu fil‑qbid u l‑ħżin tal‑kar- dejjem jogħlew ta’ l‑enerġija għall‑konsumaturi. Jistgħu bonju jista’ jkollhom iċ‑ċertezza li mhux ser iħallsu l‑ispejj- jintużaw standards tal‑prodotti għal iktar effiċjenza f ’firxa eż tal‑kwoti ta’ l‑ETS li jkollhom jiffaċċjaw il‑kompetituri wiesgħa ta’ prodotti, minn televixins sa karozzi u heaters tagħhom u li jeżistu miżuri xierqa ta’ sigurtà li jiġġustifikaw sad‑dwal tat‑tooroq. Tikkettjar aħjar ifisser li 75% tal‑pro- investiment fuq perjodu twil ta’ żmien. Ser tiġi stabbiliti dotti ttikkettjati mixtrija jaqgħu fil‑kategorija “A”. Dan Inizjattiva Industrijali Ewropea biex tgħaqqad flimkien ‑l at- l‑iffrankar kollu jfisser li‑ d djar ikunu mogħnija tajjeb biex turi prinċipali u tipprovdi stimolu koerenti għat‑teknoloġija jiffaċċjaw iż‑żieda fil‑prezzijiet ta’ l‑enerġija, u iktar investi- l‑ġdida. ment fit‑teknoloġija u l‑impjiegi. Iżda biex jintlaħaq l‑għan ta’ 20% fil‑qasam ta’ l‑effikaċità ta’‑ l enerġija, jinħtieġ im- Madankollu, jibqa’ essenzjali l‑fatt li l‑kostruzzjoni ta’ l‑impenn ewlieni fil‑livelli kollha mill‑awtoritajiet pubbliċi, l‑op- pajnti bi prova u l‑isfruttar kummerċjali tagħhom ser jir- eraturi ekonomiċi saċ‑ċittadini. rikjedu investimenti sostantivi ta’ għexieren ta’ biljuni ta’ euros. Peress li ma teżisti l‑ebda possibbiltà ta’ finanzjament Inħarsu lilhinn mill-2020: nippromwovu sinifikanti mill‑baġit ta’ l‑UE, l‑uniċi sorsi possibbli għal l‑potenzjal għal iktar tnaqqis dan l‑investiment huma s‑sħubiji pubbliċi‑privati sostnuti 410 fl‑emissjonijiet b’mod predominanti mill‑baġits nazzjonali u l‑investiment fis‑settur privat. Għall‑gvernijiet, id‑dħul iġġenerat mill‑irkant tal‑kwoti ta’ l‑ETS jikkostitwixxi sors ta’ finanzjament Fuq dawn l‑aħħar għaxar snin, it‑teknoloġija żviluppat ma- evidenti għall‑dan il‑għan. Għas‑settur privat, l‑adozzjoni lajr. It‑teknoloġiji ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded qed jagħmlu inevitabbli tat‑teknoloġija tal‑qbid u l‑ħżin tal‑karbonju l‑enerġija mir‑riħ u x‑xemx iktar kummerċjalment vijabbli tagħti vantaġġ kummerċjali reali lill‑produtturi ta’ l‑enerġi- minn qatt qabel. L‑effiċjenza ta’‑ l enerġija qed tiġi integra- ja li lesti li jidħlu malajr f ’dan is‑suq. Madankollu, aktar ma ta ma’ diversi prodotti mis‑sempliċi lampa ta’ l‑elettriku dan il‑proċess jibda tard, aktar dawk li jfasslu l‑politika jkunu sa l‑iktar makkinarju sofistikat tal‑produzzjoni. Iżda dan obbligati li jħarsu lejn l‑għażla ta’ l‑applikazzjoni mandatorja il‑proċess għandu jiġi aċċellerat biex jintlaħqu l‑miri ta’ l‑Ew- tat‑teknoloġija tal‑qbid u l‑ħżin tal‑karbonju bħala l‑unika ropa għall‑klima u l‑enerġija u biex il‑potenzjal kummerċ- triq ’il quddiem. jali ta’ dawn it‑teknoloġiji jiġi sfruttat għal kollox. Il‑Pjan Strateġiku għat‑Teknoloġija ta’ l‑Enerġija ta’ l‑UE16 ser juża l‑istrumenti ta’ l‑UE biex jgħin lill‑Ewropa żżomm ir‑rwol Nistimolaw il‑bidla ewlieni tagħha fit‑teknoloġiji sostenibbli. It‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑enerġija ġew meqjusa bħala l‑ewwel oqsma probabbli li Filwaqt li l‑Kummissjoni Ewropea esplorat diversi possibbil- fuqhom l‑Istitut Ewropew għat‑Teknoloġija jista’ jikkonċen- tajiet u fasslet xenarji differenti, hija żviluppat bħala prinċip- tra l‑isforzi tiegħu. ju gwida l‑bżonn li jiġi żviluppat approċċ li jillimita l‑ispejjeż li tiffaċċja ‑l ekonomija ta’ l‑UE fil‑proċess tal‑bidla – biex Il‑qbid u l‑ħażna tal‑karbonju (CSS) huwa importanti ħaf- tiżgura li jkun adattat għall‑approċċ ta’ l‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbo- na. Il‑karburanti kombustibili ser jibqgħu is‑sors ewlieni ta’ na għat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi. Ikun għal xejn li nippretendu li l‑enerġija madwar id‑dinja għad‑deċenni li ġejjin. L‑istokki- l‑bidla fuq l‑iskala maħsuba ma tinħtieġ l‑ebda sforz ekono- jiet tal‑faħam ser ikunu meħtieġa biex jipprovdu l‑enerġija miku. Iżda l‑Kummissjoni tikkunsidra li bid‑disinn xieraq, fl‑Ewropa, u biex jirrispondu għaż‑żieda enormi fid‑doman- l‑ispejjeż jistgħu jinżammu taħt 0,5% tad‑PGD kull sena sa da ta’ l‑enerġija diġà osservata f ’bosta pajjiżi li qed jiżvilup- l-2020. Din l‑għażla toffri iktar perspettivi ta’ prosperità u ta’ paw. Iżda l‑mira li jitnaqqsu bin‑nofs l‑emissjonijiet tal‑gas- tkabbir milli l‑ispiża eventwali ta’ l‑inazzjoni. sijiet b’effett serra ta’ l-1990 sa l-2050 qatt mhi ser tintlaħaq sakemm il‑potenzjal ta’ l‑enerġija tal‑faħam ma jiġix sfrut- Biex l‑għanijiet ta’ l‑UE jintlaħaqu bi spiża minima, tat mingħajr ma jiżdiedu l‑emissjonijiet. Huwa minħabba il‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni jibnu fuq l‑esperjenza tas‑Siste- f ’hekk li l‑Kunsill Ewropew appoġġja l‑azzjoni bikrija għal ma ta’ l‑Iskambju ta’ l‑Emissjonijiet u jħallu kemm jista’ jkun miżuri favur il‑qbid u l‑ħżin tal‑karbonju għall‑impjanti ta’ l‑inizjattiva lis‑suq. Dawn il‑proposti jippreżervaw ukoll, l‑enerġija l‑ġodda, inkluż il‑kostruzzjoni ta’ 12-il impjant bi fil‑limiti ta’ l‑għanijiet nazzjonali speċifiċi, ‑l akbar flessib- prova sa l-2015. biltà possibbli għad‑deċiżjoni nazzjonali.

• L‑ETS futur ser jiżgura prezz biżżejjed għoli biex 16 Pjan Strateġiku Ewropew għat‑Teknoloġija ta’ l‑Enerġija: Lejn ġejjieni ta’ emissjonijiet baxxi tal‑karbonju KUMM(2007) 723, il‑kumpanijiet jkollhom interess kummerċjali qawwi biex 22.11.2007. jevitaw l‑ispejjeż tal‑kwoti ta’ l‑ETS. 20 għal darbtejn sa l-2020: L‑opportunità dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima għall‑Ewropa

• L‑irkant tal‑kwoti ta’ l‑ETS ser jivvavorixxi sfida partikolari matul it‑tranżizzjoni għal ekonomija favur installazzjonijiet iktar effiċjenti. l‑ambjent. Filwaqt li jridu jiffaċċjaw iż‑żieda fl‑ispiża ta’ l‑elettriku, bħala sorsi ewlenin ta’ l‑emissjonijiet, huma ser • Għat‑tnaqqis fl‑emissjonijiet li ma jaqgħux taħt l‑ETS, jipparteċipaw taħt ċirkostanzi normali fl‑irkant tal‑kwoti l‑Istati Membri ser ikunu ħielsa li jmexxu strateġiji ta’ l‑ETS: spiża addizzjonali li l‑kompetituri f ’pajjiżi min- differenti biex jiżguraw it‑tnaqqis tagħhom, skond għajr miżuri favur livell baxx ta’ karbonju ma’ jiffaċċjawx. iċ‑ċirkostanzi differenti ‑fl Istat Membru kkonċernat. Dan mhux biss għandu konsegwenzi għall‑kompetittività • L‑Istati membri għandu jkollhom il‑libertà li u l‑impjiegi, iżda jqiegħed ukoll fir‑riskju li l‑produzzjoni jiddeterminaw it‑taħlita ta’ l‑enerġija17 tagħhom u biex u t‑tniġġiż assoċjat, sempliċiment jiċċaqalqu lejn il‑pajjiżi jippromwovu l‑enerġija li tiġġedded b’modi differenti. bla miżuri favur livell baxx ta’ karbonju. Ġie espress tħas- L‑introduzzjoni ta’ sistema li tippermetti lill‑Istati sib minn numru ta’ setturi b’intensità enerġetika bħall‑in- Membri jilħqu l‑għanijiet tagħhom fil‑qasam ta’ dustriji tal‑ħadid u tal‑metalli mhux tal‑ħadid, tal‑karti l‑enerġiji li jiġġeddu permezz ta’ kollaborazzjoni ta’ Stati u ta’ l‑għaġna tal‑karti, u industriji bbażati fuq il‑minerali. Membri oħra tħalli f ’idejn l‑awtoritajiet nazzjonali biex L‑impatt fuq il‑prezzijiet ta’ l‑elettriku fuq ċerti setturi jiddeterminaw safejn ikun xieraq li tkun inkoraġġita kiber ukoll u jeħtieġ jiġi indirizzat, ladarba jiġi sostanzjat l‑produzzjoni nazzjonali ta’ l‑enerġiji li jiġġeddu. kif xieraq. • L‑għajnuna mill‑Istat tista’ tintuża b’mod leġittimu biex Ftehim internazzjonali komprensiv għandu jindirizza dan. tippromwovi l‑għan politiku li jitnaqqsu l‑emissjonijiet Iżda fin‑nuqqas ta’ tali ftehim, jew ta’ azzjoni unilaterali u tiżdied l‑enerġija li tiġġedded. Iżda l‑użu ta’ din sinifikanti mill‑kompetituri fis‑setturi b’intensità qawwi- 411 l‑għajnuna mill‑Istat jippermetti li jinstab il‑bilanċ xieraq ja ta’ l‑enerġija, l‑UE għandha tieħu azzjoni biex tiżgura bejn appoġġ ġeneruż għal għajnuniet immirati sew favur kondizzjonijiet ugwali għal kulħadd. il‑ħarsien ambjentali u ż‑żamma tal‑kompetizzjoni. Il‑kompetizzjoni effettiva hija essenzjali għat‑tħaddim tajjeb ta’ strumenti li jistrieħu fuq is‑suq. Il‑linji gwida B’hekk il‑proposti jipprovdu għal dispożizzjonijiet li jip- l‑ġodda dwar l‑għajnuna mill‑Istat ser jipprovdu qafas li permettu li tittieħed azzjoni. Il‑bżonn ta’ azzjoni ser ikun jistabbilixxi kif l‑Istati Membri jistgħu jużaw l‑għajnuna iddeterminat mir‑rispett tal‑kriterji biex jintwera li l‑ispejj- biex jippromwovu livell ogħla ta’ ħarsien ambjentali, eż addizzjonali ma setgħux jiġu riflessi mingħajr tnaqqis inkluż fil‑qasam ta’ l‑enerġija. L‑għajnuniet mill‑Istat sinifikanti mis‑sehem tas‑suq favur kompetituri extra Ko- mhux biss għandhom jgħinu biex jikkumpensaw munitarji inqas moderati fil‑livell tal‑karbonju. Is‑setturi l‑inkapaċità tas‑suq li jirrifletti ‑l ispejjeż għall‑ambjent, li jilħqu dawn il‑kriterji jingħatalhom il‑kwoti tagħhom iżda għandhom ukoll jinkoraġġixxu lill‑impriżi biex ta’ l‑ETS kollha jew parti minnhom bla ħlas. Dan jiġi jadottaw proċessi li jirrispettaw iktar lill‑ambjent jew segwit b’evalwazzjoni li tħares lejn l‑impatt tan‑negozjati biex jinvestu f ’teknoloġiji li huma iktar favur l‑ambjent. internazzjonali, li tista’ twassal għal proposti bħal ngħidu Il‑linji gwida l‑ġodda jirrikonoxxu b’mod partikolari aħna l‑aġġustamnet tal‑propozjon tal‑kwoti li jingħataw li l‑għajnuna mill‑Istat tista’ tkun ġustifikata fejn żieda bla ħlas jew li l‑importaturi jintalbu jipparteċipaw fl‑irkant fl‑ispejjeż ta’ produzzjoni tirriżulta f ’ostakoli fir‑rigward tal‑kwoti ta’ l‑ETS biex jixtru l‑kwoti bħall‑kompetitu- tad‑dħul fis‑suq ta’ l‑enerġiji li jiġġeddu. Dawn ri Ewropej, sakemm din is‑sistema tkun kumpatibbli ma’ jawtorizzaw kull għajnuna intiża biex tagħmel l‑enerġiji l‑impenji tad‑WTO. li jiġġeddu kummerċjalment vijabbli. Dawn jagħtu wkoll il‑possibbiltà li tingħata għajnuna mill‑Istat għall‑qbid Il‑kapaċità ta’ investiment u l‑ħżin tal‑karbonju, u jagħtu ċertezza legali lis‑sistema ta’ l‑iskambju ta’ l‑emissjonijiet. Il‑Kunsill Ewropew irrikonoxxa li l‑ambizzjoni tal‑proposti ser timponi eżiġenzi serji fuq l‑Istati Membri koll- Il‑bżonnijiet partikolari ta’ industriji ha. B’hekk, il‑Kummissjoni evalwat bir‑reqqa l‑impatt b’intensità qawwija ta’ l‑enerġija ekonomiku tal‑proposti kontra l‑kapaċità ta’ kull Stat Membru biex isir l‑investiment meħtieġ. Bi spiża ġener- ali għall‑ekonomija Ewropea stimata għal ftit inqas minn L‑industriji b’intensità qawwija ta’ l‑enerġija huma parti im- 0,5% tal‑PGD sa l-2020, il‑Kummissjoni temmen li l‑eb- portanti mill‑fibra ekonomika ta’ ‑l UE. Dawn ser jiffaċċjaw da Stat Membru m’għandu jintalab li jagħmel investiment li jiddevja wisq minn din il‑medja ġenerali. Fid‑dawl ta’ 17 Il‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Marzu 2007 fakkar li l‑Politika ta’ dan, l‑eżiġenzi speċifiċi mitluba minn kull Stat Membru l‑Enerġija għall‑Ewropa ser “tirrispetta bis‑sħiħ l‑għażla ġew modulati biex jippermettu għal livell realistiku ta’ tat‑taħlita ta’ l‑enerġija ta’ l‑Istati Membri” u kkonferma li investiment minn Stati Membri bi dħul iktar baxx. Din “huwa f’idejn kull Stat Membru li jiddeċiedi jekk għandux jistrieħ fuq l‑enerġija nukleari...dan għandu jsir filwaqt li titjieb il‑modulazzjoni għandha impatt fuq tliet aspetti differenti iktar is‑sigurtà nukleari u l‑ġestjoni ta’ l‑iskart radjoattiv”. tal‑proposti: IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Il‑miri nazzjonali stabbiliti għat‑tnaqqis fil‑gassijiet b’effett serra li ma jaqgħux taħt il‑qafas ta’ l‑ETS.

Il‑miri nazzjonali stabbiliti dwar is‑sehem ta’ l‑enerġija li tiġġedded fil‑konsum ta’ l‑enerġija ta’ l‑UE.

Id‑drittijiet ta’ l‑irkant taħt l‑ETS, bi tqassim tad‑drittijiet ta’ rkant mifruxin biex jiżdied is‑sehem għal Stati Membri b’inqas dħul.

Dan l‑approċċ għandu jippermetti lill‑Istati Membri kollha biex jiffaċċjaw miri realistiċi u vijabbli. Ser jitlob lill‑Istati Membri kollha biex jagħmlu sforz reali. Iżda jiftaħ il‑bieb biex il‑volontà ta’ l‑Ewropa li ssir ekonomija favur il‑klima ssir konkreta.

Konklużjoni 412 L‑Ewropa ta’ l-2050 ser tkun tidher differenti. Dan mhu se joħroġ imkien bl‑aktar mod ċar ħlief fil‑mod kif se nissodissfaw il‑bżonnijiet ta’ l‑enerġija tagħna u r‑rispett li nuru lid‑dinja madwarna. Din il‑viżjoni llum timmobilizza bosta Ewropej. Iċ‑ċittadini jirrikonoxxu li jeżistu alternattivi u l‑possibbiltà li jqattgħu ħajjithom ta’ kuljum b’mod differenti, biex b’hekk ‑l Ewropa tkun tista’ tissokta fit‑triq lejn it‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi waqt li tmexxi l‑ġlieda dinjija kontra t‑tibdil fil‑klima. Hemm ukoll opportunitajiet, tekonoloġiji ġodda li, bil‑pożizzjoni tajba li tinsab fiha, ‑l Ewropa tista’ tisfrutta orizzonti ġodda ta’ negozju għall‑produtturi u l‑fornituri tas‑servizzi.

Il‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea jqiegħdu lill‑Ewropa fuq it‑triq għal dak il‑futur. Huma jfittxu li jipprovdu ‑l qafas u l‑istimolu biex iwettqu l‑ambizzjonijiet politiċi stabbiliti mill‑Unjoni Ewropea fir‑Rebbiegħa 2007, u msaħħa fil‑Konferenza ta’ Bali. Il‑proposti huma fil‑qalba ta’ l‑isforzi ta’ l‑Ewropa biex timmodernizza l‑ekonomija tagħha għall‑isfidi tas‑seklu 21. EMU@10: suċċessi u sfidi wara 10 snin mill‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL, LILL‑KUMITAT EKONOMIKU U SOĊJALI EWROPEW, LILL‑KUMITAT TAR‑REĠJUNI U LILL‑BANK ĊENTRALI EWROPEW BRUSSEL 7.5.2008 COM(2008) 238

Pass storiku it‑tkabbir tal‑produttività kienu inqas minn dawk ta’ ekonomiji oħra żviluppati u kiber it‑tħassib dwar il‑ġustizzja 413 fir‑rigward tad‑dħul u d‑distribuzzjoni tal‑ġid. Flimkien ma’ Fit-2 ta’ Mejju 1998 il‑mexxejja Ewropej ħadu d‑deċiżjoni dan, għadd ta’ sfidi sinifikanti li ma kinux għadhom feġġew storika li jintroduċu l‑munita unika, l‑ewro. Il‑mogħdija jew li kienu bdew jidhru l‑ewwel sinjali tagħhom meta għall‑aħħar fażi ta’ l‑UEM – l‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Mone- tfasslet l‑UEM qegħdin issa dejjem aktar joħolqu pressjoni. tarja – fl-1 ta’ Jannar 1999 immarkat waqt importanti ‑fl in- Il‑globalizzazzjoni qed tkompli tixmi ’l quddiem u r‑riżor- tegrazzjoni Ewropea. Għalkemm ekonomika fis‑sustanza si naturali qegħdin dejjem aktar jonqsu. Il‑bidla fil‑klima tagħha, hija kienet sinjal politiku qawwi ħafna għaċ‑ċittadini u l‑effetti ta’ ‑l anzjanità se jpoġġu piżijiet addizzjonali fuq Ewropej u għall‑bqija tad‑dinja li l‑Ewropa kienet kapaċi il‑kapaċitajiet tat‑tkabbir ta’ l‑ekonomiji tagħna Barra minn tieħu deċiżjonijiet li jwasslu għall‑ġejjieni għat‑tfassil ta’ futur hekk, l‑iżbilanċi globali emerġenti qed joħolqu pressjoni fuq komuni u mimli ġid għal kontinent li ta’ sikwit ħass it‑tbatija ir‑rata tal‑kambju ta’ l‑ewro u fuq it‑tħaddim tas‑sistemi fi- tal‑gwerra u ta’ l‑instabbiltà ekonomika u politika. It‑tnedi- nanzjarji tagħna. Fl‑istess ħin, waqt li t‑tkabbir progressiv ja ta’ l‑UEM – ir‑riforma l‑aktar importanti mill‑Bretton taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro għandu jżid id‑dinamiżmu ta’ l‑ekonom- Woods lil hawn – kienet pass mingħajr preċedent fl‑istorja ija tagħha, għandu wkoll iżid id‑diversità ta’ l‑UEM, filwaqt moderna ekonomika ta’ l‑Ewropa, pass li biddel il‑pajsaġġ li joħloq domandi aktar qawwija fuq il‑kapaċità ta’ aġġusta- globali ekonomiku. ment tagħha. Għaxar snin wara l‑eżistenza tiegħu, l‑ewro huwa suċċess Din il‑Komunikazzjoni u r‑Rapport mehmuż magħha18 kbir. Il‑munita unika saret simbolu ta’ l‑Ewropa, meqjusa jevalwaw l‑esperjenza ta’ l‑ewwel għaxar snin ta’ l‑UEM, miċ‑ċittadini taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro bħala waħda mill‑aktar jidentifikaw il‑miri u l‑isfidi li qed jaffaċċjaw iż‑żona ta’ riżultati pożittivi fl‑integrazzjoni Ewropea flimkien mal‑kis- l‑ewro u jressqu ’l quddiem aġenda politika għas‑suċċess ba tal‑moviment liberu fi ħdan ‑l UE u l‑paċi fl‑Ewropa. kontinwu ta’ l‑UEM. Wieħed minn kull żewġ persuni fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro jsostni li għalih, l‑UE tfisser il‑munita unika. L‑UEM iggaranti- et l‑istabbiltà makroekonomika u tat spinta lill‑kummerċ trans‑konfinali, lill‑integrazzjoni finanzjarja u lill‑inves- is‑suċċessi ewlenin ta’ l‑ewwel timent. L‑għadd ta’ pajjiżi li jużaw l‑ewro żdied mill‑ħdax għaxar snin oriġinali għal ħmistax‑il pajjiż fil‑bidu ta’ l-2008 u huwa mistenni li jkompli jiżdied. L‑UEM hija kisba ta’ importanza It‑tnedija ta’ l‑ewro rrappreżentat bidla radikali fl‑ambjent strateġika għall‑UE, u tabilħaqq għad‑dinja b’mod ġenerali, makroekonomiku ta’ l‑Istati Membri parteċipanti tagħha li fiha ‑l Ewropa saret kolonna ta’ stabbiltà makroekonomi- u lil hin minnhom. Politika monetarja unika flimkien ma’ ka, milqugħa b’mod speċjali fiż‑żminijiet attwali ta’ taqlib linji politiċi fiskali nazzjonali iżda koordinati rawmet stab- finanzjarju. biltà makroekonomika. L‑aġġustamenti tar‑rata tal‑kambju

Filwaqt li l‑ewro kien bla dubju ta’ suċċess, s’issa ma laħaqx l‑istennijiet kollha inizjali. Ir‑riżultat u partikolarment 18 SEG(2008) 553 “EMU@10:suċċessi u sfidi wara għaxar snin mill‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja”. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

li perjodikament kienu jittrawmatizzaw l‑ekonomiji Ew- fl‑iżvilupp tas‑Suq Waħdieni u fl‑integrazzjoni tas‑swieq ropej saru oġġett ta’ l‑imgħoddi. Il‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew tal‑prodotti. Il‑flussi kummerċjali fi ħdan iż‑żona issa huma (BĊE), li huwa fdat bil‑politika monetarja taż‑żona ta’ l‑ew- ekwivalenti għal terz mill‑PGD taż‑żona, li telgħu minn ro, malajr stabbilixxa l‑kredibbiltà tiegħu. Id‑dixxiplina baġi- kwart għaxar snin ilu, u l‑istimi disponibbli jindikaw li nofs tarja tjiebet b’mod sinifikanti, imsaħħa mill‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà din iż‑żieda hija dovuta għall‑eliminazzjoni ta’ volatilità u Tkabbir (PST). L‑ekonomija taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro segwiet fir‑rata tal‑kambju Aktar minn hekk, l‑investiment barrani mogħdija ta’ integrazzjoni ekonomika u finanzjarja aktar dirett fi ħdan iż‑żona bħalissa huwa terz mill‑PGD meta mgħaġġla mill‑bqija ta’ l‑UE u l‑irkupru tagħha mill‑ġdid mqabbel ma’ għoxrin fil‑mija inizjalment. Hawnkekk, l‑isti- fid‑dawl ta’ l‑iskossi esterni li tiltaqa’ magħhom qiegħed mi jissuġġerixxu li sa żewġ terzi minn din iż‑żieda jistgħu jiġu dejjem jissaħħaħ. Ġeneralment, sar progress f ’diversi oqsma, attribwiti lill‑ħolqien tal‑munita unika. Dawn l‑iżviluppi hekk kif juru tajjeb dawn il‑punti prinċipali. min‑naħa tagħhom ipproduċew ekonomiji ewlenin ta’ skala, taw spinta lill‑kompetizzjoni u kellhom effetti notevoli fuq Il‑politika monetarja ankrat stennijiet ta’ inflazzjo‑ l‑effiċjenza produttiva. ‑Bl istess mod, in‑nuqqas fil‑primja ni fit‑tul viċin tad‑definizzjoni tal‑BĊE ta’ l‑istabbiltà tar‑riskju inkluż fl‑ispiża tal‑kapital ta spinta għall‑formazz- tal‑prezz. L‑inflazzjoni laħqet medja ta’ ftit biss ’il fuq minn joni tal‑kapital li issa laħaq kwazi t-22 % tal‑PGD – livell li 2 % fl‑ewwel għaxar snin ta’ l‑UEM, filwaqt li niżlet minn ilu ma jidher mill‑bidu tad‑disgħinijiet. B’mod ġenerali, per- 3 % fid‑disgħinijiet u minn medda ta’ 8 % sa 10 % fis‑seb- mezz ta’ dawn il‑mezzi diversi, huwa stmat li l‑munita unika għinijiet u t‑tmeninijiet. Ir‑rati nominali ta’ interessi naqsu tat spinta ta’ madwar 5 % lill‑produttività tax‑xogħol għal għal medja ta’ madwar 5 % mill‑bidu ta’ l‑ewro, niżlu minn kull siegħa ta’ xogħol mit‑tnedija ta’l‑ewro ‘l hawn. 414 9 % fid‑disgħinijiet u 12 % fit‑tmeninijiet. F’termini reali, ir‑rati ta’ l‑interessi fl‑UEM niżlu għal livelli li kienu ilhom L‑ewro serva ta’ katalizzatur qawwi għall‑integrazzjoni ma jidhru għal hafna għexieren tas‑snin, anke fil‑pajjiżi li tas‑suq finanzjarju. Is‑swieq monetarji interbankarji fiż‑żo- gawdew l‑ogħla grad ta’ stabbiltà qabel l‑adozzjoni ta’ l‑ewro. na ta’ l‑ewro integraw bis‑sħiħ, filwaqt li ‑t tranżazzjonijiet Bla dubju, l‑inflazzjoni żdiedet dan ‑l aħħar, prinċipalment transkonfinali interbankarji kibru b’mod stabbli mill-1999. minħabba l‑prezzijiet taż‑żejt u tal‑prodotti li sparaw ‘il fuq, Il‑konsolidazzjoni trans‑konfinali fost il‑banek qed taċċel- filwaqt li ‑t taqlib fis‑swieq tal‑finanzi wassal għal kondiz- lera, bis‑sittax l‑akbar gruppi bankarji issa jippossjedu ak- zjonijiet aktar stretti ta’ kreditu għad‑djar u għan‑negozji. tar minn 25 % ta’ l‑assi ta’ l‑UE tagħhom barra pajjiżhom. Iżda huwa mistenni treġġiegħ lura għal inflazzjoni baxxa Tfaċċa suq sinifikanti ta’ bonds iddenominati f ’ewro fis‑set- u għal kondizzjonijiet aktar normali ta’ kreditu ladarba dawn tur privat, bi ħruġ gross annwali ta’ aktar minn €1 triljun li il‑pressjonijiet esterni jbattu – anke jekk il‑prezzijiet taż‑żejt issa qed jaqbeż sostanzjament madwar €800 biljun miġbura u tal‑prodotti jistgħu ikomplu jogħlew minħabba d‑doman- permezz tal‑ħruġ tas‑settur pubbliku. Is‑swieq ta’ l‑ishma da għolja minn pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw b’rata mgħaġġla. wkoll integraw aktar malajr minn fi bnadi oħra, bis‑sehem ta’ l‑ishma miżmuma f ’pajjiżi oħra taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro Il‑linji politiċi fiskali kienu ta’ appoġġ għall‑istabbiltà jiżdied minn 20 għal 40 %. L‑infrastruttura tas‑suq finanz- makro‑ekonomika fl‑UEM. Il‑progress fil‑konsolidazzjo- jarju mxiet ‘il quddiem, u sar progress fis‑servizzi finanzjarji ni fiskali kien wieħed impressjonanti matul dawn ‑l aħħar trans‑konfinali bl‑ingrossa, filwaqt li ż‑Żona Unika ta’ Ħlasi- snin u wassal għal defiċit ta’ 0.6 % biss tal‑PGD fl-2007 jiet bl‑Ewro ġiet stabbilita biex teqred id‑differenzi bejn meta mqabbel ma’ medja ta’ 4 % kemm fit‑tmeninijiet kif il‑ħlasijiet bl‑imnut nazzjonali u dawk trans‑konfinali. B’par- ukoll fid‑disgħinijiet. Ir‑riforma tal‑PST (Patt ta’ Stabbiltà allel ma’ dan, inkiseb ċertu grad ta’ konverġenza regolatorja u ta’ Tkabbir) fl-2005 mhux biss ikkontribwiet għal aktar u superviżjonarja permezz ta’ l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑Pjan ta’ dixxiplina iżda wasslet għal korrezzjoni aktar sostenibbli ta’ Azzjoni tas‑Servizzi Finanzjarji u t‑tħaddim tal‑kumitati ta’ defiċit eċċessiv billi evitat li wieħed jerġa’ lura għal miżuri Lamfalussy. ta’ darba. Waqt li għadhom ma nqerdux għal kollox, il‑linji politiċi pro‑ċikliċi fiskali saru wkoll anqas komuni. B’riżul- L‑UEM tejbet l‑irkupru taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro kontra l‑iżvi‑ tat ta’ dan, megħjun mill‑qligħ mhux mistenni tad‑dħul luppi esterni kuntrarji. Fl‑ewwel għaxar snin tagħha ż‑żona mit‑taxxi f ’dawn l‑aħħar snin, l‑ebda pajjiż miż‑żona ta’ l‑ew- ta’ l‑ewro kienet esposta għal sensiela ta’ skossi esterni assoċja- ro ma kellu defiċit ta’ aktar minn 3 % fl-2007 u d‑defiċit ġen- ti maċ‑ċiklu tal‑kummerċ globali, bl‑aktar wieħed sinifikanti erali għaż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro (ta’ 0.6 % tal‑PGD fl-2007), kien li huwa dak ta’ l‑isplużjoni tal‑fenomenu tal‑kumpaniji fuq l‑aktar wieħed baxx għal bosta għexieren tas‑snin. Tabilħaqq l‑internet u l‑waqgħa sussegwenti fl‑Istati Uniti fil‑bidu għaxra mill‑ħmistax‑il pajjiż fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro irreġistraw tas‑snin 2000. Madankollu, it‑tnaqqis segwenti fiż‑żona żieda fil‑baġit fl-2007 jew kienu qrib ħafna tal‑bilanċ. ta’ l‑ewro fil‑bidu ta’ dawn l‑aħħar għaxar snin kien konsiderevolment aktar baxx minn f ’episodji paragunabbli L‑UEM rawmet integrazzjoni ekonomika u tas‑suq. qabel l‑adozzjoni tal‑munita unika. Illum għal darb’oħra, In‑nuqqas ta’ riskju tar‑rata tal‑kambju u spejjeż aktar iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro tidher imħarsa mill‑agħar taqlib finanz- baxxi ta’ tranżizzjonijiet trans‑konfinali kienu ta’ għajnuna jarju globali attwali. L‑ankrar ta’ l‑istennijiet ta’ l‑inflazzjoni EMU@10: suċċessi u sfidi wara 10 snin mill‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja kkontribwixxa għal dan it‑titjib fl‑irkupru, kif ikkontribwew Stabbiltà u ta’ Tkabbir fl-2005 żiedet is-“sehem” tal‑gverniji- ir‑riformi mwettqa taħt l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona għat‑Tkab- et nazzjonali fil‑qafas ta’ governanza baġitarja. U l‑Istrateġija bir Ekonomiku u l‑Impjiegi u d‑dixxiplina baġitarja mġedda riveduta ta’ Liżbona għat‑Tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑Impjiegi, mir‑riforma tal‑PST ’l hawn. l‑istrument ewlieni għall‑koordinazzjoni tal‑linji politiċi ekonomiċi ta’ l‑UE, tispjega fil‑Linja Gwida Nru 6 li l‑Istati L‑UEM ġabet magħha benefiċċji sinifikanti lill‑pajjiżi Membri għandhom “jikkontribwixxu” għal UEM dinamika membri tagħha li jinsabu għaddejjin minn proċess ta’ u li taħdem tajjeb”. L‑Ewrogrupp serva tal‑forum ewlieni rkupru. L‑ambjent ta’ stabbiltà makroekonomika u ta’ għall‑ministri finanzjarji taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro biex jindiriz- rati ta’ interessi baxxi flimkien ma’ ‑l appoġġ tal‑politika ta’ zaw kwistjonijiet relatati mal‑munita unika li jmorru lil koeżjoni u l‑Fondi Strutturali u ta’ Koeżjoni tagħha ħolqu hinn mill‑ħidmiet ta’ sorveljanza u ta’ koordinazzjoni. Billi l‑kondizzjonijiet għal irkupru aċċellerat; l‑effetti pożittivi l‑karattru informali tiegħu jinkoraġġixxi dibattiti miftuħa ta’ linji politiċi ekonomiċi sodi ssaħħu permezz ta’ l‑iżvilupp u liberi, l‑Ewrogrupp jinsab f ’qagħda tajba biex jiżvilup- u l‑integrazzjoni tas‑swieq finanzjarji nazzjonali flimkien pa fehmiet komuni u pożizzjonijiet ċari dwar kwistjonijiet mal‑bqija taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. Għalhekk m’huwiex sorpren- makroekonomiċi li jappartjenu liż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. Matul denti l‑fatt li l‑UEM tappella ħafna għat‑tnax‑il Pajjiż Mem- iż‑żmien l‑Ewrogrupp kiseb viżibbiltà u rilevanza, b’mod bru li daħlu fl‑UE mill-2004 ’l hawn; tabilħaqq tlieta minn- partikolari billi ħatar l‑ewwel President permanenti tiegħu hom diġà ssieħbu maż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro u s‑Slovakkja lesta li f ’Jannar 2005. Fuq il‑livell internazzjonali, l‑azzjoni kollet- tissieħeb fl-2009. tiva li ttieħdet miż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro wasslet għal influwenza esterna akbar, kif deher fl‑impenn ta’ l‑Ewrogrupp troika – L‑ewro stabbiliet ruħha sew bħala t‑tieni munita internazz‑ il‑President ta’ l‑Ewrogrupp, il‑President tal‑BĊE u l‑Kum- 415 jonali dinjija. It‑titoli ta’ dejn internazzjonali iddenominati missarju għall‑Affarijiet Ekonomiċi u Monetarji – fi djalogi f ’ewro għaddew lil dawk tad‑dollaru Amerikan fl-2004, fil- bilaterali maċ‑Ċina u ma’ pajjiżi oħra, u mill‑konsultazzjoni- waqt li l‑perċentwal ta’ self mill‑bank maħruġ minn banek jiet multilaterali mmexxija mill‑Fond Monetarju Internazz- fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro għal dawk mhux fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro iżda li jonali tas‑sena l‑oħra dwar l‑iżbilanċi globali. jissellfu f ’ewro huwa ta’ 36 % meta mqabbla ma’ 45 % f ’dollari Amerikani. L‑ewro hija t‑tieni munita negozjata bl‑ak- Dawn l‑iżviluppi pożittivi kollha wasslu għall‑ħolqien ta’ tar mod attiv fis‑swieq ta’ l‑iskambju internazzjonali dinjin, rekord ta’ 16-il miljun impjieg matul l‑ewwel għaxar snin u tintuża f ’aktar minn terz tat‑tranżazzjonijiet kollha ta’ ta’ l‑UEM fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. L‑impjieg tela’ bi kważi 15 % kambju barrani. L‑użu uffiċjali ta’‑ l ewro żdied,u l‑kwoti din- mit‑tnedija tal‑munita unika ’l hawn filwaqt li ‑l qgħad niżel jija ta’ riżervi ddikjarati li huma ddenominati f ’ewro żdiedu għal madwar 7 % tal‑forza tax‑xogħol, ir‑rata l‑aktar baxxa li minn 18 % fl-1999 għal aktar minn 25 % fl-2007. ‑Bl istess qatt kien hemm f ’aktar minn ħmistax‑il sena. B’mod impor- mod, ir‑rwol ta’ l‑ewro bħala munita ta’ fatturazzjoni u ta’ tanti, it‑tkabbir ta’ l‑impjiegi qabeż lil dak ta’ ekonomiji ma- regolamentazzjoni żdied, waqt li laħaq aktar minn 50 % turi oħra, inkluża l‑ekonomija ta’ l‑Istati Uniti. Il‑massa ta’ tal‑kummerċ estern taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. L‑ewro laħaq ukoll dan it‑titjib tirrifletti riformi kemm tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol kif ċerta importanza f ’ħafna pajjiżi terzi, notevolment fil‑pajjiżi ukoll tas‑sistemi tas‑sigurtà soċjali mwettqa taħt l‑Istrateġija kandidati u ġirien ta’ l‑UE, li madwar 60 % tal‑kummerċ ta’ Liżbona għat‑Tkabbir u l‑Impjiegi u l‑qafas tal‑koordi- tagħhom huwa ffatturat f ’ewro. nazzjoni u s‑sorveljanza ta’ l‑UEM, kif ukoll il‑moderazzjo- ni fil‑pagi li kkaratterizzat il‑parti l‑kbira tal‑pajjiżi fiż‑żona Iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro saret arblu ta’ stabbiltà għall‑Ewropa ta’ l‑ewro. Dan juri biċ‑ċar li l‑forza tax‑xogħol fl‑Ewropa u għall‑ekonomija dinjija. Grazzi għall‑istatus internaz- hija kapaċi tħabbatha ma’ sfidi ġodda u tagħmel il‑bidliet zjonali ta’ l‑ewro li qed iżid u d‑daqs stess ta’ l‑ekonomija meħtieġa li fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar għandhom jirriżultaw f ’aktar taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro, il‑linji politiċi ekonomiċi fi ħdan ‑l UEM ħolqien ta’ impjiegi u fi tkabbir ekonomiku ogħla. għandhom impatt globali li qed jiżdied. B’pożizzjoni esterna bbilanċjata, qafas makroekonomiku kredibbli u sistema finanzjarja soda, iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro kkontribwiet għal evoluzz- Il‑bqija ta’ l‑isfidi ta’ l‑uem joni ordinata ta’ l‑ekonomija globali, anke matul il‑perjodu amplifikati minn xejriet globali ta’ ħafna taqlib f ’dawn l‑aħħar tnax‑il xahar. ġodda Iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro żviluppat struttura soda ta’ tmexx‑ ija ekonomika. Filwaqt li r‑responsabbiltajiet politiċi L‑istampa ġenerali ta’ l‑ewwel għaxar snin ta’ l‑UEM hija ekonomiċi ewlenin jibqgħu fil‑livell nazzjonali, żviluppat għalhekk waħda pożittiva ħafna. Madankollu, l‑istennijiet fehma komuni fost l‑Istati Membri ta’ l‑UEM li l‑finan- ma ntlaħqux kollha. zi pubbliċi sodi u s‑swieq finanzjarji flessibbli u integrati tal‑prodott, tax‑xogħol u tal‑finanzi huma meħtieġa biex It‑tkabbir potenzjali, li huwa madwar 2 % fis‑sena, għadu l‑UEM taħdem b’mod effiċjenti. ‑Ir riforma tal‑Patt ta’ baxx wisq. Għalkemm l‑impjiegi sparaw ‘il fuq, u minkejja IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

l‑impatt pożittiv tal‑munita unika, it‑tkabbir tal‑produt- tal‑bidla minn munita għall‑oħra, xi żidiet okkażjonali tività naqas minn 1 1/2% fid‑disgħinijiet għal madwar 1 % abbużivi fil‑prezzijiet f ’setturi u f ’pajjiżi speċifiċi ħassru f ’dawn l‑aħħar għaxar snin. B’riżultat ta’ dan, id‑dħul per l‑immaġni ta’ l‑ewro u qed jissoktaw b’dan. Fl‑istess ħin, capita fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro waqaf f ’70 % meta mqabbel ma’ in‑nuqqas ta’ żvilupp fil‑lat ekonomiku ta’ l‑UEM, meta dak ta’ l‑Istati Uniti. Waqt li l‑parti l‑kbira ta’ l‑ekonomiji mqabbel mal‑lat monetarju, serva ta’ tweġiba għat‑tħassib ż‑żgħar taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro sejrin tajjeb b’mod eċċezzjonali, li ż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro mhijiex kapaċi tindirizza l‑isfidi ew- it‑tkabbir potenzjali kellu jkun ogħla b’mod sinifikanti f ’xi lenija li qed jaffaċċjawha, li wassal għal immaġni pubblika wħud mill‑akbar Stati Membri. tagħha aktar dgħajfa. Jidher biċ‑ċar li għad baqa’ xogħol importanti xi jsir. Iżda lil hinn mit‑twettiq ta’ l‑istennijiet Barra minn hekk, kien hemm differenzi dewwiema tal‑bidu, l‑aġenda politika ta’ l‑UEM għall‑għaxar snin li u sostanzjali bejn il‑pajjiżi f ’dak li għandu x’jaqsam ma’ ġejjin se tkun ikkaratterizzata mill‑ħolqien ta’ sfidi globali l‑inflazzjoni u ma’ ‑l ispejjez għall kull unità tax‑xogħol ġodda li se jkollhom effett ta’ amplifikazzjoni fuq ‑id dgħ- It‑tendenza ta’ diverġenzi persistenti bejn l‑Istati Membri jufijiet ta’ ‑l UEM imniżżla hawn fuq. fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro kienet parzjalment dovuta għal nuqqas ta’ reazzjoni fir‑rigward tal‑prezzijiet u s‑salarji, li ma • Il‑globalizzazzjoni qed timxi ‘l quddiem b’passi kbar, aġġustawx ruħhom sew kif mistħoqq fir‑rigward tal‑pro- b’ekonomiji emerġenti jikkompetu ma’ ekonomiji dotti, is‑setturi u r‑reġjuni. Dan wassal għal akkumulazz- żviluppati f ’attivitajiet industrijali ta’ ftit ħiliet u wkoll joni ta’ telf kompetittiv u żbilanċi esterni kbar, li fl‑UEM dejjem aktar f ’attivitajiet b’valur miżjud ogħla. jeħtieġu perjodi twal ta’ aġġustament. Essenzjalment, Il‑globalizzazzjoni toffri opportunitajiet ewlenin 416 dan l‑aġġustament imtawwal jirrifletti ‑l fatti li r‑riformi għat‑tkabbir tas‑suq, li twassal għal prezzijiet aktar strutturali kienu inqas ambizzjużi milli waqt il‑proċess baxxi u għażla akbar għall‑konsumaturi, u qligħ minn ta’ rankatura ta’ l‑ewro. Bħal ma hi s‑sitwazzjoni fi ħdan effiċjenzi għall‑produtturi. Madankollu, tpoġġi wkoll l‑UE b’mod ġenerali, is‑swieq tal‑prodotti fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ew- domandi qawwija fuq il‑kapaċità ta’ aġġustament ro huma biss parzjalment integrati waqt li l‑provvista ta’ tal‑membri taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro billi attivitajiet ġodda servizzi trans‑konfinali għadha mhix żviluppata biżżejjed. jkollhom jieħdu post industriji li sejrin lura, filwaqt li r‑riċerka, l‑innovazzjoni u r‑riżorsi tal‑bniedem Bħala munita internazzjonali l‑ewro hija assi ewlenija qed isiru muturi tad‑dinamiżmu ekonomiku dejjem għall‑membri kollha taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro u għall‑UE b’mod aktar importanti.Barra minn hekk, il‑globalizzazzjoni ġenerali. Madankollu, in‑nuqqas ta’ strateġija internaz‑ tkompli tobbliga ż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro li jkollha rwol zjonali ċara u l‑assenza ta’ vuċi b’saħħitha f ’fora inter- effettiv fit‑tmexxija ekonomika u finanzjarja. nazzjonali jimplikaw spejjeż għaż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro f ’dinja • Il‑prezzijiet ta’ l‑ikel u ta’ l‑enerġija qegħdin jiżdiedu, li qed issir dejjem aktar globalizzata. L‑iżbilanċi globali xprunati mit‑tkabbir mgħaġġel ta’ l‑ekonomija globali ekonomiċi li akkumulaw min‑nofs id‑disgħinijiet qed jib- u mix‑xejriet tal‑konsum li qed jinbidlu f ’ekonomiji dew iħallu l‑effetti tagħhom, b’rati tal‑kambju eċċessiva- emerġenti. Il‑bidla fil‑klima wkoll qed ikollha impatt ment volatili u l‑arranġamenti ta’ stabbiltà finanzjarja taħt ekonomiku li qed jikber. Dawn l‑iżviluppi jistgħu jservu pressjoni qawwija. Id‑domanda ta’ l‑ekonomiji emerġenti li ta’ xkiel fuq it‑tkabbir u jistgħu jfixklu ‑d distribuzzjoni qed tikber b’mod rapidu għall‑enerġija skarsa u għal riżor- tad‑dħul u l‑ġid meta wieħed iqis li huma dawk l‑aktar si primarji oħra qed tolqot it‑tnaqqis ta’ forniment, li qed fqar li jistgħu jiġu affettwati b’mod sproporzjonat. tgħolli l‑prezzijiet taż‑żejt, l‑ikel u ta’ prodotti oħra, b’kon- Fattur komplikat huwa li l‑ħidmiet għat‑trażżin segwenza ta’ dan. F’ambjent ta’ taqlib bħal dan il‑munita tal‑bidla fil‑klima u t‑trażżin fuq il‑prezzijiet ta’ l‑ikel unika sservi ta’ lqugħ u tista’ tpoġġi ż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro f ’qa- u ta’ l‑enerġija jistgħu ma jinkisbux faċilment fl‑istess għda unika biex taqdi rwol ewlieni fl‑arena politika globali ħin. Dawn il‑problemi jistgħu jaffettwaw il‑pajjiżi fit‑trażżin tar‑riskji assoċjati. Madankollu, dan il‑potenzjal taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro b’mod differenti, filwaqt li jżidu mhuwiex sfruttat biżżejjed billi ż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro la għand- mal‑ħtieġa li jiżguraw aġġustament mingħajr xkiel ha strateġija internazzjonali definita kif suppost u lanqas għall‑iskossi. rappreżentazzjoni internazzjonali effettiva. • Sadattant, il‑popolazzjoni fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro, bħal Fl‑aħħar nett, id‑dehra pubblika ta’ l‑ewro ma tirriflettix f ’postijiet oħra, dieħla fiż‑żmien b’ritmu mgħaġġel. bis‑sħiħ ir‑rendiment ekonomika ta’ suċċess ta’ l‑UEM. B’konsegwenza ta’ dan, il‑parti mill‑popolazzjoni li L‑ewro ta’ spiss jieħu l‑ħtija għal rendiment ekonomiku tiddependi fuq il‑pensjonijiet se tiżdied, u fl‑istess ħin baxx li fir‑realtà jirriżulta minn linji politiċi mhux adat- tnaqqas il‑potenzjal tat‑tkabbir ekonomiku. Tabilħaqq, ti fil‑livell nazzjonali. Aktar minn hekk, iċ‑ċittadini f ’xi il‑proporzjon ta’ l‑età eliġibbli għax‑xogħol għal pajjiżi jemmnu li l‑prezzijiet għolew b’mod sinifikanti persuni mdaħħla fiż‑żmien huwa pproġettat li jitnaqqas minħabba l‑ewro. Tabilħaqq, anke jekk l‑inflazzjoni ġen- bin‑nofs fl‑erbgħin sena li ġejjin u jekk il‑politika ma erali kienet biss effettwata marġinalment fil‑mument tinbidilx, il‑produzzjoni potenzjali taż‑żona għandha EMU@10: suċċessi u sfidi wara 10 snin mill‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja

tonqos b’ħarira ‘l fuq minn 1 % fis‑sena minn madwar 1. Aġenda politika lokali: 2 % attwalment. L‑anzjanità għandha toħloq ukoll koordinazzjoni u sorveljanza aħjar domandi relattivament kbar fir‑rigward ta’ l‑infiq pubbliku, u sakemm ma jsirux riformi fis‑sistemi Approfondiment u twessigħ tas‑sorveljanza tal‑pensjonijiet u tas‑saħħa huwa stmat li s‑sehem tan‑nefqa pubblika fil‑PGD se jiżdied b’4 punti Il‑fergħa korrettiva tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u ta’ Tkabbir perċentwali matul l‑erbgħin sena li ġejjin. L‑anzjanità (PST) għandha tkompli tiġi applikata rigorożament tal‑popolazzjonijiet qed toħloq sfida serja lill‑kapaċità u s‑sorveljanza taħt il‑fergħa ta’ ħarsien tal‑PST għand‑ taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro biex din taġġusta u tpoġġi f ’riskju ha tittejjeb. Il‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika fiskali għandha s‑sostenibbiltà tal‑finanzi tagħha pubbliċi, u b’mod tiggwida aħjar l‑andament tal‑baġit nazzjonali tul iċ‑ċiklu aktar ġenerali, is‑sistemi tagħha ta’ għajnuna soċjali. kollu, jiġfieri kemm fi żminijiet tajba kif ukoll fi żminijiet ta’ kriżi. Is‑sorveljanza tal‑baġit għandha tkun aktar pro- Dawn ix‑xejriet fit‑tul, li l‑effetti tagħhom qed jinħas- fonda biex tkopri żewġ oqsma ewlenin: su dejjem aktar, se joħolqu sfidi għall‑prestazzjoni ta’ l‑ekonomiji avvanzati kollha f ’termini ta’ tkabbir, stabbiltà makroekonomika, kapaċità ta’ aġġustament, sostenibbiltà (i) il‑kisba tas‑sostenibbiltà ta’ finanzi pubbliċi tas‑sistemi tas‑sigurtà soċjali u fid‑distribuzzjoni tad‑dħul għall‑benefiċċju tal‑ġenerazzjonijiet futuri. F’livell u tal‑ġid. Iżda dawn se jipproduċu sfidi politiċi li huma nazzjonali, l‑adozzjoni ta’ oqfsa fiskali fit‑terminu partikolarment validi għaż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro meta wieħed l‑medju jistgħu jmorru ‘l bogħod biex jiksbu finanzi pubbliċi stabbli u sostenibbli. Biex ikunu effetti- iqis il‑potenzjal baxx tagħha ta’ tkabbir, il‑kapaċità dgħajfa 417 tagħha ta’ aġġustament, id‑dejn pubbliku għoli u l‑inter- vi, oqfsa bħal dawn għandhom jiġbru fihom regoli dipendenza qawwija ta’ l‑ekonomiji tagħha. għall‑infiq imfassla tajjeb, li jkunu jistgħu jippermettu lill‑istabbilizzaturi fiskali awtomatiċi biex jaħdmu fi ħdan il‑limiti tal‑PST filwaqt li jkunu f ’armonija mal‑kompożizzjoni ta’ l‑infiq pubbliku għall‑ħtiġijiet Aġenda ta’ politika msejsa fuq strutturali u ċiklikali ta’ l‑ekonomija. Fil‑livell taż‑żo- tliet kolonni għat‑tieni deċennju na ta’ l‑ewro għandha titpoġġa aktar attenzjoni fuq is‑sorveljanza ta’ l‑iżviluppi tad‑dejn pubbliku, filwaqt L‑esperjenza ta’ l‑ewwel deċennju ta’ l‑UEM, filwaqt li li l‑għanijiet baġitarji fit‑terminu l‑medju għandhom kienet ġeneralment ta’ suċċess kbir, tiżvela għadd ta’ nuqqa- jissaħħu biex jindirizzaw ir‑responsabbiltajiet impliċi- sijiet li jeħtieġ li jiġu indirizzati. Se tkun meħtieġa l‑kon- ti. Barra minn hekk, il‑proġezzjonijiet baġitarji fit‑tul solidazzjoni ta’ l‑istabbiltà makroekonomika li nkisbet bi li jidentifikaw ‑l impatt ta’ l‑anzjanità fuq il‑finanzi prezz għoli filwaqt li:(a) jiżdied it‑tkabbir potenzjali u tit- pubbliċi jistgħu jappoġġjaw it‑tħejjija ta’ l‑istrateġiji wettaq is‑sorveljanza u ż‑żieda fil‑ġid taċ‑ċittadini taż‑żo- tas‑sostenibbiltà nazzjonali u jippromwovu miżuri na ta’ l‑ewro; (b) tkun żgurata kapaċità għall‑aġġustament biex jirriformaw is‑sistemi tal‑pensjonijiet u tas‑saħħa mingħajr skossi waqt li l‑UEM tespandi biex tilqa’ l‑mem- u jżidu r‑rati ta’ l‑impjiegi. bri l‑ġodda; u (c) jitħarsu b’suċċess l‑interessi taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro fl‑ekonomija globali. B’mod importanti, dawn l‑is- (ii) it‑titjib fil‑kwalità tal‑finanzi pubbliċi. Fi kliem forzi jeħtieġ li jsiru f ’ambjent globali li nbidel b’mod kon- ieħor, l‑iżgurar ta’ valur aħjar għal finanzi pub- siderevoli mit‑tnedija ta’ l‑ewro ‘l hawn, u n‑nuqqas li jseħħ bliċi, permezz tad‑direzzjoni tan‑nefqa pubblika dan ikun issa jfisser konsegwenzi ħafna aktar iebsa. u tas‑sistemi ta’ tassazzjoni lejn attivitajiet li huma favur it‑tkabbir u li jtejbu l‑kompetittività. Ir‑riformi Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi aġenda msejsa fuq tliet kol‑ tal‑programmi għan‑nefqa soċjali li joffru aktar ħar- onni biex tindirizza dawn l‑isfidi: sien tad‑dħul waqt li jsaħħu l‑inċentivi għax‑xogħol - l‑istrateġija tal‑flessigurtà - għandha wkoll tgħin ħaf- • L‑aġenda lokali timmira li tapprofondixxi na biex ittejjeb is‑sostenibbiltà u l‑kwalità tal‑finanzi l‑koordinazzjoni u s‑sorveljanza tal‑politika fiskali, pubbliċi waqt li tiżgura li l‑finanzi jappoġġjaw ‑l istab- li twessa’ s‑sorveljanza makroekonomika fl‑UEM lil biltà makroekonomika. hinn mill‑politika fiskali u li tintegra aħjar ir‑riforma strutturali fil‑koordinazzjoni ġenerali tal‑politika fi Iżda lil hinn mis‑sorveljanza baġitarja, hemm ħtieġa ċara ħdan l‑UEM. għat‑tkabbir tas‑sorveljanza biex jiġu indirizzati l‑iżbi‑ lanċi makroekonomiċi. L‑iżviluppi fi ħdan ‑l Istati Membri • L‑aġenda esterna timmira li ttejjeb ir‑rwol taż‑żona ta’ bħat‑tkabbir tad‑defiċit tal‑kontijiet kurrenti, id‑diverġen- l‑ewro fit‑tmexxija ekonomika globali. zi persistenti fl‑inflazzjonijiet jew ix‑xejriet ta’ tkabbir • Iż‑żewġ aġendi se jkunu jeħtieġu sistema aktar effettiva żbilanċjat jeħtieġu s‑sorveljanza meta wieħed iqis li l‑ef- ta’ tmexxija ekonomika. fetti ta’ riperkussjoni u ta’ l‑interdipendenza li qed tikber IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

fl‑ekonomiji fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro jfissru li dawn ‑l iżviluppi madankollu, lok għat‑titjib fil‑mod ta’ kif jintużaw stru- jirrappreżentaw tħassib mhux biss għall‑pajjiż ikkonċernat menti bħal dawn. L‑analiżi ta’ l‑ewwel 10 snin tqawwi iżda wkoll għaż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro kollha kemm hi. L‑eviden- l‑każ għat‑tisħiħ tal‑parti preventiva tal‑PST, kif appro- za ta’ l‑ewwel għaxar snin ta’ l‑UEM jindikaw li filwaqt li vat mill‑Kunsill ta’ l‑ECOFIN19, għall‑appoġġ tal‑kisba l‑integrazzjoni tas‑suq, b’mod partikolari fis‑servizzi finan- ta’ linji politiċi baġitarji sostenibbli u għall‑indirizzar ta’ zjarji, hija benefiċjali b’mod ġenerali għall‑UEM – billi kwistjonijiet usa’ li jistgħu jaffettwaw ‑l istabbiltà makroe- tista’ tgħin biex tassorbi t‑tfixkil makroekonomiku billi konomika ta’ pajjiż u t‑tħaddim ġenerali ta’ l‑UEM. Dawn tipprovdi opportunitajiet li jaqsmu r‑riskju u trawwem l‑istrumenti msejsa fuq it‑Trattat huma kkomplementati ir‑riallokazzjoni tar‑riżorsi – tista’ wkoll, jekk ma tkunx ak- mill‑proċess tar‑Reviżjoni Baġitarja fuq perjodu ta’ Żmien kumpanjata minn linji politiċi xierqa, tkabbar id‑diverġen- Medju mwettaq mill‑Ewrogrupp fir‑rebbiegħa ta’ kull zi fost il‑pajjiżi parteċipanti. Filwaqt li xi wħud minn sena. Filwaqt li s’issa ffoka fuq is‑sorveljanza baġitarja, dan dawn id‑diverġenzi jistgħu ikunu benefiċjali – li jirriflettu il‑mekkaniżmu tar‑reviżjoni esperta għandu jwessa’ l‑am- l‑proċess ta’ rkupru jew anke ta’ aġġustament normali – bitu tiegħu biex jirrendi s‑sorveljanza msejsa fuq it‑Trattat jistgħu wkoll ikunu ta’ dannu u r‑riżultat ta’ aġġustament iżjed effettiva. ineffiċjenti. F’dan ‑il każ, sorveljanza mtejba għandha tgħin lill‑pajjiżi affettwati biex ifasslu tweġibiet minn kmieni qa- Integrazzjoni aħjar tal‑linji politiċi strutturali bel ma d‑diverġenzi jrabbu aktar għeruq. fil‑proċess ta’ koordinazzjoni

Fl‑aħħar nett, sorveljanza usa’ tal‑pajjiżi kandidati Iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro għandha interess speċjali fis‑suċċess 418 taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro, simili għal dik proposta għall‑mem- tar‑riforma strutturali. Li tingħata spinta lir‑riformi – nat- bri attwali taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro, għandha tkun kruċjali biex uralment milqugħa fl‑UE b’mod ġenerali – hija ħtieġa asso- tgħinhom iħejju għall‑isfidi tal‑qsim tal‑munita unika. luta għaż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. Huwa importanti li jiġi enfasizzat Ħafna mill‑membri futuri taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro qed jesper- il‑fatt li r‑risponsi mtejba tas‑suq se jrendu imgħax dop- jenzaw flussi kbar ta’ kapital (li jirriflettu‑ l istennijiet ta’ pju – billi jagħtu spinta lill‑kwalità ta’ ħajja fit‑tul filwaqt tkabbir kontinwu b’rata mgħaġġla fid‑dħul) u ta’ setturi fili jippermettu aġġustament aħjar għall‑iskossi u għat‑traw- nanzjarji li qed jiżviluppaw b’mod rapidu, li t‑tnejn jistgħu wim ta’ stabbiltà makroekonomika. L‑evidenza empirika jagħtu spinta lill‑kreditu (tipikament minn bażi baxxa) mill‑analiżi tagħna tindika li r‑riformi strutturali fil‑pajjiżi u jirriżultaw fi żbilanċi esterni. Attwalment is‑sorveljanza li jużaw il‑munita unika għandhom “moltiplikaturi” ogħ- tal‑pajjiżi prospettivi taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro qed isseħħ per- la minn bnadi oħra: jiġifieri, dawk il‑pajjiżi li qed iwettqu mezz ta’ l‑evalwazzjoni tal‑Programmi ta’ Konvergenza. r‑riformi strutturali jistgħu jakkumulaw aktar benefiċċju Iżda għad hemm lok għal aktar gwida fit‑tfassil ta’ poli- filwaqt li dawk li qed jaqgħu lura għandhom mnejn ikoll- tika aktar b’saħħitha u sorveljanza eqreb ta’ l‑iżviluppi hom iħallsu prezz ogħla għan‑nuqqas ta’ azzjoni tagħhom. ekonomiċi b’mod partikolari għall‑pajjiżi li qed jieħdu L‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona għat‑Tkabbir u għall‑Impjiegi, li sehem fil‑qafas tal‑Mekkaniżmu tar‑Rata tal‑Kambju kienet kruċjali biex tpoġġi r‑riforma strutturali fuq l‑aġen- (ERM) II, li huwa kemm element tal‑kriterji ta’ adozzjoni da politika, tipprovdi bażi għall‑identifikazzjoni ta’ ‑l oqs- ta’ l‑ewro kif ukoll strument biex irawwem il‑konvergenza ma li huma l‑aktar urġenti għall‑azzjoni permezz tal‑Linja sostenibbli nominali u reali. Dan m’għandux ifisser ‑l im- ta’ Gwida Nru 6 dwar iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro u r‑rakkomandazz- pożizzjoni ta’ xi restrizzjonijiet addizzjonali mad‑dħul jonijiet speċifiċi għaż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. Fi strateġija ta’ sħubi- fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. ja bejn il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Istati Membri, l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona tifforma ‑l bażi biex tmexxi l‑proċess ta’ riforma kemm fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro kif ukoll fil‑pajjiżi individwali. Is‑sorveljanza għandha tinbena fuq l‑istrumenti eżisten‑ ti. L‑istrumenti ewlenin għas‑sorveljanza tal‑politika fiskali u għall‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika huma It‑tneħħija ta’ l‑ostakoli li jkun għad baqa’ għall‑inte‑ marbuta b’mod ċar mat Trattat u mal‑PST. L‑infurzar grazzjoni tas‑swieq tal‑prodotti hija essenzjali għat‑tħad‑ tal‑fergħa korrettiva tal‑PST se tibqa’ kolonna ewlenija dim tajjeb taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. Madankollu minkejja biex tevita n‑nuqqas ta’ konformità mat‑Trattat. Il‑PST l‑ispinta li ngħatat mill‑UEM u mill‑Programm tas‑Suq jistipula d‑definizzjoni u ‑ l evalwazzjoni ta’ l‑istrateġi- Uniku għall‑ħolqien ta’ ekonomiji aktar miftuħa u aktar ji baġitarji fit‑terminu l‑medju permezz ta’ opinjonijiet kompetittivi, it‑tkabbir baxx tal‑produttività u l‑ostakoli tal‑Kunsill dwar Programmi nazzjonali ta’ Stabbiltà. L‑Ar- tad‑dħul, speċjalment fis‑servizzi, għadhom qed ifixklu tikolu 99 tat‑Trattat jistqarr li “l‑Istati Membri għandhom l‑adattament effiċjenti għaċ‑ċirkostanzi ekonomiċi li qed iħarsu l‑linji politiċi ekonomiċi tagħhom bħala kwistjoni jinbidlu fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro u qed iżommu l‑pressjoni fuq ta’ interess komuni” u “għandhom jikkoordinawhom fi il‑prezzijiet. L‑innovazzjoni u d‑diffużjoni teknoloġika, el- ħdan il‑Kunsill”. Ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet taż‑żona ta’ l‑ew- ementi importanti għat‑titjib kemm tal‑kompetizzjoni kif ro u dawk speċifiċi skond il‑pajjiż fil‑proċess ta’ Liżbona huma l‑istrumenti għall‑gwida u għas‑sorveljanza. Hemm, 19 KUMM(2007) 316. EMU@10: suċċessi u sfidi wara 10 snin mill‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja ukoll tal‑produttività, baqgħu lura fl‑istati membri taż‑żo- ġenerali flimkien mar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi na ta’ l‑ewro. Is‑sistema ta’ sorveljanza tas‑suq proposta skond il‑pajjiż magħmula fi ħdan il‑Linji ta’ Gwida integra- fir‑Reviżjoni tas‑Suq Uniku għandha tintuża biex timmira ti ta’ l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona jipprovdu s‑sinsla għall‑koor- b’mod speċifiku dawn in‑nuqqasijiet. dinazzjoni tar‑riformi strutturali; jeħtieġ tiġi organizzata sorveljanza aktar mill‑qrib ta’ l‑implimentazzjoni tagħhom. Jeħtieġu swieq tax‑xogħol li jiffunzjonaw aħjar fiż‑żona (b) Ir‑riforma tal‑PST fl-2005 ħolqot il‑possibbiltà, waqt ta’ l‑ewro biex isostnu l‑aġġustament f ’ekonomija glo‑ l‑evalwazzjoni tal‑progress lejn l‑għanijiet baġitarji fil‑per- balizzata u biex jgħollu l‑potenzjal tat‑tkabbir fid‑dawl jodu ta’ żmien medju, biex jitqiesu r‑riformi strutturali li tal‑popolazzjonijiet li qed jixjieħu. Aktar flessibilità fiskalment iqumu ħafna fit‑terminu l‑qasir iżda li jagħm- fis‑salarji u d‑differenzjar ‑fl industriji, fix‑xogħlijiet u r‑reġ- lu aktar qligħ fit‑tul f ’dak li għandu x’jaqsam mat‑tkabbir juni, u l‑investiment fir‑riżorsi umani huma kruċjali biex u mas‑sostenibbiltà fiskali. Għall‑iżgurar tal‑konformità isaħħu l‑kompetittività u jippermettu l‑allokazzjoni min- ma’ l‑impenji stabbiliti fil‑PST, jista’ jitwaqqaf mekka- għajr xkiel tar‑riżorsi fil‑każ ta’ l‑iskossi. Twettqu bosta niżmu ta’ reviżjoni esperta msejjes fuq il‑qafas analitiku riformi biex tikber l‑utilizzazzjoni tax‑xogħol fil‑qafas ta’ żviluppat skond l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona u t‑tagħrif ex ante l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona – li taw ir‑riżultati mistħoqqa. pprovdut mill‑Istati Membri. (c) Għall‑kisba ta’ sekwenza Madankollu, il‑progress ivarja minn pajjiż għal ieħor aħjar fir‑rigward tar‑riformi, għandha tingħata prijorità u għalhekk għandu jibqa’ fil‑qalba ta’ l‑istrateġiji tar‑ri- partikolari għat‑titjib tat‑tħaddim tas‑swieq finanzjarji. forma fl‑għaxar snin li gejjin. Ir‑riformi tal‑programmi ta’ Dan m’għandux ikollu biss effetti favorevoli fuq it‑tkab- l‑infiq soċjali u ‑ l linji politiċi attivi tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol bir u l‑aġġustament, iżda għandu wkoll jgħin biex isaħħaħ għandhom jimmiraw li joffru protezzjoni aħjar fir‑rigward l‑inċentivi għal riformi strutturali oħra li jsegwu billi jġib 419 tad‑dħul filwaqt li jsaħħu ‑l inċentivi għax‑xogħol. ‘il quddiem il‑benefiċċji tagħhom fil‑tul u jippermetti li l‑kapital jgħaddi għal opportunitajiet ġodda ta’ investi- Iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro tista’ tikseb benefiċċji relattivament ment ġenerati minn dawn ir‑riformi strutturali. kbar mill‑promozzjoni ta’ l‑integrazzjoni finanzjarja ta’ l‑UE. Sar progress sinifikanti ‑fl integrazzjoni tas‑swieq 2. L‑aġenda ta’ politika esterna: finanzjarji ta’ ‑l UE iżda jieħtieġu aktar sforzi biex itejbu it‑titjib tar‑rwol internazzjonali l‑effiċjenza u ‑ l likwidità tas‑swieq finanzjarji taż‑żona ta’ taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro l‑ewro. Dan għandu jiffaċilita ‑l aġġustament ekonomiku permezz tal‑qsim tar‑riskju u l‑promozzjoni ta’ trażmiss- L‑istatus internazzjonali ta’ l‑ewro jġib miegħu vantaġġi, joni aktar uniformi tal‑politika monetarja waħdanija responsabbiltajiet u riskji. Huwa jgħin fl‑iżvilupp ta’ fiż‑żona kollha ta’ l‑ewro. B’mod partikolari, jeħtieġ li jsir l‑industrija finanzjarja ‑fl Ewropa, jiġġenera benefiċċji aktar sforz għall‑promozzjoni tal‑provvista trans‑konfinali mid‑dħul tal‑munita permezz ta’ l‑użu ta’ l‑ewro bħala tas‑servizzi finanzjarji bl‑imnut, biex tittejjeb l‑effiċjen- munita ta’ riżerva u jnaqqas l‑esponiment għall‑volatilità za tal‑finanzjament tal‑kambjali korporattivi u tal‑gvern għar‑rata tal‑kambju waqt li jiżdiedu l‑iffissar ta’ prezzi- u jintaqqsu l‑ispejjeż regolatorji u superviżjonarji għall‑in- jiet u l‑fatturazzjoni f ’ewro. Iżda d‑daqs kbir taż‑żona ta’ termedjarji finanzjarji li jaħdmu f ’ambjent multi‑ġurisdiz- l‑ewro jfisser li ‑d deċiżjonijiet ta’ linji politiċi u l‑iżviluppi zjonali. Minħabba r‑responsabbiltà maqsuma ta’ l‑Eurosys- ekonomiċi fi ħdan ‑l UEM jinħassu fi bnadi oħra, mhux in- tem u ta’ l‑Istati Membri biex jissalvagwardjaw l‑istabbiltà qas minħabba li s‑swieq finanzjarji globali qed jaġixxu bħa- finanzjarja fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro b’mod ġenerali, hemm ħtieġa la mezz ta’ trażmissjoni internazzjonali dejjem iżjed qawwi. dejjem tikber għal kooperazzjoni trans‑konfinali aktar qa- U hemm ukoll ir‑riskji, waqt li l‑istatus internazzjonali ta’ wwija fir‑rigward ta’ arranġamenti għall‑ħarsien, it‑tmexx- l‑ewro li qed jikber jesponi liż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro għal ċaqliq ija u għar‑reżoluzzjoni ta’ kriżijiet hekk kif l‑integrazzjoni fil‑portafoll li jfixkel bejn il‑muniti internazzjonali ewlenin finanzjarja tissokta. Fid‑dawl ta’ dawn il‑konsiderazzjoni- u l‑klassijiet ta’ assi. Kollox ma’ kollox, it‑tkabbir ta’ l‑ew- jiet speċifiċi ta’ effiċjenza u ta’ stabbiltà u filwaqt li jitqiesu ro bħala munita internazzjonali flimkien mas‑saħħa ta’ t‑tagħlimiet miksuba mit‑taqlib finanzjarju attwali, iż‑żo- l‑ekonomija taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro biddlu r‑regoli tal‑logħba na ta’ l‑ewro għandha tassumi rwol b’saħħtu fit‑trawwim ta’ għall‑membri ta’ l‑UEM u għall‑imsieħba internazzjonali l‑aġenda ta’ l‑UE għall‑integrazzjoni finanzjarja u għat‑tit- tagħhom. jib ta’ l‑arranġamenti fl‑istabbiltà finanzjarja ta’ ‑l UE. Iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro għalhekk għandha tibni strateġija in‑ Biex jiġi sfruttat il‑potenzjal sħiħ ta’ l‑UEM, jeħtieġ ternazzjonali proporzjonata ma’ l‑istatus internazzjonali għalhekk li jissaħħu l‑inċentivi għas‑segwiment tar‑ri‑ tal‑munita tagħha. Wara l‑ewwel għaxar snin ta’ suċċess, forma fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro . L‑integrazzjoni tal‑linji politiċi iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro, li diġà tipprovdi b’mod ċar rabta ta’ strutturali fil‑proċess ta’ koordinazzjoni taż‑żona ta’ l‑ew- stabbiltà għall‑ġirien tagħha, qed tissejjaħ biex tiżvilup- ro tista’ tipprovdi appoġġ permezz ta’ tliet mogħdijiet: pa strateġija ċara li tiġbor fiha kollox dwar ‑l affarijiet (a) Ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet għaż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro b’mod ekonomiċi u finanzjarji internazzjonali. Għandu jkollha IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

rwol aktar attiv u assertiv kemm fil‑fora multilaterali kif pressjoni għal strateġija aktar konsistenti fi ħdan ‑l oqsma ukoll permezz tad‑djalogi bilaterali tagħha ma’ l‑imsieħba tal‑kompetenzi tiegħu – jiġifieri fil‑politika makroekono- strateġiċi. Għandha ttejjeb il‑koordinazzjoni u tiddefinixxi mika, fis‑swieq finanzjarji u ‑ t tassazzjoni – biex jiżgura l‑pożizzjonijiet komuni u – fejn xieraq – it‑termini komu- sinerġiji pożittivi bejniethom. It‑Trattat attwali jipprov- ni ta’ referenza dwar dawn il‑kwistjonijiet. Għandha titkel- di ambitu wiesa’ għal koordinazzjoni u sorveljanza aktar lem b’leħen wieħed dwar il‑linji politiċi tar‑rati tal‑kambju komprensivi fuq dawn l‑istess linji madwar l‑UE kollha. u tassumi r‑responsabbiltajiet tagħha fl‑istabbiltà finan- Aktar minn hekk, filwaqt li ‑t Trattat il‑ġdid ta’ Liżbona, zjarja u fil‑kwistjonijiet ta’ sorveljanza makroekonomika. ladarba jiġi ratifikat, għandu jsaħħaħ ir‑rwol tal‑ministri Ir‑riskju li d‑diżordni fl‑iżbilanċi globali tkun ta’ dannu tal‑finanzi fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro fir‑rigward tal‑mistoqsijiet li sproporzjonat għall‑kompetittività taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro jaffettwaw it‑tħaddim ta’ l‑UEM, id‑diskussjonijiet kollha u l‑membri tagħha żżid dejjem iżjed dawn il‑ħtiġijiet. dwar dawn il‑kwistjonijiet għandhom isiru fi ħdan il‑Kun- sill ta’ l‑ECOFIN. L‑aktar mod effettiv ta’ kif ‑l influwenza taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro tista’ tkun konformi mal‑piż ekonomiku tagħha huwa per- L‑Ewrogrupp għandu jissokta jservi bħala pjattaforma mezz ta’ l‑iżvilupp ta’ pożizzjonijiet komuni u tal‑konsol‑ għall‑profondiment u t‑twessigħ tal‑koordinazzjo‑ idazzjoni tar‑rappreżentanza tagħha, waqt li fl‑aħħar nett ni u s‑sorveljanza tal‑politika fl‑UEM. F’dak li għandu tikseb siġġu wieħed fl‑istituzzjonijiet u l‑fora finanzjarji in- x’jaqsam mas‑sorveljanza fiskali, il‑koordinazzjoni ex ternazzjonali rilevanti. Dan huwa għan ambizzjuż u l‑pro- ante tal‑politika baġitarja permezz tar‑Reviżjoni Baġitar- gress fuq l‑aġenda esterna jkun jiddependi l‑ewwel u qabel ja ta’ Nofs il‑Perjodu għandha tkun immirata li tiggwida 420 kollox fuq sistema aktar effettiva ta’ tmexxija taż‑żona ta’ l‑imġiba fiskali matul iċ‑ċiklu bħala mezz biex tindirizza l‑ewro. Anke jekk pajjiżi oħra ta’ spiss iħarsu lejn l‑UE kwalunkwe preġudizzju pro‑ċikliku. Fid‑dawl ta’ l‑isfida u ż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro bħala li huma rappreżentati ż‑żejjed ta’ l‑anzjanità, ħidma ewlenija hija dik taż‑żieda ta’ l‑effet- fl‑organizzazzjonijiet internazzjonali (kemm f ’dak li għan- tività tal‑fergħa protettiva tal‑PST fit‑trawwim tal‑kisba ta’ du x’jaqsam ma’ siġġijiet kif ukoll fis‑setgħa tal‑votazzjo- għanijiet ambizzjużi fit‑terminu l‑medju. Biex jiġi evitat li ni), iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro għadha ma laħqitx il‑livell tal‑piż jinġemgħu l‑iżbilanċi u d‑diverġenzi żejda bejn il‑pajjiżi ekonomiku tagħha fil‑fora internazzjonali. Il‑konsolidazz- fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro, l‑Ewrogrupp għandu jiskambja fehmi- joni tar‑rappreżentazzjoni taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro għandha et, jiżviluppa linji ta’ gwida ta’ politika u jissorvelja l‑kon- ssaħħaħ is‑setgħa tagħha fin‑negozjar internazzjonali u tn- formità ta’ l‑Istati Membri fl‑oqsma li jrawmu l‑kapaċità ta’ aqqas l‑ispejjeż tal‑koordinazzjoni internazzjonali, kemm l‑aġġustament u l‑istabbiltà makroekonomika. “Ir‑reviż- għaż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro kif ukoll għall‑imsieħba ewlenin jonijiet esperti” – diskussjonijet multilaterali dwar żviluppi tagħha. Għandha wkoll tillibera ħafna spazju meħtieġ għal rilevanti f ’pajjiż wieħed jew f ’ħafna – għandhom jissaħħu pajjiżi b’suq emerġenti biex iżidu s‑sehem tagħhom fl‑is- biex jinkoraġġixxu l‑ministri tal‑finanzi jqisu ‑l kwistjoniji- tituzzjonijiet finanzjarji internazzjonali. et nazzjonali u l‑linji politiċi fi ħdan perspettiva taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. Barra minn hekk, l‑Ewrogrupp għandu jidded- 3. Il‑promozzjoni ta’ tmexxija ika aktar attenzjoni għas‑sorveljanza tar‑rakkomandazz- effettiva ta’ l‑UEM jonijiet ta’ Liżbona għaż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro biex jiżdied it‑tkabbir potenzjali u tissaħħaħ il‑kompetittività permezz ta’ riformi strutturali. Is‑sistema ta’ tmexxija ekonomika ta’ l‑UEM għandha tkun kapaċi tilħaq l‑isfidi li qed tiffaċċja ż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. Il‑Kummissjoni għandu jkollha rwol qawwi, u ta’ ap‑ Minkejja dan, id‑diviżjoni attwali ta’ responsabbiltà bejn T poġġ l‑istituzzjonijiet u l‑istrumenti li jirregolaw il‑kondotta biex tiżgura t‑tħaddim effettiv ta’ ‑l UEM. Hija qed tal‑politika ekonomika fl‑UEM hija b’mod ġenerali waħda tissejjaħ biex trawwem il‑koordinazzjoni tal‑linji politiċi korretta. Madankollu, hemm ħtieġa ċara għall‑adattazzjo- filwaqt li tinternalizza ‑d dimenzjoni ta’ l‑UEM fil‑propos- ni ta’ l‑istituzzjonijiet u l‑prassi biex ikunu jistgħu jittrat- ti tal‑linji politiċi tagħha. Għandha tħaffef is‑sorveljanza taw l‑isfidi emerġenti tal‑linji politiċi. fiskali u makroekonomika tagħha u tippromwovi aktar integrazzjoni ekonomika u finanzjarja. Fir‑rwol tagħha ta’ sorveljanza, għandha tapprofondixxi l‑evalwazzjoni Involviment qawwi ta’ l‑Istati Membri kollha ta’ l‑UE fi ta’ l‑iżviluppi ekonomiċi u finanzjarji taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro, ħdan il‑Kunsill ta’ l‑ECOFIN huwa l‑qofol biex jiżgura li waqt li tiffoka b’mod partikolari fuq ir‑riperkussjonijiet l‑UEM qed taħdem b’mod effettiv. Sa mill‑bidu, il‑Kunsill tal‑miżuri ta’ linji politiċi nazzjonali. Il‑ħidma għat‑titjib ta’ l‑ECOFIN kien il‑forum għat‑tfassil tad‑deċizjonijiet fil‑preċiżjoni ta’ l‑indikaturi fiskali ċiklikali u strutturali tal‑linja politika ekonomika fl‑UE, u, fid‑dawl tal‑koinċi- għandha tissokta, f ’kooperazzjoni ma’ l‑Istati Membri. denza emerġenti bejn iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro u l‑UE, huwa għan- Fir‑rigward ta’ l‑aġenda internazzjonali, il‑Kummissjoni du jibqa’ l‑punt ċentrali fis‑sistema ta’ l‑UEM tat‑tmexxija għandha ttejjeb ir‑rwol tagħha fid‑djalogi u l‑fora inter- ekonomika billi jintegra dejjem aktar il‑kwistjonijiet ta’ nazzjonali. Bħala konklużjoni, il‑Kummissjoni għandha l‑UEM fil‑ħidma tiegħu. B’mod partikolari, jista’ jagħmel EMU@10: suċċessi u sfidi wara 10 snin mill‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja tappoġġja l‑isforzi biex jissaħħaħ it‑tħaddim ta’ l‑UEM ġenerali. B’mod partikolari, tinħtieġ spjegazzjoni aħjar kemm lokalment kif ukoll internazzjonalment billi tas- tal‑vantaġġi sinifikanti makro u mikro‑ekonomiċi ta’ l‑ew- sumi r‑responsabbiltajiet tagħha mogħtija lilha permezz ro, bħar‑rwol tagħha bħala lqugħ protettiv matul it‑taqlib tat‑Trattat bħala l‑gwardjan ta’ linji politiċi ekonomiċi finanzjarju ta’ dan ‑l aħħar, u l‑kontribut sinifikanti, bene- soda. Għal dan l‑għan hija għandha tfittex li tisfrutta aħjar fiċjali tal‑linji politiċi ekonomiċi fl‑UEM. l‑istrumenti pprovduti fit‑Trattat.

It‑Trattat il‑ġdid, ladarba jiġi ratifikat, għandu jipprovdi Konklużjoni lok għat‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni u s‑sorveljanza tal‑linji politiċi ekonomiċi fi ħdan iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. L‑Artiko- L‑UEM hija suċċess mill‑akbar. Għaxar snin mill‑eżistenza lu 136 tat‑Trattat li jirriżulta dwar it‑tħaddim ta’ l‑Unjoni tagħha, hija żgurat l‑istabbiltà makroekonomika, xprunat Ewropea għandu joffri ‑l possibilità “għall‑adozzjoni ta’ l‑integrazzjoni ekonomika ta’ l‑Ewropa – mhux inqas miżuri speċifiċi għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro: permezz tat‑tkabbir suċċessiv - żiedet l‑irkupru tagħha biex jissaħħu l‑koordinazzjoni u s‑sorveljanza tad‑dixxipli- għall‑iskossi kuntrarji, u saret arblu reġjonali u globali na baġitarja tagħhom; u biex jiġu stabbiliti linji ta’ gwida ta’ stabbiltà. Issa aktar minn qatt qabel, il‑munita unika għall‑politika ekonomika għalihom, filwaqt li jkun żgurat u l‑qafas ta’ politika li jsostniha qed juru li huma wieħed li dawn ikunu kompatibbli ma’ dawk adottati għall‑Unjo- mill‑vantaġġi l‑kbar. Madankollu, jeżisti l‑potenzjal biex ni kollha u li qed jinżammu taħt sorveljanza”. Barra minn jiġu sfruttati aktar benefiċċji mill‑UEM. Dan – flimkien hekk, it‑Trattat għandu jtejjeb ir‑rwol tal‑Kummissjoni ma’ l‑isfidi urġenti tal‑globalizzazzjoni, ir‑rizorsi naturali 421 bħala “difiża” indipendenti fil‑kuntest tas‑sorveljanza mul- skarsi, il‑bidla fil‑klima u l‑anzjanità tal‑popolazzjoni – ji- tilaterali, permezz ta’ l‑Artikolu 121 li jagħti lill‑Kummiss- tolbu titjib fil‑koordinazzjoni tal‑linji politiċi ekonomiċi, joni l‑possibilità li toħroġ twissijiet diretti lil Stat Membru aktar progress fir‑riformi strutturali, rwol globali aktar meta l‑linji politiċi ekonomiċi tiegħu ma jkunux konsist- b’saħħtu għaż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro u impenn assolut mill‑Istati enti mal‑linji ta’ gwida ġenerali jew jirriskjaw li jpoġġu Membri biex jilħqu dawn l‑għanijiet. Il‑fatt li l‑effetti ta’ fil‑periklu t‑tħaddim xieraq ta’ l‑UEM. dawn ix‑xejriet globali diġà qed jinħassu fil‑prezzijiet għol- ja ta’ l‑enerġija, ta’ l‑ikel u tal‑prodotti, fit‑taqlib finanzjarju Is‑sistema ta’ tmexxija ta’ l‑UEM għandha tiżgura li t‑tk‑ u fl‑aġġustament tar‑rata tal‑kambju globali jenfasizza biss abbir taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro jkompli għaddej mingħajr l‑importanza ta’ azzjoni f ’waqtha. tfixkil. Matul l‑għaxar snin li ġejjin, iż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro hija mistennija li tespandi biex tintegra l‑biċċa l‑kbira ta’ l‑Istati It‑twettiq ta’ l‑aġenda lokali u esterna u t‑titjib tat‑tmexxija Membri attwali ta’ l‑UE u tiżgura li dan il‑proċess jimxi ’l kif stipulat hawnhekk għandhom triq twila biex ilaħħqu quddiem kif xieraq u jissalvagwardja t‑tħaddim effettiv ta’ ma’ l‑isfidi li ż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro u l‑ekonomija globali qed jaf- l‑ekonomija taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro fil‑ġejjieni. Matul il‑parteċi- faċċjaw. Dan għandu wkoll iġib miegħu benefiċċji pożittivi pazzjoni fl‑ERM II, il‑pajjiżi għandhom jikkapitalizzaw importanti għall‑membri kollha ta’ l‑UE. fuq l‑ambjent ta’ l‑istabbiltà makroekonomika mtejba biex jadottaw linji politiċi makroekonomiċi u strutturali sodi. L‑UEM tibqa’ ġrajja importanti fl‑integrazzjoni ta’ l‑UE Kif speċifikat fit‑Trattat, il‑Kummissjoni għandha tipprov- Għalkemm l‑għanijiet u l‑kisbiet tagħha huma qabel kollox di evalwazzjoni ġusta u regolari tal‑progress sostenibbli ta’ natura ekonomika, l‑UEM qatt ma kienet biss proġett fil‑proċess ta’ konverġenza. L‑Ewrogrupp u l‑ECOFIN ekonomiku. Mill‑bidu tagħha l‑UEM tnisslet bħala pass min‑naħa tagħhom għandhom responsabbiltà speċja- kruċjali fil‑proċess ta’ l‑integrazzjoni ta’ l‑UE. Dan ir‑rwol li biex jibnu l‑fiduċja, jistħarrġu ‑l iżviluppi ekonomiċi kompla ssaħħaħ bit‑tkabbir ta’ l‑UE minn 15 għal 27 Stat u jipprovdu l‑gwida meħtieġa fir‑rigward tal‑linji politiċi Membru mill-2004 ’l hawn, bil‑pajjiżi membri l‑ġodda u r‑riformi meħtieġa għall‑konverġenza nominali u reali kollha ta’ l‑UE jħejju għall‑adozzjoni ta’ l‑ewro. Il‑prospett tal‑membri prospettivi taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. ta’ l‑adeżjoni maż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro kien wieħed mill‑muturi ewlenin tal‑konverġenza ta’ dawk il‑pajjiżi ma’ l‑istandard Jeħtieġ ukoll li jittejjeb id‑djalogu rigward l‑UEM fost ta’ ħajja ta’ l‑UE. l‑istituzzjonijiet ta’ l‑UE u mal‑pubbliku b’mod ġener‑ ali. Il‑Kummissjoni għandha tiżviluppa d‑djalogu u l‑kon- UEM li taħdem tajjeb hija vantaġġ ewlieni għall‑UE sultazzjoni tagħha mal‑Parlament Ewropew b’mod par- b’mod ġenerali, mhux inqas billi l‑maġġoranza assoluta tikolari, kif ukoll mal‑partijiet interessati l‑oħra Ewropej tal‑pajjiżi membri, jekk mhux il‑pajjiżi membri kollha ta’ u nazzjonali. B’mod simili, l‑Ewrogrupp għandu jsegwi l‑UE se jsiru eventwalment membri ta’ l‑UEM. Ekonomija d‑djalogi mal‑BĊE, mal‑Parlament Ewropew u ma’ l‑im- taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro li tagħti l‑frott għandha tikkontribwixxi sieħba soċjali fiż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. Dawn l‑istituzzjonijiet għall‑ġid u d‑dinamiżmu ta’ l‑UE kollha, waqt li ssaħħaħ kollha, ibda mill‑Kummissjoni, għandhom itejbu l‑ko- l‑appoġġ pubbliku għall‑integrazzjoni ta’ l‑UE kemm ġew- munikazzjoni dwar kwistjonijiet ta’ l‑UEM mal‑pubbliku wa kif ukoll barra ż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

EMU b’saħħitha għandha trawwem ukoll it‑tmexxija ta’ l‑UE fl‑ekonomija globali.Żona ta’ l‑ewro li taħdem tajjeb tistabbilixxi s‑sisien għall‑UEM biex din ikollha rwol sod esternament, kemm fl‑isfera makroekonomika kif ukoll fil‑qasam tas‑sorveljanza u r‑regolamentazzjoni finanzjarji globali. Jekk ‑l UEM tagħti prova tal‑ħila tagħha f ’li ssaħħaħ ir‑rwol estern taż‑żona ta’ l‑ewro u li tassumi r‑responsabbiltajiet globali tagħha, hija tnissel politika pożittiva għal oqsma oħra politiċi fejn l‑UE taspira għal tmexxija globali, bħal per eżempju l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli, l‑għajnuna għall‑iżvilupp, il‑politika kummerċjali, il‑kompetizzjoni u d‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem.

Jeħtieġu wkoll ir‑rieda tajba u d‑determinazzjoni politika għall‑implimentazzjoni ta’ din l‑aġenda komprensiva. Is‑suċess innifsu ta’ l‑UEM juri li l‑inizjattiva u l‑ambizzjoni politika jistgħu jiġġeneraw benefiċċji ekonomiċi, soċjali u politiċi konsiderevoli. Iżda għat‑twassil sħiħ ta’ dawn il‑benefiċċji, huwa kruċjali ‑l involviment kontinwu 422 tal‑partijiet kollha. Għalhekk il‑Kummissjoni għandha tinkoraġġixxi diskussjoni wiesgħa dwar dawn is‑suġġet- ti fit‑tieni nofs ta’ l-2008 u tippromwovi ftehim wiesa’ dwar l‑elementi ta’ tiswir f ’din l‑aġenda flimkien ma’ ‑l istituzzjonijiet l‑oħra ta’ l‑UE kif ukoll ma’ medda ta’ korpi u partijiet interessati rilevanti. Fuq il‑bażi ta’ din id‑diskussjoni, il‑Kummissjoni tkun tista’ tressaq proposti operattivi xierqa. Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑KUNSILL EWROPEW BRUSSELL, 26.11.2008 COM(2008) 800

Iż‑żmien għall‑azzjoni huwa issa magħquda flimkien l‑azzjoni tal‑Istati Membri u tal‑Ko‑ munità jirriżulta f’għodda qawwija għall‑bidla. Din tiftaħ 423 il‑bieb għall‑utilizzazzjoni tal‑aħjar kwalitajiet ta’ kull parti It‑test veru għall‑gvernijiet u l‑istituzzjonijiet Ewropej jiġi tal‑Ewropa għall‑aħjar effett possibbli. Tippermettilna wkoll li meta dawn ikunu ffaċċjati bl‑aktar ċirkostanzi diffiċli. Fi nfasslu r‑rispons globali għal din il‑kriżi globali. żminijiet bħal dawn, jenħtieġ li juru immaġinazzjoni; jenħtieġ li juru determinazzjoni; u jenħtieġ li juru flessibilità. Jinħtieġ li juru li huma sensittivi għall‑ħtiġijiet tal‑familji u l‑komuni‑ Xahar ilu, il‑Kummissjoni ħadet l‑inizjattiva li turi kif azzjo‑ tajiet madwar l‑Unjoni Ewropea, li huma kapaċi jsibu r‑ris‑ ni deċiżiva u kkoordinata tista’ tirrispondi għall‑kriżi ekono‑ pons korrett għat‑tnaqqis f’daqqa fil‑prospetti għat‑tkabbir mika. Għandi l‑pjaċir ngħid li fil‑ħidma tagħhom sabiex jind‑ ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi fl‑Ewropa. irizzaw is‑sitwazzjonijiet tagħhom, il‑gvernijiet nazzjonali ġew ispirati mill‑prinċipji komuni maqbula għall‑azzjoni Ew‑ ropea. Illum, il‑Kummissjoni qed issaħħaħ din il‑pjattaforma Fuq kollox, l‑Ewropa se tiġi ġġudikata skont ir‑riżultati. Minn għal azzjoni konġunta bi pjan sabiex tillimita l‑iskala tat‑tn‑ meta bdiet il‑ħidma tagħha din il‑Kummissjoni enfasizzat aqqis ekonomiku u tistimola d‑domanda u l‑kunfidenza, il‑kapaċità tal‑Unjoni Ewropea sabiex tipprovdi r‑riżulta‑ u b’hekk issalva mijiet ta’ eluf ta’ impjiegi u żżomm l‑impriżi ti għaċ‑ċittadini tagħha. Hija mmirat l‑azzjoni tagħha lejn kbar u żgħar jaħdmu sakemm jerġa’ lura t‑tkabbir ekonomiku. l‑oqsma li għandhom impatt fuq l‑Ewropej f’kull rokna tal‑UE. Hija ffavoriet approċċ ta’ sħubija fil‑ħidma mal‑atturi ewlenin f’kull livell. Għamlitha ċara li l‑ħidma ma tkunx tles‑ Il‑Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku għandu żewġ tiet sakemm l‑impatt ma jinħassx fil‑prattika. pilastri ewlenin, u hu bbażat fuq prinċipju wieħed:

Il‑kriżi ekonomika kurrenti tagħti opportunità oħra sa‑ • L‑ewwel pilastru huwa injezzjoni qawwija ta' saħħa biex jintwera li l‑Ewropa sservi liċ‑ċittadini tagħha l‑aħjar tax‑xiri fl‑ekonomija, sabiex tissaħħaħ id‑domanda u tiġi meta tenfasizza l‑azzjoni konkreta. L‑Ewropa tista’ tagħmel stimulata l‑kunfidenza. Il‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi differenza. li, b'urġenza, l‑Istati Membri u l‑UE jaqblu dwar impuls baġitarju immedjat li jammonta għal € 200 biljun (1.5% tal‑PGD), sabiex jagħtu stimolu lid‑domanda, f 'rispett Fi żminijiet diffiċli, it‑tentazzjoni hi li wieħed iħossu li ma sħiħ għall‑Patt ta' stabbilità u tkabbir. jista’ jagħmel xejn. Iżda l‑Ewropa mhix f’din il‑qagħda. L‑għodod tal‑gvernijiet, l‑istrumenti tal‑Unjoni Ewropea, • It‑tieni pilastru jistrieħ fuq il‑ħtieġa li l‑azzjoni l‑influwenza tal‑koordinazzjoni intelliġenti jammontaw għal fuq terminu qasir tiġi diretta sabiex tirrinforza forza qawwija li twaqqaf ix‑xejra lejn riċessjoni aktar profon‑ l‑kompetittività fit‑tul. Il‑Pjan jippreżenta programm da. Ewropa li hija lesta li toffri azzjoni rapida, kuraġġuża, komplut sabiex jidderieġi l‑azzjoni lejn investiment ambizzjuża u mmirata tajjeb se tkun Ewropa li tista’ twaqqaf "intelliġenti". Investiment intelliġenti jfisser investiment it‑tnaqqis ekonomiku u tibda xejra ġdida. Se nirnexxu jew in‑ fil‑ħiliet li huma tajbin għall‑ħtiġijiet ta' għada; fallu flimkien. investiment f 'effiċjenza fl‑enerġija sabiex jinħolqu l‑impjiegi u tiġi ffrankata l‑enerġija; investiment Il‑kontribut partikolari tal‑Unjoni Ewropea huwa l‑kapaċità f 'teknoloġiji ndaf sabiex jiġu megħjuna setturi tagħha li tgħin lill‑imsieħba jaħdmu flimkien. Li jiġu bħall‑kostruzzjoni u l‑karozzi fis‑swieq b'karbonju baxx IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

tal‑futur; u investiment f 'infrastruttura u interkonnessjoni 2.7 miljun fis‑sentejn li ġejjin, sakemm ma titteħidx azzjoni sabiex tiġi promossa l‑effiċjenza u l‑innovazzjoni. korrettiva. Fil‑ġimgħat sa minn meta ħarġu l‑previżjonijiet, Fl‑istess ħin, l‑għaxar Azzjonijiet għall‑Irkupru inklużi il‑kundizzjonijiet ekonomiċ komplew jiddeterjoraw: fil‑Pjan se jgħinu lill‑Istati Membri sabiex jistabbilixxu l‑għodod soċjali u ekonomiċi sabiex jilqgħu l‑isfidi ta' • Il‑kundizzjonijiet fis‑swieq finanzjarji għadhom fraġli, llum: sabiex jagħmlu disponibbli finanzjament ġdid u huwa probabbli li dawn jibqgħu ristretti għal perjodu għall‑SME, inaqqsu l‑piżijiet amministrattivi u jagħtu itwal milli mistenni; stimolu qawwi għall‑investiment għall‑immodernizzar tal‑infrastruttura. Dan iwassal għal Ewropa kompetittiva • Il‑kunfidenza fost ‑l individwi u l‑impriżi waqgħet għal lesta għall‑ekonomija b'livell baxx ta' karbonju. livell ħafna aktar baxx milli kien mistenni; • Il‑prinċipju fundamentali ta' dan il‑Pjan huwa • It‑tnaqqis fir‑rata tat‑tkabbir ekonomiku qed jolqot s‑solidarjetà u l‑ġustizzja soċjali. Fi żminijiet iebsa, ukoll l‑ekonomiji emerġenti, b'effetti negattivi l‑azzjoni tagħna għandha tkun immirata sabiex ngħinu għall‑esportazzjonijiet Ewropej. lil dawk li l‑aktar għandhom bżonn. Sabiex naħdmu Iż‑żona tal‑euro u bosta Stati Membri diġà jinsabu f 'riċess- għall‑ħarsien tal‑impjiegi permezz ta' azzjoni dwar joni. Ir‑riskju huwa li din is‑sitwazzjoni tkompli tmur l‑ispejjeż soċjali. Sabiex nindirizzaw immedjatament għall‑agħar: li l‑investiment u x‑xiri tal‑konsumaturi jiġu po- il‑prospetti fit‑tul tax‑xogħol ta' dawk li qed jitilfu l‑impjieg sposti, u dan iwassal għal ċirku vizzjuż ta' tnaqqis fid‑doman- tagħhom, permezz tal‑Fond Ewropew għall‑Aġġustament da, tnaqqis fil‑pjanijiet tan‑negozju, tnaqqis fl‑innovazzjoni 424 għall‑Globalizzazzjoni u Fond Soċjali Ewropew aċċellerat. u tnaqqis fl‑impjiegi. Dan jista' jdaħħal lill‑UE f 'riċessjoni Sabiex jitnaqqsu l‑ispejjeż tal‑enerġija għal dawk profonda u twila: l‑ekonomija tkompli tiċkien matul is‑sena vulnerabbli permezz ta' effiċjenza fl‑enerġija mmirata li ġejja u l‑qgħad jiżdied b'bosta miljuni. tajjeb. Sabiex jiġu indirizzati l‑ħtiġijiet ta' dawk li għadhom ma jistgħux jużaw l‑internet bħala għodda Hija meħtieġa azzjoni rapida u deċiżiva sabiex jitwaqqaf dan għall‑konnessjoni. l‑ispiral 'l isfel. L‑Ewropa jinħtiġilha tuża l‑għodod kollha Ninsab konvint li fi żminijiet ta' kriżi, jinfetħu opportunitajiet li jinsabu għad‑dispożizzjoni tagħha. Dan ifisser li ‑l Istati sabiex tiġi aċċellerata l‑bidla u jiġu introdotti riformi struttur‑ Membri u l‑Unjoni jaħdmu flimkien, jikkoordinaw ‑fl Ew- ali li jgħinuna nirnexxu fl‑ekonomija globalizzata tal‑futur. ropa u jsostnu rispons globali akbar. Filwaqt li kienet qed Din hija opportunità kbira għall‑Ewropa. tieħu ħsieb din il‑kriżi, l‑Unjoni assigurat li l‑livell tal‑UE u l‑azzjoni nazzjonali ħadmu flimkien. Dan irnexxa sabiex Issa għandna fuq il‑mejda pjan komplut u ambizzjuż ta' rkup‑ ġab l‑istabilità fi żmien ta' periklu immedjat. Issa, ‑l Istati ru. Aktar ma nwettquh malajr, aktar inkunu qed nipprovdu Membri tal‑UE għandhom jerġgħu jieħdu vantaġġ mill‑pun- malajr l‑għajnuna meħtieġa mill‑Ewropej illum. ti ta' saħħa tal‑UE – koordinazzjoni effettiva, oqfsa kredibbli offruti mill‑Patt għall‑Istabbilità u t‑Tkabbir Ekonomiku u l‑Istrateġija ta' Liżbona, flimkien mal‑benefiċċji tal‑iskala José Manuel Durão Barroso offruti mill‑euro u mill‑akbar suq uniku fid‑dinja. It‑taħlita ta' azzjoni nazzjonali u dik tal‑UE tista' tgħin lill‑Istati Mem- Brussell, is-26 ta' Novembru 2008 bri kollha jaffrontaw ‑l agħar tat‑tempesti ekonomiċi globali u joħorġu mill‑kriżi aktar b'saħħithom.

1. Introduzzjoni L‑euro, b'mod partikolari, tat prova li hi imprezzab- bli għall‑ekonomiji tal‑UE u li hija element essenzjali Il‑kriżi finanzjarja globali laqtet lill‑UE ħażin ħafna. L‑iskar- għall‑istabbilità. Appoġġjata mir‑rwol b'saħħtu tal‑Bank sezza tal‑kreditu u l‑waqgħat fil‑prezzijiet tad‑djar u fil‑boroż Ċentrali Ewropew indipendenti, l‑euro tipproteġi kontra finanzjarji qegħdin kollha kemm huma jsaħħu ‑t tnaqqis l‑movimenti destabbilizzanti fir‑rati tal‑kambju, li kienu jik- qawwi fil‑kunfidenza tal‑konsumaturi, il‑konsum u l‑inves- komplikaw ħafna r‑reazzjonijiet nazzjonali għall‑kriżi. timent. Il‑familji u l‑individwi jinsabu taħt pressjoni reali. L‑ordnijiet tal‑impriżi waqgħu. Is‑setturi li jiddependu Xahar ilu, il‑Kummissjoni ħadet l‑inizjattiva li tippreżenta fuq il‑kreditu tal‑konsumaturi – bħall‑kostruzzjoni privata l‑pjanijiet tagħha sabiex taffronta ‑l kriżi finanjzarja, u indi- u l‑industrija tal‑karozzi – raw is‑suq tagħhom jonqos drasti- rizzat id‑diffikultajiet tal‑ekonomija aktar wiesgħa u għamlet kament f 'bosta Stati Membri. lill‑Ewropa attur ewlieni fir‑risposta globali għall‑kriżi finan- zjarja20. Fil‑bidu ta' Novembru, il‑Kapijiet ta' Stat u Gvern L‑aħħar previżjonijiet ekonomiċi taw stampa negattiva tal‑UE qablu dwar il‑ħtieġa għal rispons koordinat u talbu ta' tkabbir ekonomiku ta' kważi żero u riskju ta' tnaqqis għall‑ekonomija tal‑UE fl-2009, bil‑qgħad jiżdied b'madwar 20 Komunikazzjoni tad-29 Ottubru - COM(2008) 706. Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku lill‑Kummissjoni sabiex tagħmel proposti sabiex jiġu diskussi • Li sseħħ aktar malajr il‑bidla favur ekonomija b'livell fil‑laqgħa tagħhom ta' Diċembru. baxx ta' karbonju. Dan iqiegħed lill‑Ewropa f 'pożizzjoni tajba sabiex tapplika l‑istrateġija tagħha sabiex tillimita Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku t‑tibdil fil‑klima u tippromwovi s‑sigurtà tal‑enerġija: strateġija li se tistimola l‑innovazzjoni, toħloq impjiegi Dan il‑Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku huwa ġodda ambjentali u tiftaħ opportunitajiet ġodda fi r‑risposta tal‑Kummissjoni għas‑sitwazzjoni ekonomika swieq mondjali li qed jikbru malajr, tillimita l‑kontijiet kurrenti. Fid‑dawl tal‑iskala tal‑kriżi li qed niffaċċjaw, ‑l UE tal‑enerġija għaċ‑ċittadini u l‑impriżi, u tnaqqas teħtieġ approċċ koordinat, kbir u ambizzjuż biżżejjed sabiex id‑dipendenza tal‑Ewropa fuq l‑enerġija minn barra. jerġa' jagħti lura l‑kunfidenza lill‑konsumaturi u l‑impriżi. Hija teħtieġ li ġġib flimkien ‑l għodod kollha tal‑politika Filwaqt li jsegwi dawn il‑miri, il‑Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkup- disponibbli fuq il‑livelli tal‑UE u nazzjonali. Il‑biċċa l‑kbi- ru Ekonomiku huwa mfassal sabiex: ra tal‑għodod tal‑politika ekonomika, u b'mod partikolari dawk li jistgħu jistimiluaw id‑domanda tal‑konsumaturi • Jisfrutta s‑sinerġiji u jevita l‑effetti negattivi sekondarji fl‑immedjat, huma f 'idejn l‑Istati Membri. L‑Istati Membri permezz ta' azzjoni koordinata; qed jibdew minn pożizzjonijiet differenti ħafna f 'termi- • Jagħmel użu mill‑għodod kollha disponibbli tal‑politika, ni ta' spazju ta' manuvra fiskali. Iżda dan iżid ‑l importanza il‑politiki fiskali, ir‑riformi strutturali u tas‑suq tal‑koordinazzjoni effettiva. finanzjarju u l‑azzjoni esterna;

L‑Istati Membri kollha jinħteġilhom li jieħdu azzjoni sabiex • Jassigura koerenza sħiħa bejn l‑azzjonijiet immedjati 425 jaffrontaw il‑kriżi. Jekk ikunu kkoordinati tajjeb, l‑isforzi u l‑għanijiet fuq terminu medju jew twil; nazzjonali jistgħu jilħqu għanijiet differenti b'mod paral- • Jieħu inkunsiderazzjoni b'mod sħiħ in‑natura globali lel. Huma jistgħu itaffu ‑l impatt tar‑riċessjoni fl‑immedjat. tal‑problema u jfassal il‑kontribut tal‑UE għar‑risposti Iżda huma jistgħu wkoll jippromwovu r‑riformi struttur- internazzjonali. ali meħtieġa sabiex jgħinu lill‑UE toħroġ aktar b'saħħitha mill‑kriżi, mingħajr ma tiġi mminata s‑sostenibilità fiskali Dan il‑Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku jipproponi aktar fit‑tul. Għal din ir‑raġuni, dan il‑Pjan għall‑Irkupru rispons makroekonomiku kontraċikliku għall‑kriżi fil‑for- jpoġġi enfasi partikolari fuq l‑innovazzjoni u fuq li l‑investi- ma ta' ġabra ambizzjuża ta' azzjonijiet sabiex tiġi appoġġ- ment tal‑UE jagħti aktar kas l‑ambjent. Il‑livell tal‑UE jista' jata l‑ekonomija reali. L‑għan huwa li tiġi evitata riċessjoni jopera bħala katalist għal "azzjoni intelliġenti" bħal din, li profonda. Il‑Pjan huwa ankrat fil‑Patt ta' stabbilità u tkabbir permezz tagħha l‑politiki u l‑fondi tal‑UE jgħinu lill‑Ista- u l‑Istrateġija ta' Liżbona għat‑Tkabbir Ekonomiku u l‑Imp- ti Membri sabiex iżommu jew jantiċipaw investimenti li jiegi. Huwa jikkonsisti f 'dan li ġej: joħolqu l‑impjiegi, isaħħu d‑domanda, u jsaħħu l‑kapaċità tal‑Ewropa sabiex tibbenefika mill‑globalizzazzjoni. • Impuls baġitarju immedjat li jammonta għal € 200 biljun (1.5% tal‑PGD tal‑UE), li jikkonsistu f 'espansjoni L‑għanijiet strateġiċi tal‑Pjan għall‑Irkupru huma li: baġitarja mill‑Istati Membri ta' € 170 biljun (madwar 1.2% tal‑PGD tal‑UE), u finanzjament tal‑UE f 'appoġġ • Malajr kemm jista' jkun jistimulaw id‑domanda u jsaħħu għal azzjonijiet immedjati ta' € 30 biljun (madwar 0.3 % l‑kunfidenza tal‑konsumaturi; tal‑PGD tal‑UE); • Jitnaqqas il‑prezz uman tat‑tnaqqis ekonomiku u l‑impatt • U numru ta' azzjonijiet ta' prijorità komuni, ibbażati tiegħu fuq dawk li huma l‑aktar vulnerabbli. Bosta fuq l‑Istrateġija ta' Liżbona, u mfassla fl‑istess ħin sabiex ħaddiema u l‑familji tagħhom huma milquta mill‑kriżi jadattaw l‑ekonomiji tagħna għal sfidi fit‑tul, li jkomplu jew se jiġu milquta minnha. Tista' tittieħed azzjoni sabiex jimplimentaw ir‑riformi strutturali mmirati li jżidu jitnaqqas it‑telf ta' impjiegi; u mbagħad sabiex in‑nies t‑tkabbir potenzjali. jiġu megħjuna jirritornaw malajr fis‑suq tax‑xogħol, minflok jiffaċċjaw qgħad ‑fit tul; 2. Nappoġġjaw l‑ekonomija • L‑Ewropa tiġi megħjuna sabiex tieħu vantaġġ meta jerġa jibda t‑tkabbir sabiex l‑ekonomija Ewropea tkun reali u nsaħħu l‑kunfidenza orjentata lejn il‑ħtiġijiet tal‑kompetittività u l‑futur, kif ippreżentat fl‑Istrateġija ta' Liżbona għat‑Tkabbir Minħabba li l‑ekonomiji tal‑Istati Membri kollha huma inte- Ekonomiku u l‑Impjiegi. Dan ifisser li jitwettqu ‑r riformi grati ħafna, jaqsmu flimkien Suq Intern wieħed u bosta poli- strutturali neċessarji, li tiġi appoġġjata l‑innovazzjoni, u li tiki komuni, kull rispons għandu jgħaqqad flimkien aspetti tinbena ekonomija tal‑għarfien; monetarji u ta' kreditu, politika baġitarja, u azzjonijiet tal‑is- trateġija ta' Liżbona għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

2.1. Kundizzjonijiet monetarji u ta' tiegħu, l‑Istati Membri għandhom jiddeċiedu qabel tmiem kreditu. is‑sena sabiex jinkorporaw ir‑riżervi tal‑BEI sabiex jirrinfurzaw il‑bażi kapitali tiegħu b'€60 biljun, li jipprovdi sin- 2.1.1. Ir‑rwol tal‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew jal politiku viżibbli ħafna lis‑swieq u jżid b'mod sinifikanti l‑kapaċità tal‑bank li jislef. Il‑Bank Ewropew għar‑Rikostru- u l‑banek ċentrali l‑oħra zzjoni u l‑Iżvilupp (EBRD) wkoll huwa mistenni li jżid €500 Fis‑sitwazzjoni kurrenti, il‑politika moneterja wkoll għand- miljun fis‑sena mal‑livell preżenti ta' finanzjament tiegħu ha rwol kruċjali. Fid‑dawl tal‑aspettattivi mnaqqsa għall‑in- fl‑Istati Membri l‑ġodda. flazzjoni fit‑terminu medju, Il‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew (BĊE) għaż‑żona tal‑Ewro, flimkien ma' banek ċentrali oħra 2.2. Politika Baġitarja tal‑UE, diġà baxxa r‑rati tal‑imgħax. Il‑BĊE indika li hemm spazju għal aktar tnaqqis. Il‑BĊE diġà wera l‑importanza Jekk terġax tiġi stabbilita mill‑ġdid il‑kunfidenza se jidde- tiegħu fl‑istabbilizzar tas‑swieq billi silef lill‑banek u kkon- pendi fuq l‑abilità tal‑Ewropa li ssaħħaħ id‑domanda billi tribwixxa għall‑likwidità. tuża b'mod sħiħ il‑flessibilità offruta mill‑Patt ta' Stabbilità u Tkabbir revedut. Fis‑sitwazzjoni kurrenti, il‑politika baġi- 2.1.2. Ir‑rwol tal‑banek tarja għandha rwol aktar importanti mis‑soltu sabiex tistabbilizza l‑ekonomiji u ssostni d‑domanda. Fl‑għerq tal‑problemi fl‑ekonomija reali hemm l‑instabbilità fis‑swieq finanzjarji. Settur finanzjarju affidabbli u effiċjen- Huwa biss permezz ta' pakkett ta' stimolu sinifikanti li ‑l Ew- 426 ti huwa prerekwiżit għal ekonomija b'saħħitha u li tikber. L‑istabbilizzar tas‑sistema bankarja huwa għalhekk l‑ewwel ropa tista' tirrispondi għax‑xejra negattiva li hi mistennija pass biex jitwaqqaf it‑tnaqqis u jiġi promoss irkupru rapidu fid‑domanda, bl‑effetti indiretti negattivi tagħha fuq ‑l in- u sostenibbli. L‑UE għandha tkompli dan l‑isforz komuni vestimenti u l‑impjiegi. Għaldaqstant, il‑Kummissjoni tip- sabiex jerġgħu jinbnew l‑istabbilità u l‑kunfidenza fis‑settur proponi li l‑Istati Membri jaqblu fuq pakkett koordinat ta' finanzjarju li għadu fraġli u sabiex jinħolqu ‑l kundizzjonijiet stimolu baġitarju li għandu jsir bla dewmien, ikun immirat għal irkupru ekonomiku sostnut. Il‑kriżi kixfet riskji fil‑for- tajjeb u jkun ukoll temporanju, u li għandu jiġi implimentat ma kurrenti ta' governanza tas‑swieq finanzjarji li saru jew immedjatament. jistgħu jsiru sistemiċi fi żminijiet ta' taqlib serju. Il‑pass tar‑riformi se jinżamm matul ix‑xhur li ġejjin sabiex terġa tingħata Fil‑kuntest tal‑baġits nazzjonali għall-2009, dan l‑impuls l‑istabbilità u jiġu mħarsa l‑interessi taċ‑ċittadini u l‑impriżi baġitarju għandu jkun ta' € 170 biljun, li jirrappreżentaw Ewropej. 1.2% tal‑PGD tal‑Unjoni, sabiex jipproduċi impatt sostantiv pożittiv u rapidu fuq l‑ekonomija Ewropea u l‑impjiegi, Iżda issa huwa kruċjali li l‑banek jerġgħu jassumu r‑rwol nor- flimkien mar‑rwol tal‑istabbilizzaturi awtomatiċi. Nefqiet mali tagħhom li jipprovdu l‑likwidità u jappoġġjaw l‑inves- u/jew tnaqqis fit‑taxxi iklużi fl‑impuls baġitarju għand- timent fl‑ekonomija reali. L‑Istati Membri għandhom jużaw hom ikunu konsistenti mal‑flessibilità offruta mill‑Patt l‑appoġġ finanzjarju pprovdut lis‑settur bankarju sabiex jik- għall‑Istabbilità u t‑Tkabbir Ekonomiku u jirrinfurzaw ir‑ri- oraġġixxu ritorn għal attivitajiet normali ta' self u jassiguraw formi strutturali tal‑Istrateġija ta' Liżbona. Dan l‑istimolu li t‑tnaqqis fir‑rati tal‑imgħax ċentrali jaslu għand il‑kon- baġitarju għandu jkun temporanju. L‑Istati Membri għand- sumaturi. Il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli tissorvelja l‑impatti hom jimpenjaw ruħhom li jreġġgħu lura d‑deterjorament ekonomiċi u fuq il‑kompetizzjoni tal‑miżuri meħuda sabiex baġitarju u jirritornaw għall‑miri stabbiliti fl‑għanijiet għal jappoġġjaw is‑settur bankarju. terminu medju.

2.1.3. Ir‑rwol tal‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew Sabiex jiġi mmassimizzat l‑impatt tiegħu, l‑istimolu baġitar- u l‑Bank Ewropew għar‑Rikostruzzjoni ju għandu jagħti kas tal‑pożizzjonijiet tal‑bidu ta' kull Stat u l‑Iżvilupp Membru. Huwa ċar li mhux l‑Istati Membri kollha huma fl‑istess pożizzjoni. Dawk li ħadu vantaġġ miż‑żminijiet tajba Il‑kriżi preżenti teħtieġ interventi msaħħa mill‑grupp sabiex jiksbu pożizzjonijiet aktar sostenibbli ta' finanzjament tal‑Bank Ewropew għall‑Investiment (BEI). Il‑BEI se jżid pubbliku u jtejbu l‑pożizzjonijiet kompetittivi tagħhom issa l‑interventi annwali tiegħu fl‑UE b'madwar €15 biljun għandhom aktar spazju fejn jimmanuvraw. Għal dawk l‑Ista- għas‑sentejn li ġejjin. Din iż‑żieda fl‑attività se tieħu l‑forma ti Membri, partikolarment barra miż‑żona tal‑euro, li qed ta' self, kapital, garanziji u finanzjament b'parteċipazzjoni jiffaċċjaw żbilanċi esterni u interni sinifikanti, ‑il politika fir‑riskju, u se twassal ukoll biex tistimula investiment addiz- baġitarja għandha essenzjalment ikollha l‑mira li tikkoreġi zjonali minn sorsi privati. B'kollox, dan il‑pakkett propost dawn l‑iżbilanċi. mill‑BEI se jgħin sabiex jiġu mmobilizzati riżorsi privati f 'ap- poġġ għal investimenti addizzjonali matul is‑sentejn li ġejjin. Sabiex il‑BEI ikun jista' jżid l‑attivitajiet ta' investiment Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku

L‑istimolu baġitarju għandu jkun imfassal tajjeb • Garanziji u sussidji fuq is‑self sabiex jikkumpensaw u bbażat fuq il‑prinċipji li ġejjin: għall‑primjum kurrenti, li hu għoli aktar min‑normal, għar‑riskju jistgħu jkunu partikolarment effettivi (1) Għandu jkun bla dewmien, temporanju, immirat f 'ambjent fejn il‑kreditu huwa ġeneralment ristrett. tajjeb u kkoordinat Huma jistgħu iwittu nuqqas ta' kapital ta' ħidma għal Il‑pakketti nazzjonali ta' stimolu baġitarju għandhom terminu qasir li bħalissa huwa problema għal bosta ikunu: kumpaniji; • Inċentivi finanzjarji mfassla tajjeb sabiex l‑ekonomiji • bla dewmien sabiex jappoġġjaw malajr l‑attività tagħna jadattaw ruħhom aktar malajr għall‑isfidi ekonomika matul il‑perjodu ta' domanda baxxa, għaliex aktar fit‑tul, bħat‑tibdil fil‑klima, inklużi pereżempju dewmien fl‑implimentazzjoni jista' jfisser li ‑l impuls inizjattivi għall‑effiċjenza‑ fl enerġija; fiskali jasal biss meta ‑l irkupru jkun diġà beda; • Taxxi u kontribuzzjonijiet soċjali aktar baxxi: tnaqqis • temporanji sabiex jiġi evitat deterjorament permanenti fil‑kontribuzzjonijiet soċjali mħallsa minn dawk li fil‑pożizzjonijiet baġitarji li jimminaw is‑sostenibilità jħaddmu jista' jkollu impatt pożittiv fuq iż‑żamma u eventwalment ikunu jeħtieġu finanzjament permezz u l‑ħolqien tal‑impjiegi filwaqt li tnaqqis fit‑taxxi fuq ta' żidiet sostnuti futuri fit‑taxxi; il‑ħaddiema jista' jappoġġja s‑saħħa tax‑xiri b'mod • immirati lejn is‑sors tal‑isfida ekonomika (iż‑żieda partikolari għal dawk li jaqilgħu pagi baxxi; fil‑qgħad, l‑impriżi/individwi neqsin mill‑kreditu, • fil‑livell tar‑rata standard tal‑VAT eċċ. u jappoġġjaw ir‑riformi strutturali) għaliex dan Tnaqqis temporanju 427 jista' jiġi introdott malajr u jipprovdi impuls fiskali jimmassimizza l‑impatt ta' stabbilizzazzjoni tar‑riżorsi qawwi sabiex jappoġġja l‑konsum. baġitarji limitati; (3) Għandu jsir fi ħdan il‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà • koordinati sabiex jimmultiplikaw l‑impatt pożittiv u Tkabbir u jassiguraw sostenibilità baġitarja fit‑tul. Il‑politika baġitarja għandha ssir fi ħdan il‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà (2) Għandu juża taħlita ta' strumenti tad‑dħul u Tkabbir, sabiex jiġi pprovdut qafas komuni u kredibbli u l‑infiq. għall‑politika. Ir‑reviżjoni tal-2005 tal‑Patt tippermetti B'mod ġenerali, l‑infiq pubbliku diskrezzjonali jkollu li jittieħed kont aħjar tal‑kundizzjonijiet cikliċi filwaqt li impatt pożittiv akbar fuq id‑domanda fuq terminu qasir tissaħħaħ id‑dixxiplina fiskali fuq il‑medda medja u twila meta mqabbel mat‑tnaqqis fit‑taxxi. Dan għaliex bosta ta' żmien. Il‑qafas li għandna f 'idejna huwa aktar esiġenti konsumaturi jistgħu jippreferu jġemmgħu milli jonfqu, fi żminijiet tajbin, u jippermetti aktar flessibbiltà fi żmini- jekk it‑tnaqqis fit‑taxxi ma jkunx limitat fiż‑żmien. Meta jiet koroh. Ċirkostanzi straordinarji li jikkombinaw kriżi jitqiesu s‑sitwazzjonijiet differenti tal‑Istati Membri, jist- finanzjarja ma’ riċessjoni jiġġustifikaw espansjoni baġitarja għu jiġu kkunsidrati dawn il‑miżuri li ġejjin21: kkoordinata fl‑UE. Dan jista’ jwassal lil uħud mill‑Istati Membri li jiksru l‑valur ta' referenza tal‑iżbilanċ ta' 3%. • In‑nefqa pubblika għandha impatt fuq id‑domanda Għal Stati Membri meqjusa li qegħdin fi żbilanċ eċċs- fuq terminu qasir. Miżuri li jistgħu jiġu introdotti siv, se jkollha tittieħed azzjoni korrettiva li timxi id f ’id malajr u mmirati lejn l‑individwi u l‑familji li huma mal‑irkupru tal‑ekonomija. Dan huwa konformi bis‑sħiħ milquta partikolarment ħażin mit‑tnaqqis fit‑tkabbir mal‑proċeduri tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir li jiggaran- ekonomiku probabbilment jinfluwenzaw il‑konsum tixxu li l‑iżbilanc eċċessiv se jiġi kkoreġut fi żmien dovut, b'mod kważi dirett, pereżempju trasferimenti u tkun żgurata s‑sostenibbiltà fit‑tul tal‑pożizzjonijiet temporanjament miżjuda għan‑nies qiegħda jew baġitarji. l‑individwi u familji bi dħul baxx, jew estensjoni temporanja għat‑tul tal‑benefiċċji tal‑qgħad. Dan Il‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir għalhekk se jiġi applikat jista' jsir ukoll billi jiġu antiċipati fiż‑żmien proġetti bil‑għaqal biex jiżgura strateġijii kredibbli ta’ politika ta' investiment pubbliku li jistgħu jkunu ta' benefiċċju fiskali fil‑medda medja taż‑żmien. L‑Istati Membri li qed għall‑SMEs u jistgħu jappoġġjaw għanijiet ta' politika iħejju biex jattivaw miżuri antiċikliċi għandhom jibagħ- pubblika fit‑tul bħat‑titjib tal‑infiq fuq ‑l infrastruttura tu Programm aġġornat ta’ Stabbilità jew Konverġenza pubblika jew il‑ġlieda kontra t‑tibdil fil‑klima; sal‑aħħar ta’ Diċembru 2008. Dan l‑aġġornament għandu jagħti d‑dettalji tal‑miżuri li se jiġu attivati biex ireġġgħu lura d‑deterjorament fiskali u jiżguraw sostenibbilità għal medda t‑twila ta’ żmien. Il‑Kummissjoni mbagħad se 21 Ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet ġenerali u l‑azzjonijiet speċifiċi teżamina l‑miżuri tal‑impuls baġitarju u l‑programmi ta’ relatati mal‑oqsma ta’ prijorità ppreżentati f’dan id‑dokument huma suġġetti għall‑konformità mar‑regoli tas‑suq intern stabbiltà u konverġenza bbażati fuq tbassir aġġornat u se u tal‑kompetizzjoni, partikolarment għall‑għajnuna mill‑Istat. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

tipprovdi gwida fuq il‑pożizzjonijiet xierqa, li jistrieħu fuq temporanjament minn taqlib tad‑domanda fuq medda l‑għanijiet li ġejjin: qasira ta’ żmien. Għal dak l‑għan, aktar flessibbiltà fl‑arranġamenti tal‑ħin tax‑xogħol jew servizzi msaħħa • li jiġi żgurat li l‑miżuri li se jżidu l‑iżbilance fuq perjodu tax‑xogħol jistgħu jkunu ta’ għajnuna; qasir ta' żmien ikunu jistgħu jitreġġgħu lura; • It‑tnaqqis ta' tagħbijiet regolatorji u amministrattivi • li jiġi mtejjeb it‑tfassil ta’ politika baġitarja fuq medda fuq in‑negozji. Riformi bħal dawn jgħinu biex tiżdied medja ta’ żmien, permezz tas‑tisħiħ tar‑regoli u l‑oqfsa il‑produttività, u tissaħħaħ il‑kompetittività. Miżuri baġitarji nazzjonali; li jistgħu jiġu implimentati bil‑ħeffa jinkludu sforzi kontinwi biex jitnaqqas iż‑żmien biex wieħed jiftaħ • tiġi żgurata s‑sostenibbiltà tal‑finanzi pubbliċi fit‑tul, negozju. partikolarment permezz ta’ riformi li jrażżnu t‑tkabbir tal‑ispejjeż relatati mal‑età. 2.3. Azzjonijiet fl‑erba’ oqsma ta’ (4) Għandu jkun akkumpanjat minn riformi prijorità tal‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona strutturali li jappoġġjaw id‑domanda u jippromwovu irkupru ta’ malajr Sabiex jinkisbu l‑benefiċċji massimi u jintlaħqu‑ l għani- jiet tal‑Pjan għall‑Irkupru li jipproteġu lin‑nies u jwaqq- Filwaqt li l‑aktar impatt immedjat fuq it‑tkabbir u l‑imp- fu l‑kriżi milli tiddevja l‑attenzjoni mill‑interessi fit‑tul jiegi għalissa jeħtieġ li jiġi permezz ta' stimolu monetarju tal‑UE u l‑ħtieġa li jsir inevestiment fil‑ġejjieni tagħha, u fiskali, pjan komprensiv ra' rkupru jeħtieġ ukoll li jin- għandu jkun hemm rabta mill‑qrib bejn l‑istimolu fiskali 428 kludi aġenda ta' riforma strutturali ambizzjuża mfassla u l‑azzjonijiet fl‑erba' oqsma ta' prijorità tal‑Istrateġija ta' skont il‑ħtiġijiet tal‑Istati Membri individwali, u ddisinja- Liżbona (in‑nies, in‑negozju, l‑infrastruttura u l‑enerġi- ta biex tagħtihom it‑tagħmir meħtieġ biex joħorġu aktar ja, ir‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni), kif spjegat fil‑qosor f ’din f 'saħħithom mill‑kriżi. Parzjalment, dan għaliex uħud it‑taqsima. Sabiex dan jinkiseb, bħala parti mill‑pakkett mir‑riformi strutturali jistgħu jikkontribwixxu wkoll biex ta’ Liżbona, il‑Kummissjoni se toħroġ rapporti individwali isaħħu d‑domanda globali fuq il‑medda l‑qasira ta’ żmien. għal kull Stat Membru fis-16 ta' Diċembru 2008 li se jin- Barra minn hekk, ir‑riformi strutturali huma meħtieġa kludu proposti għal rakkomandazzjonijiet. biex jindirizzaw uħud mill‑kawżi bażiċi tal‑kriżi preżenti, kif ukoll biex isaħħu l‑kapaċita li l‑ekonomija tiġi aġġusta- ta, li hi meħtieġa għal rkupru bil‑ħeffa. Taħlita intelliġenti ta’ politiki u fondi tal‑UE tista’ tkun katalista għal investimenti imporanti li jieħdu lill‑UE fid‑direzzjoni ta’ prosperità sostenibbli ġejjiena. Uħud Ekonomija li tiġi f ’tagħha malajr u flessibbli tgħin biex mill‑azzjonijiet proposti f ’din it‑taqsima huma mfassla jittaffa ‑l impatt ikrah ta’ kriżi ekonomika. L‑Istrateġija ta' biex jantiċipaw il‑finanzjament tal‑UE direttament biex Liżbona diġà saħħet is‑sisien ekonomiċi Ewropej. Ir‑ri- jikkontribwixxu għall‑istimolu fiskali u jassistu lill‑Istati formi strutturali tal‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona imfassla kif jix- Membri fl‑implimentazzjoni tal‑politiki tagħhom. Oħrajn raq, jistgħu jservu ta’ tweġiba politika xierqa għall‑medda huma maħsuba biex itejbu l‑kundizzjonijiet ta' qafas għal l‑qasira ta’ żmien għall‑kriżi hekk kif isaħħu l‑kapaċità li investimenti futuri, it‑tnaqqis ta' tagħbijiet amministrattivi l‑ekonomija tiġi f ’tagħha malajr u l‑flessibbiltà. L‑Istati u biex titħaffef ‑l innovazzjoni. B’mod ġenerali, l‑azzjoniji- Membri għandhom jikkunsidraw il‑miżuri li ġejjin: et jiffurmaw pakkett integrat: ‑l implikazzjonijiet baġitarji tagħhom għandhom jagħtu kunsiderazzjoni tal‑prinċipji • Li jappoġġjaw il‑poter tal‑akkwist tal‑konsumaturi stabbiliti fit‑taqsima preċedenti. permezz ta’ ħidma mtejba tas‑suq: politiki li jtejbu l‑ħidma ta’ swieq l‑aktar importanti jistgħu jgħinu biex 2.3.1. Jiġu mħarsa l‑impjiegi u tiġi promossa isostnu d‑domanda billi jgħinu fit‑traħħis tal‑prezzijiet, l‑intraprendenza biex b’hekk jiġi appoġġjat il‑poter tal‑akkwist tal‑familji; L‑ogħla prijorità għandha tkun il‑ħarsien taċ‑ċittadini Ew- ropej mill‑agħar effetti tal‑kriżi finanzjarja. Huma ‑l ewwel • Jiġu indirizzati il‑preoblemi immedjati nies li se jintlaqtu hux bħala ħaddiema, bħala familji, jew tal‑kompetittività. Fl‑Istati Membri bi problemi ta’ bħala imprendituri. Meta l‑Istati Membri jindirizzaw l‑im- inflazzjoni u kompetittività jeħtieġ li jittieħdu miżuri patt ekonomiku u soċjali tal‑kriżi finanzjarja, għandhom urġenti li jsaħħu r‑rabta bejn il‑mekkaniżmu li jiffissa jinvolvu b’mod attiv lill‑imsieħba soċjali. l‑pagi u l‑iżviluppi tal‑produttività; • Jiġu appoġjati l‑impjiegi u jiġu ffaċilitati a) In‑Nies t‑tranżizzjonijiet tas‑suq tax‑xogħol: l‑isfida ewlenija L‑implimentazzjoni ta’ inklużjoni attiva u politiki integra- tal‑lum tas‑suq tax‑xogħol hija li jevita t‑tkeċċija bla ti ta’ flessigurtà, iffukati fuq miżuri ta’ attivazzjoni, taħriġ bżonn ta’ ħaddiema minn industriji li jkunu affettwati Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku mill‑ġdid u aġġornament tal‑ħiliet, huma essenzjali biex tiġi promossa l‑kapaċità għall‑impjieg, tiġi żgurata inte- 2. Tinħoloq domanda għax‑xogħol grazzjoni mill‑ġdid bil‑ħeffa fis‑suq tax‑xogħol ta' ħaddie- • L‑Istati Membri għandhom jikkunsidraw li ma li kienu sfaw bla xogħol u jiġi evitat qgħad fit‑tul. Fi jnaqqsu l‑ispejjeż soċjali ta’ min iħaddem ħdan dan il‑kuntest, se jkun importanti wkoll ħarsien ade- fir‑rigward ta’ dawk bi dħul baxx biex gwat u soċjali li jipprovdi inċentivi għax‑xogħol filwaqt li jippromwovu l‑kapaċità li dawk anqas imħarrġa jippreserva l‑poter ta’ l‑akkwist. isibu mpjieg. L‑Istati Membri għandhom ukoll jikkunsidraw l‑introduzzjoni ta’ soluzzjonijiet ġodda (pereżempju ċekkijiet ta’ servizz għall‑kura 1. It‑tnedija ta’ inizjattiva kbira Ewropea ta’ tal‑familji u l‑kura tat‑tfal, sussidji temporanji appoġġ għall‑impjiegi għall‑kiri għall‑gruppi vulnerabbli), li nbdew diġà a) Il‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi li tissimplifika b’suċċess f ’partijiet tal‑Unjoni; l‑kriterji għall‑appoġġ tal‑Fond Soċjali Ewropew • Il‑Kunsill għandu jadotta, qabel il‑Kunsill (FSE) u żżid il‑ħlasijiet bikrija minn kmieni fl-2009, Ewropew tar‑Rebbiegħa 2009, id‑direttiva sabiex l‑Istati Membri jkunu jistgħu jaċċessaw mhux proposta biex ir‑rati mnaqqsa tal‑VAT aktar minn €1.8 biljun aktar kmieni biex: għas‑servizzi li jimpjegaw ħafna ħaddiema, jiġu • Fi ħdan strateġiji ta’ flessigurtà,jirrinfurzaw permanenti. bil‑ħeffa l‑iskemi ta’ attivazzjoni, b’mod partikolari għal dawk mhux imħarrġa, 429 bl‑involviment ta’ konsulenza personalizzata, b) In‑negozju taħriġ (mill‑ġdid) intensiv ta’ ħaddiema u żieda Aċċess għall‑finanzjament suffiċjenti u li jinfelaħ, huwa fil‑ħiliet tal‑ħaddiema, apprendistati, impjiegi prerekwiżit għall‑investiment, tkabbir u ħolqien tal‑imp- sussidjati kif ukoll għotjiet sabiex wieħed isib jiegi għas‑settur privat. L‑Istati Membri għandhom jużaw xogħol għal rasu, biex jibda negozju u l‑influwenza li għandhom permezz tal‑forniment ta’ ap- • Il‑programmi tagħhom jingħataw direzzjoni ġdida poġġ kbir finanzjarju lis‑servizz bankarju biex jiżguraw biex l‑appoġġ jiġi kkonċentrat fuq dawk l‑aktar li l‑banek jerġgħu jibdew bis‑servizzi normali tagħhom vulnerabbli, u fejn meħtieġ jagħżlu finanzjament ta’ self. Biex jiġu appoġġjati n‑negozji ż‑żgħar u l‑intra- sħiħ mill‑Komunità ta’ proġetti matul dan prendenza, l‑UE u l‑Istati Membri għandhom jieħdu il‑perjodu; passi urġenti biex inaqqsu t‑tagħbijiet amministrattivi għall‑SMEs u għall‑intrapriżi żgħar ħafna, b’mod par- • Jitjieb il‑monitoraġġ u t‑tqabbil tal‑iżvilupp tikolari billi jħaffu ‑l implimnetazzjoni tal‑proposti ko- u t‑titjib tal‑ħiliet mal‑postijiet vakanti eżistenti rrispondenti tal‑Kummissjoni. Għal dan il‑għan, l‑Att jew mistennija; dan se jkun implimentat Ewropew dwar in‑Negozji ż‑Żgħar għandu wkoll jiġi im- b’kooperazzjoni mill‑qrib mal‑imsieħba soċjali, plimentat mill‑aktar fis possibbli. is‑servizzi pubbliċi tal‑impjiegi u l‑universitajiet; F’ħidma mal‑Istati Membri, il‑Kummissjoni tip- Ir‑regoli dwar l‑għajnuna mill‑Istat tal‑UE joffru lill‑Istati proponi biex tirriprogramma n‑nefqa tal‑ESF biex Membri firxa wiesgħa ta’ possibiltajiet biex jipprovdu ap- tiżgura li jintlaħqu l‑prijoritajiet immedjati. poġġ finanzjarju lil kumpaniji, reġjuni u ħaddiema/qiegħ- da u biex tiġi stimolata d‑domanda. Fl‑istess waqt dawn (b) Il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi wkoll biex tir- ir‑regoli jiggarantixxu kundizzjonijiet ugwali, u jiġi żgurat revedi r‑regoli tal‑Fond Ewropew ta’ Aġġustament li l‑għajnuniet mill‑Istat ikunu użati biex jiġu appoġġja- għall‑Globalizzazzjoni sabiex tkun tista’ tintervjeni ti l‑għajnijiet tal‑UE bħar‑R&Ż, l‑innovazzjoni, l‑ICT, aktar bil‑ħeffa f ’setturi ewlenin, jew biex tikkofinan- it‑trasport u l‑effiċjenza tal‑enerġija, u biex ma tinħoloqx zja t‑taħriġ u s‑sejbien ta’ impjiegi għal dawk li sfaw distorsjoni bla bżonn tal‑ekonomija billi jiġu ppreferuti bla xogħol jew biex jinżammu fis‑suq tax‑xogħol kumpaniji jew setturi partikolari. Fiċ‑ċirkostanzi eċċez- dawk il‑ħaddiema mħarrġa li jkun hemm bżonnhom zjonali preżenti, l‑aċċess għall‑finanzjament huwa inkwiet meta l‑ekonomija tibda tistejqer. Il‑Kummissjoni se kbir għan‑negozju u l‑Kummissjoni li tfassal linji gwida tirrevedi l‑mezzi baġitarji disponibbli għall‑Fond temporanji li jippermermettu appoġġ mill‑Istat għas‑self fid‑dawl tal‑implimentazzjoni tar‑regoli riveduti. (ara hawn taħt). IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

3. Jiżdied l‑aċċess tal‑finanzjament għan‑negozji Iħaffu ‑l adozzjoni tal‑proposta għall‑istatut tal‑kumpanija privata Ewropea sabiex minn kmieni • Il‑BEI irnexxielu jgħaqqad pakket ġenerali ta’ fl-2009 din tista’ tiffaċilita attivitajiet transkonfinali €30 biljun għas‑self lill‑SMEs, żieda ta’ €10 ta’ negozju tal‑SMEs u tippermettilhom li jaħdmu biljuni fuq dak li s‑soltu jislef lil dan is‑settur; b’sett waħdani ta’ regoli korporattivi madwar l‑UE; • Il‑BEI se jsaħħaħ ukoll b’€1 miljun fis‑sena s‑self Jiżguraw li l‑awtoritajiet pubbliċi jħallsu l‑fatturi, li jagħti lill‑korporazzjonijiet ta’ daqs medju, inklużi dawk tal‑SMEs. għall‑fornimenti u s‑serviz- settur ewlieni tal‑ekonomija tal‑UE. Barra minn zi fi żmien xahar biex jillaxkaw il‑limitazzjonijiet hekk, €1biljun addizzjonali se jingħata mill‑BEI tal‑likwidità u jaċċettaw fatturat elettroniku bl‑istess lill‑FEI għal faċilità ta’ finanzjament intermedju. mod ta’ fatturat permezz tal‑karti (dan jista’ jwassal għal tnaqqis fl‑ispejjeż sa € 18-il biljun); l‑arretrati • Il‑Kummissjoni se tibda tħaddem pakkett ta’ kollha li l‑korpi pubbliċi għandhom jagħtu għand- simplifikazzjoni, l‑aktar biex tħaffef it‑teħid hom jitħallsu wkoll. tad‑deċiżjonijiet dwar l‑għajnuna mill‑Istat. Kwalunkwe għajnuna mill‑Istat għandha tgħaddi Jitnaqqsu sa 75% tat‑tariffi fuq‑ l applikazzjonijiet minn skemi orizzontali mfassla biex jippromwovu għall‑privattivi u l‑manutensjoni u titnaqqas bin‑nofs l‑għajnijiet ta’ Liżbona, notevolment ir‑riċerka, it‑tariffa fuq il‑marka reġistrata tal‑UE. l‑innovazzjoni, it‑taħriġ, il‑ħarsien tal‑ambjent 430 u b’mod partikolari t‑teknoloġiji li ma jniġġsux, it‑trasport u l‑effiċjenza tal‑enerġija. 2.3.2 Inkomplu ninvestu fil‑ġejjieni Il‑Kummissjoni temporanjament se tawtorizza lill‑Istati Membri biex jillaxkaw l‑aċċess Qed nassistu għall‑bidu ta’ taqliba strutturali kbira lejn tal‑finanzjament lil kumpaniji permezz ta’ ekonomija b’livell baxx ta’ emissjonijiet ta’ karbonju. Din garanziji sussidjati u sussidji fuq is‑self għal tipprovdi lill‑UE opportunità li se toħloq negozju ġdid, in- investimenti fi prodotti li jmorru lil hinn dustriji ġodda u miljuni ta’ impjiegi li jħallsu tajjeb. Is‑setturi mill‑Istandards ambjentali tal‑UE22 kollha għandhom jieħdu sehem: pereżempju, id‑deċiżjoni reċenti dwar l-“verifika tas‑saħħa” tal‑PAK timpenja €3 4. It‑tnaqqis tat‑tagħbijiet amministrattivi biljuni għal investimenti favur l‑ambjent fl‑iżvilupp rura- u tiġi promossa l‑intraprendenza li. Huwa hawn fejn azzjonijiet fuq medda qasira ta’ żmien jistgħu jġibu benefiċċji immedjati ‑fl UE li jibqgħu fit‑tul. Waqt li wieħed jibni fuq l‑Att dwar in‑Negozji Biex taċċellera l‑investimenti, il‑Kummissjoni se tiċċara l‑qa- ż‑Żgħar, u sabiex wieħed inaqqas b’mod sinifikan‑ fas legali għal sħubijiet bejn is‑settur pubbliku u dak privat ti t‑tagħbijiet amministrattivi fuq in‑negozju, bil‑għan li jsiru investiment infrastrutturali u tar‑riċerka kbar, jippromwovi l‑fluss tagħhom tal‑flus u jgħin aktar sabiex jiġi ffaċilitat dan il‑mezz imħallat ta’ finanzjament. nies biex isiru imprendituri, l‑UE u l‑Istati Membri għandhom: c) Infrastruttura u enerġija Jiżguraw li biex wieħed jiftaħ negozju fi kwalunkwe Iċ‑ċavetta biex wieħed jimmassimizza l‑benefiċċji u jimmin- parti tal‑UE jista’ jagħmel dan fi żmien tlett ijiem bla imizza l‑ispejjeż hija li wieħed juża l‑opportunitajiet biex spejjeż u li l‑formalitajiet biex iħaddem l‑ewwel imp- jagħti spinta lill‑effiċjenza tal‑enerġija, pereżempju, tal‑bini, jegat jistgħu jinħelsu minn punt ta’ aċċess waħdani; is‑sistemi tad‑dawl, tat‑tkessiħ u t‑tisħin u ta’ teknoloġi- Ineħħu r‑rekwiżit fuq l‑intrapriżi ż‑żgħar ħafna ji oħra bħall‑vetturi u l‑makkinarju. Effetti pożittivi kbar li jippreparaw ir‑rapporti tal‑kontabbiltà annwali għall‑familji u n‑negozji jistgħu jinħassu f ’qasir żmien. (huwa stmat li dawn il‑kumpaniji se jiffrankaw €7 biljuni fis‑sena) u jillimitaw ir‑rekwiżiti kapitali Fl‑istess waqt, l‑Ewropa teħtieġ li taċċellera l‑investimen- tal‑kumpaniji privati Ewropej għal €1 euro; ti tagħha fl‑infrastruttura, partikolarment fil‑mezzi ta’ trasport li ma jagħmlux ħsara lill‑ambjent li jagħmlu parti min‑Netwerks Trans‑Ewropej (TENs), netwerks veloċi tal‑ICT, interkonnessjonijiet tal‑enerġija u infrastruttura 22 Dan se jsir billi billi jiżdied il‑limitu preżenti ta’ sigurtà (safe tar‑riċerka pan‑Ewropea. Il‑ħeffa ‑fl investimenti fl‑infra- harbour) għall‑kapital ta’ riskju minn €1.5 M għal €2.5M, u billi struttura mhux biss tilqa’ għad‑daqqa fis‑settur tal‑kostru- jkun permess, suġġett għal ċerti kundizzjonijiet u ammonti zzjoni, li qabad it‑triq tan‑niżla b’mod drammatiku fil‑parti massimi, (a) li tingħata għajnuna għall‑garanziji fuq is‑self l‑kbira tal‑Istati Membri, imma ssaħħaħ ukoll il‑potenzjal ta’ ta’ ċerti kumpaniji li qed isibuha bi tqilha biex jisselfu; u (b) li tingħata għajnuna sa 50% (għall‑SMEs u 25% (għall‑kumpaniji tkabbir sostenibbli fit‑tul. B’mod partikolari fis‑settur tal‑en- l‑kbar) tar‑Rata ta’ Referenza, fuq self għal investimenti erġija numru ta’ proġetti prominenti trans‑Ewropej jgħinu fil‑manifattura ta’ prodotti li aktar kmieni kienu konformi, jew biex tiżdied is‑sigurtà tal‑enerġija tal‑UE u jiġu integrati ak- marru lil hinn mill‑istandards il‑ġodda tal‑Komunità li jżidu l‑livell tar Stati Membri fix‑xibka Ewropea tal‑elettriku. ta’ protezzjoni ambjentali u li għadhom m’humiex fis‑seħħ. Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku

5. Żieda fl‑investimenti biex tiġi • B’mod parallel, il‑BEI se jżid b’mod sinifikanti mmodernizzata l‑infrastruttura Ewropea l‑finanzjament tiegħu għat‑tibdil fil‑klima, sigurtà tal‑enerġija u investiment tal‑infrastruttura • Għal mill‑anqs is‑sentejn li ġejjin, il‑baġit permezz ta’ mhux aktar minn €6 biljuni kull sena, tal‑UE x’aktarx ma jonfoqx l‑ammont sħiħ filwaqt li jaċċellera wkoll ‑l implimentazzjoni ta’ stipulat fil‑qafas finanzjarju. Għalhekk, żewġ strumenti finanzjarji innovattivi żviluppati għall-2009 u l-2010, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi b’mod konġunt mal‑Kummissjoni, jiġifieri Faċilità li timmobilizza € 5 biljuni addizzjonali għal ta’ Finanzjament għall‑Kondiviżjoni tar‑Riskji proġetti trans‑Ewropej tal‑interkonessjoni għall‑appoġġ tar‑R&Ż u l‑istrument tal‑Garanzija tal‑enerġija u l‑infrastruttura broadband. Biex dan għas‑Self għall‑proġetti TEN‑T biex jistimulaw isir, il‑Kunsill u l‑Parlament jeħtieġu li jaqblu li parteċipazzjoni akbar tas‑settur privat; jirrevedu l‑qafas finanzjarju, filwaqt li kollox jibqa’ fil‑limiti tal‑baġit preżenti; • Il‑BERŻ se jirdoppja u aktar l‑isforzi tiegħu għall‑effiċjenza tal‑enerġija, għat‑tnaqqis tat‑tibdil • B’pakket finanzjarju ta’ ’l fuq minn €347 biljun fil‑klima u l‑finanzjament għall‑muniċipalitajiet għall-2007-2013, il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni tipprovdi u servizzi oħra infrastrutturali. Dan jista’ jwassal appoġġ konsiderevoli għall‑investiment pubbliku għall‑mobilizzazzjoni tal‑finanzjament mis‑settur mill‑Istati Membri u r‑reġjuni. Madankollu, privat għal investiment ta’ € 5 biljun. hemm il‑periklu li l‑pressjoni fuq il‑baġits nazzjonali tnaqqas ir‑rata tal‑investiment 6. Titjieb l‑effiċjenza fl‑użu tal‑enerġija fil‑bini 431 ippjanat. Sabiex l‑ekonomija tingħata imbuttatura B’ħidma flimkien, ‑l Istati Membri u l‑Istituzzjonijiet immedjata, l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑fondi ta’ tal‑UE għandhom jieħdu miżuri urġenti biex itejbu l‑ef- koeżjoni għandha tiġi aċċellerata. Għal dan fiċjenza ‑fl użu tal‑enerġija fl‑akkomondazzjoni u fil‑bini il‑għan: pubbliku, u jippromwovu l‑aċċettazzjoni ta’ prodotti • Il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi li żżid ‘ħodor’: il‑prefinanzjament ta’ programmi biex tagħmel tajjeb għal € 4.5 biljun disponibbli aktar kmieni • L‑Istati Membri għandhom jiffissaw miri fl-2009; għolja sabiex jaraw li l‑bini pubbliku kif ukoll l‑akkomodazzjoni privata u dik soċjali jkunu jħarsu • L‑Istati Membri għandhom jużaw il‑flessibbiltà l‑ogħla standards Ewropej fejn jidħol l‑użu effiċjenti disponibbli sabiex jantiċipaw il‑finanzjament tal‑enerġija u jaraw li dawn ikollhom jgħaddu ta’ proġetti billi jtejbu l‑parti ffinanzjata minn ċertifikazzjoni tal‑enerġija fuq bażi regolari. mill‑Komunità. Sabiex ikunu jistgħu jilħqu l‑miri tagħhom aktar • Il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi numru ta’ malajr, l‑Istati Membri għandhom jikkunsidraw miżuri oħra mfassla biex iressqu ’l quddiem li jdaħħlu tnaqqis fit‑taxxa tal‑proprjetà għal bini l‑implimenazzjoni ta’ proġetti kbar ta’ investiment, li ma jaħlix enerġija bla bżonn. Il‑Kummissjoni biex jiffaċilitaw ‑l użu ta’ fondi tal‑inġinerija għadha kif ressqet proposti23 għal titjib maġġuri finanzjarja, biex jissimplifikaw ‑it trattament fl‑effiċjenza tal‑enerġija tal‑bini u tappella lill‑Kunsill tal‑avvanzi mħallsa lill‑benefiċjarji u biex u lill‑Parlament li jagħtu prijorità għall‑adozzjoni jitwessgħu il‑possibbiltajiet għall‑infiq eliġibbli tagħhom; fuq bażi ta’ rata fissa għall‑fondi kollha. • Barra minn dan, l‑Istati Membri għandhom Il‑Kummissjoni tisħaq fuq il‑ħtieġa ta’ adozzjoni jipprogrammaw mill‑ġdid il‑programmi bikrija ta’ dawn il‑proposti. operattivi tagħhom dwar il‑fondi strutturali biex jiddedikaw sehem akbar għal investimenti • Sa tmiem Marzu tal-2009 il‑Kummissjoni se ta’ effiċjenza tal‑enerġija, inkluż f ’dawk il‑każijiet tniedi €500 miljun sejħa għal proposti għal meta jiffinanzjaw‑ l akkomodazzjoni soċjali. Sabiex proġetti trans‑Ewropej tat‑trasport (TEN‑T) jitwessgħu l‑possibbilitajiet, il‑Kummissjoni qed fejn dawn il‑flus se jwasslu għall‑kostruzzjoni tipproponi li temenda r‑Regolamenti dwar il‑Fondi li tibda qabel tmiem l-2009. Dan se jġib ‘il Strutturali sabiex tiġi appoġġjata din il‑miżura quddiem fondi eżistenti li kieku kienu jiġu u tisħaq fuq il‑ħtieġa li l‑emendi jkunu adottati riallokati permezz tar‑reviżjoni f ’nofs it‑terminu malajr; tal‑programm Multiannwali TEN‑T fl-2010;

23 COM(2008) 755, 13.11.2008. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

• Il‑Kummissjoni se taħdem mal‑BEI u għadd 8. Iż‑żieda fl‑investiment fl‑R&Ż, ta’ banek nazzjonali għall‑iżvilupp biex fl-2020 l‑innovazzjoni u l‑edukazzjoni jitnieda fond għall‑enerġija, it‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑infrastruttura biex jiġu ffinanzjati proġetti ta’ L‑Istati Membri u s‑settur privat għandhom iżidu l‑in- ekwità u kważi ekwità. vestimenti li kienu ppjanati fl‑edukazzjoni u fl‑R&Ż (konsistenti mal‑mirijiet nazzjonali tagħhom ta’ • Il‑Kummissjoni tappella lill‑Istati Membri R&Ż) sabiex jiġu stimulati t‑tkabbir u l‑produttivi- u lill‑industrija biex b’mod urġenti jiżviluppaw tà. Għandhom anki jikkunsidraw metodi biex iżidu mudelli innovattivi ta’ ffinanzjar, pereżempju, l‑investimenti mis‑settur privat fl‑R&Ż, pereżempju fejn it‑tiġdid ikun iffinanzjat permezz ta’ billi jipprovdu inċentivi fiskali, għotjiet u/jew sussid- pagamenti, ibbażati fuq kemm ikun ġew iffrankati ji. L‑Istati Membri għandhom iżommu l‑investimenti flus fuq kontijiet tal‑enerġija, mifruxa fuq għadd tagħhom għaż‑żieda tal‑kwalità tal‑edukazzjoni. ta’ snin. 7. Il‑promozzjoni tal‑firxa bla dewmien tal- 9. L‑iżvilupp ta’ teknoloġiji nodfa ”prodotti ħodor” għall‑karozzi u l‑kostruzzjoni. • Il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi li jitnaqqsu r‑rati Tiġi appoġġjata l‑innovazzjoni fil‑manifattura, tal‑VAT għall‑prodotti u servizzi ħodor, l‑aktar b’mod partikolari fl‑industrija tal‑kostruzzjoni sabiex titjieb l‑effiċjenza fl‑użu tal‑enerġija u s‑settur tal‑karozzi li dan l‑aħħar sofrew minn 432 fil‑bini. Tinkoraġġixxi l‑Istati Membri li tnaqqis qawwi fid‑domanda bħala riżultat tal‑kriżi jipprovdu aktar inċentivi lill‑konsumaturi biex u li wkoll għandhom quddiemhom sfidi sinifikanti tiġi stimulata d‑domanda għal prodotti li jagħmlu fit‑tranżizzjoni lejn ekonomija ħadra, il‑Kummissjoni l‑anqas ħsara ambjentali; tipproponi li tniedi tliet skemi ta’ sħubija bejn is‑set‑ turi pubbliċi u privati: • Barra minn dan, l‑Istati Membri għandhom bla dewmien jimplimentaw obbligi ta’ prestazzjoni • Fis‑settur tal‑karozzi, ‘Inizjattiva Ewropea ambjentali għal fornituri ta’ enerġija esterni, għal karozzi ħodor’, li tkun tinvolvi r‑riċerka konsum tal‑elettriku minn apparat li jkun fuq dwar firxa wiesgħa ta’ teknoloġiji u infrastrutturi stand‑byi u mitfi, set‑top boxes kif ukoll lampi “intelliġenti” ta’ enerġija li huma essenzjali fluworexxenti; biex jinkiseb progress sostanzjali fit‑tnaqqis ta’ emissjonijiet ta’ CO fis‑sigurtà u fil‑fluwidità • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra b’mod urġenti tfassal 2, miżuri dwar prodotti oħra li joffru potenzjal tat‑traffiku. Din ‑il ħidma bi sħab tkun iffinanzjata għoli ta’ iffrankar ta’ enerġija, bħal ma huma mill‑Komunità, mill‑BEI, mill‑industrija settijiet tat‑televiżjoni, dawl għall‑użu domestiku, u mill‑kontributi tal‑Istati Membri f ’somma ikkombinata ta’ mill‑anqas €5 biljun. F’dan friġġijiet u freezers, makni tal‑ħasil, boilers kif ukoll il‑kuntest, il‑BEI għandu jipprovdi self ibbażat fuq air‑conditioners. l‑ispejjeż lill‑produtturi u lill‑fornituri tal‑karozzi biex tiġi ffinanzjata‑ l innovazzjoni, b’mod partikolari f ’teknoloġiji għat‑titjib tas‑sigurtà d) Ir‑Riċerka u l‑Innovazzjoni u l‑prestazzjoni ambjentali tal‑karozzi, pereżempju Il‑kriżi finanzjarja u l‑pressjoni li din ġabet fuq ir‑riżorsi vetturi elettriċi. Miżuri fuq in‑naħa tad‑domanda, finanzjarji, sew pubbliċi kif ukoll privati, tista’ tħajjar lil xi bħal ma hu t‑tnaqqis mill‑Istati Membri tat‑taxxi wħud li jtawlu, jew iqaċċtu b’mod sinifikanti, investimen- tagħhom ta’ reġistrazzjoni u ta’ ċirkolazzjoni għal ti li kienu ppjanati fir‑riċerka u żvilupp (R&Ż) u fl‑edu- karozzi b’emissjoni baxxa, kif ukoll sforzi biex jiġu kazzjoni, kif ġara fil‑passat meta l‑Ewropa ntlaqtet minn mwarrba karozzi qodma, għandhom jiġu integrati tnaqqis fir‑ritmu ekonomiku. Meta wieħed iħares lura, fl‑inizjattiva. Barra minn dan, il‑Kummissjoni dawn id‑deċiżjonijiet ħallew effett distruttiv mill‑akbar se tappoġġja l‑iżvilupp ta’ netwerk ta’ akkwist fejn jidħol il‑kapital u l‑għarfien, b’effetti negattivi kbar ta’ awtoritajiet reġjonali u lokali biex tinġabar għall‑prospetti tal‑Ewropa għat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi fuq id‑domanda għal karozzi tal‑linja u vetturi oħra perjodu ta’ żmien medju kif ukoll għat‑tul. Madankollu “nodfa” u tħaffef ‑l implimentazzjoni tal‑inizjattiva kien hemm ukoll eżempji ta’ pajjiżi, sew fi ħdan kif ukoll CARS21; barra mill‑Ewropa, li kellhom id‑dehen li jżidu n‑nefqa fl‑R&Ż u fl‑edukazzjoni fi żminijiet ekonomiċi diffiċ- li, u permezz ta’ dan ħejjew il‑bażi tal‑pożizzjoni soda tagħhom fejn tidħol l‑innovazzjoni. Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku

• Fis‑settur tal‑kostruzzjoni, inizjattiva ‘Bini 3. Ħidma lejn soluzzjonijiet Ewropew li juża l‑enerġija b’mod effiċjenti’, sabiex globali jiġu promossi teknoloġiji ħodor u l‑iżvilupp ta’ sistemi u materjali li jużaw l‑enerġija b’mod effiċjenti L‑isfidi li qed taffaċċja bħalissa‑ l UE huma parti mill‑isfidi f ’bini ġdid jew imġedded, bil‑ħsieb li jitnaqqas makroekonomiċi globali li fuqhom inxteħtet l‑attenzjoni b’mod radikali l‑konsum tagħhom tal‑enerġija, fil‑Laqgħa Għolja ta’ dan l‑aħħar dwar is‑Swieq Finanzjar- 24 u l‑emissjonijiet tagħhom ta’ CO2. L‑inizjattiva ji u l‑Ekonomija Dinjija f ’Washington. Il‑Pjan Ewropew għandha jkollha element importanti regolatorju għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku se jifforma parti mill‑kon- u ta’ standardizzazzjoni u tkun tinvolvi netwerk ta’ tribuzzjoni tal‑UE lejn kooperazzjoni makroekonomika akkwist ta’ awtoritajiet reġjonali u lokali. Is‑somma internazzjonali eqreb, inkluż ma’ pajjiżi emerġenti, maħsu- stmata għal dan it‑tisħib hija ta’ € 1bn. L‑inizjattiva ba biex jerġa jinkiseb it‑tkabbir, jiġu evitati effetti negattivi tkun imsaħħa minn azzjonijiet speċifiċi proposti li jinfirxu, u jiġu mgħejjuna pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw. L‑Un- fl‑azzjonijiet 5 u 6 dwar l‑infrastruttura u l‑effiċjenza joni Ewropea ibbenefikat ħafna ‑fl aħħar għexieren ta’ snin tal‑enerġija; minn żieda fil‑kapital transkonfinali u minn flussi ta’ kum- merċ dejjem jiżdiedu ma’ pajjiżi żviluppati u dejjem aktar • Jiżdied l‑użu tat‑teknoloġija fil‑manifattura, anki ma’ ekonomiji emerġenti. Il‑kriżi finanzjarja wriet sa “Inizjattiva għall‑fabbriki tal‑futur”: L‑għan hu liema livell id‑dinja saret interdipendenti. L‑iskala u l‑ħeffa li l‑manifatturi tal‑UE jingħataw għajnuna mifruxa li biha t‑telf ta’ fiduċja fuq naħa waħda tad‑dinja affettwa fuq is‑setturi kollha, b’mod partikolari l‑SMEs, malajr is‑swieq finanzjarji u nfirex għal fuq‑ l ekonomiji re- 433 biex jadattaw pressjonijiet kompetittivi globali ali madwar id‑dinjia hija ħaġa li bir‑raġun tnissel tħassib. billi jżidu l‑bażi teknoloġika tal‑manifattura fl‑UE Fid‑dinja tal‑lum, xokk f ’suq finanzjarju wieħed li jkun sis- permezz tal‑iżvilupp u l‑integrazzjoni tat- teknoloġiji temikament importanti huwa problema globali, u għandu tal‑futur, bħal ma huma t‑teknoloġiji ta’ inġinerija jiġi kkunsidrat bħala tali. Għalhekk, parti ċentrali ta’ kull għal magni adattabbli u proċessi industrijali, l‑ICT, reazzjoni kkoordinata tal‑UE għat‑tnaqqis ekonomiku u materjali avvanzati. Is‑somma stmata għal din għandha tiġi permezz ta’ impenn akbar mas‑sħab internaz- l‑azzjoni hija € 1.2 biljun. zjonali tagħna, u ma’ organizzazzjonijiet internazzjonali, li 10. Internet b’veloċità qawwija għal kulħadd jaħdmu flimkien biex jiġu affaċċjati‑ l isfidi lokalment u lil hinn minna, inkluż f ’pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw li se jkunu Il‑konnessjonijiet tal‑Internet b’veloċità qawwija jsed- fost dawk l‑aktar milquta. dqu l‑firxa mħaffa tat‑teknoloġija, li min‑naħa tagħha toħloq id‑domanda għal prodotti u servizzi innovattivi. Jinżamm għaddej il‑kummerċ dinji Li l‑Ewropa tiġi armata b’din l‑infrastruttura moderna hi daqstant importanti daqs kemm kien il‑bini tal‑ferrovi- L‑irkupru tal‑Ewropa jiddependi fuq il‑ħila tal‑kumpaniji fis‑seklu dsatax. Sabiex tinżamm il‑pożizzjoni minn ji tagħna li jagħmlu l‑aħjar użu mill‑possibbiltajiet li jof- ta’ quddiem tal‑Ewropa fejn jidħlu l‑komunikazzjoni- fru s‑swieq globali. Ir‑ritorn tal‑Ewropa lejn tkabbir sod jiet fissi u mingħajr fil, u sabiex jitħaffef‑ l iżvilupp ta’ se jkun jiddependi wkoll fuq il‑ħila tagħha li tesporta. Li servizzi ta’ valur‑miżjud għoli, il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Istati jinżammu r‑rabtiet kummerċjali u l‑opportunitajiet ta’ Membri għandhom jaħdmu ma’ dawk involuti biex investiment miftuħa huwa wkoll ‑l aħjar mod kif jiġi lim- jiżviluppaw strateġija dwar il‑broadband biex jitħaffef itat l‑impatt globali tal‑kriżi, peress li l‑irkupru globali se it‑titjib u l‑estensjoni tan‑netwerks. L‑istrateġija se tkun jiddependi b’mod kruċjali fuq il‑prestazzjoni ekonomika mgħejjuna minn fondi pubbliċi sabiex jingħata aċċess sostenibbli ta’ ekonomiji emerġenti u li qed jiżviluppaw. għall‑broadband f ’żoni fejn l‑aċċess għadu limitat u f ’żo- ni fejn l‑aċċess ikun jiswa’ ħafna flus u ma jkunx jista’ jiġi Għandna għalhekk inżommu l‑impenn tagħna li niftħu pprovdut mis‑suq. L‑għan għandu jkun li tintlaħaq kop- s‑swieq madwar id‑dinja, li nżommu s‑suq tagħna kemm ertura ta’ 100% ta’ internet b’veloċità qawwija sal-2010. jista’ jkun miftuħ, u ninsistu li ‑l pajjiżi terzi jagħmlu l‑istess, Barra minn dan, u anki bil‑ħsieb li titjieb il‑prestazzjo- b’mod partikolari billi tiġi żgurata l‑konformità mar‑regoli ni ta’ netwerks eżistenti, l‑Istati Membri għandhom tad‑WTO. Biex jintlaħaq dan il‑għan l‑Ewropa għandha jippromwovu investimenti kompetittivi fin‑netwerks tieħu azzjoni mġedda sabiex: tal‑fibre u japprovaw il‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni li tagħ- ti spazju għal broadband mingħajf fili. Bl‑użu tal‑fondi • Jintlaħaq ftehim bikri dwar patt għall‑kummerċ msemmija fl‑azzjoni 5 hawn fuq, il‑Kummissjoni se globali fir‑Rawnd ta’ Doha tad‑WTO. Wara t‑tiġdid ddaħħal €1 bn addizzjonali ma’ dawn l‑investimenti tal‑impenn li sar fil‑Laqgħa Għolja ta’ Washington tan‑netwerk ta’ veloċità qawwija fl-2009/10. fil-15 ta’ Novembru, il‑Kummissjoni immedjatament żiedet l‑isforzi flimkien ma’ msieħba ċentrali fid‑WTO biex jintlaħaq ftehim dwar il‑modalitajiet sal‑aħħar tas‑sena. Rawnd li jintemm b’suċċess ikun messaġġ 24 Il‑bini bħalissa jikkonsma 40% tal‑enerġija. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

qawwi ta’ fiduċja fuq perjodu ta’ żmien qasir ‑fl ordni mal‑impenji tagħhom għall‑kisba tal‑Għanijiet ta’ Żvilupp ekonomiku globali ġdid. Fuq perjodu ta’ żmien tal‑Millenju (MDG). Jista’ jkun ukoll meħtieġ li l‑pajjiżi għandhom jinkisbu benefiċċji għall‑konsumaturi u r‑reġjuni żviluppati, bħall‑UE, joħorġu strumenti ġodda, u n‑negozji madwar id‑dinja fejn jidħlu prezzijiet aktar flessibbli u innovattivi biex il‑pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw jiġu baxxi, billi jinqatgħu t‑tariffi għoljin fi swieq sħab mgħejjuna jaffaċċjaw ‑l impatt rapidu tal‑kriżi bħall‑faċilità importanti; tal‑UE dwar għajnuna għall‑ikel li ġiet stabbilita m’ilux. • Tkompli tappoġġja t‑tisħiħ ekonomiku u soċjali tal‑pajjiżi kandidati u tal‑Balkani tal‑Punent fl‑interess L‑għajnuna kontinwa lil pajjiżi emerġenti u li qed jiżvi- reċiproku tal‑UE u tar‑reġjun. Għal dan il‑għan luppaw biex ikomplu fuq it‑triq lejn it‑tkabbir sostenibbli il‑Kummissjoni se tistabbilixxi “Pakkett ta’ Reazzjoni huwa rilevanti b’mod partikolari hekk kif toqrob il‑Kon- għall‑Kriżijiet” ta’ € 120 miljun u takkwista ammont ferenza Internazzjonali dwar l‑Iffinanzjar għall‑Iżvilupp, li ta’ € 500 miljun f ’self mill‑Istituzzjonijiet Finanzjarji se ssir f ’Doha bejn id-29 ta’ Novembru u t-2 ta’ Diċembru. Internazzjonali. F’din il‑laqgħa, l‑UE − li fl-2007 baqgħet ‑l akbar donatur ta’ Għajnuna għall‑Iżvilupp Barrani (ODA) − se terġa • Toħloq netwerk profond u komprensiv ta’ ftehimiet tafferma ‑l impenn tagħha li tasal għal livelli ta’ ODA ta’ ta’ kummerċ ħieles madwar il‑viċinat tagħha bħala 0.56% tal‑PGD sal-2010 u ta’ 0.7% sal-2015. Hija se tis- pass lejn suq reġjonali aktar integrat. B’ħidma permezz tieden ukoll donaturi oħrajn biex ikomplu jirsistu ħalli tal‑politika tagħha ta’ viċinat, l‑UE tista’ tibni fuq jilħqu dawn l‑għanijiet. l‑Unjoni għall‑Mediterran u l‑pjani tagħha għal Tisħib 434 tal‑Lvant ġdid; L‑appoġġ għall‑iżvilupp sostenibbli fost affarijiet oħra per- • Iżżid l‑isforzi biex tasal għal Ftehimiet ta’ Kummerċ mezz tal‑kisba tal‑għanijiet ODA u MDG, iżda wkoll billi Ħieles ġodda u ambizzjużi ma’ sħab oħra fil‑kummerċ; jiġu indirizzati sfidi ġenerali ta’ governanza, huwa aktar u aktar importanti fi żminijiet ta’ kriżi ekonomika. Il‑qsim • Tibni relazzjoni ta’ ħidma mill‑qrib tal‑benefiċċji ta’ tkabbir sostenibbli, ‑l affaċċjar tat‑tibdil mal‑amministrazzjoni l‑ġdida tal‑Istati Uniti, inkluż fil‑klima, is‑sigurtà tal‑enerġija u tal‑ikel, kif ukoll il‑gover- permezz tal‑Kunsill Ekonomiku Transatlantiku. nanza tajba, huma sfidi marbuta ma’ xulxin, fejn ‑l istituzz- Tista’ ssir ħidma wkoll biex tinkiseb kooperazzjoni jonijiet finanzjarji internazzjonali, bħal korpi internazz- regolatorja aktar effettiva ma’ pajjiżi industrijalizzati jonali oħra, ukoll għandhom rwoli importanti. ċentrali oħra, bħal ma huma l‑Kanada u l‑Ġappun; • Tkompli bid‑djalogu ma’ sħab bilaterali ċentrali bħal ma huma ċ‑Ċina, l‑Indja, il‑Brażil u r‑Russja u tużah 4. Konklużjonijiet biex tindirizza kwistjonijiet ta’ akkwist pubbliku, ta’ kompetizzjoni u ta’ proprjetà intellettwali. Huwa ċar li l‑UE għandha quddiemha żmien iebes fix‑xhur li ġejjin hekk kif l‑effetti tat‑tnaqqis fir‑ritmu ekonomiku Jiġi affaċċjat it‑tibdil fil‑klima fid‑dinja u fl‑Ewropa jibdew ikunu ta’ pressjoni fuq l‑im- Il‑kriżi qed isseħħ lejliet bidla kbira strutturali favur pjiegi u fuq id‑domanda. Iżda, b’azzjoni għalenija, l‑Istati ekonomija mibnija fuq anqas użu tal‑karbonju. L‑għan li Membri u l‑istituzzjonijiet Ewropej jistgħu jieħdu azzjo- jiġi miġġieled it‑tibdil fil‑klima jista’ jiġi kkombinat ma’ ni biex jerġgħu jistabbilixxu l‑fiduċja fost il‑konsumaturi opportunitajiet ekonomiċi ġodda maġġuri biex jiġu żvi- u fost in‑negozjanti, biex jerġa’ jibda s‑self u biex jiġi stimu- luppati teknoloġiji ġodda u jinħolqu l‑impjiegi u titjieb lat l‑investiment fl‑ekonomiji tagħna, biex b’hekk jinħolqu is‑sigurtà tal‑enerġija. l‑impjiegi u dawk bla xogħol jingħataw għajnuna li jsibu mpjiegi ġodda. Il‑Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekono‑ miku kif imfisser f ’din il‑Komunikazzjoni huwa maħsub Ftehim fil‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Diċembru u mal‑Parlament biex joħloq bażi għal ftehim malajr bejn ‑l Istati Membri Ewropew dwar l‑istrateġija interna tal‑UE dwar it‑tibdil biex l‑ekonomija Ewropea terġa’ taqbad ir‑ritmu. tal‑klima se jsaħħaħ ir‑rwol ewlieni li l‑UE trid tfittex li jkollha biex jintlaħaq ftehim internazzjonali ambizzjuż dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima fil‑konferenza tal‑UNFCCC f ’Ko- Il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea tappella lill‑Parlament Ewropew penħagen fi tmiem l-2009. biex jagħti l‑appoġġ kollu tiegħu għal dan il‑Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku. Apoġġ lill‑pajjiżi li qed jizviluppaw Tappella lill‑Kapijiet ta’ Stat u tal‑Gvern, fil‑laqgħa Il‑kriżi li għaddejja bħalissa se tkompi żżid mal‑pressjoni- tagħhom tal-11 u tat-12 ta’ Diċembru 2008 biex: jiet eżistenti fuq il‑pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw, li ħafna drabi huma l‑anqas pajjiżi fil‑pożizzjoni li jkampaw. Għalhekk Jadottaw dan il‑Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku; huwa daqstant aktar importanti li l‑UE, u oħrajn, iżommu Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku

Jitolbu lill‑Kummissjoni Ewropea u lill‑Kunsill biex jaħdmu flimkien ħalli jiżguraw li ‑l miżuri flimkien fuq livell nazzjonali u fuq dak tal‑UE jilħaq mill‑anqas 1.5% tal‑PDG;

Jaraw li l‑Programmi ta’ Stabbiltà u Konverġenza aġġorna- ti, inklużi l‑miżuri ta’ xprunar nazzjonali, ikunu evalwati skont il‑proċeduri stipulati fil‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir, filwaqt li tintuża ‑l flessibbiltà li dan joffri;

Japprovaw l-10 azzjonijiet imfissra fil‑Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekonomiku; iħeġġu lill‑Kunsill u lill‑Parla- ment biex iħaffu ‑l pass f ’kull attività leġiżlattiva meħtieġa biex dawn il‑miżuri jiġu implimentati;

Fuq il‑bażi ta’ kontribuzzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni qabel il‑Kunsill Ewropew tar‑Rebbiegħa fl-2009 li tkun tevalwa l‑progress li jkun sar bl‑implimentazzjoni tal‑Pjan, jilħqu qbil li jidentifikaw xi miżuri oħra meħtieġa fuq livell 435 tal‑UE u tal‑Istati Membri sabiex jiġi stimulat l‑irkupru;

Ikomplu jaħdmu mill‑qrib ma’ sħab internazzjonali biex jimplimentaw soluzzjonijiet globali biex isaħħu l‑governanza globali u jippromwovu l‑irkupru ekonomiku.

Minn kriżi finanzjarja għal irkupru: Qafas Ewropew għall‑azzjoni

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI BRUSSEL 29.10.2008 COM(2008) 706

Aġir b’mod koordinat fil‑livell tal‑UE L‑UE għandha tkompli tibni fuq dan is‑suċċess u tiddeċiedi li taffronta ‑l istadji li jmiss tal‑kriżi b’mod unit, ikkoordinat, 437 biex dawn l‑isfidi jsiru opportunitajiet; iż‑żieda, mal‑Is- Il‑kriżi bla preċedent fis‑swieq finanzjarji internazzjona- trateġija ta’ Liżbona għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi, ta’ li ħolqot sfidi mill‑akbar għall‑UE. L‑azzjoni koordinata mizuri magħżula fuq perjodu qasir. Dan id‑dokument ifassal fil‑livell tal‑UE mis-27 Stat Membru kollha kienet effettiva triq fuq tliet binarji li għandha tkun żviluppata f ’qasam/pjan biex is‑sistema bankarja fl‑Ewropa tiġi stabbilizzata. L‑im- ġenerali ta’ rkupru tal‑UE: plimentazzjoni ta’ miżuri trid issir malajr biex tkun tista’ titqiegħed il‑likwidità tant meħtieġa fis‑sistema finanzjarja. Iżda l‑kriżi finanzjarja għadha m’għaddietx u bħalissa diġa • Arkitettura finanzjarja ġdida fil- livell tal‑UE qed tikkawża tnaqqis ekonomiku serju li qed jaffettwa • Azzjoni dwar l‑impatt fuq l‑ekonomija reali l‑ekonomija f ’sens wiesa’, b’mod li qed jintlaqtu l‑familji, in‑negozji u l‑impjiegi. Id‑daqqiet li qed jolqtu lill‑ekonom- • Reazzjoni globali għall‑krizi finanzjarja ija Ewropea huma mistennija li jnaqqsu r‑rata potenzjali ta’ Din il‑Komunikazzjoni hija ppreżentata bħala kontribut tkabbir fuq perjodu ta’ tul medju, kif ukoll inaqqsu t‑tkabbir tal‑Kummissjoni lejn id‑dibattitu li għaddej fi ħdan ‑l UE attwali b’mod sinifikanti fl-2009 u fl-2010. Hekk kif‑ l inves- u mas‑sieħba internazzjonali tagħna dwar kif l‑aħjar li timent jibda’ jeżita li jieħu r‑riskji, tibda’ tinħass pressjoni ‘l nwieġbu għall‑kriżi preżenti u dak li se tħalli warajha. Fis-26 isfel fuq il‑produttività, u tista’ tbati l‑innovazzjoni. ta’ Novembru l‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi qafas ta’ rkupru tal‑UE aktar dettaljat, taħt il‑kappa tal‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona Il‑qawwa tal‑Ewropa tinsab fis‑solidarjetà li għandha u fil‑ħi- għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑impjiegi, li ġġib flimkien serje la tagħna li naħdmu flimkien. L‑Istati Membri kollha se ta’ inizjattivi għal perjodu qasir maħsuba biex jiġu miġġiel- jkunu affettwati, għalkemm b’modi differenti u fi gradi -dif da effetti negattivi fuq ‑l ekonomija aktar wiesgħa u biex jiġu ferenti, u huwa probabbli li jiżdied il‑qgħad, tonqos id‑do- adattati l‑miżuri fuq perjodu ta’ żmien medju jew għat‑tul manda, u l‑pożizzjonijiet fiskali jmorru għall‑agħar. L‑aġir tal‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona, biex jittieħed kont tal‑krizi. b’mod konġunt ikun ifisser reazzjoni aktar effettiva u kredibbli. Kuntrarju għal dan, jekk kull Stat Membru jaġixxi waħdu, l‑isforzi tagħhom ifallu. Hemm ukoll ir‑riskju ta’ 1. Arkitettura ta’ suq finanzjarju effetti mhux mixtieqa li jinfirxu lejn Stati Membri oħra. ġdid fil‑livell tal‑UE Il‑fatt li l‑UE setgħet tieħu azzjoni kollettiva meta l‑pressjoni fuq is‑swieq finanzjarji kienet ‑fl aqwa tagħha kien ċentrali Il‑ġibda tas‑settur finanzjarju Ewropew biex is‑settur bankarju jiġi stabbilizzat. Il‑koordinazzjoni ‘il barra mill‑kriżi tal‑azzjoni nazzjonali fi ħdan sett ċar ta’ prinċipji tal‑UE, ikkumplimentati minn azzjoni diretta tal‑UE, tat prova Permezz ta’ ħidma flimkien, ‑l Istati Membri u l‑Kummissjoni li kienet it‑triq it‑tajba. Ġiet imsaħħa b’azzjoni deċiżiva, qablu dwar serje ta’ miżuri immedjati biex jiġi protett it‑tifdil ikkoordinata u effettiva: fuq livell tal‑UE mill‑Presidenza taċ‑ċittadini tagħna u biex jiġu salvati banek li jkunu f ’dif- Franċiża tal‑Kunsill, il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Bank Ċentrali Ew- fikultà. Ir‑reazzjoni inizjali għad‑diversi pakketti fis‑swieq ropew, u fuq il‑livell nazzjonali mill‑Istati Membri, bl‑ap- tal‑kreditu kienet pożittiva, iżda jridu jiġu implimentati poġġ kollu u l‑kooperazzjoni mill‑Parlament Ewropew. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

malajr u l‑impatt tagħhom irid jiġi evalwat fuq bażi kon- is‑settur privat. Il‑Kummissjoni se taħdem direttament tinwa. Il‑politika tal‑kompetizzjoni hija kontribut vitali mal‑Istati Membri biex tiżgura li r‑ristrutturar ta’ partijiet għal reazzjoni koordinata, filwaqt li titħares il‑possibbiltà mis‑settur bankarju jsir b’tali mod li fil‑futur ikun hemm għall‑Istati Membri li jintervjenu fejn ikun meħtieġ skont kompetizzjoni ġusta u b’saħħitha fis‑settur. L‑individwi il‑kundizzjonijiet nazzjonali25. Il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli privati u n‑negozji għandu jkollhom aċċess għal sistema tara li jkun hemm opportunitajiet indaqs għal kulħadd fost bankarja b’saħħitha u stabbli sabiex ikunu jistgħu jiffinanz- il‑benefiċjarji u ‑ n nonbenefiċjarji tal‑għajnuna mis‑settur jaw il‑pjani tagħhom ta’ investiment u s‑soċjeta kollha kemm pubbliku. hi tibbenefika mill‑miżuri meħuda biex il‑kreditu jibqa’ disponibbli b’kundizzjonijiet raġjonevoli. Madankollu, il‑kundizzjonijiet fis‑sistema finanzjarja globali għadhom fraġli ħafna u għad hemm ir‑riskju ta’ skarsezza Il‑Kummissjoni ressqet proposti dwar garanziji ta’ depożitu ta’ kreditu. Għaldaqstant, m’hemm l‑ebda lok għat‑tnikkir u rekwiżiti ta’ kapital, u dwar il‑ġlieda kontra l‑proċiklikalità fl‑implimentazzjoni tal‑istrateġija biex is‑settur finanzjarju fl‑effetti tar‑regolamenti u l‑istandards tal‑kontabbiltà. Dal- Ewropew jinġibed ‘il barra mill‑kriżi. L‑UE għandha tkom- waqt se tagħmel ukoll proposti dwar l‑aġenziji ta’ klassifikar pli taġixxi b’mod koordinat biex timmassimizza s‑suċċess ta’ debituri u dwar is‑salarji eżekuttivi. Inbeda wkoll xogħol tar‑reazzjoni tagħha. B’mod partikolari hemm bżonn ta’: fuq il‑livell tas‑superviżjoni tas‑suq tal‑kapital u l‑immaniġġ- jar tar‑riskju, inkluż dwar id‑derivattivi, il‑hedge funds u l‑ek- • Appoġġ qawwi kontinwu għas‑sistema finanzjarja wità privata. Il‑Kummissjoni tinkoraġġixxi lill‑Kunsill mill‑BĊE u minn banek ċentrali oħra. Il‑banek ċentrali u lill‑Parlament Ewropew biex jagħtu prijorità lill‑proposti 438 wrew flessibbiltà u inġenwità impressjonanti meta tagħha sabiex tkun tista’ tiġi implimentata regolamenta- pprovdew likwidità biżżejjed lis‑settur bankarju u meta zzjoni u supervizjoni aktar qawwijin u biex iwettqu r‑rwol żguraw li l‑kriżi ma tinfirixx lejn partijiet oħra tas‑sistema tagħhom fil‑kisba mill‑ġdid tal‑fiduċja fis‑sistema. finanzjarja. Dawn il‑miżuri se jikkonfrontaw in‑nuqqasijiet identifika- • Implimentazzjoni malajr u konsistenti tal‑pjani ti u se jgħinu biex tkun tista’ tinkiseb mill‑ġdid il‑fiduċja

għas‑salvataġġ tal‑banek stabbilita mill‑Istati Membri. fis‑sistema kollha kemm hi. Jeħtieġ li niddefinixxu mill‑ġdid Dan hu essenzjali biex malajr tinkiseb mill‑ġdid il‑fiduċja il‑mudell regolatorju u ta’ supervizjoni tas‑settur finanz- fis‑settur bankarju tal‑UE u b’hekk tiġi limitata l‑ħsara jarju tal‑UE, b’mod partikolari fejn jidħlu l‑istituzzjonijiet lill‑ekonomija u biex jinħolqu l‑kundizzjonijiet għal finanzjarji kbar li jaħdmu lil hinn mill‑fruntieri nazzjonali. irkupru qawwi u sostnut. Il‑konsistenza hija meħtieġa L‑organizzazzjoni preżent, ibbażata fuq il‑pajjiż, tas‑super- biex l‑impatt ġenerali tal‑pjani ta’ salvataġġ ikun viżjoni tal‑UE tillimita l‑firxa għal superviżjoni effettiva kemm jista’ jkun qawwi madwar l‑UE, biex tiġi evitata makroprudenti. Il‑Kummissjoni nediet il‑ħidma fuq it‑tip l‑frammentazzjoni tas‑Suq Intern, u biex jinżammu ta’ sistema ta’ superviżjoni li se jkollna bżonn fil‑futur per- opportunitajiet l‑istess għal kulhadd fost il‑benefiċjarji mezz tal‑Grupp De Larosière26. u n‑nonbenefiċjarji ta’ għajnuna mis‑settur pubbliku. • Miżuri deċiżivi biex tiġi limitata l‑firxa tal‑kriżi fost l‑Istati Membri. Il‑kriżi finanzjarja issa bdiet taffettwa 2. Azzjoni dwar l‑impatt fuq lill‑Istati Membri li dan l‑aħħar aderixxew fl‑Ewropea ċentrali u tal‑Lvant. Sabiex tintlaqa’ din l‑isfida, ‑l UE l‑ekonomija reali: qafas hija lesta li tipprovdi għajnuna finanzjarja sostanzjali fuq għall‑irkupru perjodu ta’ żmien medju, flimkien mal‑IMF, lil dawk l‑Istati Membri li jkunu għaddejjin minn pressjonijiet L‑impatt tal‑iskarsezza tal‑kreditu fuq l‑ekonomija aktar ta’ bilanċ tal‑pagamenti jew riskji serji fl‑istabbiltà wiesgħa se jinħass biż‑żieda fil‑livelli tal‑qgħad u t‑tnaqqis finanzjarja. fid‑domanda għall‑prodotti u s‑servizzi ta’ kumpaniji ta’ Garanzija ta’ regolamentazzjoni u superviżjoni msaħħa 26 Il‑mandat tal‑grupp huwa dak li jikkunsidra l‑organizzazzjoni tal‑istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji Ewropew biex jara li jkun hemm sodizza prudenti, it‑tħaddim kif jixraq tas‑swieq u kooperazzjoni B’mod parallel mal‑istabilizzazzjoni tal‑kriżi, se jkun neċes- Ewropea aktar b’saħħitha fejn tidħol is‑supervizjoni sarju li wieħed jgħaddi għall‑fażi ta’ ristrutturar fis‑settur tal‑istabbiltà finanzjarja, mekkaniżi ta’ avviż minn kmieni bankarju u, f ’xi mument fil‑futur, ir‑ritorn tal‑banek lejn u ta’ ġestjoni tal‑kriżi, inkluż il‑ġestjoni ta’ riskji transkonfinali u transsettorjali. Se jagħti ħarsa wkoll lejn il‑kooperazzjoni bejn l‑UE u ġurisdizzjonijiet ewlenin oħra biex jgħin fit‑tħaris 25 Il‑Kummissjojni adottat Komunikazzjoni dwar l‑applikazzjoni tal‑istabbiltà finanzjarja fuq livell globali. Il‑membri huma: tar‑regoli ta’ għajnuna mill‑Istat għal miżuri meħuda fejn Jacques de Larosière (Ċermen), Leszek Balcerowicz, Otmar jidħlu l‑istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji fil‑kuntest tal‑kriżi finanzjarja Issing, Rainer Masera, Callum McCarthy, Lars Nyberg, José Perez globali preżenti (ĠU C 270/8, il-25 ta’ Ottubru, 2008). Fernandez, Onno Ruding Minn kriżi finanzjarja għal irkupru:Qafas Ewropew għall‑azzjoni daqsijiet diversi. L‑istrumenti ta’ politika biex issir ħidma l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir, id‑defiċit fil‑qasam tal‑impjiegi u biex tiġi stimulata d‑domanda huma tal‑UE, u b’mod partikolari dak taż‑żona Euro, bħalissa fil‑biċċa l‑kbira f ’idejn l‑Istati Membri. Madankollu, id‑di- mistenni jibqa’ ta’ anqas minn 3% tal‑PDG. mensjoni tal‑UE ġġib valur miżjud lill‑azzjonijiet nazzjonali. Hekk kif urew ir‑riżultati pożittivi tal‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbo- Filwaqt li l‑biċċa l‑kbira tal‑miżuri mħabbra ta’ appoġġ na, fejn l‑Istati Membri u l‑Kummissjoni jaħdmu flimkien lill‑istabbiltà finanzjarja (garanziji) mhux se jkollhom xi bi sħab biex joħolqu t‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi, jistgħu jinħolqu impatt immedjat fuq id‑defiċit, se jkun hemm spejjeż fiska- benefiċċji addizzjonali konsiderevoli. li reali skont kemm jintużaw il‑garanziji pubbliċi. Fl‑istess ħin, miżuri meħuda biex jiġu rikapitalizzati l‑banek diġà Madankollu, fil‑kriżi kurrenti l‑UE trid li tadatta l‑miżuri qed iżidu l‑livelli tad‑djun. Flimkien ma’ indikazzjonijiet ta’ fuq perjodu ta’ żmien medju u twil fl‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona deterjorament strutturali li għaddej fil‑bilanċi tal‑baġit, dan biex tieħu f ’kunsiderazzjoni l‑kriżi. Trid li żżid azzjonijiet jista’ jqajjem tħassib dwar is‑sostenibbiltà għat‑tul tal‑finanzi fuq perjodu ta’ żmien qasir mal‑aġenda tagħha ta’ riforma pubbliċi, speċjalment fil‑pajjiżi l‑aktar esposti. strutturali, filwaqt li tkompli tinvesti fil‑futur permezz ta’: Il‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir jipprovdi l‑qafas ta’ politika • żieda fl‑investiment fir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp, l‑innovazzjoni t‑tajjeb, billi jibbilanċja l‑bżonn ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni fuq per- u l‑edukazzjoni; jodu qasir mal‑ħtieġa ta’ riforma strutturali għat‑tul, speċjal- ment l‑appoġġ għall‑proċess ta’ aġġustar. L‑implimentazzjo- • il‑promozzjoni tal-’flessikurtà’ bħala mod ta’ kif jiġu ni tal‑Patt għandha tiżgura li kull deterjorament fil‑finanzi protetti u mgħammra n‑nies, aktar milli impjiegi 439 pubbliċi jkun akkumpanjat minn miżuri ta’ riforma strut- speċifiċi; turali li jkunu xierqa għas‑sitwazzjoni, filwaqt li jiġi żgurat li • l‑ogħti tal‑libertà lin‑negozji, speċjalment lill‑SMEs, li jkunu restawrati pożizzjonijiet sostenibbli. Il‑linji ta’ politika jibnu s‑swieq f ’pajjiżhom kif ukoll internazzjonalment; baġitarji għandhom ikunu influwenzati bis‑sħiħ mill‑grad ta’ flessibbiltà awtorizzat mit‑Trattat u l‑Patt ta’ Stabbilità • titjib fil‑kompetittività Ewropea billi l‑ekonomija u Tkabbir rivedut, u għandhom jieħdu f ’kunsiderazzjoni tagħna tkompli ssir aktar “ħadra” bħala mod kif jinħolqu l‑prinċipji li ġejjin: impjiegi u teknoloġiji ġodda, jingħelbu r‑restrizzjonijiet ta’ sigurtà fl‑enerġija u jinkisbu l‑għanijiet ambjentali • Il‑politika fiskali għandha tinżamm fuq triq sostenibbli, tagħna. b’mod li jiġu ankrati l‑aspettattivi li jkun hemm Aktar ma l‑Ewropa tkun tista’ tikkoordina b’mod effettiv, riżoluzzjoni ordnata tal‑kriżi; aktar jitkattru l‑benefiċċji pożittivi ta’ dawn il‑miżuri. Bħala • Għandhom jiġu kkunsidrati d‑differenzi bejn pajjiż żvilupp fuq l‑approċċ ta’ tisħib li jikkaretterizza l‑Istrateġi- u ieħor fl‑ispazju fiskali għall‑manuvrar, kundizzjonati ja ta’ Liżbona, nistiedu lill‑Istati Membri biex jaqblu dwar minn istituzzjonijiet baġitarji b’saħħithom u kredibbli, livelli aktar għoljin ta’ koordinazzjoni, biex naffaċċjaw dawn u oqsfa baġitarji fuq perjodu ta’ zmien medju; l‑isfidi ‑l ġodda. • Il‑livell ta’ ambizzjoni tal‑aġenda ta’ riforma strutturali Il‑Patt tal‑Istabbiltà u t‑Tkabbir Finanzjarju għandu jagħti attenzjoni partikolari għal dawn ir‑riformi li jsaħħu l‑qawwa u jtejbu s‑sostenibbiltà għat‑tul; Meta wieħed iqis il‑fatt li d‑daqqiet qed jinħassu madwar l‑UE kollha u l‑fatt li l‑pressjonijiet inflazzjonarji issa qed • Riformi li jappoġġjaw it‑talba fuq perjodu ta’ żmien qasir jittaffew, il‑politika monetarja u fiskali tista’ tikkontribwixxi għandhom ikunu f ’waqthom, immirati u temporanji. biex tiġi megħjuna d‑domanda. Il‑pożizzjonijiet tal‑baġit Il‑proċedura dwar defiċit eċċessiv għandha titqies bħala tal‑gvernijiet x’aktarx li se jeħżienu b’mod konsiderevoli appoġġ mill‑pari biex jingħelbu d‑diffikultajiet tal‑preżent fis‑snin li ġejjin, ħaġa li tirrifletti tnaqqis fid‑dħul. Filwaqt li u biex tiġi żgurata s‑sostenibbiltà għat‑tul. Se ssir distinzjoni parti mit‑tnaqqis fid‑dħul hija marbuta mat‑tnaqqis fil‑pass ċara bejn konsegwenzi baġitarji ġejjin minn żbalji ta’ politika tal‑ekonomija, il‑parti marbuta mal‑aġġustament ta’ xi settu- u effetti ċikliċi inkluż konsegwenzi tal‑pakkett ta’ salvataġġ ri, bħas‑settur tal‑akkomodazzjoni kbir iżżejjed, se jkollu xi dwar il‑kriżi finanzjarja. B’mod partikolari, żidiet fil‑livelli konsegwenzi ta’ natura aktar permanenti fejn jidħol id‑dħul. tad‑dejn minħabba pjani ta’ salvataġġ se jittieħdu f ’kunsid- Il‑previżjonijiet jindikaw li għandu jkun hemm deterjora- erazzjoni fil‑proċess ta’ sorveljanza. ment baġitarju fl‑UE ta’ 1 fil‑mija tal‑PDG matul is‑sena li ġejja, b’varjazzjonijiet kbar minn Stat Membru għal ieħor. Aċċellerazzjoni fir‑riformi u fl‑investiment Dan jista’ parzjalment itaffi‑ l impatt tat‑tnaqqis ekonomiku fuq perjodu qasir, iżda a spejjeż ta’ deterjorament Id‑daqqiet li qed jolqtu lill‑ekonomija Ewropea huma fiskali, anki qabel ma jiġu kkunsidrati ‑l pjani ta’ salvataġġ mistennija sew li jnaqqsu r‑rata potenzjali tat‑tkabbir kif finanzjarju. Madankollu, u l‑aktar minħabba kif saret qabel ukoll li jżidu l‑qgħad, biex b’hekk tonqos id‑domanda. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Huma għalhekk essenzjali riformi strutturali biex tiġi sost- • B’allokazzjoni finanzjarja ta’ aktar minn €350 biljun nuta d‑domanda fuq perjodu ta’ żmien qasir, jiġu ffaċilitati għall‑perjodu 2007-2013, il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni tranżizzjonijiet fi ħdan u lejn is‑suq tax‑xogħol fuq perjodi tipprovdi appoġġ konsiderevoli għall‑investiment qosra u medji, u jiżdied il‑potenzjal għat‑tkabbir għat‑tul. pubbliku mill‑Istati Membri u mir‑reġjuni tal‑UE. Il‑Kummissjoni se tesplora mal‑Istati Membri l‑ambitu Se jkun importanti b’mod partikolari li jiġi żgurat li l‑in- li fih jiġu aċċellerati proġetti ta’ investiment u biex vestiment isir b’mod li minnu jinkiseb l‑aħjar riżultat. Dan jinġiebu ‘l quddiem pagamenti lill‑Istati Membri; ifisser ‑l użu tal‑appoġġ tas‑settur pubbliku tal‑UE u dak • Jinstab iffinanzjar innovattiv għal firxa wiesgħa ta’ nazzjonali lin‑negozji għal impatt doppju − fuq perjodu proġetti infrastrutturali, inkluż it‑trasport, l‑enerġija qasir biex jiġi kkumpensat it‑tnaqqis fid‑domanda, iżda li u netwerks teknoloġiċi avvanzati, pereżempju permezz dan isir b’mod li għat‑tul jgħin ir‑riforma u l‑immodern- ta’ użu aħjar ta’ tisħib bejn il‑pubbliku u l‑privat; izzar. Fi ħdan il‑prijoritajiet ta’ riforma eżistenti, identifikati ‑fl Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona, l‑Istati Membri għandhom • Tissaħħaħ l‑effiċjenza enerġetika u t‑teknoloġija ‘ħadra’, immedjatament jagħtu prijorità għal riformi ċentrali li pereżempju fil‑binjiet u permezz ta’ karozzi li jniġġsu jsostnu investiment innovattiv u li jtejjeb il‑produttività, anqas, li tkun tista’ tipprovdi opportunitajiet ġodda li flimkien mat‑tnaqqis tal‑inflazzjoni u l‑appoġġ lid‑dħul għall‑ekonomija, inkluż għall‑SMEs filwaqt li ‑fl istess tal‑familji permezz ta’ miżuri protettivi soċjali, għandhom ħin l‑UE tiġi megħjuna tilħaq l‑għanijiet tagħha fejn jappoġġjaw id‑domanda. jidħol it‑tibdil fil‑klima;

440 • Tiżdied id‑domanda għal prodotti u servizzi li jużaw Barra minn dan, fi ħdan is‑sistema finanzjarja ‑fl għafsa ta’ l‑enerġija b’mod aktar effiċjenti permezz ta’ tnaqqis proċess imtawwal ta’ dekonnessjoni u meta wieħed iqis fit‑tassazzjoni u miżuri fiskali mmirati oħra; it‑tibdil mistenni fid‑disponibbiltà tas‑settur bankarju li jieħu r‑riskji, trid tiġi indirizzata l‑kwistjoni ta’ kif għand- • Jinżammu u jinħolqu opportunitajiet ġodda ta’ hom ikunu ffinanzjati teknoloġiji innovattivi, kif għandha esportazzjoni għal negozji fl‑UE, inkluż l‑SMEs, tiġi ppreżervata l‑kompetittività internazzjonali tal‑in- permezz ta’ aġenda proattiva ta’ ftuħ tas‑swieq, dustrija Ewropea u kif għandhom jiġu ffinanzjati‑ l SMEs. inkluż billi jsiru ftehimiet kummerċjali u permezz Ikun meħtieġ ukoll iffokar kontinwu fuq il‑ftuħ ta’ swieq tal‑istrateġija tagħna ta’ aċċess għas‑suq; ta’ pajjiżi terzi għal negozji Ewropej inkluż intrapriżi żgħar • Jintużaw linji ta’ politika nazzjonali u tal‑UE, kif u medji. ukoll nazzjonali, biex is‑swieq jitħaddmu aħjar, b’mod li jitniżżlu l‑prezzijiet għall‑konsumaturi u jittieħed Il‑Kummissjoni se tesplora mal‑Istati Membri l‑miżuri li vantaġġ sħiħ mis‑Suq Uniku. ġejjin: Bis‑saħħa ta’ ħidma għalenija fi spirtu ta’ tisħib u billi jik- • Wara l‑ECOFIN informali tax‑xahar li għadda, koordinaw l‑attivitajiet tagħhom, l‑Istati Membri u l‑Is- il‑Grupp tal‑Bank tal‑Investiment Ewropew ġabar tituzzjonijiet Ewropej jistgħu jimmobilizzaw fondi impor- flimkien pakkett globali ta’ €30 biljun għal self lil tanti biex jaċċelleraw l‑investiment li tant hemm bżonnu intrapriżi żgħar u medji fl‑Ewropa, mogħti permezz ta’ u biex jarmaw lill‑UE biex tkun tista’ toħroġ minn din banek kummerċjali. Dan jikkostitwixxi żieda sostanzjali il‑kriżi aktar b’saħħitha. fuq is‑self normali f ’dan is‑settur iżda għandu jiġi implimentat b’urġenza; Jiġi indirizzat l‑impatt fuq l‑impjieg • B’ħidma mill‑qrib mal‑Kummissjoni, il‑BIE jista’ u dak soċjali jaċċellera l‑ħidma tiegħu li jiffinanzja‑ t tibdil fil‑klima, proġetti ta’ sigurtà tal‑enerġija u tal‑infrastruttura, It‑tnaqqis fir‑ritmu ekonomiku se jaffettwa ‑l familji u dawk b’mod partikolari dawk ta’ natura transkonfinali. Jista’ l‑aktar vulnerabbli fis‑soċjetajiet tagħna. Diġà qed jinħass jkun hemm il‑bżonn li tissaħħaħ il‑bażi kapitali tal‑BIE fejn jidħlu l‑impjiegi. L‑UE jeħtiġilha taħdem biex tnaqqas billi pereżempju tiġi antiċipata d‑data taż‑żieda kapitali kemm jista’ jkun l‑impatt fuq l‑impjiegi u t‑telf tal‑impjie- li jmiss tiegħu li bħalissa hi skedata għal matul l-2010; gi u tuża l‑mekkaniżmi li għandha għad‑dispożizzjoni tagħha biex ittaffi‑ l impatt soċjali. Filwaqt li r‑responsab- • L‑EBRD kellu rwol ċentrali fir‑riforma tas‑settur biltà ewlenija hija tal‑Istati Membri, koordinazzjoni tajba finanzjarju u fl‑iffinanzjar tas‑settur privat fl‑Istati bejn il‑komunità u l‑azzjoni nazzjonali tkun ta’ għajnuna. Membri l‑ġodda tagħna. Fl‑ambjent finanzjarju Il‑Kummissjoni se taħdem flimkien mal‑imsieħba soċjali preżenti l‑attivitajiet tiegħu f ’dawn il‑pajjiżi għandhom biex issib l‑aħjar reazzjoni għall‑kriżi. Għandhom ikomplu jissaħħu. jiġu mħajra oqsma ta’ tkabbir fejn jidħol il‑ħolqien tal‑impjiegi − bħal ma huma servizzi personali, tal‑kura tas‑saħħa Minn kriżi finanzjarja għal irkupru:Qafas Ewropew għall‑azzjoni u s‑servizzi soċjali, f ’sors rikk ta’ ħolqien tal‑impjiegi li jser- Il‑kriżi finanzjarja preżenti wriet biċ‑ċar aktar minn qatt vi wkoll ta’ strument għall‑aċċess u l‑opportunitajiet. qabel l‑interazzjoni bejn linji ta’ politika makroekonomiċi u s‑swieq finanzjarji fuq skala globali. Għaldaqstant, biex L‑Ewropa sofriet fil‑passat minn nuqqas ta’ applikazzjoni wieħed jindirizzaha hemm il‑ħtieġa li jiġu miġġielda sew ta’ miżuri attivi fis‑suq tax‑xogħol biex tgħin lin‑nies jitħar- nuqqasijiet regolatorji kif ukoll ta’ superviżjoni, u kif ukoll rġu mill‑ġdid għall‑futur, biex isibu u biex joħolqu impjiegi l‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi u tar‑rata tal‑kambju li huma ġodda. Teżisti issa ħtieġa aktar urġenti biex it‑tranżizzjoni fost l‑orġini tal‑kriżi preżenti. fi ħdan u lejn is‑suq tax‑xogħol tiġi megħjuna, li titqaw- wa u tintlaħaq il‑provvista u d‑domanda għall‑ħaddiema, Il‑kriżi finanzjarja qajmet kwistjonijiet ta’ governanza u tiżdied il‑produttività tal‑ħaddiema. Dan ifisser ‑l appli- globali li jmorru lil hinn minn sempliċement is‑settur fikazzjoni ta’ miżuri mħeġġa mill‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona, nanzjarju. Il‑kwistjoni ta’ żbilanċi globali telgħet aktar inkluż: fil‑wiċċ, iżda wieħed irid jaraha fil‑kuntest usa’ tal‑ħtieġa li jinzamm l‑impenn tal‑UE li jinfetħu s‑swieq fil‑kummerċ Jiġu miġġielda l‑effetti tal‑qgħad billi l‑Istati Membri u fis‑servizzi u għal kooperazzjoni multilaterali aktar pro- tingħatalhom il‑possibbiltà li jipprogrammaw mill‑ġdid fonda, il‑ġlieda kontra tendenzi protezzjonisti u l‑kisba ta’ fondi skont il‑Fond Soċjali Ewropew biex jiġu appoġġjati riżultat pożittiv mir‑Rawnd ta’ Doha tal‑Organizzazzjoni miżuri biex persuni qiegħda jiġu reintegrati malajr fis‑suq Dinjija tal‑Kummerċ (WTO). Tqajjem ukoll kwistjoni- tax‑xogħol; jiet ta’ qsim ta’ benefiċċji ġejjin mit‑tkabbir sostenibbli ma’ pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw, b’mod partikolari fi żmien 441 • Tingħata ħarsa lejn l‑effikaċja tal‑Fond ta’ prezzijiet instabbli tal‑kommoditajiet, u ta’ reazzjoni għall‑Aġġustament għall‑Globalizzazzjoni; għall‑isfidi bħal ma huma ‑t tibdil fil‑klima, il‑prosperità globali u l‑kisba tal‑Għanijiet ta’ Żvilupp tal‑Millenju. • In‑nies qiegħda jingħataw għajnuna biex ikunu jistgħu jibdew negozju malajr u mingħajr ħafna nfiq; B’inizjattiva tal‑UE li fiha ‑l Kummissjoni tat sehem sħiħ, • Jiġi mmonitorjat l‑impatt tal‑kriżi fuq setturi differenti l‑Istati Uniti fil-15 ta’ Novembru se jospitaw ‑l ewwel laqgħa li jkunu affettwati minn aġġustamenti strutturali, għolja internazzjonali dwar il‑kriżi finanzjarja. Wieħed u jintuża l‑ambitu offert mis‑sistema ta’ Għajnuniet mill‑għanijiet tal‑laqgħa għolja huwa li titjieb il‑koordi- mill‑Istat sabiex ikun jista’ jingħata appoġġ f ’waqtu, nazzjoni fuq livell globali, tingħata ħarsa mill‑ġdid lejn l‑is- immirat u temporanju, fejn ikun xieraq. tituzzjonijiet internazzjonali fis‑sorveljanza tas‑suq finanzjarju u biex jiġu adottati strutturi ta’ governanza globali • Titwettaq il-’flessikurtà’: b’mod partikolari mizuri attivi għall‑futur. Il‑Kummissjoni appoġġjat b’mod attiv l‑isforzi ta’ politika dwar is‑suq tax‑xogħol, riforma fit‑taxxi internazzjonali biex jitfassal qafas konsistenti biex jiġu u fil‑benefiċċji, u tlaqqigħ aħjar ta’ ħiliet u impjiegi. indirizzati kwistjonijiet ta’ investiment fuq livell globali, Is‑sitwazzjoni x’aktarx li tkun partikolarment diffiċli inkluż fejn jidħlu l‑Prinċipji u Prattiċi Ġenerali Maqbula fis‑saffi ta’ isfel tas‑suq tax‑xogħol, u b’hekk ikun tal‑MFI dwar Fondi ta’ Ġid Sovran. partikolarment importanti li jittaffa ‑r ristrutturar li wieħed ma jistax jevita, u li jingħata appoġġ ta’ Sabiex jitnaqqas ir‑riskju li terġa’ sseħħ kriżi finanzjarja protezzjoni tad‑dħul u protezzjoni soċjali mmirata. fil‑futur, għandhom jittieħdu serje ta’ miżuri biex tiġi riformata l‑arkitettura finanzjarja globali. Dawn għandhom 3. Reazzjoni globali għall‑krizi ikunu konnessi b’mod ġenerali ma’ dawn l‑oqsma li ġejja:

finanzjarja • It‑tisħiħ tal‑konsistenza internazzjonali u tal‑kwalità ta’ standards regolatorji, inkluż l‑implimentazzjoni Kull reġjun tad‑dinja ġie affettwat mill‑kriżi u l‑ebda reġ- ta’ riformi (kif rifless fil‑pjanijiet tal‑ECOFIN jun ma jista’ waħdu jeħodha mal‑effetti tagħha. Hemm u r‑rakkomandazzjonijiet FSF) u li dawn jinfirxu fuq sinjali ċari li l‑kriżi qed tinfirex lejn swieq emerġenti u li livell globali; se tkompli żżid mal‑pressjonijiet eżistenti fuq pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw. Huwa importanti li ma jitħalliex li jkun • It‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni internazzjonali fost hemm firxa akbar, u li ‑l FMI ikun lest biex jintervjeni superviżuri finanzjarji; b’finanzjar ta’ emerġenza kif ikun meħtieġ. L‑Ewropa se • It‑tisħiħ tas‑sorveljanza makroekonomika taħdem flimkien mal‑FMI u se tuża dan l‑istrument ta’ u l‑prevenzjoni tal‑kriżijiet, b’mod li jinġabru flimkien appoġġ makrofinanzjarju, b’mod partikolari biex tgħin aspetti makro u mikroprudenzjali, titjib fl‑istabbiltà pajjiżi ġirien. L‑Ewropa hija u se tkompli tkun attur attiv finanzjarja u jiġu żviluppati sistemi ta’ twissija bikrija; fir‑reazzjoni globali kkoordinata. kif ukoll IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

• Tiġi żviluppata aktar il‑kapaċità biex tiġi affrontata id‑dokument juru kif nistgħu naħdmu flimkien biex in- l‑kriżi finanzjarja u l‑kapaċitajiet ta’ riżoluzzjoni fuq qiegħdu lill‑UE fuq it‑triq tal‑irkupru. livelli nazzjonali, reġjonali u multilaterali. Fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar, biex tinkiseb l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja se jkun essenzjali li ssir riforma maġġuri tal‑istituzzjonijiet relevanti. Huwa biss b’dan il‑mod li nistgħu nikkonkretiz- zaw b’mod sostenibbli r‑riżultati tas‑serje ta’ laqgħat għola dwar il‑kriżi finanzjarja globali. Filwaqt li ‑l kriżi preżen- ti kixfet ċerti dgħufjiet fis‑sistema regolatorja Ewropea, l‑Ewropa qiegħda f ’pożizzjoni tajba biex ikollha rwol attiv fit‑tfassil tal‑arkitettura globali ġdida u biex din titħaddem b’mod aktar attiv. Dan għandu jkun ibbażat fuq dawn il‑prinċipji bażiċi:

• Effiċjenza: Huwa meħtieġ bilanċ biex ikunu żgurati l‑ħeffa u l‑kwalità tad‑deċiżjonijiet, mingħajr indħil eċċessiv; • Trasparenza u żamma tar‑responsabbiltà: 442 organizzazzjonijiet ġodda jew riformati jridu jkunu f ’pożizzjoni li jagħtu kont ta’ għemilhom, li jżidu l‑inċentivi għall‑implimentazzjoni u l‑infurzar; • Rappreżentazzjoni: il‑gruppi globali għandhom jinkludu pajjiżi emerġenti ewlenin biex titjieb il‑leġittimità tal‑proċess ta’ teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet. Ir‑rappreżentazzjoni frammentata tal‑pajjiżi Ewropej u taż‑żona tal‑euro għandha wkoll tkun indirizzata biex tiżdied l‑effikaċja u l‑influwenza tal‑UE. Riskji u opportunitajiet L‑UE għandha tieħu azzjoni effettiva issa biex teħodha kontra l‑kriżi. Din l‑azzjoni għandha tkun intelliġenti biex b’hekk tistimula t‑tibdil xieraq fl‑ekonomija tagħna biex jiġi żgurat li noħorġu minn din il‑kriżi lesti biex nieħdu l‑vantaġġ sħiħ tal‑mewġa pożittiva meta din tasal. Tis- ta’ tagħmel dan l‑aħjar jekk taħtaf l‑opportunitajiet biex l‑ekonomiji tagħna jkomplu jiġu ristrutturati, iċ‑ċittadini tagħna jkomplu jitħarrġu u jitħejjew għal sfidi ġodda filwaqt li jittieħed ħsieb tal‑aktar nies vulnerabbli fis‑soċ- jetajiet tagħna skont l‑ispirtu tal‑Artikolu 2 tat‑Trattat. Mill‑esperjenza tal‑passat nafu li s‑suċċess tagħna huwa bbażat fuq it‑twarrib tan‑nazzjonaliżmu ekonomiku u li l‑muturi tat‑tkabbir Ewropew ġew bit‑tneħħija tal‑konfini bejn l‑Istati Membri, b’mod li jittieħed il‑vantaġġ kollu mid‑daqs u s‑saħħa tas‑Suq Intern.

L‑UE kellha quddiemha tipi differenti ta’ kriżijiet ‑fl istorja tagħha u dejjem irnexxielha toħroġ minnhom aktar b’saħħitha u aktar magħquda. Diġà wrejna li meta s-27 Stat Membru tagħna u l‑Istituzzjonijiet Ewropej jid- deċiedu li jaġixxu flimkien, aħna kapaċi niksbu ‑r rizultati għaċ‑ċittadini tagħna. Il‑kriżi preżenti wkoll tista’ sservi ta’ opportunità għall‑Ewropa u l‑azzjonijiet imfissra f ’dan Nixprunaw l‑irkupru Ewropew

KOMUNIKAZZJONI GĦALL‑KUNSILL EWROPEW TAR‑REBBIEGĦA BRUSSELL, 4.3.2009 COM(2009) 114

1. Introduzzjoni biex il‑kundizzjonijiet ta’ kreditu jitreġġgħu lura għan‑normal. Hija meħtieġa mobilizzazzjoni maġġuri ta’ sforzi, 443 għar‑raġuni li l‑irkupru mhux se jseħħ mil‑lum għal għada. F’dawn l‑aħħar sitt xhur l‑Ewropa kienet taħt pressjoni mingħajr ebda preċedent minħabba kriżi ekonomika globali. Ir‑reazzjoni tal‑UE kienet prova tal‑kapaċità ta’ rkupru L‑istabilizzazzjoni tas‑swieq finanzjarji għadha ma affet- u tal‑ħeffa tar‑reazzjoni tagħna. Is‑sitwazzjoni ppreżentat twatx b’tali mod li ttaffi‑ n nuqqas ta’ kreditu u biex jerġa’ ukoll sfidi ta’ koordinazzjoni u saħħet il‑ħtieġa għal soli- jibda l‑fluss tas‑self lil kumpaniji u familji. Din hija r‑raġuni darjetà fost is-27 Stat Membru. Fil‑ħarifa li għaddiet, l‑UE wkoll għaliex l‑UE għandha żżomm ir‑ritmu tar‑rifor- ħadet l‑azzjoni meħtieġa biex tevita l‑kollass tas‑swieq fi- ma tas‑settur finanzjarju, b’implimentazzjoni ta’ riformi nanzjarji. F’Diċembru, hija qablet li ddaħħal fis‑seħħ Pjan għar‑regolamentazzjoni, u b’ħarsa ‘l quddiem lejn sistema ta’ Rkupru Ekonomiku Ewropew (PREE) biex twaqqaf ta’ sorveljanza li tkun aktar adattata għar‑realitajiet tran- ir‑ritmu tat‑tnaqqis u toħloq il‑kundizzjonijiet għal irpiljar. skonfinali tal‑lum. Il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Istati Membri rrispondew b’mod pożit- tiv għall‑ħtieġa li jieħdu miżuri biex jindirizzaw il‑kriżi Sakemm dan is‑self jibqa’ skars, l‑isforzi biex jiżdiedu d‑do- u jħejju għall‑irkupru. manda u l‑fiduċja tal‑konsumatur mhux se jagħtu frott. Minn meta l‑Pjan ta’ Rkupru ġie adottat f ’Diċembru, diġà Issa li dawn qed jiġu implimentati, qiegħda tinħass il‑ħtieġa bdiet l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑pakkett ta’ stimulu li ntlaħaq għal aktar koordinazzjoni sabiex l‑impatti transkonfina- ftehim dwaru. Għalkemm ‑l effetti pożittivi mhux se jinħas- li pożittivi ta’ dawn il‑miżuri jiżdiedu kemm jista’ jkun. su fis‑sistema ekonomika b’mod immedjat, id‑daqs tal‑is- L‑għan ta’ din il‑Komunikazzjoni huwa li jiġu ddefiniti forz fiskali (madwar 3.3% tal‑PGD tal‑UE, jew aktar minn l‑passi li jmiss għall‑indirizzar tal‑kriżi u li l‑UE titqabbad EUR 400 biljun) se jiġġenera investiment ġdid, se jgħin it‑triq tal‑irkupru. Jinkludi fih programm ambizzjuż għal lill‑ħaddiema u ‘l‑familji tagħhom u se jagħti spinta lid‑do- riforma tas‑settur finanzjarju, janalizza ‑l miżuri li ttieħdu manda. Qed titwettaq ukoll azzjoni regolari fir‑rigward għas‑sostenn tad‑domanda, għall‑ispinta lill‑investiment tal‑isforzi dwar l‑għan fit‑tul tal‑bini ta’ ekonomija tal‑UE u għaż‑żamma u l‑ħolqien ta’ impjiegi u jfassal proċess li tkun kompetittiva u sostenibbli, kif stabbiliti fl‑istrateġija għat‑tħejjija għas‑Samit dwar l‑Impjiegi ta’ Mejju. Barra ta’ Liżbona għat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi. Dan jiżgura li l‑UE minn hekk, din il‑Komunikazzjoni tpoġġi l‑isforzi interni mhux biss tindirizza t‑tnaqqis immedjat, iżda titħejja biex tal‑UE fil‑kuntest usa’ tas‑Samit prospettiv tal‑G20 fejn tisfrutta l‑opportunitajiet tal‑ġejjieni bl‑aħjar mod. l‑UE għandha tippreżenta aġenda ambizzjuża għar‑riforma tas‑sistema ta’ governanza finanzjarja internazzjonali. Fl‑istess ħin, l‑impatt fuq l‑impjiegi nfirex sew. Jeħtieġ li tit- tieħed azzjoni mmirata biex tittaffa ‑t tbatija tal‑individwi Fl‑istess ħin li l‑ekonomija globali kompliet fit‑triq tan‑niż- u biex ma jintilfux ħiliet siewja. Jistgħu u għandhom jitla, it‑tnaqqis fid‑domanda u l‑impjiegi mitlufa qegħdin tieħdu passi biex in‑nies iżommu l‑impjieg tagħhom matul jolqtu lil negozji, familji u komunitajet madwar l‑UE. dawn iż‑żminijiet ekonomiċi diffiċli u biex jinstabu soluzz- Il‑fiduċja fis‑settur finanzjarju għadha fraġli. Dgħufijiet jonijiet kreattivi biex ma jintilifx l‑għan li tiġi żviluppata ġodda qegħdin jitilgħu fil‑wiċċ u jeħtieġu reazzjoni koor- forza tax‑xogħol b’aktar ħiliet. dinata. It‑tnaddif tas‑sistema bankarja huwa prerekwiżit IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Din hija kriżi globali, u l‑irkupru mhux se jitwettaq 2. Ir‑riġenerazzjoni u ż‑żamma għalkollox qabel ma l‑atturi prinċipali tal‑ekonomija dinjija ma jerġgħux lura fit‑triq tat‑tkabbir u tal‑kummerċ ta’ sistema finanzjarja stabbli bejniethom. Il‑miżuri li ttieħdu fl‑UE nebbħu lis‑sħab glo- u affidabbli bali, u għenu biex jinbena kunsens għal azzjoni li dalwaqt għandha tkun riflessa f ’azzjoni konkreta fil‑laqgħa prospettiva tal‑G20 f ’Londra. 2.1. It‑trawwim mill‑ġdid tal‑fiduċja u s‑self Hekk kif il‑kriżi bdiet toħroġ fid‑dieher, aktar bdiet tieħu sura ċara l‑importanza tad‑dimensjoni tal‑UE. Is‑suq uni- Settur finanzjarju stabbli huwa prerekwiżit għall‑iżvilupp ta’ ku pprovda l‑pedament għat‑tkabbir ekonomiku tal‑UE rkupru sostenibbli. Fil‑ħarifa li għaddiet, azzjoni kkoordi- għal dawn l‑aħħar 15-il sena, magna għat‑tkabbir li ħoloq nata fil‑livell Ewropew għar‑rikapitalizzazzjoni u l‑għoti ta’ miljuni ta’ impjiegi, li għamel Ewropa aktar kompetittiva garanziji lil banek madwar l‑UE evitat il‑kollass tal‑industrija u aktar effiċjenti. Huwa sawwar interdipendenza mingħajr bankarja Ewropea u għenet biex jerġa’ jiġi injettat ammont preċedent li tfisser li, aktar minn qatt qabel, in‑negozjan- ta’ likwidità fis‑swieq interbankarji. ti, il‑fornituri, il‑manifatturi u l‑konsumaturi huma ħoloq fl‑istess katina. Il‑kummerċ bejn l‑Istati Membri nfushom Issa huwa ż‑żmien li nibdew insegwu dawn il‑pakketti ta’ huwa aktar b’saħħtu minn dak mal‑bqija tad‑dinja. Għal- sostenn tas‑settur finanzjarju biex jiġi żgurat li jkunu im- hekk, l‑aħjar spinta li tista’ tingħata lill‑ekonomija hija li ssir plimentati b’mod effettiv. Kemm ‑l awtoritajiet tal‑pajjiżi ta’ 444 ħidma f ’konformità man‑natura ta’ din l‑interdipendenza, appartenenza kif ukoll dawk ospitanti ta’ istituzzjonijiet fi- filwaqt li jiġi evitat kwalunkwe tfixkil artifiċjali fuq‑ l impatt nanzjarji transkonfinali għandhom interess reċiproku qawwi tal‑miżuri tal‑irkupru. fiż‑żamma tal‑istabbiltà makrofinanzjarja billi jiggarantixxu l‑finanzjament u l‑istabbiltà tas‑sistemi bankarji lokali u li Dan jitfa’ l‑enfasi fuq l‑importanza tal‑koordinazzjoni. jaderixxu mal‑prinċipju tal‑moviment ħieles tal‑kapital. Filwaqt li għandhom jiġu rikonoxxuti d‑differenzi ċari fis‑sitwazzjonijiet soċjali u ekonomiċi tal‑Istati Membri, Il‑Kummissjoni diġà ppreżentat proposti leġiżlattivi biex jit- kull wieħed għandu firxa wiesa’ ta’ lievi li jista’ juża biex tejjeb il‑ħarsien ta’ dawk li jiddepożitaw flushom fil‑banek, jindirizza ċ‑ċirkostanzi partikolari tiegħu. Dawn il‑lievi biex il‑klassifikazzjonijiet tal‑kreditu jkunu aktar affidabbli, ser ikunu aktar effettivi jekk jintużaw f ’qafas ċar tal‑UE. biex jinkisbu l‑aħjar inċentivi fit‑titolizzazzjoni tas‑swieq, Pereżempju, l‑azzjonijiet nazzjonali għaż‑żieda tad‑do- u għat‑tisħiħ tas‑solidità u s‑superviżjoni tal‑banek manda se jħallu effett pożittiv fil‑livell transkonfinali fuq u tal‑kumpaniji ta’ assigurazzjoni. Ittieħdu deċiżjonijiet ra- il‑prodotti u s‑servizzi fi Stati Membri oħrajn u għalhekk pidi dwar l‑aġġustamenti għar‑regoli ta’ kontabbiltà sabiex jikkontribwixxu għal ċirku virtwuż ta’ rkupru għall‑Ewropa l‑istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji Ewropew jingħataw kundizzjoni- inġenerali. jiet ekwivalenti għal dawk tal‑kompetituri internazzjonali tagħhom. Dawn il‑miżuri jagħmlu parti mill‑bini ta’ sistema Fit‑tul, l‑ekonomija tal‑UE tgawdi minn vantaġġi enor- aktar b’saħħitha u affidabbli għall‑ġejjieni. mi. Billi żammet il‑pożizzjoni b’saħħitha tagħha fis‑swieq tal‑esportazzjoni dinjija, hija wriet li għandha l‑kompetit- Iżda l‑fiduċja ‑fl industrija bankarja għadha baxxa. Il‑banek tivitià li tirnexxi fi żmien il‑globalizzazzjoni. Hija għand- u atturi finanzjarji oħrajn għadhom fil‑proċess li jnaqqsu ha forza tax‑xogħol b’għadd kbir ta’ ħiliet u mudelli soċjali l‑influwenza tagħhom u għadhom ma assumewx ir‑rwol li qed juru s‑siwi tagħhom fi żmien ta’ pressjoni estrema, użwali tagħhom fis‑swieq bl‑ingrossa jew bl‑imnut. Huma u jħarsu dawk li huma l‑aktar dgħajfa fis‑soċjetà tagħna. qed iżommu approċċ restrittiv ħafna fir‑rigward tas‑self. L‑UE tinsab f ’pożizzjoni tassew tajba biex tittrasforma Għalhekk huwa essenzjali li jerġa’ jibda l‑fluss ta’ kreditu l‑ekonomija tagħha f ’waħda b’livelli baxxi ta’ emissjonijiet fl‑ekonomija reali, biex ikun evitat tnaqqis ulterjuri tat‑tk- tal‑karbonju u biex tilqa’ l‑isfida teknoloġika tal‑indirizzar abbir ekonomiku. tat‑tibdil fil‑klima. L‑indirizzar tal‑isfida tal‑kriżi flimkien fi spirtu ta’ solidarjetà huwa ‑l aħjar mod biex l‑Ewropa Wasal iż‑żmien li jinkiser iċ‑ċiklu ta’ fiduċja li qed tonqos tagħmel l‑aħjar użu minn dawn il‑vantaġġi biex twaqqaf u tan‑nuqqas ta’ rieda f ’dak li hu self. F’ċerti każi, dan ifiss- it‑tnaqqis u tirritorna fit‑triq tat‑tkabbir. er li tittieħed azzjoni diretta dwar il‑parti tal‑assi tal‑karti tal‑bilanċ tal‑banek, biex tintemm l‑inċertezza kemm dwar il‑valutazzjoni tat‑telf fil‑ġejjieni kif ukoll dwar fejn dan jista’ jseħħ. Biex nerġgħu niksbu l‑fiduċja fis‑settur bankarju b’mod ġenerali, il‑banek b’assi mgħarrqa għandhom jiżvel- awhom lill‑awtoritajiet kompetenti. Nixprunaw l‑irkupru Ewropew

Filwaqt li kompliet tibni fuq il‑gwida li pprovdiet diġà dwar għas‑saħħa fit‑tul tal‑ekonomija. Is‑sorveljanza tas‑suq l‑applikazzjoni tar‑regoli tal‑għajnuna mill‑Istat għas‑sos- u l‑infurzar ta’ prattiki kuntrattwali u kummerċjali se jkoll- tenn u r‑rikapitalizzazzjoni tal‑istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji27, hom rwol importanti biex il‑konsumaturi jerġgħu jibdew il‑Kummissjoni ppreżentat Komunikazzjoni28 biex tgħin jafdaw is‑servizz bankarju għall‑individwi. lill‑Istati Membri jfasslu miżuri biex jindirizzaw il‑problema tal‑assi mgħarrqa. L‑alternattivi jinkludu l‑akkwist min‑naħa Matul l-2009 l‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi riforma am- tal‑Istat, garanziji tal‑Istat, bdil jew arranġament li tkun bizzjuża tas‑sistema finanzjarja Ewropea li tinsab spjegata tinkludi taħlita minn dawn is‑soluzzjonijiet. Huma l‑Istati hawn taħt u f ’aktar dettall fl‑Anness I. Din ir‑riforma se ti- Membri nfushom li għandhom jiddeċiedu jekk jużawx dawn stabbilixxi rotta ċara biex l‑UE tmexxi u ssawwar il‑proċess l‑istrumenti jew le u dwar il‑mod kif jitfasslu. Iżda qafas ko- ta’ bidla globali b’mod partikolari permezz tal‑ħidma muni u koordinat fil‑livell Ewropew, imsejjes fuq il‑prinċipji tal‑G-20. Fl‑istess ħin, il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli tapplika tat‑trasparenza, l‑iżvelar, il‑valutazzjoni u l‑qsim tal‑piżijiet, l‑qafas għal għajnuna urġenti ta’ salvataġġ kif ukoll ir‑riġen- se jgħin biex jiggarantixxi li l‑miżuri ta’ ħelsien mill‑assi jħal- erazzjoni fit‑tul tal‑vjabbiltà fl‑applikazzjoni tal‑gwida lu l‑aħjar effett. eżistenti dwar l‑għajnuna mill‑Istat.

Il‑qafas se jiżgura ambjent ekwu bejn il‑banek, jiffaċilita Ir‑riforma se tiżgura li l‑atturi relevanti u t‑tipi kollha ta’ l‑konformità mar‑regoli tal‑għajnuna mill‑Istat u jillimi- strumenti finanzjarji jkunu suġġetti għar‑regolamentazzjo- ta l‑impatt fuq il‑finanzi pubbliċi u jħejji għar‑ristrutturar ni u s‑sorveljanza xierqa. Ir‑riforma hija msejsa fuq il‑valuri meħtieġ tas‑settur. Minn hawn u ftit żmien ieħor il‑Kum- tar‑responsbbiltà, integrità, trasparenza u konsistenza. missjoni se tipprovdi gwida ddettaljata dwar l‑approċċ 445 tagħha għall‑valutazzjoni tal‑pjani ta’ ristrutturar u vjabbiltà F’Novembru tas‑sena li għaddiet, il‑Kummissjoni inkari- ta’ banek individwali taħt ir‑regoli tal‑għajnuna mill‑Istat. gat lil Grupp ta’ Livell Għoli ppresedut minn Jacques De Hija se twettaq valutazzjoni fuq il‑bażi ta’ każi partikolari, Larosière biex jippreżenta rakkomandazzjonijiet għal din b’kunsiderazzjoni tal‑għajnuna totali li ngħatat permezz ir‑riforma, b’enfasi partikolari fuq is‑sorveljanza. Il‑Kum- ta’ rikapitalizzazzjoni, garanziji jew ħelsien mill‑assi, biex missjoni tilqa’ b’sodisfazzjon ir‑rapport ippreżentat fil- tiżgura l‑vjabbiltà fit‑tul u r‑ritorn lejn l‑iffunzjonar normali 25 ta’ Frar tal-2009 u taqbel mal‑analżi tal‑Grupp dwar tas‑settur bankarju Ewropew. il‑kawżi tal‑kriżi finanzjarja. Il-31 rakkomandazzjoni tal‑Grupp joffru sett komprensiv ta’ soluzzjonijiet konk- Biex ittejjeb ċerti kundizzjonijiet ta’ kreditu, il‑BĊE u banek reti għal azzjoni regolatorja, superviżorja u għal rimedju ċentrali oħrajn ipprovdew ammont konsiderevoli ta’ likwidi- globali. tà. Huma diġà naqqsu r‑rati tal‑imgħax u l‑BĊE wissa li jista’ jagħti l‑każ li jsir tnaqqis ulterjuri. Billi tinħoloq domanda Bosta mir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet tal‑Grupp għal rimedju għas‑self, l‑impatt tal‑istimulu fiskali jista’ jkun mistenni regolatorju se jikkontribwixxu għal kunsens dejjem jik- wkoll li jżid il‑fiduċja fil‑banek u r‑rieda għal self. Għalhekk ber dwar fejn jeħtieġ li jsiru t‑tibdiliet, u jirreflettu kwist- fix‑xhur li ġejjin il‑flussi tal‑kreditu għandhom ikunu seg- jonijiet li tqajmu minn atturi ewlenin inkluż il‑Parlament witi mill‑qrib ħafna biex ikun żgurat li l‑intervent pubbliku Ewropew. Il‑Kummissjoni diġà ħadet inizjattivi konkreti estensiv fis‑settur finanzjarju tassew jirriżulta f ’għajnuna f ’oqsma bħal dak tal‑aġenziji tal‑klassifikazzjoni tal‑kredi- għall‑familji u n‑negozji Ewropej. tu; tal‑assigurazzjoni; tar‑reviżjoni tar‑rekwiżiti tal‑kapital taħt Basel II; il‑prodotti titolizzati; ir‑regoli tal‑kontabbiltà 2.2. Swieq finanzjarji responsabbli li jimxu mas‑suq u l‑indirizzar tal‑proċikliċità tal‑miżuri u affidabbli għall‑ġejjieni regolatorji. L‑industrija aċċettat it‑talba tal‑Kummissjoni li sal-31 ta’ Lulju 2009 l‑Credit Default Swaps għall‑enti- Il‑kriżi ħarġet fid‑dieher riskji inaċċettabbli, kemm reali tajiet Ewropej u għall‑indiċi ta’ entitajiet Ewropej jiġu tras- u kif ukoll sistemiċi, fil‑governanza kurrenti ta’ swieq finan- feriti għal pjattaforma ċentrali tal‑approvazzjoni stabbilita, zjarji internazzjonali u Ewropej li ttieħdu fi żminijiet ta’ rregolata u sorveljata fl‑Ewropa. F’oqmsa oħrajn, bħar‑reg- inkwiet serju. Il‑miżuri mingħajr preċedent li ttieħdu biex olamentazzjoni tal‑fondi ta’ lqugħ u ta’ atturi oħrajn ta’ titreġġa’ lura l‑istabbiltà fis‑settur għandhom isiru flimkien investiment li ma jkunux fil‑livell bankarju, it‑trasparen- ma’ riforma qawwija li tirrimedja d‑dgħufijiet, tidentifika za tas‑swieq tad‑derivati u regoli tal‑konstabbiltà mtejba, u tevita li jitfaċċaw dgħufijiet ġodda fil‑ġejjieni. Jeħtieġ li il‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni se jitressqu b’manjiera prijor- n‑negozji u ċ‑ċittadini Ewropej ikunu jistgħu jafdaw l‑is- itarja fix‑xhur li ġejjin. tituzzjonijiet finanzjarji bħala sħab affidabbli li jittraduċu d‑depożiti tagħhom f ’investiment li hu daqstant ċentrali Fost ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet ta’ interess partikolari li għamel il‑Grupp hemm dik dwar il‑ħtieġa li jiġi żvilup- 27 ĠU C 270, 25.10.2008, p. 8 u ĠU C 10, 15.1.2009, p. 2. pat sett ċentrali u armonizzat ta’ standards li għand- 28 K(2009) 1345 (għadha mhix ippubblikata) hom jiġu applikati madwar l‑UE. Id‑differenzi ewlenin IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

fil‑leġiżlazzjoni nazzjonali li joħorġu minn eċċezzjonijiet, ċerti kompiti fil‑livell Ewropew, filwaqt li jiddependu fuq derogi, addizzjonijiet li saru fil‑livell nazzjonali jew am- kulleġġi ta’ superviżuri u superviżuri nazzjonali għas‑sor- bigwitajiet f ’direttivi kurrenti għandhom jiġu identifikati veljanza ta’ kumpaniji individwali minn jum għal jum. u jitneħħew. Għalhekk il‑Kummissjoni se tniedi inizjatti- Reviżjoni wara tliet snin tikkunsidra l‑ħtieġa għal tisħiħ va importanti ġdida f ’dan ir‑rigward. Is‑sejbiet tal‑Grupp ulterjuri tal‑SESF. dwar is‑sistema tas‑sanzjonijiet juru wkoll il‑ħtieġa għal spinta ġdida fuq dan il‑front. Il‑Kummissjoni taqbel mas‑sejbiet tal‑Grupp li l‑istruttura eżistenti tal‑Kumitati – li għandhom rwol li laħaq il‑limi- Fl‑isfera tas‑sorveljanza, mudelli ta’ sorveljanza bbażati tu ta’ dak li huma legalment possibbli - mhijiex biżżejjed fil‑livell nazzjonali għadhom mhumiex konformi mar‑re- biex tiżgura l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja ‑fl UE u fl‑Istati Membri altà ta’ għadd dejjem jikber ta’ banek u kumpaniji tal‑as- tagħha, u jeħtieġ li l‑ineffiċjenzi‑ fl istruttura kurrenti jiġu sigurazzjoni li qed joperaw fuq livell transkonfinali. solvuti mill‑aktar fis possibbli. Il‑Kummissjoni tikkunsidra Il‑Kummissjoni diġà pproponiet li toħloq kulleġġi ta’ su- wkoll li sistema li tlaqqa’ ċerti responsabbiltajiet ċentral- perviżuri biex tiffaċilita ‑l kooperazzjoni bejn is‑superviżuri izzati fil‑livell Ewropew filwaqt li żżomm rwol ċar għal għal banek u kumpaniji tal‑assigurazzjoni transkonfinali. superviżuri nazzjonali li jinsabu eqreb il‑ħidma ta’ kuljum Il‑koordinazzjoni fi ħdan it‑tliet Kumitati tas‑Superviżuri tal‑kumpaniji, għandha l‑vantaġġi tagħha. Ewropej kien pass sinifikanti ‘l quddiem li madanakollu għandu l‑limiti tiegħu. Il‑Kummissjoni emendat il‑manda- Il‑Kummissjoni tikkunsidra li hija meħtieġa azzjoni ti tal‑Kumitati biex ittejjeb l‑effiċjenza u l‑effikaċja, u ġie urġenti u ser tipproponi li l‑implimentazzjoni tas‑sejbiet 446 introdott it‑teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet b’maġġoranza kkwali- tal‑Grupp tiġi aċċelerata. Jekk jitlaqqgħu ż‑żewġ fażiji- fikata u approċċ ta’ “ikkonforma jew ispjega”. Bħalissa ‑l aw- et proposti mill‑Grupp, għandu jkun possibbli li t‑titjib torità tal‑baġit tressqitilha proposta biex il‑Kumitati jkunu tal‑kwalità u l‑koerenzja tas‑sorveljanza fl‑Ewropa tinkiseb ffinanzjati aħjar għall‑attivitajiet tagħhom. aktar malajr, u li t‑tliet Kumitati eżistenti jinbidlu f ’awtoritajiet fi ħdan sistema ta’ soreveljanza finanzjarja Ewropea. Ir‑rapport tal‑Grupp Larosière jenfasizza n‑nuqqasijiet Il‑fattibbiltà dwar jekk jitlaqqgħux awtorità waħda jew eżistenti fil‑prevenzjoni, il‑ġestjoni u r‑riżoluzzjoni ta’ aktar minn dawn għandha tkun eżaminata bil‑għan li tiġi kriżijiet u d‑diffikultajiet ikkawżati minn nuqqas ta’ ko- żgurata l‑aħjar sorveljanza u għat‑tisħiħ tal‑konsistenza operazzjoni, koordinazzjoni, konsistenza u fiduċja bejn u l‑interazzjoni bejn l‑esperti tas‑sorveljanza tal‑banek, superviżuri nazzjonali. Fir‑rigward tan‑negozji, il‑kon- tal‑assigurazzjoni u tas‑swieq. formità mal‑għadd ta’ sistemi differenti toħloq piżijiet amministrattivi u regolatorji addizzjonali. Il‑Kummissjoni L‑awtoritajiet jistgħu jingħataw ir‑responsabbiltà ta’ sor- taqbel mas‑sejbiet tal‑Grupp li esperjenza reċenti ħarġet veljanza u setgħat aħħarija ta’ teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet fir‑rig- fid‑dieher nuqqasijiet importanti kemm fil‑mod kif is‑su- ward tal‑kuleġġi ta’ superviżuri għal gruppi transkonfinali; perviżuri jittrattaw każijiet partikolari, kif ukoll fl‑approċċ jiżguraw il‑konsistenza u l‑aħjar prassi billi jistabbilixxu tagħhom għas‑sistema finanzjarja b’mod ġenerali. standards komuni għoljin jipprovdu interpretazzjoniji- et komuni tar‑rekwiżiti għal attivitajiet ta’ sorveljanza; Fir‑rigward tas‑sorveljanza makro‑prudenzjali, il‑Kum- u rwol ewlieni f ’mekkaniżmi ta’ twissija bikrija u ta’ ġestjo- missjoni tilqa’ b’mod partikolari l‑idea tal‑Grupp dwar enni tal‑kriżijiet, f ’ħidma mal‑entità stabbilita biex iżżomm tità Ewropea ġdida, taħt il‑partoċinju tal‑BĊE u li tinvolvi ħarsitha fuq l‑istampa globali. lill‑Kummissjoni u lill‑Kumitat tas‑Superviżuri Ewropej, għall‑ġbir u l‑valutazzjoni ta’ informazzjoni dwar ir‑riskji Filwaqt li tkompli tibni fuqi r‑rakkomandazzjonijiet kollha tas‑settur inġenerali, madwar is‑setturi kollha tal‑fi- tal‑Grupp Larosière, issa l‑Kummissjoni se tiżviluppa nanzi. Tali entità tkun f ’pożizzjoni tajba biex tidentifika proposti li jistabbilixxu sistema Ewropea ta’ sorveljanza r‑riskji sistemiċi fil‑livell Ewropew u toħroġ twissijiet dwar finanzjarja ġdida. Il‑Kummissjoni se tislet mill‑fehmiet ir‑riskju. Strumenti obbligatorji ta’ segwitu u monitoraġġ, espressi mill‑Istati Membri, il‑Kumitati eżistenti, il‑Parla- u l‑possibbiltà li ċerti kwistjonijiet jgħaddu minn mekka- ment Ewropew, il‑BĊE u partijiet interessati oħrajn biex niżmi ta’ twissijiet bikrija, ikunu tassew essenzjali. tħejji l‑proposti abbażi ta’ valutazzjoni tal‑impatt, f ’kon- formità mal‑prinċipju ta’ regolamentazzjoni aħjar. F’termini ta’ kumpaniji ta’ sorveljanza individwali, il‑Grupp irrakkomanda l‑ħolqien ta’ Sistema Ewropea ta’ Sorveljanza Finanzarja (SESF). Fl‑ewwel fażi jissaħħu t‑tliet Kumitati ta’ Superviżuri Ewropej kif ukoll is‑superviżuri nazzjonali, filwaqt li jiġu introdotti sett aktar armonizzat ta’ setgħat ta’ sorveljanza u sistemi ta’ sanzjonijiet. Fit‑tieni fażi, il‑Kumitati jiġu ttrasformati f ’Awtoritajiet li jwettqu Nixprunaw l‑irkupru Ewropew

Biex fil‑ġejjieni s‑swieq finanzjarji jkunu responsabbli 3) Biex jiġi żgurat li l‑investituri, il‑konsumaturi u affidabbli, ‑il Kummissjoni se tipproponi pro- u l‑SMEs Ewropej ikollhom il‑possibbiltà li gramm ambizzjuż ġdid ta’ riforma, b’ħames għanijiet jkollhom fiduċja dwar it‑tfaddil tagħhom, l‑aċċess ewlenin: għall‑kreditu, u d‑drittijiet tagħhom fir‑rigward ta’ prodotti finanzjarji, il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi: 1) Tipprovdi lill‑UE b’qafas ta’ sorveljanza li jikxef ir‑riskji potenzjali fi stadju bikri, li jindirizzahom • Komunikazzjoni dwar il‑prodotti ta’ investiment b’mod effettiv u qabel ma jħallu impatt, u jiffaċċja mhux professjonali biex tissaħħaħ l‑effikaċja l‑isfida ta’ swieq finanzjarji internazzjonali tas‑salvagwardji tal‑kummerċjalizzazzjoni (April kumplessi. Il‑Kummissjoni se tippreżenta pakkett 2009) Ewropew ta’ sorveljanza finanzjarja qabel • Miżuri ulterjuri għat‑tisħiħ tal‑ħarsien l‑aħħar ta’ Mejju 2009, biex tittieħed deċiżjoni tad‑depożitanti, l‑investituri u tad‑detenturi ta’ dwaru fil‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Ġunju. It‑tibdil poloz ta’ assigurazzjoni (Ħarifa 2009) leġiżlattiv li jdaħħal fis‑seħħ dawn il‑proposti se jsegwi fil‑ħarifa u għandu jkun adottat fil‑ħin biex • Miżuri dwar l‑għoti u t‑teħid b’self responsabbli l‑arranġamenti mġedda tas‑sorveljanza jkunu (Ħarifa 2009) fis‑seħħ matul-2010. Il‑pakkett se jinkludi żewġ elementi: 4) Biex tittejjeb il‑ġestjoni tar‑riskju f ’ditti finanzjarji u ssir il‑konverġenza tal‑inċentivi tal‑ħlas ma’ • Fir‑rigward tas‑sorveljanza makro‑prudenzjali, prestazzjoni sostenibbli. Għal dan il‑għan, 447 miżuri li jistabbilixxu entità Ewropea li tissorvelja il‑Kummissjoni sejra: s‑sistema finanzjarja kollha kemm hi • Issaħħaħ ir‑Rakkomandazzjoni li għamlet fl-2004 • fir‑rigward tas‑sorveljanza mikro‑prudenzjali, dwar ir‑remunerazzjoni tad‑diretturi (April 2009) proposti dwar l‑arkitettura ta’ sistema Ewropea ta’ sorveljanza finanzjarja • Tressaq Rakkomandazzjoni ġdida dwar ir‑remunerazzjoni fis‑settur tas‑servizzi finanzjarji 2) Biex tinstab soluzzjoni għan‑nuqqasijiet fejn (April 2009) segwita minn proposti leġiżlattivi ir‑regolamentazzjoni fuq livell Ewropew li jinkludu skemi ta’ remunerazzjoni li jaqgħu u nazzjonali hija insuffiċjenti jew inkompleta, fl‑ambitu tas‑sorveljanza prudenzjali (Ħarifa 2009) bbażata fuq approċċ fejn is‑sikurezza tkun l‑ewwel prijorità. Il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi: 5) Biex tiżgura sanzjonijiet aktar effettivi kontra kull imġiba ħażina fis‑suq. Għal dan il‑għan, • Strument leġiżlattiv komprensiv li jistabbilixxi il‑Kummissjoni biħsiebha: standards regolatorji u ta’ sorveljanza għall‑fondi ta’ lqugħ, l‑ekwità privata u dawk l‑atturi b’ • Tirrevedi d‑Direttiva dwar l‑Abbuż tas‑Swieq importanza sistemika fis‑suq (April 2009) (Ħarifa 2009) • White Paper dwar l‑istrumenti ta’ intervent bikri • Tagħmel rapporti dwar kif is‑sanzjonijiet jistgħu għall‑prevenzjoni ta’ kriżijiet (Ġunju 2009) jissaħħu u jiġu implimentati aħjar (Ħarifa 2009) • Abbażi ta’ rapport dwar id‑derivati u ta’ prodotti oħrajn li huma strutturati b’mod kumpless (Ġunju Il‑Kummissjoni tistieden lill‑Kunsill Ewropew tar‑Reb- 2009), inizjattivi xierqa biex tiżdied it‑trasparenza biegħa biex japprova din ir‑riforma qabel is‑Samit tal‑G-20 u tiġi żgurata l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja f ’Londra. Dan se joħroġ fid‑dieher ir‑rieda u l‑impenn • Proposti leġiżlattivi biex tiżdied il‑kwalità tal‑Unjoni Ewropea li tieħu miżuri ambizzjużi għall‑impli- u l‑kwantità tal‑kapital prudenzjali għal mentazzjoni tal‑pjan ta’ azzjoni tal‑G-20 ta’ Washington. attivitajiet tar‑reġistru tan‑negozju u biex tiġi Il‑Parlament Ewropew u l‑Kunsill għandhom jiġu mistied- indirizzata t‑titolizzazzjoni kumplessa (Ġunju na biex tingħata l‑prijorità dovuta għall‑proposti ġejjiena 2009) u biex jiġu indirizzati r‑riskju tal‑likwidta’ tal‑Kummissjoni. u l‑influwenza eċċessiva (Ħarifa 2009) • Programm kontinwu ta’ azzjonijiet li jistabbilixxi sett ħafna aktar konsistenti ta’ regoli ta’ sorveljanza (li għandu jitnieda fl-2009) IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

3. Is‑sostenn għall‑ekonomija Sehem imdaqqas minn dan is‑sostenn ġej mit‑tħaddim ta’ stabilizzaturi awtomatiċi li fl‑UE huma partikolarment reali b’saħħithom. Jiġi wkoll minn pakketti ta’ stimulu fiskali diskrezzjonali mill‑Istati Membri li jammontaw għal madwar L‑ekonomija globali tinsab maqbuda fl‑agħar reċessjoni li 1.2% tal‑PGD li saret sejħa għalihom fil‑PREE, għalkemm ilha ma sseħħ bħalha għexieren ta’ snin. Il‑kummerċ dinji l‑iskala tvarja ħafna skont il‑possibbiltà ta’ manuvra fiska- naqas b’ritmu mgħaġġel. Il‑produzzjoni industrijali naqset li tal‑Istat Membru partikolari. EUR 30 biljun ieħor, jew b’ritmu mgħaġġel lejn tmien l-2008. Kemm L‑Istati Uniti 0.3% tal‑PGD, ġew allokati minn għejun tal‑UE30. Il‑Kum- kif ukoll il‑Ġappun esperjenzaw tnaqqis sinifkanti tal‑PGD, missjoni pproponiet investiment immirat li jammonta għal filwaqt li ċ‑Ċina kellha l‑anqas rata ta’ tkabbir sa mill-2001 li EUR 5 biljuni biex tiġi indirizzata l‑isfida tas‑sigurtà tal‑en- tirrefletti ‑t tnaqqis drammatiku fil‑kummerċ dinji. erġija u biex il‑komunitajiet rurali jiġu inklużi f ’netwerk ta’ internet ta’ veloċità għolja, kif ukoll permezz ta’ ħlasijiet L‑ekonomija ma setgħetx tevita dan it‑tnaqqis madwar addizzjonali bil‑quddiem taħt il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni li jam- id‑dinja. Issa, kemm iż‑żona tal‑euro kif ukoll l‑UE kollha montaw għal EUR 11-il biljun, li EUR 7 biljuni minnhom kemm hi jinsabu f ’reċessjoni serja. Il‑produzzjoni tal‑mani- ingħataw lil Stati Membri ġodda. Barra minn hekk, il‑Bank fattura u l‑kostruzzjoni kienet fost l‑agħar li ntlaqtet u t‑telf Ewropew tal‑Investiment (BEI) saħħaħ il‑possibiltajiet ta’ f ’termini ta’ snin sħaħ huwa stmat li jammonta għal EUR 150 self lill‑SMEs bi EUR 15-il biljun. biljun. Is‑settur tal‑karozzi waħdu naqqas bi 32.3%, li wassal għal deterjorament f ’bosta setturi oħrajn. L‑esportazzjoni- Il‑parti l‑kbira mill‑miżuri tal‑Istati Membri huma mmi- 448 jiet tal‑manifattura minn pajiiżi tal‑UE lejn dawk li mhum- rati tajjeb biex jistimulaw id‑domanda: sostenn lill‑familji iex naqset b’5.8% f ’Novembru/Diċembru 2008, filwaqt li u lin‑negozji, u lill‑impjiegi, żieda diretta tad‑domanda per- l‑kummerċ bejn l‑Istati Membri tal‑UE kien 13.7% anqas mezz ta’ investiment pubbliku u l‑immodernizzar ta’ infra- mis‑sena ta’ qabel. struttura (għal aktar dettalji ara l‑Anness II). Il‑parti l‑kbira ta’ dawn il‑miżuri huma konsistenti mal‑għanijiet fit‑tul iden- Iżda filwaqt li ‑l PGD mistenni jonqos bi kważi 2% fl-200929, tifikati fir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi taħt għandu jirkupra gradwalment għal madwar ½% fl-2010 l‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona għat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi – bħall‑bini parzjalment minħabba l‑effetti tal‑miżuri ta’ politika li qed tal‑bażi tal‑għarfien tal‑Ewropa, għal spinta fil‑qasam tas‑sig- tittieħed fil‑livell Ewropew u fil‑livell nazzjonali taħt il‑Pjan urtà tal‑enerġija u l‑adattament ta’ ekonomija b’livelli baxxi ta’ Rkupru Ekonomiku Ewropew (PREE). ta’ emissjonijiet tal‑karbonju.

3.1. L‑implimentazzjoni tal‑Pjan ta’ Implimentazzjoni effettiva u rapida ta’ dawn il‑miżuri se tkun Rkupru Ekonomiku Ewropew kruċjali, u jeħtieġ li tkun ikkumplimentata b’azzjoni għat‑titjib tal‑kundizzjonijiet tan‑negozji. L‑UE għandha kull interess li żżomm bażi industrijali b’saħħitha u kompetittiva F’Diċembru tal-2008, abbażi tal‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni, fil‑mixja tagħha lejn ekonomija bbażata fuq l‑għarfien u b’liv- intlaħaq ftehim dwar Pjan ta’ Rkupru Ekonomiku Ewropew elli baxxi ta’ emissjonijiet tal‑karbonju. Minħabba n‑natura (PREE) ambizzjuż. Fil‑qalba tiegħu hemm l‑isforz koordinat kumplessa tal‑produzzjoni industrijali moderna, l‑ekonomiji biex l‑ekonomija Ewropea tingħata spinta fiskali immedjata, fuq skala kbira u l‑opportunitajiet għal diversifikazzjoni li filwaqt li jimmira dan ‑l investiment għat‑tisħiħ tal‑ekonomi- nħolqu mis‑Suq Uniku, f ’dawn l‑aħħar snin l‑UE żviluppat ja Ewropea għall‑isfidi fit‑tul tal‑ġejjieni. Huwa rrikonoxxa li politika ta’ sostenn orizzontali għall‑industrija. Kemm fil‑liv- t‑tnaqqis tad‑domanda privata wassal biex, fuq żmien qasir, ell tal‑UE kif ukoll f ’dak nazzjonali, dan ifisser li ‑r riċerka ir‑rwol tan‑nefqa pubblika sar wieħed aktar importanti. u l‑iżvilupp, l‑innovazzjoni, it‑teknoloġiji ġodda u ambjentali kif ukoll it‑taħriġ, kollha jistgħu jkunu iffinanzjati bħa- L‑impatt sħiħ tal‑PREE se joħroġ aktar biċ‑ċar biss fix‑xhur la miżuri ta’ sostenn u żvilupp. Dawn il‑miżuri orizzontali li ġejjin, iżda l‑ewwel sinjali jidhru pożittivi, kemm f ’termini jistgħu jiġu implimentati f ’setturi differenti tal‑ekonomija ta’ volum tal‑istimulu kif ukoll f ’dik li hija d‑direzzjoni tar‑ri- tal‑UE, kif intwera dan l‑aħħar fil‑qafas tal‑UE għall‑indus- formi. Il‑parti l‑kbira tal‑Istati Membri adottawh jew ħabbru trija tal‑karozzi, li ġie ppreżentat mill‑Kummissjoni fil-25 ta’ miżuri ta’ stimulu fiskali. Fuq il‑perjodu tal-2009 u l-2010, Frar31. il‑politika fiskali qed tipprovdi sostenn lill‑ekonomija ta’ madwar 3.3% tal‑PGD, ekwivalenti għal aktar minn Barra minn hekk l‑Istati Membri qegħdin jagħtu prijor- EUR 400 biljun, sostenn potenzjali enormi għat‑tkabbir ità lill‑ħtiġiet tal‑SMEs minħabba l‑kontribut enormi li u l‑impjiegi madwar l‑UE. dawn jagħtu għall‑impjiegi globali fl‑UE u huma mistiedna

30 Inklużi għadd ta’ partenarjati pubbliċi privati ġodda. 29 Skont il‑previżjonijiet għal Jannar tal‑Kummissjoni. 31 COM (2009) 104, 25.2.2009. Nixprunaw l‑irkupru Ewropew jaċċeleraw l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑Att dwar in‑Negozji Żgħar. u globali bl‑aħjar mod. Is‑Suq Uniku kien il‑mutur ta’ pros- Fi ftit żmien il‑Kummissjoni se tressaq proposta leġiżlattiva perità ekonomika u soċjali u ta’ ħolqien ta’ impjiegi fl‑UE32. biex tindirizza l‑kwistjoni tal‑ħlasijiet tard b’mod aktar effet- Huwa joffri ekonomji ta’ skala kbira, żidiet ‑fl effiċjeza, tiv. Barra minn hekk, il‑potenzjal ta’ regolamentazzjoni aħjar u ċ‑ċans li l‑vantaġġi tal‑UE jintużaw bl‑aħjar mod. Is‑Suq għandu jintuża bis‑sħiħ, prinċipalment permezz tat‑tnaqqis Uniku jista’ jkun wieħed mill‑fatturi ewlenin li jwasslu tal‑piżijiet amministrattivi. għall‑irkupru, dejjem jekk ikun koordinat mill‑qrib fil‑livell Ewropew. Azzjoni biex jiżdiedu l‑ħiliet, biex tingħata spinta fl‑investiment għar‑riċerka, għall‑promozzjoni tal‑innovazzjoni, Bl‑għajnuna tagħha għall‑koordinazzjoni tar‑reazzjoni għat‑tixrid tal‑Internet ta’ veloċità għolja, għat‑tiġdid tal‑in- għall‑kriżi, il‑Kummissjoni żgurat li bit‑tifsil ta’ miżuri ta’ frastruttura eżistenti tat‑trasport u l‑enerġija, inkluż permezz sostenn għad‑domanda l‑Istati Membri jkunu jistgħu jieħdu użu aktar frekwenti ta’ partenarjati pubbliċi privati, għat‑tiġ- vantaġġ mill‑flessibbiltà disponibbli taħt ir‑regoli Komu- did tal‑użu effiċjenti tal‑enerġija u biex tiżdied l‑enerġija rin- nitarji eżistenti. L‑użu tal‑proċedura aċċelerata ta’ akkwist novabbli; kollha jikkonverġu mal‑għanijiet tal‑PREE. Tali pubbliku jfisser li kuntratti ta’ investiment pubbliku jkunu azzjoni ser tkun iffaċilitata mill‑adozzjoni rapida tal‑emen- jistgħu jiġu ffirmata fi żmien xahar.‑ Il qafas temporanju di proposti tal‑leġiżlazzjoni dwar il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni. għall‑miżuri tal‑għajnuna mill‑Istat jgħinu lill‑kumpaniji L‑Istati Membri kollha huma inkoraġġiti li jagħmlu użu biex ikollhom aċċess għall‑finanzi fi żmien ta’ kundizzjoni- sħiħ mill‑possibbiltajiet mogħtija minn dawn l‑emendi biex jiet restrittivi ta’ self mill‑banek. L‑Istati Membri jistgħu jaċċeleraw l‑investimenti prinċipali. jipprovdu assigurazzjoni addizzjonali għall‑krediti għall‑esportazzjoni permezz ta’ entitajiet pubbliċi fejn, minħabba 449 Il‑komprensjoni u l‑ġestjoni tal‑impatt fit‑tul tal‑kriżi fuq l‑kriżi finanzjarja, tali assigurazzjoni ma tkunx għadha tista’ il‑finanzi pubbliċi - u ‑ l ġestjoni tal‑konsegwenzi fuq is‑sis- tingħata mis‑settur privat. temi tal‑pensjonijiet u tal‑kura tas‑saħħa - ukoll se jkunu importanti ħafna. L‑iżbilanċi fil‑baġit għandhom jerġgħu lura Fl‑istess ħin, jeħtieġ li l‑UE tissokta bil‑ħidma tagħha ta’ tit- għal pożizzjonijiet konsistenti mal‑ħtieġa tal‑iżgurar ta’ sos- jib tal‑ambjent kummerċjali, għas‑soistenn tal‑intrapriżi ta’ tenibbiltà fit‑tul tal‑finanzi pubbliċi hekk kif il‑kundizzjoni- daqs żgħir u medju li x’aktarx se jkunu l‑protagonisti ladarba jiet ekonomiċi jippermettuh, speċjalment fid‑dawl tal‑ispejj- l‑ekonomija tirkupra. Dan l‑aħħar il‑Kummissjoni ppreżen- eż prospettivi b’rabta ma’ popolazzjoni li qed tikber fl‑età. tat proposti biex tnaqqas il‑piżijiet tal‑kontabbiltà fuq Is‑sostenibbiltà fit‑tul għandha tiġi żgurata fil‑qafas tal‑Patt il‑mikrointrapriżi, bi tfaddil potenzjali ta’ madwar EUR 6 ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir. biljuni għan‑negozji33, u se tkompli tevalwa attentament il‑piż ta’ inizjattivi ġodda. It‑traspożizzjoni f ’waqtha din Bħalissa xi Stati Membri jinsabu fil‑proċess li jnaqqsu l‑iż- is‑sena tad‑Direttiva dwar is‑Servizzi se tippreżenta mezz ul- bilanċ tal‑baġit biex inaqqsu d‑dipendenza tagħhom fuq terjuri għall‑promozzjoni ta’ attività ekonomika ġdida u op- il‑flussi ta’ kreditu esterni. Il‑faċilità ta’ sostenn għal għajnuna portunitajiet ġodda ta’ xogħol. fuq medda medja ta’ żmien għall‑bilanċ tal‑ħlasijiet tal‑Istati Membri li mhumiex fiż‑żona tal‑euro ssaħħet wara li ngħata Ir‑rispett tal‑benefiċċji tas‑Suq Uniku, u l‑promozzjoni sostenn f ’waqtu lill‑Ungerija u ‘l‑Latvja. tal‑istess valuri lil hinn mill‑Ewropa, se jkun punt ta’ tluq uniku biex l‑Ewropa terġa’ taqbad it‑triq tat‑tkabbir. Il‑pro- Il‑PREE jagħmel parti mill‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona għat‑Tk- tezzjoniżmu u l‑għeluq fis‑swieq nazzjonali jwasslu biss abbir u l‑Impjiegi fil‑kriżi attwali. Il‑PREE qed jagħti l‑aħ- għal staġnar, reċessjoni aktar profonda u itwal, u t‑telfien jar bilanċ bejn stimulu immedjat u perspettiva fit‑tul li hija tal‑prosperità. meħtieġa. B’riżultat ta’ dan, l‑Ewropa għandha tkun imħejjija aħjar biex tiffaċċja ‑l isfidi ta’ ekonomija dinjija bbażata aktar L‑azzjoni li se jieħdu l‑Istati Membri biex jindirizzaw il‑kriżi fuq attivitajiet ta’ livelli anqas ta’ karbonju u aktar innovattivi. għandha tikkunsidra d‑dimensjoni tas‑Suq Uniku. Kważi l‑Istati Membri kollha, jekk mhux kollha kemm huma, Il‑Kummissjoni se ssegwi l‑impatt tal‑miżuri meħuda se jintervjenu biex jagħtu sostenn lill‑attività ekonomika mill‑qrib, flimkien mal‑Istati Membri, u se tirrapporta dwar fit‑territorju tagħhom waqt il‑kriżi. L‑użu intelliġenti tal‑lie- il‑progress li jsir qabel il‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Ġunju. vi nazzjonali fil‑kuntest Ewropew huwa l‑aħjar mod biex ikun żgurat li l‑azzjoni tkun waħda effettiva. 3.2. Is‑Suq Uniku bħala lieva għall‑irkupru 32 Is‑Suq Intern żied il‑prosperità tal‑UE b’2.15% tal‑PGD tal‑UE għal sena wara l‑oħra filwaqt li ħoloq 2.75 miljun impjieg L‑irkupru ekonomiku Ewropew ta’ suċċess se jiddepen- aktar bejn l-1992 u l-2006. Bejn l-1995 u l-2005 il‑kummerċ di fuq il‑kapaċità tagħna li nutilizzaw is‑swieq interni intra‑UE f’paragun mal‑PDG żdied bi 30%. 33 COM (2009) 83, 26.2.2009. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Il‑miżuri nazzjonali jistgħu jkunu effettivi ‑l aktar jekk Il‑Kummissjoni se taħdem mill‑qrib mal‑Istati Membri u ma’ l‑Istati Membri jkollhom is‑serħan il‑moħħ li qed jaġixxu partijiet interessati oħrajn tal‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona biex tik- b’mod konformi mas‑suq uniku. F’ħidma mal‑Istati Mem- kunsidra l‑eżitu ta’ dan id‑dibattitu fit‑tifsil tal‑Istrateġeija ta’ bri, il‑Kummissjoni tinsab lesta li tipprovdi għajnuna Liżbona għal wara l-2010. Dan il‑proċess ser jibda b’analiżi fit‑tfassil u l‑implimentazzjoni ta’ miżuri konkreti, permezz ġenerali tal‑Istrateġija riveduta ta’ Liżbona taħt il‑Presidenza tal‑promozzjoni tal‑iskambju ta’ prassi tajba u ta’ esperjenza Żvediża fi tħejjija għal deċiżjonijiet li għandhom jittieħdu fl‑ambitu tal‑politika. Din il‑koordinazzjoni tista’ tiżgura fir‑rebbiegħa tal-2010 taħt il‑Presidenza Spanjola. li l‑effetti pożittivi jinħassu bl‑aħjar mod. Għandha tinkludi wkoll l‑iskambju ta’ informazzjoni dwar il‑miżuri li jittieħdu kif ukoll valutazzjonijiet tal‑impatt konġunti ta’ L‑impatt sħiħ tal‑PREE se se joħroġ aktar biċ‑ċar biss dawn il‑miżuri. L‑Anness III jipprovdi gwida ulterjuri dwar fix‑xhur li ġejjin, iżda l‑ewwel sinjali jidhru pożittivi, kif l‑Istati Membri jistgħu jfasslu miżuri ta’ rkupru bil‑għan kemm f ’termini tal‑volum tal‑istimulu kif ukoll f ’dik li li jiżguraw il‑kompatibbiltà tagħhom mal‑aktar leġiżlazzjoni hija d‑direzzjoni tar‑riformi: Komunitarja relevanti. • Issa l‑parti l‑kbira tal‑Istati Membri adottaw jew ħabbru pakketti ta’ stimulu fiskali, li jilħqu ‑l mira 3.3. It‑tiġdid tal‑ekonomija Ewropea globali ta’ 1.5% tal‑PGD tal‑Unjoni. Meta jiġu fiż‑żmien ta’ wara l‑kriżi kkunsidrati l‑effetti tal‑istabilizzaturi awtomatiċi, ġie allokat sostenn fiskali ta’ madwar 3.3% Ma jista’ jkun hemm l‑ebda dubju dwar it‑tbatija reali li din tal‑PGD għall‑irkupru. Dan jammonta għal aktar 450 il‑kriżi doppja – finanzjarja u ekonomika – qed tikkawża minn EUR 400 miljun, li huwa stimulu enormi lill‑familji u lin‑negozji Ewropej. It‑triq tal‑irkupru se tkun għat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi. waħda gradwali u se tkun teħtieġ mobilizzazzjoni maġġuri • Il‑parti l‑kbira tal‑miżuri tal‑Istati Membri huma ta’ sforz minn dawk kollha involuti biex jgħaġġlu l‑pass mmirati biex jistimolaw id‑domanda u huma tar‑riformi strutturali taħt l‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona. Per- konsistenti ma’ għanijiet fit‑tul bħaż‑żieda mezz tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑isforzi tagħna u billi nagħmlu tal‑ħiliet, it‑tisħiħ tal‑investimenti fl‑innovazzjoni, l‑aħjar użu mill‑vantaġġi kompetittivi tagħna, speċjalment il‑promozzjoni ta’ internet ta’ veloċità għolja, is‑Suq Uniku, aħna nistgħu miżguraw li l‑Ewropa toħroġ it‑tiġdid tal‑infrastruttura eżistenti tat‑trasport mir‑reċessjoni aktar malajr. u l‑enerġija. Billi nżommu ħarsitna fuq il‑prinċipji komuni tagħna u fuq • Il‑Kummissjoni żgurat li bit‑tifsil ta’ miżuri ta’ l‑objettivi fit‑tul tal‑politiki tagħna, il‑miżuri li qegħdin sostenn għad‑domanda l‑Istati Membri jkuni nieħdu matul din il‑kriżi se jħejjulna s‑sisien għal tranżizz- jistgħu jistgħu jieħdu vantaġġ mill‑flessibbiltà joni mingħajr intoppi lejn l‑ekonomija Ewropea tal‑ġejjieni. disponibbli taħt ir‑regoli Komunitarji. Pereżempju, B’mod partikolari, għandna nżommu r‑ritmu tal‑isforzi dan l‑aħħar il‑Kummissjoni ppreżentat gwida dwar tagħna biex insiru ekonomija b’livelli baxxi ta’ emissjoniji- miżuri għall‑industrija tal‑karozzi bħala għajnuna et ta’ karbonju: meta l‑ekonomija taqleb għall‑aħjar it‑te- lill‑Istati Membri waqt li dawn jipprovdu sostenn knoloġiji u l‑prodotti ekoloġiċi għandhom ikunu s‑swieq għar‑ristrutturar ta’ dan is‑settur. ewlenin. Jeħtieġ li nibdew ħidma dwar kif nistgħu ntejbu Permezz tas‑Suq Uniku, l‑Istati Membri kollha se l‑istrutturi li rridu nużaw biex nindirizzaw l‑irkupru: xi jibbenefikaw direttament jew indirettament minn ord- kumpaniji se jirristrutturaw, oħrajn se jiddiversifikaw, jist- nijiet għal prodotti u servizzi bħala riżultat tal‑pakkett għu jkun li xi wħud joħorġu mis‑suq. Il‑proċess biex kump- ta’ stimulu. L‑Istati Membri għandhom jagħtu atten- aniji nazzjonalizzati jergħu jiġu privatizzati u biex b’mod zjoni partikolari biex jieħdu l‑aħjar effetti pożittivi li ġenerali l‑livell ta’ intervent mill‑Istat fl‑ekonomiji tagħna joħorġu mis‑Suq Uniku, li kien u ser jibqa’ il‑mutur jerġa’ lura għal livelli aktar normali se jkun jeħtieġ ġestjoni ta’ prosperità ekonomika u soċjali u ta’ ħolqien ta’ attenta. Il‑politika tal‑kompetizzjoni tal‑Komunità tista’ impjiegi fl‑UE. tgħin f ’dan il‑proċesss vitali, u tmexxih għall‑kisba ta’ riżul- tati aktar miftuħa, effiċjenti u innovattivi. Għal dan il‑għan, l‑azzjonijiet tal‑Istati Membri fir‑rigward tal‑għajnuna lill‑ekonomija reali għandhom It‑tagħlimiet li joħorġu mill‑kriżi għandhom jiġu kkun- jissawru mill‑prinċipji li ġejjin: sidrati fit‑tiġdid tal‑aġenda Ewropea ta’ riforma struttur- • Jinżamm il‑ftuħ fis‑suq intern, filwaqt li tissokta ali. Il‑Kummissjoni, bl‑esperjenza ta’ dawn l‑avvenimenti l‑ħidma ta’ tneħħija ta’ ostakli u jiġi evitat li reċenti, biħsiebha tniedi dibattitu dwar il‑Linji Gwida Inte- jinħolqu ostakli ġodda. grali għat‑Tkabbir u l‑Impjiegi taħt l‑Istrateġij ta’ Liżbona, li jiggwidaw lill‑Istati Membri u lill‑Komunità fit‑tħejjija tal‑programmi rispettivi tagħhom għal riforma struttuali. Nixprunaw l‑irkupru Ewropew

Il‑Kummissjoni se ssegwi l‑progress fuq bażi regolari u se • Jiġi żgurat li ma ssir l‑ebda diskriminazzjoni billi tirrapporta dwaru fil‑ħin għall‑laqgħat tal‑Kunsill Ew- l‑prodotti u s‑servizzi minn Stati Membri jiġu ropew li jmiss. B’kunsiderazzjoni tar‑riżultati tal‑PREE, trattati f ’konformità mar‑regoli tal‑UE u l‑prinċipji il‑Kummissjoni bi ħsiebha wkoll tibda tħejji l‑Istrateġija ta’ tat‑Trattati. Liżbona għal wara l-2010. • Isiru interventi biex jinkisbu l‑għanijiet li għandna fuq medda itwal ta’ żmien: l‑iffaċilitar ta’ bidla strutturali, it‑tisħiħ tal‑kompetittività 4. L‑għajnuna lill‑persuni matul fit‑tul u l‑indirizzar tal‑isfidi ewlenin bħall‑bini il‑kriżi ta’ ekonomija b’livelli baxxi ta’ emissjonijiet tal‑karbonju. L‑impatt tat‑tnaqqis fuq il‑familji u l‑ħaddiema kull ma jmur • Tittieħed kunsiderazzjoni sħiħa tal‑importanza qiegħed dejjem jikber. Wara prestazzjoni tajba f ’dawn l‑aħħar kruċjali li l‑SMEs japplikaw il‑prinċipju li “fil‑bidu snin, issa s‑sitwazzjoni tas‑suq tax‑xogħol sejra lura b’rata ma narawx kbir”. mgħaġġla u b’mod sinifikanti. Il‑Kummissjoni tbassar li fuq is‑sentejn li ġejjin, it‑tkabbir tal‑impjiegi se jkun fin‑negattiv. • Isir skambju tal‑informazzjoni u tal‑aħjar prassi biex Il‑qagħad mistenni jiżdied b’rata għolja. Għalkemm l‑ista- jinkiseb l‑aktar impatt globali pożittiv permezz ta’ mpa tvarja minn Stat Membru għal ieħor, din is‑sena r‑rata effetti fuq skala kbira. globali tal‑impjiegi mistennija tonqos b’1.6% - madwar 3.5 • Il‑koordinazzjoni tal‑isforzi u t‑tfassil ta’ miżuri miljun impjieg – u fl-2010 ‑r rata tal‑qgħad fl‑UE tista’ tilħaq 451 b’mod li jkunu jistgħu joħolqu sinerġiji ma’ dawk l-10%. meħuda minn Stati Membri oħra. Kooperazzjoni aktar b’saħħitha fil‑livell Ewropew hija importanti Xi aġġustamenti fis‑suq tax‑xogħol jirreflettu ‑l impatt tar‑ri- f ’dawn ir‑rigward. formi strutturali li rnexxew fl‑imgħoddi. Filwaqt li dan jista’ jiffaċilita ‑t titjib aktar mgħaġġel meta l‑ekonomija tirpilja, • Isir użu responsabbli tal‑flessibbiltà pprovduta għadu jidher biċ‑ċar li fuq żmien qasir, it‑tbatija se tkun mill‑patt imġedded ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir, li kbira. Iż‑żgħażagħ, dawk b’kuntratti qosra, u l‑ħaddiema mi- jippermetti li d‑defiċits tal‑gvernijiet jitreġġgħu granti x’aktarx li se jintlaqtu l‑agħar. lura lejn pożizzjonijiet konsistenti ma’ finanzi pubbliċi sostenibbli malajr kemm jista’ jkun, filwaqt li jiġu indirizzati b’mod qawwi ‑l kawżi 4.1. It‑tnaqqis tal‑ispejjeż umani tal‑kriżi tal‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi. Il‑parti l‑kbira tal‑Istati Membri introduċew miżuri dwar • Is‑Suq Uniku jinżamm miftuħ għas‑sħab l‑impjiegi u miżuri soċjali bħala sostenn lill‑persuni u biex kummerċjali tagħna u jiġu rrispettati l‑impenji itaffu ‑l ispejjeż umani tal‑kriżi. Filwaqt li l‑Istati Membri internazzjonali, partikolarment dawk li saru huma minn ta’ quddiem fl‑indirizzar ta’ dawn l‑isfidi, il‑poli- fid‑WTO. tiki Ewropej huma ta’ valur miżjud billi jgħinuhom ifasslu F’konformità tal‑PREE, issa l‑Istati Membri għand- u jimplimentaw risponsi efettivi għall‑isfida tal‑impjiegi hom jiżguraw li l‑pakketti ta’ stimulu fiskali jimxu u tal‑koeżjoni soċjali. id f ’id mal‑aċċelerazzjoni tar‑riformi strutturali fl‑oqsma enfasizzati fir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċfiċi L‑Istati Membri ffokaw il‑miżuri tagħhom fuq erba’ tipi wis- għall‑pajjiżi tal‑istrateġija ta’ Liżbona. Dan huwa għin ta’ prijoritajiet: l‑aħjar mod kif jiġi żgurat li issa n‑nefqa tkun waħda effikaċi, li żżid ‑il potenzjal ġejjieni għat‑tkabbir u li • Miżuri li jimmiraw li jżommu l‑impjiegi eżistenti: tagħmel l‑anqas dannu għal‑prospettivi fiskali fit‑tul konċessjonijiet għal żmien qasir fuq l‑impjiegi, tnaqqis tal‑ġejjieni. Huwa tassew essenzjali wkoll li l‑Ewropa fil‑kontribuzzjonijiet tas‑sigurtà soċjali, sussidji fuq tieħu l‑opportunitajiet ta’ din il‑kriżi u tarma ruħha is‑salarji u sostenn lill‑SMEs; bl‑aħjar mod biex tilqa’ l‑isfdi ta’ ekonomija dinjija • Miżuri li jiżguraw ir-(ri)integrazzjoni rapida ġdida, b’bażi fuq użu anqas tal‑karbonju, l‑innovazzjo- fis‑suq tax‑xogħol: taħriġ vokazzjonali u sostenn ni, l‑ICT u l‑ħiliet. lill‑iżvantaġġjati, tibdil fil‑benefiċċji f ’każ ta’ mard jew diżabilità, u regoli ta’ eliġibbiltà ġodda fir‑rigward tal‑benefiċċji tal‑qgħad; • Miżuri ta’ sostenn għal dawk li huma l‑aktar dgħajfa: żieda fid‑dħul/salarju minimu, benefiċċji ta’ kopertura estiża jew benefiċċji li jkopru ż‑żmien tal‑qgħad, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

konċessjonijiet ogħla għad‑djar u l‑familji, tnaqqis jew jittieħdu l‑opportunitajiet tal‑ekonomija b’livelli baxxi ta’ eżenzjonijiet tat‑taxxi, u miżuri kontra d‑dejn żejjed jew emissjonijiet tal‑karbonju. il‑possessjoni mill‑ġdid; • Miżuri li jsaħħu l‑ħarsien soċjali u jinvestu Sabiex isir l‑aħjar użu mill‑effetti pożittivi, u biex ‑l isfidi f ’infrastruttura soċjali u tas‑saħħa: investimenti bla preċedent tal‑kriżi jiġu indirizzati aħjar b’mod kollet- fid‑djar, sptarijiet, kura primarja, infrastruttura ta’ tiv, il‑Kummissjoni se tippromwovi t‑tagħlim reċiproku kura fit‑tul u skejjel, u azzjonijiet li jgħinu lill‑fondi ta’ u l‑iskambju tal‑aħjar prassi madwar l‑Istati Membri. pensjonijiet jilħqu l‑obbligazzjonijiet fit‑tul tagħhom. L‑impatt soċjali u fuq l‑impjiegi tal‑kriżi għadu qed jiżvi- L‑elementi li li ġejjin jistgħu jgħinu lill‑Istati Mem- luppa, u huwa eħrex milli mistenni meta ddaħħlu fis‑seħħ bri fit‑tfassil ta’ miżuri xierqa u effettivi: l‑ewwel miżuri. Għalhekk, għandhom jiżdiedu l‑isforzi • Iż‑żamma tan‑nies fl‑impjiegi, speċjalment billi fil‑livelli kollha sabiex jiġi indirizzat il‑qgħad, u biex l‑iskemi jingħata sostenn finanzjarju għal arranġamenti tal‑benefiċċji soċjali, tal‑kura tas‑saħħa u tas‑saħħa pubblika temporanji ta’ ħinijiet ta’ xogħol flessibbli. jiġu adattati u mmodernizzati. Sostenn fuq id‑dħul flimk- L‑aġġustament temporanju tal‑ħinijiet tax‑xogħol ien ma’ miżuri attivi se jistimulaw id‑domanda, jiffaċilitaw (“ħinijiet qosra”) b’mod konformi mal‑ħtiġiet it‑tranżizzjoni għall‑impjieg li jmiss u jevitaw l‑esklużjoni tal‑produzzjoni jista’ jkun sors importanti soċjali. ta’ flessibbiltà min‑naħa tal‑impjegati. Billi 452 jevita sensji bil‑massa, dan jista’ jtaffi‑ l impatt Sabiex l‑Istati Membri jiġu megħjuna fl‑isforzi tagħhom li soċjai tal‑kriżi, jeludi spejjeż konsiderevoli ta’ jindirizzaw il‑kriżi u li jimplimentaw il‑miżuri ta’ rkupru, sensji u impjegar mill‑ġdid għall‑kumpaniji, l‑istrumenti finanzjarji disponibbli qegħdin jissaħħu. It‑tiġ- u jevita li jintilef kapital uman speċifiku did tal‑Fond Ewropew għall‑Aġġustament tal‑Globaliz‑ 34 għall‑kumpaniji. Jeħtieġ li tali azzjoni timxi id zazzjoni se jippermetti li dan il‑fond ikun attivat aktar f ’id ma’ miżuri li jsostnu l‑kapaċità għall‑impjieg malajr bħala sostenn għal ħaddiema milquta minn tnaqqis u li jiggwidaw lill‑persuni lejn impjiegi ġodda, li sinfikanti ‑fl impjiegi u l‑komunitajiet tagħhom. jagħtu s‑setgħa lill‑ħaddiema li jieħdu vantaġġ mill‑opportunitajiet ġodda meta s‑sitwazzjoni Il‑programmi kurrenti tal‑Fond Soċjali Ewropew (FSE) taqleb għall‑aħjar. Jeħtieġ li dawn il‑miżuri jkunu jgħinu lil 9 miljun ħaddiem kull sena; EUR 10.8 biljuni koordinati biex jiġu evitati effetti negattivi fi Stati f ’għotjiet huma disponibbli mill‑FSE fl-2009 biss. Il‑Fond Membri oħrajn. jista’ jirrispondi għall‑ħtiġiet ikkawżati mill‑kriżi, pereżemp- ju li jtejjeb id‑domanda u l‑proviżjon ta’ tqabbil tal‑ħiliet • It‑tisħiħ tal‑attivazzjoni u jiġi pprovdut sostenn mal‑impjiegi, jappoġġja inizjattivi konġunti mis‑sħab soċjali, adegwat għad‑dħul lil dawk li ntlaqtu l‑agħar jippromwovi l‑innovazzjoni soċjali u l‑partenarjati tal‑imp- mit‑tnaqqis ekonomiku, b’użu sħiħ tal‑benefiċċji jiegi, jew isaħħaħ is‑servizzi tal‑impjiegi pubbliċi. Is‑simplifi- tal‑ħarsien soċjali, f ’konformità mal‑approċċ ta’ kazzjoni tar‑regoli tal‑FSE35 se tippermetti żieda immedjata flessigurtà. F’dawk il‑pajjiżi fejn l‑assigurazzjoni ta’ EUR 1.8 biljuni fi ħlasijiet bil‑quddiem. Fil‑każijiet koll- tal‑qgħad hija strettament limitata biż‑żmien, ha fejn hemm il‑ħtieġa li l‑ipprogrammar tal‑FSE jiġi adattat il‑kunsiderazzjoni tal‑kopertura għandhom għall‑ħtiġiet tal‑kriżi, il‑Kummissjoni se tiżgura li t‑tibdil jiġu estiżi fuq bażi temporanja /jew it‑tisħiħ fil‑programmi jsir fl‑anqas żmien possibbli. tad‑dħul minimu. L‑inċentivi li jinstab impjieg m’għandhomx jintmessu, u gruppi dgħajfa Filwaqt li miżuri ulterjuri għas‑sostenn tal‑impjiegi għand- għandhom ikunu sostnuti f ’konformità hom jitfasslu mill‑Istati Membri, f ’kooperazzjoni mas‑Sħab mal‑istrateġija ta’ inklużjoni attiva. Soċjali, għall‑kundizzjonijiet ekonommiċi speċifiċi • L‑investiment fit‑taħriġ mill‑ġdid u għat‑tisħiħ u għas‑sitwazzjoni fis‑suq tax‑xogħol, huwa importanti li tal‑ħiliet partikolarment għal ħaddiema dawn jibqgħu konsistenti mal‑ħtiġiet ta’ riforma strutturali b’kuntratti qosra f ’setturi li sejrin lura. Għandha fit‑tul. Il‑miżuri għandhom jiffaċilitaw il‑proċess ta’ ristruttu- tingħata preferenza għal taħriġ immirat għal rar fit‑tul tal‑aktar settur milquta b’mod gravi, isaħħu l‑kom- ħtiġiet ġejjiena tas‑suq tax‑xogħol, bħall‑impjiegi petittività u l‑kapital uman tagħhom. Għandhom ukoll “ekoloġiċi”. Għalhekk għandha titħeġġeġ jgħinu fl‑indirizzar tal‑isfidi fit‑tul ewlenin bħall‑impatt ta’ l‑antiċipazzjoni tal‑ħtiġiet ta’ ħiliet fil‑ġejjieni. demografija li qed tixjieħ fuq il‑provvista ta’ ħaddiema u li Is‑Servizzi tal‑Impjiegi għandhom jissaħħu biex ilaħħqu maż‑żieda fil‑qgħad.

34 COM (2008) 867, 16.12.2008. 35 COM (2008) 813, 26.11.2008. Nixprunaw l‑irkupru Ewropew

4.2. Samit dwar l‑Impjiegi għall‑Ewropa • Il‑mitigazzjoni tal‑impatt dirett tal‑kriżi finanzjarja għall‑individwi permezz ta’ miżuri Approċċ fuq il‑livell Ewropew jista’ jkun ta’ valur miż- speċifiċi li jevitaw id‑dejn żejjed u li jżommu jud għall‑isforzi tal‑Istati Membri biex jiffaċċjaw ‑l isfida aċċess għas‑servizzi finanzjarji. F’pajjiżi bi skemi tal‑impjiegi, filwaqt li jevita kwalunkwe effett ta’ distors- prefinanzjati akbar fis‑sistemi tal‑pensjonijiet joni. Is‑Samit Ewropew dwar l‑Impjiegi li se jsir f ’Mejju se tagħhom, l‑irkupru tal‑fondi tal‑pensjonijiet se jipprovdi l‑opportunità li ssir valutazzjoni tas‑sitazzjoni jkun essenzjali għall‑ħarsien tad‑dħul kurrenti li qed tiżviluppa, u sabiex jintlaħaq ftehim dwar miżuri u ġejjieni tal‑pensjonanti. konkreti ulterjuri. Dan se jitħejja flimkien mas‑Sħab Soċ- • L‑iżgurar tal‑moviment ħieles tal‑ħaddiema jali u se jibni fuq il‑progress li sar fl‑Aġenda Soċjali Mġedda fis‑Suq Uniku li se jkun l‑għajn ta’ opportunitajiet fuq is‑sena li għaddiet. ġodda. Dan jista’ jindirizza l‑persistenza ta’ nuqqas ta’ tqabbil bejn il‑ħiliet u l‑ħtiġiet tas‑suq Is‑Samit għandu jikseb tliet għanijiet: tal‑impjiegi, anke matul din is‑sitwazzjoni diffiċli. F’dan il‑kuntest, id‑Direttiva dwar il‑Kollokazzjoni • Għandu jaċċellera l‑irkupru billi jiffoka fuq ir‑riforma ta’ Ħaddiema (Posted Workers Directive) sservi strutturali biex jinħolqu swieq tax‑xogħol aktar biex tiffaċilita ‑l moviment ħieles tal‑ħaddiema flessibbli, sikuri u inklussivi. fil‑kuntest tal‑għoti transkonfinali ta’ servizzi, filwaqt li tissalvagwardja b’mod effettiv kontra • Għandu jilħaq ftehim dwar approċċ f ’kollaborazzjoni 453 d‑dumping soċjali. Il‑Kummissjoni se taħdem biex jitnaqqas l‑impatt soċjali tal‑kriżi. mal‑Istati membri u mas‑Sħab Soċjali dwar • U għandu jniedi kunsens ġdid mas‑Sħab Soċjali interpretazzjoni komuni tad‑Direttiva biex tiżgura u l‑partijiet interessati dwar kif il‑politiki soċjali jistgħu li l‑applikazzjoni prattika tagħha – partikolarment jiġu modernizzati b’mod li jkun ta’ benefiċċju kemm il‑kooperazzjoni amministrattiva bejn l‑Istati għall‑impjegati kif ukoll għal min jimpjega. Membri - taħdem kif suppost. Tista’ ssir enfasi partikolari għal miżuri li jopponu l‑qgħad, • Il‑kunsiderazzjoni ta’ miżuri ta’ sostenn b’attenzjoni speċjali għall‑integrazzjoni ta’ dawk il‑ħaddie- bħat‑tnaqqis tal‑ispejjeż li ma jaqgħux fl‑ambitu ma fis‑suq tax‑xogħol li huma iżgħar fl‑età u aktar vul- tas‑salarji għal ħaddiema b’ħiliet limitati. nerabbli. Is‑Samit għandu jagħti ħarsa lejn kif il‑politiki L‑iżviluppi fis‑salarji u l‑miżuri fiskali għandhom tal‑UE jistgħu jgħinu aħjar lill‑Istati Membri fl‑isforzi jikkunsidraw il‑pożizzjoni kompetittiva u t‑tkabbir tagħhom, partikolarment fl‑indirizzar tad‑dgħufijiet strut- tal‑produttività partikolari ta’ kull Stat Membru. turali tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol konformi mar‑rakkomandazz- • L‑għoti ta’ sostenn suffiċjenti biex jiġu indirizzati joni tal‑Istrateġija ta’ Liżbona għat‑Tkabbir u l‑Impjiegi. l‑problemi tal‑qgħad fost iż‑żgħażagħ u tal‑istudenti li jitilqu mill‑iskola qabel iż‑żmien. Is‑Samit se jitħejja flimkien mas‑Sħab Soċjali u f ’kon- Iż‑żmien li żgħażugħ iqatta’ ‘il bogħod mis‑sistema sultazzjoni mal‑partijiet interessati kollha. Biex jinġabar edukattiva jista’ jkollu konsegwenzi dejjiema. kontribut fir‑rigward tat‑temi u l‑eżiti li jistgħu joħorġu L‑Istati Membri għandhom jitħejjew għal żieda mis‑Samit, il‑Kummissjoni se torganizza sensiela ta’ werkx- fid‑domanda għall‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ, hekk kif ops f ’għadd ta’ Stati Membri differenti biex tiġbor flimk- l‑istudenti ta’ bħalissa jibqgħu l‑iskola u l‑ħaddiema ien lill‑Parlament Ewropew, lis‑Sħab Soċjali, lill‑NGOs jfittxu li jitħarrġu mill‑ġdid. F’dan ir‑rigward, u lis‑soċjetà ċivili. Dan se jikkumplimenta l‑iskambji li it‑tkabbir ġejjien fis‑suq tax‑xogħol bħall-”impjiegi għaddejjin li l‑Kummissjoni qed tagħmel mal‑Istati Mem- ekoloġiċi” diġà jistgħu jiġu antiċipati. bri u mas‑Sħab Soċjali fid‑djalogu soċjali Ewropew. Dawn il‑proċess wiesa’ u miftuħ ta’ tħejjija għandu jservi bħala • L‑integrazzjoni ta’ miżuri bil‑għan li jirrevedu bażi soda għall‑bini ta’ kunsens ambizzjuż biex f ’Mejju l‑leġiżlazzjoni dwar il‑ħarsien tal‑impjiegi fil‑kuntest jitressqu sensiela ta’ azzjonijiet li jistgħu jitwettqu b’mod ta’ approċċ ta’ flessigurtà li jkopri l‑komponenti konkret. kollha biex titnaqqas is‑segmentazzjoni u jittejjeb l‑iffunzjonar tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

5. Il‑promozzjoni tal‑irkupru tibqa’ impenjata li taħdem mal‑istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji Ewropej u internazzjonali biex tagħti s‑sostenn tagħha globali: il‑kontribut ewropew għall‑istabbiltà ekonomika u l‑iżvilupp tagħhom. Il‑Kum- għas‑samit tal‑G-20 missjoni laqgħet b’sodisfazzjoni l‑pjan ta’ azzjoni żvilup- pat mill‑Bank Ewropew għar‑Rikostruzzjoni u l‑Iżvilupp Din hija kriżi globali. L‑iskala u r‑ritmu li bihom xokk (BERŻ), il‑BEI u l‑Bank Dinji, biex tingħata għajnuna f ’suq finanzjarju wieħed ta’ importanza sistemika ma damx għat‑tisħiħ tal‑banek u għas‑sostenn tas‑self f ’xi ekonomiji ma laqat lis‑sistema finanzjarju u xtered għall‑ekonomiji tal‑Ewropea Ċentrali u tal‑Lvant. reali madwar id‑dinja għadhom kemm urew kemm id‑dinja saret waħda interdipendenti. Fl‑aħħarnett, minħabba l‑effetti estensivi tal‑kriżi globali u mit‑tnaqqis fl‑attività ekonomika li rriżulta fil‑pajjiżi L‑UE kellha rwol prinċipali fit‑trawwim tar‑rikonoxx- fil‑fażi ta’ żvilupp, aħna għandna nirrispettaw l‑impenn iment li teżisti l‑ħtieġa għal soluzzjonijiet globali. Fuq tagħna li ngħinuhom matul il‑kriżi, biex joħorġu mit‑triq inizjattiva tal‑UE, is‑Samit tal‑G-20 ta’ Washington ta’ tal‑faqar u jaqbdu dik tat‑tkabbir sostenibbli L‑għajnuna li Novembru 2008 qabel dwar pjan ta’ azzjoni għat‑tiġdid tingħatalhom għall‑kisba tal‑Għanijiet ta’ Żvilupp tal‑Mil- tal‑arkitettura finanzjarja internazzjonali b’mod li tiġi lennju hija essenzjali għall‑irkupru globali f ’ekonomija aġġornata mar‑realtajiet tal‑globalizzazzjoni. miftuħa u sostenibbli.

L‑UE għandha tirrispeta l‑impenji tagħha fir‑rigward 454 L‑UE għandha tibqa’ titkellem b’leħen wieħed fis‑Samit tal‑G-20 ta’ londra tat-2 ta’ April. Aħna nistgħu nkunu tal‑Għajnuna Uffiċjali għall‑Iżvilupp (ODA), biex b’hekk sieħeb b’saħħtu u influwenti f ’din il‑ħidma, meta titqies din, flimkien mal‑mezzi l‑oħrajn li huma disponibbli, l‑esperjenza twila u ta’ suċċess li għandna fir‑rigward ikunu jistgħu jintużaw biex jistimulaw it‑tkabbir, l‑inves- tal‑integrazzjoni ta’ swieq reġjonali u tal‑bini effettiv ta’ timent, in‑negozju, l‑investiment, in‑negozju u l‑ħolqien istituzzjonijiet. tal‑impjiegi. Permezz tal‑istrumenti differenti tal‑Kum- missjoni, tal‑Istati membri u tal‑BEI, l‑UE għandha tiffoka fuq attivitajiet bħall‑agrikoltura, it‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑in- Hekk kif l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑Pjan ta’ Rkupru Ekon- frastruttura fejn jista’ jinkiseb impatt kontroċikliku. Dawn onomiku Ewropew timxi ‘l quddiem, fl‑isfond ta’ riforma l‑isforzi għandhom isiru id f ’id ma’ aktar responsabbiltà ambizzjuża tas‑swieq finanzjarji Ewropej, ‑l Unjoni tinsab min‑naħa tal‑pajjiżi fil‑fażi ta’ żvilupp biex jiżguraw gover- f ’pożizzjoni partikolarment tajba biex tkun minn ta’ nanza makroekonomika u fiskali tajba. quddiem u tipproponi soluzzjonijiet li jistgħu jagħtu riżul- tati effikaċi ‑fil livell globali. Fis‑Samit ta’ Londra, b’mod konsistenti mad‑deċiż- Dawn l‑isforzi għandhom ikunu konsistenti mal‑ħtieġa joni interni tagħha li jinsabu għaddejjin, l‑UE ta’ soluzzjonijiet globali fil‑qasam tat‑tibdil fil‑klima. għandha tippromwovi ftehim dwar sett komprensiv It‑tranżizzjoni għal ekonomija b’livelli baxxi ta’ emissjoni- ta’ azzjonijiet konkreti li jistgħu jitwettqu. Is‑Samit jiet tal‑karbonju għandha toħloq opportunitajiet ġodda għandu jagħti impenji sodi għat‑titjib tas‑siste‑ ta’ tkabbir mhux biss fl‑Ewropa iżda madwar id‑dinja. ma finanzjarja u regolatorja globali, biex l‑atturi Għalhekk is‑Samit ta’ Londra għandu jafferma mill‑ġdid u l‑istrumenti relevanti kollha jkunu suġġetti għal l‑impenn tiegħu għal eżitu ambizzjuż fuq livell globali regolamentazzjoni u sorveljanza adegwati billi: għan‑negozjati tan‑NU dwar it‑Tibdil fil‑Klima li se jsir f ’Kopenħagen f ’Diċembru tal-2009. • It‑titjib tat‑trasparenza u r‑responsabbiltà: Ir‑regoli prudenzjali bankarji kif ukoll l‑istandards Aħna għandna niżguraw li s‑Samit ta’ Londra jipproġetta tal‑kontabbiltà għandhom jittejbu billi jiġu inklużi messaġġi ċari dwar il‑ħtieġa li s‑swieq globali jinżammu fihom mekkaniżmi kontroċikliċi u permezz miftuħin. Filwaqt li jeżisti rikonoxximent globali li ‑l espe- ta’ indirizzar xieraq tal‑valur ġust. Ir‑rekwiżiti rjenza storika li l‑protezzjoniżmu matul tnaqqis fl‑attività kapitali tal‑banek għandhom jirreflettu aħjar ekonomika jwassal għal sitwazzjoni diżastruża, il‑press- r‑riskji ta’ likwidità u ssir il‑konverġenza jonijiet domestiċi għall‑applikazzjoni ta’ miżuri restrittivi mill‑ġdid tat‑titolizzazzjoni. L‑istrutturi ta’ jistgħu jkunu b’saħħithom. Huwa essenzjali li l‑messaġġ governanza tal‑Bord Internazzjonali tal‑Istandards f ’dan ir‑rigward ikun mingħajr ebda ambigwità biex dawn tal‑Kontabbiltà għandhom jittejbu. ir‑riskji jinżammu lura.

Il‑kandidati potenzjali tal‑UE u l‑pajjiżi ġirien ukoll qegħdin iħossu l‑impatt tal‑kriżi. Il‑Kummissjoni Nixprunaw l‑irkupru Ewropew

• It‑tisħiħ ta’ regolamentazzjoni soda: • It‑tisħiħ tal‑FMI: L‑Istati Membri għandhom ir‑regolamentazzjoni u s‑superviżjoni, u b’mod jippreżentaw kontribuzzjoni konġunta tal‑irduppjar partikolari l‑istandards prudenzjali tal‑Kumitat ta’ temporanju tar‑riżorsi tal‑FMI. L‑FMI għandha Basel, għandhom jiġu estiżi għall‑atturi sistemiċi ssaħħaħ is‑sorveljanza tagħha, billi tapprofondixxi relevanti kollha – għall‑fondi ta’ lqugħ, ekwità l‑kopertura tal‑kwistjonijiet tas‑settur finanzjarju, privata, u għal istituzzjonijiet ta’ kreditu oħrajn li issaħħaħ is‑sorveljanza multilaterali, tiżgura mhumiex irregolati. L‑aġenziji tal‑klassifikazzjoni konslutazzjonijiet multilaterali inkluża r‑revoka għandhom ikunu soġġetti għal rekwiżti severi biex ordnata tal‑iżbilanċi globali. Il‑kooperazzjoni jiġu żgurati l‑kwalità u t‑trasparenza tal‑klassfiki mal‑FSF għandha tissaħħaħ u jiġu stabbiliti u li jkunu ħielsa minn kunflitti ta’ interess. mekkaniżmi konġuniti ta’ twissija bikrija. Il‑politiki tar‑remunerazzjoni għandhom ikunu Il‑membri tal‑FSF u pajjiżi relvanti oħra li huma allinjati mill‑ġdid biex ikun evitat teħid ta’ riskju sistemikament importanti għandhom jiġu vvalutati eċċessiv u biex ikunu suġġetti għal sorveljanza. regolarment mill‑FMI u d‑dgħufijiet identifikati għandhom jgħaddu fil‑mekkaniżmi ta’ twissija • Il‑promozzjoni tal‑integrità fis‑swieq finanzjarji: bikrija. Ir‑riformi għandom jinkludu proċeduri Għandu jkun hemm lista ta’ ġuriżdizzjonijiet li onterni u għandhom jiżguraw li l‑konklużjonijiet ma jikkooperawx, sett ta’ miżuri konġunti mfassla ewlenin tas‑sorveljanza tal‑FMI jingħaddew biex jintużaw fil‑konfront ta’ ġurisdizzjonijiet li ma lill‑Kunsill Monetarju u Finanzjarju Internazzjonali. jikkooperawx fl‑oqsma tas‑sorveljanza, tal‑ġlieda 455 kontra l‑ħasil tal‑flus, tal‑iffinanzjar tar‑terrorriżmu • L‑iżvilupp tal‑Bank Dinji u ta’ Banek u tat‑tassazzjoni. Il‑banek għandhom jinżammu tal‑Iżvilupp Reġjonali: Il‑banek għandhom lura milli joperaw f ’ċentri off‑shore36 permezz jimplimentaw l‑istrumenti għad‑dispożizzjoni ta’ żieda fir‑rekwiżiti prudenzjali u regoli aktar tagħhom b’manjiera flessibbli biex jagħtu severi ta’ trasparenza. Ir‑regoli dwar iż‑żamma għajnuna bil‑quddiem biex itaffu ‑l effetti tal‑kriżi, u t‑trasferiment ta’ titoli b’intermedjarji għandhom partikolarment għal popolazzjonijiet vulnerabbli. jiġu armonizzati fuq livell globali. Dawn l‑attivitajiet għandhom jingħataw il‑finanzjament adegwat. • It‑tisħiħ tal‑kooperazzjoni internazzjonali fir‑rigward tas‑sorveljanza: Għandhom Is‑Samit għandu jagħti s‑sostenn tiegħu għal tkab‑ jiġu stabbiliti kulleġġi globali ta’ superviżuri bir bilanċjat fis‑swieq globali, billi: u jingħataw is‑setgħat meħtieġa biex ikunu effettivi. • Jixpruna l‑irkupru globali permezz ta’ Is‑superviżuri għandhom jiskambjaw il‑prassi tajba koordinazzjoni internazzjonali kostanti ta’ u jippromwovu l‑konverġenza globali tal‑prattiki. miżuri fiskaliu l ‑impatt reali tagħhom. L‑UE • Il‑Forum tal‑Istabbiltà Finanzjarja (FSF) qed tagħmel il‑parti tagħha fl‑isforz flobali għandu jitkabbar qabel is‑Samit tat-2 ta’ April, biex tirriġenera tkabbir. Il‑kooperazzjoni biex jinkludi l‑pajjiżi emerġenti maġġuri kollha internazzjonali għandha tiżgura li l‑miżuri fiskali u l‑Kummissjoni Ewropea. kurrenti jkunu konsistenti ma’ sostenibbiltà fiskali fit‑tul. Barra minn hekk huma għandhom • Ir‑riforma tal‑governanza tal‑istituzzjonijiet jipprovdu livelli suffiċjenti ta’ investiment finanzjarji internazzjonali: is‑Samit ta’ Londra f ’politiki fit‑tul, bħall‑innovazzjoni, l‑edukazzjoni, għandu jilħaq ftehim dwar skeda ta’ riformi l‑effiċjenza tal‑enerġija u l‑ekonomija b’livell baxx ulterjuri tal‑governanza tal‑Fond Monetarju ta’ emissjonijiet tal‑karbonju. Ladarba l‑irkupru Internazzjonali (FMI) u tal‑Bank Dinji. Għandha jaqbad sew, l‑istimuli makroekonomiċi żgur li se ssir reviżjoni tal‑ogħla ħatriet ta’ dawn iż‑żewġ jitneħħew b’mod ordnat u koordinat. istituzzjonijiet.

36 Minn hawn u ftit żmien ieħor il‑Kummissjoni ser tagħmel proposti dwar l‑iskambju ta’ informazzjoni dwar kwistjonijiet ta’ tassazzjoni fl‑UE u ma’ pajjiżi terzi. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Il‑Kummissjoni tistieden lill‑Kunsill Ewropew tar‑Reb- • Jippromwovi kummerċ miftuħ li jikkumplimenta biegħa biex: l‑istimulu fiskali. Il‑pajjiżi tal‑G-20 għandhom jimpenjaw ruħhom favur ftuħ ulterjuri • Jilħaq ftehim dwar il‑ħtieġa ta’ pakkett ġdid ta’ miżuri tas‑suq globali. Huwa essenzjali li s‑sensiela ta’ riforma tas‑settur finanzjarju flimkien ma’ qafas ta’ diskussjonijiet ta’ Doha abbażi tat‑testi ġdid ta’ sorveljanza tas‑settur finanzjarju tal‑UE, tan‑negozjati eżistenti dwar l‑agrikoltura imsejjes fuq il‑ħidma tal‑grupp Larosière, u biex l‑prodotti industrija jkunu konklużi qabel. jiddeċiedi dwar l‑elementi ewlenin ta’ dan il‑qafas Is‑Samit ta’ Londra għandu jafferma ġdid fil‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Ġunju, abbażi ta’ proposti mill‑ġdid pożizzjoni komuni qawwija kontra ulterjuri mill‑Kummissjoni; u biex jistieden lill‑Kunsill l‑protezzjoniżmu, f ’konformità mal‑impenn u lill‑Parlament Ewropew biex jagħtu prijorità għall‑waqfien miftiehem f ’Washington lill‑adozzjoni tal‑proposti dwar ir‑regolament dwar u l‑mekkaniżmu ta’ monitoraġġ effettiv stabbilit is‑servizzi finanzjarji li se jiġi propost mill‑Kummissjoni mid‑WTO. L‑imsieħba tal‑G-20 għandhom fix‑xxhur li ġejjin; juru d‑determinazzjoni kollettiva tagħha li jimplimentaw dan l‑impenn fl‑ogħla livell • Jistieden lill‑Istati Membri biex jieħdu l‑azzjoni politiku. meħtieġa biex jiżguraw l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja fit‑tul hekk kif il‑kundizzjonijiet ekonomiċi jippermettu dan, • Iniedi inizjattiva multilaterali dwar il‑finanzi f ’konformità mal‑verżjoni riveduta tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà tal‑kummerċ li ssaħħaħ l‑isforzi tal‑Grupp u Tkabbir; 456 tal‑Bank Dinji u aġenziji multilaterali oħra dwar l‑iżvilupp biex jiżdiedu l‑attivitajiet tal‑finanzi • Jistieden lill‑Istati Membri biex iħaffu tal‑kummerċ. l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑pjanijiet nazzjonali ta’ rkupru u tar‑riformi strutturali; • Jippromwovi l‑iżvilupp globali bħala parti mis‑soluzzjoni għall‑kriżi globali u bażi għall‑paċi • Jistieden lill‑Istati Membri biex waqt it‑tfassil u l‑istabbiltà madwar id‑dinja. Is‑Samit ta’ Londra u l‑implimentazzjoni ta’ miżuri li jsaħħu l‑ekonomija għandu jafferma mill‑ġdid l‑impenn tiegħu li reali japplikaw l‑prinċipji komuni stabbiliti fit‑taqsima jsostni l‑isforzi ta’ pajjiżi fil‑fażi ta’ żvilupp biex 3.2; jiġġeneraw tkabbir u fil‑ġlieda kontra l‑faqar, • Jistieden lill‑Istati Membri biex jgħinu b’mod effettiv partikolarment permezz tal‑kisba tal‑Għanijiet lill‑persuni waqt il‑kriżi, billi jisiltu mill‑elementi dwar ta’ Żvilupp tal‑Millennju. Biex tiġi ffaċilitata l‑azzjoni effettiva spjegati f ’din il‑Komunikazzjoni; l‑parteċipazzjoni attiva tal‑pajjiżi fil‑fażi ta’ żvilupp fil‑kummerċ internazzjonali, il‑G-20 għandhom • Japprova l‑proċess ta’ tħejjija għas‑Samit Ewropew dwar iżommu l‑wegħda tagħhom ta’ għajnuna l‑Impjiegi li se jsir f ’Mejju; għall‑kummerċ u jagħtu aċċess ħieles minn dazji u kwoti għas‑swieq tagħhom lill‑anqas pajjiżi • Japprova l‑pożizzjoni konġunta Ewropea għas‑Samit żviluppati. tal‑G-20 f ’Londra.

6. Konklużjoni

Din il‑Komunikazzjoni tistabbilixxi kif l‑Unjoni Ewropea tista’ tibni fuq il‑passi li diġà ttieħdu biex tindirizza l‑kriżi finanzjarja u ekonomika. Issa ‑l UE dieħla f ’fażi ġdida ta’ implimentazzjoni tal‑Pjan ta’ Rkupru, bi ħtieġa għal koordinazzjoni effettiva tal‑miżuri li qegħdin jittieħdu biex ikun żgurat li jaħdmu bl‑aħjar mod biex jgħinu lin‑negozji, lill‑familji u lill‑komunitajiet madwar l‑Ewropa. Din il‑Komunikazzjoni tirrifletti ‑d diskussjoni tal‑Kapijiet ta’ Stat U Gvern tal-1 ta’ Marzu 2009 u tenfasizza li t‑triq tal‑irkupru titħaffef jekk il‑miżuri fi Stat Membru wieħed jissawru b’mod li jkunu x‑xrara li tqabbad l‑irkupru f ’pajjiżi oħrajn. Il‑koordinazzjoni effettiva se twassal biex is‑suq uniku jkun il‑punt tat‑tluq għall‑irkupru. Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv

KOMUNIKAZZJONI TAL‑KUMMISSJONI BRUSSELL 3.3.2010 COM(2010) 2020

Daħla it‑triq it‑tajba. Wara, jeħtieġ li tibqa’ miexja fuq din it‑triq. Dan huwa l‑iskop tal‑Ewropa 2020. Tirrigwarda żidiet 457 fl‑impjiegi u għajxien aħjar. Turi kif l‑Ewropa għandha Is‑sena 2010 timmarka bidu ġdid. Jien irrid li l‑Ewropa l‑ħila tikseb tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv, li toħroġ mill‑kriżi ekonomika u finanzjarja aktar b’saħħitha ssib it‑triq tal‑ħolqien ta’ impjiegi ġodda u toffri sens ta’ milli kienet. direzzjoni lis‑soċjetajiet tagħna. Kif ħareġ fid‑dieher bl‑impatt globali tal‑kriżi finanzjarja, Bejniethom il‑mexxejja Ewropej għamlu analiżi komuni ir‑realtajiet ekonomiċi qegħdin jimxu b’ritmu ferm aktar dwar it‑tagħlimiet li għandna nisiltu minn din il‑kriżi. Koll- mgħaġġel mir‑realtajiet politiċi. Jeħtieġ li naċċettaw il‑fatt ha kemm aħna nħossu sens ta’ urġenza fir‑rigward tal‑isfidi li aktar interdipendenza ekonomika titlob tweġiba aktar li għandna quddiemna. Issa jeħtieġ li nwettqu ħidma flimk- deċiża u koerenti fil‑livell politiku. ien. L‑Ewropa għandha ħafna punti ta’ saħħa. Għandna ħaddiema ta’ talent, għandna bażi teknoloġika u industrijali L‑aħħar sentejn ħallew miljuni ta’ nies qiegħda. Ġabu piż qawwija. Għandna suq intern u munita unika li rnexxiel- ta’ dejn li ser nibqgħu nħossuh għal bosta snin. Tefgħu hom jgħinuna nżommu iebes fl‑agħar mumenti. Għandna pressjonijiet ġodda fuq il‑koeżjoni soċjali tagħna. Ħarġu ekonomija soċjali tas‑suq effettiva bil‑provi. Jeħtieġ li naf- fid‑dieher ukoll ċerti veritajiet fundamentali dwar l‑isfidi daw fil‑kapaċità tagħna li nistabbilixxu aġenda ambizzjuża li qed tħabbat wiċċha magħhom l‑ekonomija Ewropea. għalina nfusna u mbagħad mmiddu idejna biex inwettquha. U sadanittant, l‑ekonomija globali miexja ’l quddiem. Ir‑reazzjoni tal‑Ewropa ser tiddetermina l‑ġejjieni tagħna. Il‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi ħames miri tal‑UE li jist- għu jitkejlu għall-2020. Dawn ser imexxu l‑proċess u ser Il‑kriżi hija esperjenza li tiftħilna għajnejna għar‑realtà, jiġu tradotti f ’miri nazzjonali: għall‑impjiegi; għar‑riċer- il‑mument fejn nirrikonoxxu li jekk nibqgħu għaddejjin ka u l‑innovazzjoni; għat‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑enerġija; qisu ma ġara xejn ser nispiċċaw fit‑triq tad‑deterjormant, għall‑edukazzjoni; u għall‑ġlieda kontra l‑faqar. Dawn fit‑tieni grad tal‑ordni globali dinji. Dan huwa l‑mument jirrapreżentaw id‑direzzjoni li għandna nieħdu u jfisser li tal‑verità għall‑Ewropa. Wasal iż‑żmien li nkunu kuraġġużi aħna nistgħu nkejlu s‑suċċess tagħna. u ambizzjużi. Huma miri ambizzjużi, iżda li għandna l‑kapaċità li niks- Il‑prijorità immedjata tagħna hija li noħorġu mill‑kriżi buhom. Warajhom hemm proposti konkreti biex niżgu- b’suċċess. Dan ser ikunu diffiċli għal xi żmien, iżda ser jirnexx- raw li nistgħu nwettquhom. L‑inizjattivi ewlenin stabbil- ielna naslu. Sar progress sinifikanti ‑fl indirizzar tal‑kwistjoni iti f ’dan id‑dokument juru kif l‑UE tista’ tagħti kontribut tal‑banek problematiċi, fil‑korrezzjoni tas‑swieq finanzjarji deċiżiv. F’idejna għandna strumenti qawwija biex insawru u fir‑rikonoxximent tal‑ħtieġa għal koordinazzjoni aktar l‑governanza ekonomika, sostnuti minn suq intern, il‑baġit b’saħħitha tal‑politika fiż‑żona tal‑euro. tagħna, il‑politika kummerċjali u l‑politika ekonomika esterna tagħna, u d‑dixxiplina u s‑sostenn tal‑unjoni ekono- Biex niksbu ġejjieni sostenibbli, jeħtieġ li nibdew naraw mika u monetarja. lil hinn minn imneħirna. Jeħtieġ li l‑Ewropa terġa’ taqbad IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Il‑kundizzjoni għas‑suċċess hija l‑appartenenza tal‑mexx- • Il‑miri tal‑klima/enerġija “20/20/20” għandhom ejja u l‑istituzzjonijiet Ewropej. L‑aġenda l‑ġdida tagħna jintlaħqu (inkluż żieda ta’ 30% fi tnaqqis titlob tweġiba Ewropea kkoordinata, inkluż mal‑imsieħba tal‑emissjonijiet jekk il‑kundizzjonijiet ikunu adattati). soċjali u mas‑soċjetà ċivili. Jekk naħdmu id f ’id inkunu • Il‑perċentwal ta’ dawk li jispiċċaw l‑edukazzjoni nistgħu niġġieldu u noħorġu mill‑kriżi aktar b’saħħitna tagħhom kmieni għandu jkun ta’ anqas minn 10% minn qabel. Għandna strumenti ġodda u ambizzjoni ġdi- jew tal‑anqas 40% tal‑ġenerazzjoni żagħżugħa għandu da. Issa jeħtieġ li nwettqu ħidma b’suċċess. jkollhom grad terzjarju. José Manuel BARROSO • Il‑persuni fir‑riskju tal‑faqar għandhom jonqsu b’20%. Dawn il‑miri huma interrelatati u essenzjali għas‑suċċess ġenerali tagħna. Biex niżguraw li kull Stat Membru jadat- STRATEĠIJA EWROPA 2020: ta l‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 għas‑sitwazzjoni partikolari SINTEŻI EŻEKUTTIVA tiegħu, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li l‑għanijiet tal‑UE jiġu tradotti f ’miri u trajjettorji nazzjonali. L‑Ewropa qiegħda tiffaċċja mument ta’ trasformazzjoni. Il‑kriżi ġabet fix‑xejn snin ta’ progress ekonomiku u soċ- Dawn il‑miri huma rappreżentattivi tat‑tliet prijoritajiet ta’ jali u ħarġet fid‑dieher dgħufijiet strutturali ‑fl ekonomija tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv iżda mhumiex tal‑Ewropa. Fl‑istess ħin, id‑dinja qiegħda tinbidel b’pass eżawrjenti: ser ikunu meħtieġa firxa ta’ azzjonijiet fil‑livell 458 mgħaġġel u l‑isfidi fit‑tul – il‑globalizzazzjoni, il‑pressjo- nazzjonali, fil‑livell tal‑UE u fil‑livell internazzjonali biex ni fuq ir‑riżorsi, l‑età dejjem tikber tas‑soċjetà – qegħdin dawn jingħataw il‑pedament qawwi li jeħtieġu. Il‑Kum- jintensifikaw. Issa huwa ‑l mument fejn l‑UE tieħu r‑riedni missjoni qiegħda tressaq seba’ inizjattivi ewlenin li jwasslu tal‑ġejjieni tagħha f ’idejha. għal progress taħt kull tema ta’ prijorità:

L‑Ewropa tista’ tirnexxi jekk kulħadd jaħdem id f ’id, • “Unjoni ta’ Innovazzjoni” biex jittejjbu bħala Unjoni. Neħtieġu strateġija li tgħinna noħorġu l‑kundizzjonijiet qafas u l‑aċċess għall‑finanzjament aktar b’saħħitna mill‑kriżi u nittrasformaw lill‑Ewropa tar‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni biex ikun żgurat li ideat f ’ekonomija intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiva li tik- innovattivi jiġu ttrasformati fi prodotti u servizzi li seb livelli għoljin fl‑oqsma tal‑impjiegi, tal‑produttività joħolqu tkabbir u impjiegi. u tal‑koeżjoni soċjali. L‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 tistab- • “Żgħażagħ mobbli” għat‑tisħiħ tal‑prestazzjoni bilixxi viżjoni tal‑ekonomija soċjali tas‑suq tal‑Ewropa tas‑sistemi tal‑edukazzjoni u biex jiġi ffaċilitat id‑dħul għas‑seklu 21. taż‑żgħażagħ fis‑suq tax‑xogħol. l‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 tippromwovi tliet prijoritajiet li • “Aġenda diġitali għall‑Ewropa” biex titħaffef jsaħħu lil xulxin b’mod reċiproku: l‑introduzzjoni ta’ internet b’veloċità għolja u l‑entitajiet domestiċi u l‑kumpaniji jkunu jistgħu • Tkabbir intelliġenti: l‑iżviluppar ta’ ekonomija msejsa jaħsdu l‑benefiċċji tas‑suq uniku. fuq l‑għarfien u l‑innovazzjoni. • “Ewropa b’użu effiċjenti ta’ riżorsi” biex ‑it tkabbir • Tkabbir sostenibbli: il‑promozzjoni ta’ ekonomija ekonomiku jinfatam mill‑użu ta’ riżorsi, tiġi appoġġjata aktar effiċjenti‑ fl użu ta’ riżorsi, aktar ekoloġika u akter l‑bidla għal ekonomija b’użu baxx ta’ karbonju, kompetittiva. jiżdied l‑użu ta’ għejun ta’ enerġija li tiġġedded, iseħħ l‑immodernizzar tas‑settur tat‑trasport u l‑promozzjoni • Tkabbir inklussiv: it‑trawwim ta’ ekonomija b’rata tal‑użu effiċjenti tal‑enerġija. għolja ta’ nies jaħdmu li tikseb koeżjoni soċjali u territorjali. • “Politika industrijali għall‑era tal‑globalizzazzjoni” biex jittejjeb l‑ambjent tan‑negozji, prinċipalment Jeħtieġ li l‑UE tiddefinixxi fejn tixtieq tasal sal-2020. Għal għall‑impriżi ta’ daqs żgħir u medju, u għas‑sostenn dan il‑għan, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi dawn il‑miri ew- tal‑iżvilupp ta’ bażi industrijali b’saħħitha u sostenibbli lenin tal‑UE li ġejjin: li tkun kapaċi tikkompeti fil‑livell globali.

• 75% tal‑popolazzjoni ta’ bejn l-20 u l-64 għandu • “Aġenda għal ħiliet u impjiegi ġodda” jkollhom impjieg. għall‑immodernizzar tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol filwaqt li n‑nies jingħataw l‑opportunità li jiżviluppaw il‑ħiliet • 3% tal‑PGD tal‑UE għandu jiġi investiti fir‑riċerka tagħhom matul ħajjithom kollha bil‑għan li tiżdied u l‑iżvilupp. il‑parteċipazzjoni fis‑suq tax‑xogħol u jinħolqu impjiegi Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv

li tassew ikun hemm bżonnhom fis‑suq, inkluż permezz tilqa’ l‑fehmiet u s‑sostenn tal‑Parlament Ewropew biex tal‑mobbiltà tal‑impjiegi. l‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 tirriżulta f ’suċċess. • “Pjattaforma Ewropa kontra l‑faqar” biex tiġi żgurata l‑koeżjoni soċjali u territorjali biex b’hekk il‑benefiċċji tat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi jinħassu b’mod mifrux filwaqt 1. Mument ta’ trasformazzjoni li l‑persuni li jesperjenzaw faqar u esklużjoni soċjali jingħataw iċ‑ċans li jgħixu b’dinjità u jagħtu sehem attiv Il‑kriżi ġabet fix‑xejn il‑progress riċenti li fis‑soċjetà. għamilna Dawn is‑seba’ inizjattivi ewlenin ser jikkommettu kemm lill‑UE u kif ukoll lill‑Istati Membri. L‑istrumenti fil‑livell Il‑kriżi ekonomika riċenti ma għandha l‑ebda preċedent tal‑UE, prinċipalment is‑suq uniku, opportunitajiet finan- fil‑ġenerazzjoni tagħna. Iż‑żidiet kostanti fit‑tkabbir zjarji u strumenti ta’ politika esterna, ser jiġu mmobilizza- ekonomiku u fil‑ħolqien tal‑impjiegi li nkisbu f ’dawn ti bis‑sħiħ biex jiġu indirizzati d‑diffikultajiet u jinkisbu l‑aħħar għaxar snin sfaw kollha fix‑xejn – fl-2009 ‑l PGD l‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020. Bħala prijorità im- tagħna naqas b’4%, il‑produzzjoni industrijali tagħna mar- medjata, il‑Kummissjoni tippjana dak li għandu jsir u tid- ret lura għal‑livelli tas‑snin disgħin u 23 miljun ruħ - jew definixxi strateġija kredibbli ta’ ħruġ, tissokta bir‑riforma 10% tal‑popolazzjoni tagħna - issa jinsabu qiegħda. Il‑kriżi tas‑sistema finanzjarja, tiżgura ‑l konsolidazzjoni baġitarja kienet xokk għal miljuni ta’ ċittadini u ħarġet fid‑dieher xi għal tkabbir fit‑tul, u ssaħħaħ il‑koordinazzjoni mal‑Unjo- dgħufijiet fundamentali tal‑ekonomija tagħna. ni Ekonomika u Monetarja. 459 Il‑kriżi wasslet ukoll biex il‑biċċa xogħol li niżguraw tkab- Governanza ekonomika aktar b’saħħitha ser tirrekjedi bir ekonomiku fil‑ġejjieni saret waħda ferm aktar diffiċli. l‑ksib ta’ riżultati. Ewropa 2020 ser tistrieħ fuq żewġ kol- Is‑sitwazzjoni fraġli tas‑sistema finanzjarja tagħna qiegħ- onni: l‑approċċ tematiku spjegat hawn fuq, li jlaqqa’ l‑pri- da żżomm lura l‑irkupru hekk kif il‑kumpaniji u l‑familji joritajiet mal‑miri ewlenin; u rappurar mill‑pajjiżi, li jagħti qegħdin isibuha diffiċli biex jissellfu, jonfqu u jinvestu. għajnuna lill‑Istati Membri biex jiżviluppaw l‑istrateġiji Il‑finanzi pubbliċi tagħna diġà ntlaqtu serjament, bi żbi- tagħhom biex jerġgħu jaqbdu t‑triq ta’ tkabbir sostenibbli lanċi li laħqu s-7% tal‑PGD u livelli ta’ djun ta’ aktar minn u finanzi pubbliċi sodi. Ser jiġu adottati linji gwida integra- 80% tal‑PGD – sentejn ta’ kriżi ġabu fix‑xejn għoxrin sena ti fil‑livell tal‑UE li jkopru l‑ambitu tal‑prijoritajiet u l‑mi- ta’ konsolidazzjoni fiskali. Matul il‑kriżi l‑potenzjal ta’ tk- ri tal‑UE. Ser jiġu wkoll indirizzati rakkomadazzjonijiet abbir ekonomiku tagħna tnaqqas bin‑nofs. Dan ifisser li speċifiċi lill‑Istati Membri. Fil‑każ li t‑tweġibiet ma jkunux ħafna pjanijiet ta’ investiment, talenti u ideat jirriskjaw li adegwati, ikunu jistgħu jingħataw twissijiet ta’ politika. jgħibu minħabba inċertezzi, domanda baxxa u nuqqas ta’ Ir‑rappurtar dwar l‑Ewropa 2020 u l‑evalwazzjoni tal‑Patt finanzjament. ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir ser isiru simultanjament, iżda dawn l‑istrumenti ser jinżammu separati filwaqt li tinżamm ‑l in- Ħarġu fid‑dieher id‑dgħufijiet strutturali tegrità tal‑Patt. tal‑Ewropa

Il‑Kunsill Ewropew ser ikun responsabbli bis‑sħiħ, u jkun L‑isfida immedjata hija dik li noħorġu mill‑kriżi, iżda l‑ak- il‑punt fokali, tal‑istrateġija l‑ġdida. Il‑Kummissjoni ser bar sfida hija li naħarbu ‑r rifless li nippruvaw immorru lura issegwi l‑progress li jsir fil‑ilħuq ta’ dwn il‑miri, tiffaċilita għas‑sitwazzjoni ta’ qabel il‑kriżi. Anke qabel il‑kriżi, kien l‑iskambju ta’ politika u tagħmel il‑proposti meħtieġa biex hemm ħafna oqsma fejn l‑Ewropa kienet qed tagħmel an- tidderieġi l‑azzjoni u tippromwovi l‑inizjattivi ewlenin qas progress milli kien qed isir mill‑bqija tad‑dinja: tal‑UE. Il‑Parlament Ewropew ser ikollu r‑rwol li jixpruna l‑mobilizzazzjoni taċ‑ċittadini u jaġixxi ta’ koleġiżlatur • Ir‑rata ta’ tkabbir ekonomiku tal‑Ewropa kienet dwar inizjattivi ewlenin. L‑approċċ ta’ partenarjat għandu strutturalment anqas minn dik tas‑sħab ekonomiċi jestendi għall‑kumitati tal‑UE, għall‑parlament nazzjonali, ewlenin tagħna, l‑aktar minħabba li fuq dawn l‑aħħar għall‑awtoritajiet nazzjonali, lokali u reġjonali, għas‑sħab għaxar snin il‑lakuna fil‑produttività kompliet soċjali u għall‑partijiet interessati u s‑soċjetà ċivili, biex titwessa’. Dan seħħ l‑aktar minħabba differenzi fi kulħadd ikun involut fil‑ksib ta’ din il‑viżjoni. strutturi kummerċjali flimkien ma’ livelli anqas ta’ investiment fir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp u fl‑innovazzjoni, Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li l‑Kunsill Ewropew jikkon- l‑użu insuffiċjenti ta’ teknoloġiji tal‑informazzjoni ferma – f ’Marzu – l‑approċċ ġenerali tal‑istrateġija u l‑mi- u tal‑komunikazzjoni, nuqqas ta’ ħeġġa minn partijiet ri ewlenin tal‑UE, u japprova – f ’Ġunju – il‑parametri mis‑soċjetà biex iħaddnu l‑innovazzjoni, ostakli ddettaljati tal‑istrateġija, inklużi l‑linji gwida integrati għall‑aċċess għas‑suq u ambjent kummerċjali anqas u l‑miri nazzjonali. Il‑Kummissjoni hija ħerqana wkoll li dinamiku. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

• Minkejja l‑progress, ir‑rati tal‑persuni b’impjieg theddida għas‑sigurtà ekonomika tagħna filwaqt li fl‑Ewropa - li fuq medja huma ta’ 69% għall‑persuni ta’ jikkontribwixxu għat‑tibdil fil‑klima. L‑espansjoni bejn il-20 u l-64 - għadhom ħafna anqas minn dawk tal‑popolazzjoni tad‑dinja minn 6 biljuni għal 9 biljuni ta’ partijiet oħra tad‑dinja. Huma biss 63% tan‑nisa ser tintensifika ‑l kompetizzjoni globali għar‑riżorsi li għandhom xogħol meta mqabbel mas-76% fost naturali, u titfa’ pressjoni fuq l‑ambjent. L‑UE għandha l‑irġiel. Huma biss 46% tal‑ħaddiema aktar imdaħħla tibqa’ tmattar idha lejn partijiet oħrajn tad‑dinja biex fiż‑żmien (55-64) li għandhom xogħol f ’paragun ma’ flimkien insibu soluzzjoni globali għall‑problemi aktar minn 62% fl‑Istati Uniti u fil‑Ġappun. Aktar tat‑tibdil fil‑klima fl‑istess ħin li nimplimentaw minn hekk, fuq medja l‑Ewropej jaħdmu 10% sigħat l‑istrateġija dwar il‑klima u l‑enerġija li ftehimna anqas mill‑ħaddiema korrispondenti fl‑Istati Uniti dwarha madwar it‑territorju kollu tal‑Unjoni. u fil‑Ġappun. L‑Ewropa għandha taġixxi biex tevita • Fil‑qasam demografiku, ‑l għadd ta’ persuni ta’ età d‑deterjorament avvanzata qiegħed jiżdied. Hekk kif tirtira l‑ġenerazzjoni tal-”baby boom”, il‑popolazzjoni attiva fl‑UE ser tibda Nistgħu nieħdu diversi tagħlimiet minn din il‑kriżi: tonqos mis‑snin 2013/2014. L‑għadd ta’ persuni li għandhom aktar minn 60 sena qiegħda tiżdied darbtejn aktar milli kienet qiegħda tagħmel fl-2007 - b’madwar • L‑ekonomiji tas-27 Stat Membru tal‑UE huma żewġ miljuni meta mqabbel mal‑miljun tas‑snin ta’ interdipendenti ferm: il‑kriżi tefgħet dawl fuq kemm qabel. Il‑fatt li l‑popolazzjoni li taħdem tiċkien filwaqt l‑ekonomiji nazzjonali tagħna, partikolarment fiż‑żona 460 li jiżdied l‑għadd ta’ persuni rtirati ser jitfa’ aktar piż fuq tal‑euro, huma marbutin flimkien u kif ‑l effetti is‑sistemi ta’ protezzjoni soċjali. mill‑ewwel jinfirxu minn waħda għall‑oħra. Ir‑riformi, jew in‑nuqqas tagħhom, f ’pajjiż wieħed jistgħu • Jintensifikaw l‑isfidi globali jaffettwaw il‑prestazzjoni tal‑oħrajn kollha, kif ħareġ biċ‑ċar fl‑avvenimenti li seħħew dan l‑aħħar; barra • Filwaqt li jeħtieġ li l‑Ewropa tindirizza d‑dgħufijiet minn hekk, il‑kriżi u r‑restrizzjonijiet gravi fuq l‑infiq strutturali tagħha, id‑dinja qiegħda tinbidel b’mod pubbliku għamluha aktar diffiċli għal xi Stati Membri rapidu u sa tmiem id‑deċennju li ġej ser tkun inbidlet biex jipprovdu biżżejjed fondi għall‑infrastruttura radikalment: bażika li jeħtieġu f ’oqsma bħat‑trasport u l‑enerġija • L‑ekonomiji huma dejjem aktar interkonnessi. mhux biss biex jiżviluppaw l‑ekonomiji tagħhom iżda L‑Ewropa ser tkompli tibbenefika mill‑fatt li hija wkoll biex jgħinuhom jipparteċipaw bis‑sħiħ fis‑suq waħda fost l‑aktar ekonomiji miftuħa fid‑dinja, iżda intern. l‑kompetizzjoni minn ekonomiji żviluppati u emerġenti • Il‑koordinazzjoni fi ħdan ‑l UE tagħti l‑frott: it‑tweġiba qiegħda tintensifika. Pajjiżi bħaċ‑Ċina u l‑Indja għall‑kriżi wriet li jekk naġixxu lkoll flimkien, ikollna qegħdin jinvestu ħafna fir‑riċerka u t‑teknoloġija sabiex l‑possibbiltà li nkunu ferm aktar effettivi. Dan urejnieh l‑industriji tagħhom jimxu ‘l quddiem fil‑katina tal‑valur billi ħadna azzjoni komuni biex nistabbilizzaw u javvanzaw fl‑ekonomija globali. Dan jitfa’ pressjoni is‑sistema bankarja u meta adottajna l‑Pjan Ewropew fuq ċerti setturi tal‑ekonomija tagħna biex jibqgħu ta’ Rkupru Ekonomiku. F’dinja globali, l‑ebda pajjiż ma kompetittivi, iżda kull theddida hija wkoll opportunità. jista jindirizza l‑isfidi b’azzjoni għal rasu; Aktar ma dawn il‑pajjiżi jiżviluppaw, aktar jinfetħu swieq ġodda għal għadd kbir ta’ kumpaniji Ewropej. • L‑UE żżid il‑valur fix‑xena globali. Huwa biss permezz ta’ azzjoni konġunta li l‑UE ser tinfluwenza • Is‑settur finanzjarju globali għad irid jitranġa. d‑deċiżjonijiet ta’ politika globali. Jeħtieġ li Id‑disponibbiltà ta’ kreditu faċli, profitti kbar f ’qasir r‑rappreżentanza esterna aktar b’saħħitha timxi id f ’id żmien u teħid ta’ riskju eċċessiv fis‑swieq finanzjarji ma’ koordinazzjoni interna msaħħa. madwar id‑dinja wasslu għal imġiba spekulattiva, li ġabet magħha tkabbir ekonomiku li sar permezz ta’ Il‑kriżi ma kinitx biss ċirkostanza ta’ darba li tippermettil- bużżieqa finanzjarja u kif ukoll żbilanċi sinifikanti. na li nkomplu “qisu ma ġara xejn”. L‑isfidi li ‑l Unjoni tagħ- L‑Ewropa hija impenjata fis‑sejbien ta’ soluzzjonijiet na qiegħda tħabbat wiċċha magħhom huma akbar minn globali biex tistabbilixxi sistema finanzjarja effiċjenti dawk ta’ qabel ir‑riċessjoni, filwaqt li ma tantx fadlilna lok u sostenibbli. ta’ manuvra. Barra minn hekk, il‑bqija tad‑dinja mhijiex wieqfa ħesrem. Ir‑rwol imsaħħaħ tal‑G20 wera li l‑qawwa • L‑isfidi klimatiċi u dawk marbuta mar‑riżorsi jirrekjedu ekonomika u politika tal‑pajjiżi emerġenti qiegħda tikber. azzjoni drastika. Id‑dipendenza qawwija fuq il‑fjuwils fossili bħaż‑żejt u l‑użu ineffiċjenti ta’ materja prima jesponu lill‑konsumaturi u lin‑negozji tagħna għal L‑Ewropa fadlilha għażliet ċari iżda impenjattivi. Jew xokkijiet dannużi u prezzijiet għoljin, u huma ta’ niffaċċjaw ikoll flimkien‑ l isfida immedjati tal‑irkupru Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv u l‑isfidi fit‑tul li għandha quddiemna – il‑globalizzazzjo- relazzjoni aktar mill‑qrib mal‑Unjoni. Fuq dawn l‑aħħar ni, il‑pressjoni fuq ir‑riżorsi, is‑soċjetà li qed tikber fl‑età – sentejn l‑azzjoni komuni li ħadna fl‑agħar mumenti biex b’hekk inpattu għat‑telf li batejna dan l‑aħħar, nerġgħu tal‑kriżi permezz tal‑Pjan Ewropew għall‑Irkupru Ekono- jiġu kompetittivi, insaħħu l‑produttività u npoġġu lill‑UE miku għenet fil‑prevenzjoni tal‑kollass ekonomiku, filwaqt fit‑triq tal‑prosperità (“irkupru sostenibbli”). li s‑sistemi ta’ protezzjoni soċjali tagħna għenu biex iħarsu lin‑nies minn diffikultajiet akbar. Jew inkomplu r‑riformi b’pass kajman u mingħajr koordinazzjoni, li jwassal għal riskju ta’ telf permanenti ta’ ġid, L‑Ewropa hija kapaċi taġixxi f ’ żminijiet ta’ kriżi u tadat- rata ta’ tkabbir dgħajfa (“irkupru kajman”) li possibbil- ta l‑ekonomiji u soċjetajiet tagħha. U llum l‑Ewropej għal ment twassal għal livelli għoljin tal‑qgħad u miżerja soċjali, darba oħra qegħdin jiffaċċjaw mument ta’ trasformazzjoni u tnaqqis relattiv fix‑xena dinjija (“għaxar snin mitlufa”). biex ilaħħqu mal‑impatt tal‑kriżi, id‑dgħufijiet strutturali tal‑Ewropa u l‑isfidi globali li qegħdin jintensifikaw.

Tliet xenarji għall‑Ewropa fl-2020 Permezz ta’ dan, il‑ħruġ tagħna mill‑kriżi għandu jkun il‑punt ta’ dħul f ’ekonomija ġdida. Biex aħna u l‑ġener- Xenarju 1: Irkupru sostenibbli azzjonijiet ġejjiena nkunu nistgħu ngwadu ħajja b’saħħi- tha u ta’ kwalità għolja, mirfuda mill‑mudelli soċjali uniċi L‑Ewropa jkollha l‑ħila tirritorna bis‑sħiħ fit‑triq tal‑Ewropa, jeħtieġ li nxammru kmiemna u nieħdu azzjoni tat‑tkabbir li kienet fiha qabel filwaqt li żżid ‑il poten- issa. Hemm bżonn ta’ strateġija biex l‑UE ssir ekonomija zjal tagħha biex timxi aktar ‘il quddiem intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiva b’livelli għoljin ta’ 461 Xenarju 2: Irkupru kajman nies b’impjieg, ta’ prodittività u ta’ koeżjoni soċjali. Din l‑istrateġija hija Ewropa 2020. Din hija aġenda għall‑Istati L‑Ewropa tkun tilfet ġid b’mod permanenti u terġa’ Membri kollha, li tqis ħtiġijiet differenti, punti ta’ tluq dif- tibda tikber minn bażi mdgħajfa ferenti u speċifiċitajiet nazzjonali biex b’hekk tippromwovi tkabbir għal kulħadd. Xenarju 3: Għaxar snin mitlufa L‑Ewropa tkun batiet minn telfa permanenti fil‑ġid u fil‑potenzjal ta’ tkabbir fil‑ġejjieni 2. TKABBIR INTELLIĠENTI, SOSTENIBBLI U INKLUSSIV L‑Ewropa tista’ tirnexxi Fejn irriduha tkun l‑Ewropa fl- L‑Ewropa għandha ħafna elementi pożittivi: aħna nistgħu niddependu fuq it‑talent u l‑kreattività tal‑popli tagħna, 2020? fuq bażi industrijali b’saħħitha, settur tas‑servizzi vibranti, settur agrikolu ta’ kwalità għolja, tradizzjoni marittima Tliet prijoritajiet għandhom ikunu fil‑qalba tal‑Ewropa b’saħħitha, is‑suq uniku u l‑munita komuni, il‑pożizzjoni 202037: tagħna bħala l‑akbar blokk kummerjċali fid‑dinja u destinazzjoni ewlenija ta’ investiment barrani dirett. Iżda • Tkabbir inelliġenti – l‑iżvilupp ta’ ekonomija msejsa aħna nistgħu niddependu wkoll fuq il‑valuri b’saħħithom fuq l‑għarfien u l‑innovazzjoni. li għandna, fuq l‑istituzzjonijiet demokratiċi tagħna, fuq koeżjoni u solidarjetà soċjali u territorjali, fuq ir‑rispett • Tkabbir sostenibbli – il‑promozzjoni ta’ ekonomija għall‑ambjent, id‑diversità kulturali tagħna, ir‑rispett aktar effiċjenti‑ fl użu ta’ riżorsi, aktar ekoloġika u aktar għall‑ugwaljanza bejn is‑sessi - fost ħafna oħrajn. Bosta kompetittiva. mill‑Istati Membri huma fost l‑aktar ekonomiji innovatti- • Tkabbir inklussiv – il‑promozzjoni ta’ ekonomija b’rata vi u żviluppati fid‑dinja. Iżda l‑aħjar ċans li għandna biex għolja ta’ nies b’impjieg li tikseb koeżjoni ekonomika, l‑Ewropa tirnexxi hija li nimxu id f ’id – bħala Unjoni. soċjali u territorjali

Meta ġew iffaċċjati minn avvenimenti maġġuri ‑fl imgħod- Dawn it‑tliet prijoritajiet isaħħu lil xulxin; huma joffru viż- di, l‑UE u l‑Istati membri tagħha dejjem indirizzaw l‑isfida joni tal‑ekonomija soċjali tas‑suq għas‑seklu 21. b’wiċċhom minn quddiem. Fis‑snin disgħin, l‑Ewropa nediet l‑akbar suq uniku fid‑dinja li huwa sostnut minn 37 Dawn it‑temi ntlaqgħu tajjeb ħafna minn bosta bnadi munita komuni. Ftit taż‑żmien ilu l‑Ewropa ma baqgħetx fil‑konsultazzjoni pubblika li twettqet mill‑Kummissjoni. maqsima hekk kif Stati Membri ġodda daħlu fl‑Unjo- Għad‑dettalji tal‑fehmiet li ngħataw matul il‑konsultazzjoni ni filwaqt li Stati oħrajn qabdu ‑t triq lejn l‑adeżjoni jew ara: http://ec.europa.eu/eu2020/index_en.htm IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Biex niggiwdaw l‑isforzi tagħna u mmexxu l‑progress, in- • L‑għadd ta’ Ewropej li jgħixu taħt il‑livell tal‑faqar tlaħaq kunsens qawwi li l‑UE għandha tilħaq ftehim ko- fl-2008 għandu jitnaqqas b’ (25%), u b’hekk aktar minn muni dwar għadd limitat ta’ inizjattivi ewlenin għall-2020. 20 miljun ruħ jintrefgħu mill‑faqar39. Dawn il‑miri għandhom ikunu rappreżentattivi tat‑tema Dawn il‑miri huma relatati ma’ xulxin. Pereżempju, livelli tat‑tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv. Jeħtieġ li ogħla ta’ edukazzjoni jgħinu biex l‑persuni ikollhom ċans dawn ikunu jistgħu jitkejlu, li jkunu jirreflettu ‑d diversità akbar li jsibu xogħol u l‑progress fl‑għadd ta’ nies b’impjieg tas‑sitwazzjonijiet fl‑Istati Membri filwaqt li jkunu msej- inaqqas il‑faqar. Kapaċità akbar għar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp sa fuq dejta affidabbli biżżejjed għal skopijiet ta’ paragun. u kif ukoll l‑innovazzjoni fis‑setturi kollha tal‑ekonomija, Dawn il‑miri li ġejjin intgħażlu fuq din il‑bażi – biex nir- flimkien ma’ użu aktar effiċjenti ta’ riżorsi jtejbu‑ l kom- nexxu sal-2020 huwa essenzjali li niksbuhom kollha: petittività u jwasslu għal aktar ħolqien ta’ impjiegi. L‑investiment f ’teknoloġiji aktar indaf u b’użu baxx ta’ karbonju • Ir‑rata tan‑nies b’impjieg fil‑popolazzjoni ta’ bejn ser jgħin lill‑ambjent, jikkontribwixxi għall‑ġlieda kontra l-20 u l-64 għandha tiżdied mid-69% ta’ bħalissa t‑tibdil fil‑klima u joħloq negozji ġodda u opportunitajiet għal tal‑anqas 75%, fosthom permezz ta’ involviment ta’ xogħol. L‑ilħuq ta’ dawn il‑miri għandu jimmobilizza akbar tan‑nisa, ta’ ħaddiema aktar avvanzati fl‑età l‑attenzjoni kollettiva tagħna. Ser ikunu meħtieġa tmexxija u l‑integrazzjoni aħjar ta’ migranti fost il‑ħaddiema; b’saħħitha, impenn u mekkaniżmu effettiv ta’ ħidma biex • Bħalissa l‑UE għandha l‑mira li tinvesti 3% tal‑PGD l‑attitudnijiet u l‑prattiki tal‑UE jinbidlu b’mod li jinksibu fir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp. Din il‑mira rnexxielha titfa’ r‑riżultati li jinsabu mqassra f ’dawn il‑miri. 462 enfasi fuq il‑ħtieġa biex is‑setturi pubbliċi u privati jinvestu fir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp iżda aktar tiffoka fuq Dawn il‑miri huma rappreżentattivi, u mhumiex eżawr- il‑kontribut milli fuq l‑impatt. Hemm il‑ħtieġa ċara jenti. Huma jirrapreżentaw stampa globali ta’ fejn il‑Kum- li jittejbu l‑kundizzjonijiet tar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp missjoni tixtieq tara lill‑UE b’rabta ma’ parametri prinċi- privati fl‑UE, u bosta mill‑miżuri pproposti f ’din pali sal-2020. Dawn ma jirrapreżentawx approċċ “wieħed l‑istrateġija ser jagħmlu dan. Joħroġ biċ‑ċar ukoll li tajjeb għal kulħadd”. Kull Stat Membru huwa differenti jekk inħarsu lejn ir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp u l‑innovazzjoni u l‑UE ta’ 27 hija aktar diversa milli kienet għaxar snin ilu. bħala ħaġa waħda jirnexxielna niksbu firxa aktar Minkejja d‑diskrepanzi fil‑livelli ta’ żvilupp u fl‑istandards wiesgħa tan‑nefqa. Dan ikun aktar rilevanti għal tal‑għajxien il‑Kummissjoni tikkunsidra li l‑miri proposti operazzjonijiet kummerċjali u għall‑fatturi li jixprunaw huma relevanti għall‑Istati Membri, kemm għall‑qodma il‑produttitività. Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li tinżamm u kif ukoll għal dawk aktar ġodda. L‑investiment fir‑riċer- il‑mira ta’ 3% filwaqt li jiġi żviluppat indikatur li ka u l‑iżvilupp u kif ukoll fl‑innovazzjoni, fl‑edukazzjoni jkun jirrefletti ‑l intensità tar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp u f ’teknoloġiji b’użu effiċjenti ta’ riżorsi ser ikunu ta’ bene- u tal‑innovazzjoni; fiċċju għal setturi tradizzjonali, żoni rurali u kif ukoll għal ekonomiji tas‑servizzi b’livelli għoljin ta’ kapaċità. Dan ser • L‑emissjonijiet ta’ gass b’effett sera jitnaqqsu b’tal‑anqas isaħħaħ il‑koeżjoni ekonomika, soċjali u territorjali. Biex 20% meta mqabbel mal‑livelli tal-1990 jew bi ikun żgurat li kull Stat Membru jfassal l‑istrateġija Ewropa 30%, jekk ikun hemm il‑kundizzjonijiet38 xierqa li 2020 skont is‑sitwazzjoni partikolari tiegħu, il‑Kummiss- jippermettu dan; il‑perċentwal ta’ għejun ta’ enerġija joni tipproponi li dawn il‑miri tal‑UE jiġu tradotti f ’miri tiġġedded fil‑konsum tal‑enerġija totali tagħna u trajjettorji nazzjonali li jirreflettu s‑sitwazzjoni kurrenti tiżdied għal 20%; u żied ta’ 20% f ’użu aktar effiċjenti f ’kull Stat Membru u l‑livell ta’ ambizzjoni li kull wieħed tal‑enerġija; kapaċi jilħaq bħala parti minn sforz usa’ tal‑UE biex jint- • Mira dwar ir‑riżultati tas‑sistema edukattiva li laħqu dawn il‑miri. Minbarra l‑isforzi tal‑Istati Membri tindirizza l‑problema ta’ dawk l‑istudenti li joħorġu l‑Kummissjoni ser tipproponi għadd ambizzjuż ta’ azzjoni- mill‑iskola kmieni billi r‑rata ta’ dawk li jagħmlu jiet fil‑livell tal‑UE mfassla biex l‑UE jirnexxielha ssib it‑triq dan titnaqqas minn 15% għal 10%, filwaqt li jiżdied ġdida ta’ tkabbir sostenibbli. It‑taħlita ta’ sforzi fil‑livell il‑perċentwal tal‑popolazzjoni bl‑eta’ ta’ bejn it-30 tal‑UE u f ’dak nazzjonali għandhom isaħħu lil xulxin. u l-34 li jkunu kkompletaw edukazzjoni terzjarja minn 31% għal tal‑anqas 40% fl-2020; Tkabbir inelliġenti – ekonomija msejsa fuq l‑għarfien u l‑innovazzjoni 38 Il‑Kunsill Ewropew tal-10-11 ta’ Diċembru 2009 kkonkluda li bħala parti minn ftehim globali u komprensiv Tkabbir intelliġenti jfisser it‑tisħiħ tal‑għarfien u ‑ l in- għall‑perjodu wara l-2012, l‑UE ttenni l‑offerta kundizzjonali novazzjoni bħala l‑fatturi li jkebbsu t‑tkabbir tagħna tagħha li tnaqqas l‑emissjonijiet bi 30% sal-2020 meta mqabbel mal‑livelli tal-1990, sakemm pajjiżi żviluppati fil‑ġejjieni. Dan jirrekjedi titjib tal‑kwalità tal‑edukazzjoni oħrajn jikkommettu rwieħhom għal tnaqqis komparabbli tal‑emissjonijiet u li l‑pajjiżi fil‑fażi ta’ żvilupp jikkontribwixu adegwatament skont ir‑responsabbiltajiet u l‑kapaċitajiet 39 Il‑livell nazzjonali tal‑faqar huwa ddefinit bħala 60% rispettivi tagħhom. tal‑introjtu disponibbli medju f’kull Stat Membru. Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv tagħna, it‑tisħiħ tal‑prestazzjoni tagħna fir‑riċerka, il‑promozzjoni tal‑innovazzjoni u trasferiment ta’ għarfien mad- Inizjattiva ewlenija: “Unjoni ta’ war l‑Unjoni, l‑użu sħiħ tat‑teknoloġiji tal‑informazzjoni Innovazzjoni” u tal‑komunikazzjoni u l‑iżgurar ta’ ideat innovattivi li jist- għu jiġu ttrasformati fi prodotti u servizzi ġodda li joħolqu L‑għan ta’ din hija li l‑politika tar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp tkabbir, impjiegi ta’ kwalità u għajnuna biex jiġu indirizzati u tal‑innovazzjoni tiġi ffukata mill‑ġdid fuq l‑isfidi l‑isfidi globali tas‑soċjetà madwar l‑Ewropa. Iżda biex nir- li qed tħabbat wiċċha magħhom is‑soċjetà tagħna, nexxu, dan irid isir flimkien ma’ intraprenditorija, finanzi, bħat‑tibdil fil‑klima, l‑enerġija u l‑użu effiċjenti u enfasi fuq il‑ħtiġijiet tal‑utenti u opportunitajiet tas‑suq. tar‑riżorsi, is‑saħħa u t‑tibdil demografiku. Għand- ha tissaħħaħ kull ħolqa fil‑katina tal‑innovazzjoni, L‑Ewropa għandha tieħu azzjoni: mir‑riċerka ‘blue sky’ sal‑kummerċjalizzazzjoni.

• L‑innovazzjoni: In‑nefqa fuq ir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp Fil‑livell tal‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni ser tistinka biex: fl‑Ewropa tinsab taħt it-2%, meta mqabbel mat-2.6% • Tiffinalizza ż‑Żona Ewropea ta’ Riċerka, tal‑Istati Uniti u t-3.4% tal‑Ġappun, prinċipalment għall‑iżvilupp ta’ aġenda ta’ riċerka strateġika bħala riżultat ta’ livelli aktar baxxi ta’ investiment ffukata fuq sfidi bħas‑sigurtà tal‑enerġija, privat. Mhumiex biss l‑ammonti assoluti li jintefqu fuq it‑trasport, it‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑użu effiċjenti ta’ ir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp li jgħoddu - jeħtieġ li l‑Ewropa riżorsi, is‑saħħa u l‑popolazzjoni li qed tikber tiffoka fuq ‑l impatt u l‑għamla tal‑infiq fuq ir‑riċerka fl‑età, metodi ta’ produzzjoni li jirrispettaw 463 u ttejjeb il‑kundizzjonijiet għar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp l‑ambjent u l‑ġestjoni tal‑art, u għat‑titjib ta’ tas‑settur privat fl‑UE. Il‑perċentwali aktar baxx ta’ pprogrammar konġunt mal‑Istati Membri kumpaniji ta’ teknoloġija avvanzata jikkontribwixxi u r‑reġjuni; għal nofs id‑differenza li hemm bejnna u l‑Istati Uniti. • Ittejjeb il‑kundizzjonijiet qafas għall‑innovazzjoni • L‑edukazzjoni, it‑taħriġ u t‑tagħlim tul il‑ħajja: Kwart tan‑negozji (jiġifieri toħloq il‑Privattiv uniku tal‑istudenti kollha għandom livell tal‑qari batut, tal‑UE u Qorti speċjalizzata tal‑Privattivi, wieħed minn kull sebgħa joħorġu kmieni mis‑sistema timmoderniza l‑qafas tad‑dritt tal‑awtur u l‑marka tal‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ. Madwar 50% jilħqu livell ta’ kummerċjali, ittejjeb l‑aċċess għan‑negozji ta’ daqs kwalifiki medju iżda sikwit dan ma jkunx jipparaguna żgħir u medju għall‑Protezzjoni tal‑Proprjetà tajjeb mal‑ħtiġijiet tas‑suq tax‑xogħol. Anqas minn terz Intellettwali, tħaffef il‑ħolqien ta’ standards tal‑popolazzjoni ta’ bejn il-25 u l-34 sena għandhom interoperabbli; ittejjeb l‑aċċess għall‑kapital grad universitarju meta mqabbel mal-40% tal‑Istati u tagħmel użu sħiħ mill‑politiki min‑naħa Uniti u l-50% tal‑Ġappun. Skont l‑indiċi Shanghai, tad‑domanda, eż. permezz ta’ akkwist pubbliku huma biss żewġ universitajiet fl‑Ewropa li jinsabu fost u regolamentazzjoni intelliġenti); l‑aqwa 20. • Tniedi l-’Partenarjati Ewropej għall‑Innovazzjoni’ • Is‑soċjetà diġitali: Id‑domanda globali għat‑teknoloġiji bejn l‑UE u l‑livelli nazzjonali biex tħaffef tal‑informazzjoni u tal‑komunikazzjoni hija suq li l‑iżvilupp u l‑użu tat‑teknoloġiji meħtieġa jiswa EUR 2 000 biljun, iżda huwa biss kwart minn għall‑indirizzar tal‑isfidi identifikati. L‑ewwel dan it‑total li jiġi minn kumpaniji Ewropej. L‑Ewropa wieħed ser jinkludi: ‘nibnu l‑bijoekonomija sal- qiegħda taqta’ lura fil‑qasam tal‑internet b’veloċità 2020’, ‘it‑teknoloġiji essenzjali li jippermettulna għolja, li jolqot il‑kapaċità tagħha ta’ innovazzjoni, nsawru l‑ġejjieni industrijali tal‑Ewropa’ prinċipalment f ’żoni rurali, kif ukoll tat‑tixrid ta’ u ‘teknoloġiji li jippermettu lil persuni aktar għarfien onlajn u d‑distribuzzjoni ta’ oġġetti u servizzi anzjani li jgħixu b’mod indipendenti u jkunu attivi li jinxtraw onlajn. fis‑soċjetà’; L‑azzjoni taħt din il‑prijorità ser tillibera l‑kapaċitajiet • Issaħħaħ u tiżviluppa aktar ir‑rwol ta’ strumenti innovattivi tal‑Ewropa, ittejjeb l‑effetti li tħalli ‑l edukazz- tal‑UE għas‑sostenn tal‑innovazzjoni (eż. joni u l‑kwalità u r‑riżultati ta’ istituzzjonijiet edukattivi, fondi strutturali, fondi għall‑iżvilupp rurali, u l‑benefiċċji li soċjetà diġitali tħalli fuq ‑l ekonomija u fuq programm qafas tar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp, CIP, is‑soċjetà nfisha. Dawn il‑politiki għandhom jitwettqu pjan SET), inkluż permezz ta’ ħidma aktar fil‑livell reġjonali, nazzjonali u f ’dak tal‑UE. mill‑qrib u s‑simplifikazzjoni ta’ proċeduri amministrattivi biex jiġi ffaċilitat ‑l aċċess għall‑fondi, partikolarment għall‑impriżi ta’ daqs żgħir u medju; IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

• Tippromwovi partenarjati ta’ għarfien u t‑tisħiħ • Tesplora toroq ġodda kif tippromwovi tar‑rabtiet bejn l‑edukazzjoni, in‑negozju, l‑intraprenditorija permezz ta’ programmi ta’ ir‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni, inkluż permezz tal‑EIT, mobbiltà għal professjonisti żgħażagħ; u tippromwovi l‑intraprenditorija permezz ta’ • Tippromwovi r‑rikonoxximent ta’ tagħlim mhux sostenn lil Kumpaniji Innovattivi Ġodda. formali u informali; Fil‑livell nazzjonali, l‑Istati Membri ser ikunu • Tniedi qafas ta’ impjiegi għaż‑Żgħażagħ li jagħti meħtieġa: stampa ġenerali ta’ politiki bil‑għan li jnaqqsu • Jwettqu riforma tas‑sistemi nazzjonali r‑rati tal‑qgħad fost iż‑żgħażagħ: dan għandu (u reġjonali) tar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp biex jippromwovi, flimkien mal‑Istati Membri jinkoraġġixxu l‑eċċellenza u l‑ispeċjalizzazzjoni u mas‑sħab soċjali, id‑dħul taż‑żgħażagħ fis‑suq intelliġenti, isaħħu l‑kooperazzjoni bejn tax‑xogħol permezz ta’ apprentistati, taħriġ l‑universitajiet, ir‑riċerka u n‑negozju, professjonali jew esperjenzi oħrajn fil‑qasam jimplimentaw programmar konġunt u jtejbu tax‑xogħol, fosthom skema (“L‑ewwel impjieg l‑kooperazzjoni transkonfinali f ’oqsma fejn EURES tiegħek”) bil‑għan li jżid l‑opportunitajiet azzjoni tal‑UE tkun ta’ valur miżjud u jaġġustaw ta’ xogħol għaż‑żgħażagħ billi tiffavorixxi il‑proċeduri nazzjonali ta’ finanzjament b’mod l‑mobbiltà madwar l‑UE. adegwat, biex jiżguraw it‑tixrid tat‑teknoloġija Fil‑livell nazzjonali, l‑Istati Membri ser ikunu 464 madwar it‑territorju kollu tal‑UE; meħtieġa: • Jiżguraw il‑provvista suffiċjenti ta’ gradwati • Jiżguraw investiment effiċjenti‑ fl edukazzjoni fix‑xjenza, il‑matematika l‑inġinerija u tiffoka u fis‑sistemi tat‑taħriġ fil‑livelli kollha l‑kurrikula tal‑iskejjel fuq il‑kreattività, (mill‑edukazzjoni preprimarja sat‑tezjarja); l‑innovazzjoni, u l‑intraprenditorija; • Itejbu r‑riżultati li tħalli l‑edukazzjoni, jindirizzaw • Jipprijoritizzaw in‑nefqa fuq l‑għarfien, inkluż kull segment (preprimarja, primarja, sekondarja, permezz ta’ inċentivi fiskali u strumenti finanzjarji vokazzjonali u terzjarja) f ’approċċ integrat, oħrajn biex tippromwovi investimenti akbar bl‑inklużjoni ta’ kompetenzi prinċipali u bil‑għan fir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp. li jitnaqqas l‑għadd ta’ studenti li joħorġu mill‑iskola kmieni; • Isaħħu l‑ftuħ u r‑rilevanza tas‑sistemi edukattivi billi jinbena qafas nazzjonali tal‑kwalifiki filwaqt Inizjattiva ewlenija: “Żgħażagħ li r‑riżultati li jħalli t‑tagħlim jiġu aktar iffukati mobbli” għas‑suq tax‑xogħol. • Itejbu l‑aċċess taż‑żgħażagħ fis‑suq tax‑xogħol L‑għan huwa li tittejjeb il‑prestazzjoni u l‑effett permezz ta’ azzjoni integrata li tkopri, fost ta’ ġibda tal‑istituzzjonijiet ta’ edukazzjoni għolja l‑oħrajn, gwida, pariri u apprentistati. fl‑Ewropa u tittejjeb il‑kwalità ġenerali tal‑livelli kollha tal‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ fl‑UE, li jibdew ilaqqgħu l‑eċċellenza u l‑ekwità, billi ssir promozzjoni tal‑mobbiltà tal‑istudenti u ta’ min jitħarreġ, u tittejjeb is‑sitwazzjoni tal‑impjiegi għaż‑żgħażagħ. Inizjattiva ewlenija: “Aġenda Diġitali għall‑Ewropa” Fil‑livell tal‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni ser tistinka biex: • Tintegra u ssaħħaħ il‑mobbiltà tal‑programmi L‑għan huwa li jinkisbu benefiċċji ekonomiċi u soċ- ta’ mobbiltà, tal‑programmi universitarji jali sostenibbli minn Suq Diġitali Uniku msejjes fuq tar‑riċerkaturi tal‑UE (bħall‑Erasmus, Erasmus internet b’veloċità għolja u għolja ħafna u b’appli- Mundus, Tempus u Marie Curie) filwaqt li kazzjoni interoperabbli, b’aċċess ‘broadband’ għal torbothom ma’ programmi u riżorsi nazzjonali; kulħadd sal-2013, aċċess lil kulħadd għal internet • Tagħti spinta lill‑aġenda ta’ modernizzazzjoni b’veloċità aktar għolja (30Mbps jew aktar) sal-2020, tal‑edukazzjoni għolja (kurrikula, governanza u 50% jew aktar tal‑entitajiet domestiċi Ewropej u finanzjament) anke billi ‑l prestazzjoni b’abbonamenti għal konnessjonijiet tal‑internet ta’ tal‑universitajiet u r‑riżultati miksuba aktar minn 100 Mbps. mill‑edukazzjoni jiġu mkejla f ’kuntest globali; Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv

Tkabbir sostenibbli – il‑promozzjoni Fil‑livell tal‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni ser tistinka biex: ta’ ekonomija aktar effiċjenti fl‑użu • Tipprovdi qafas legali stabbli li jistimula ta’ riżorsi, aktar ekoloġika u aktar l‑investimenti f ’infrastruttura ta’ internet kompetittiva. b’veloċità għolja miftuħa u kompetittiva u f ’servizzi relatati; Tkabbir sostenibbli jfisser ekonomija b’użu effiċjenti • Tiżviluppa politika spektrum effiċjenti; tar‑riżorsi, sostenibbli u kompetittiva, li tagħmel użu mir‑rwol prominenti tal‑Ewropa fit‑tiġrija biex jiġu żvi- • Tiffaċilita ‑l użu ta’ fondi strutturali tal‑UE fl‑ilħuq luppati proċessi u teknoloġiji ġodda, fosthom teknoloġiji ta’ din l‑aġenda; ekoloġiċi, titħaffef ‑l introduzzjoni ta’ netwerks intelliġenti • Toħloq suq uniku veru tal‑kontenut u servizzi bl‑użu tal‑ICT, jintużaw netwerks fuq skala tal‑UE, jis- onlajn (jiġifieri servizzi web mingħajr saħħu l‑vantaġġi kompetittivi tan‑negozji tagħna, par- fruntieri u sikuri u swieq tal‑kontenut diġitali, tikolarment fil‑manifattura u għall‑impriżi ta’ daqs żgħir b’livelli għoljin ta’ fiduċja u kunfidenza, qafas u medju tagħna, kif ukoll billi tingħata għajnuna lill‑kon- regolatorju bbilanċjat b’sistemi ta’ drittijiet ċari, sumaturi biex jivvalorizzaw l‑użu aktar effiċjenti ta’ riżorsi. l‑inkoraġġiment ta’ liċenzji multiterritorjali, Tali approċċ ser jgħin lill‑UE tkattar il‑ġid tagħha f ’dinja protezzjoni xierqa u remunerazzjoni b’użu limitat ta’ karbonju u ta’ riżorsi filwaqt li tipprevjeni għal detenturi ta’ drittijiet u sostenn attiv d‑degradazzjoni ambjentali, it‑telf ta’ bijodiversità u l‑użu għad‑diġitalizzazzjoni tal‑wirt kulturali għani mhux sostenibbli ta’ riżorsi. Dan ser jirfed ukoll il‑koeżjoni 465 tal‑Ewropa, u ssawwar governanza globali ekonomika, soċjali u territorjali. tal‑internet; L‑Ewropa għandha tieħu azzjoni: • Twettaq riforma tal‑fondi għar‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni u żżid is‑sostenn fil‑qasam • Kompetittività: L‑UE mxiet ‘il quddiem tal‑ICT biex issaħħaħ it‑teknoloġija permezz tal‑kummerċ, l‑esportazzjoni madwar tal‑Ewropa f ’oqsma strateġiċi ewlenin u toħloq id‑dinja u bl‑importazzjoni kemm ta’ oġġetti il‑kundizzjonijiet għal livelli għolja ta’ tkabbir għall‑produzzjoni u kif ukoll ta’ oġġetti lesti. Issa li tal‑impriżi ta’ daqs żgħir u medju biex ikunu qegħdin inħabbtu wiċċna ma’ pressjoni intensa fuq minn ta’ quddiem fi swieq emerġenti u tistimula is‑swieq tal‑esportazzjoni u fuq firxa dejjem tikber ta’ l‑innovazzjoni fis‑setturi kollha tan‑negozju; oġġetti aħna għandna ntejbu l‑kompetittività tagħna • Tippromwovi aċċess u l‑użu tal‑internet fil‑konfront tas‑sħab kummerċjali tagħna permezz ta’ miċ‑ċittadini kollha tal‑Ewropa, speċjalment livelli aktar għoljin ta’ produttività. Ser ikun hemm permezz ta’ azzjonijiet għas‑sostenn il‑ħtieġa li aħna nindirizzaw il‑kompetittività relattiva tal‑kapaċitajiet u l‑aċċessibbiltà diġitali. fiż‑żona tal‑Euro u fl‑UE kollha kemm hi. L‑UE kienet fost l‑ewwel atturi fil‑qasam tas‑soluzzjonijiet Fil‑livell nazzjonali, l‑Istati Membri ser ikunu ekoloġiċi, iżda l‑kompetituri tagħha qegħdin joqorbu, meħtieġa: prinċipalment iċ‑Ċina u l‑Amerika ta’ Fuq. L‑UE • Ifasslu strateġiji għal internet b’veloċità għolja, għandha tibqa’ minn ta’ quddiem fis‑suq tat‑teknoloġiji u jallokaw fondi pubbliċi bl‑aħjar manjiera, inkluż ekoloġiċi bħala mezz biex tiżgura l‑użu effiċjenti fondi strutturali, fuq oqsma li ma humiex qegħdin ta’ riżorsi fl‑ekonomija kollha kemm hi, filwaqt li igawdu bis‑sħiħ minn investimenti privati; jingħelbu d‑diffikultajiet f ’netwerks ta’ infrastruttura prinċipali, u b’hekk il‑kompetittività industrijali • Jistabbilixxu qafas legali għall‑koordinazzjoni tingħata spinta ‘l quddiem. ta’ xogħolijiet pubbliċi biex jitnaqqsu l‑ispejjeż tal‑introduzzjoni tan‑netwerk; • Il‑ġlieda kontra t‑tibdil fil‑klima: Il‑ksib tal‑għanijiet klimatiċi tagħna jfisser li nnaqqsu ‑l emissjonijiet ħafna • Jippromwovu l‑firxa u l‑użu ta’ servizzi onlajn aktar malajr fl‑għaxar snin li ġejjin milli għamilna moderni u aċċessibbli (eż. gvern elettroniku, fl‑għaxar snin li għaddew billi nużaw b’mod sħiħ servizzi tas‑saħħa onlajn, dar intelliġenti, ħiliet il‑potenzjal ta’ teknoloġiji ġodda bħall‑qbid ta’ diġitali, sigurtà). diossidu tal‑karbonju u l‑possibbiltajiet ta’ sekwestru tal‑karbonju. Jekk intejbu l‑użu effiċjenti tar‑riżorsi nnaqqsu l‑emissjonijiet b’mod sinifikanti, niffrankaw il‑flus u nsaħħu ‑t tkabbir ekonomiku. Dan jolqot lis‑setturi kollha, mhux biss lil dawk b’emissjonijiet intensivi. Aħna għandna wkoll insaħħu l‑kapaċità IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

ta’ rkupru tal‑ekonomiji tagħna mir‑riskji klimatiċi, u l‑kapaċità tagħna ta’ prevenzjoni u rispons fis‑segwitu • Tippreżenta proposti għall‑immodernizzar ta’ katastrofi. u dekarbonizzar tas‑settur tat‑trasport biex b’hekk isir kontribut li jżid il‑kompetittività. Dan jista’ • Enerġija nadifa u effiċjenti: Jekk nilħqu‑ l għanijiet jsir permezz ta’ taħlita ta’ miżuri eż. miżuri ta’ tagħna fil‑qasam tal‑enerġija nkunu nistgħu niffrankaw infrastruttura bħall‑użu bikri ta’ infrsturutturi EUR 60 biljun f ’importazzjonijiet ta’ żejt u gass ta’ netwerks għal mobbiltà elettrika, ġestjoni sal-2020. Dan mhuwiex biss iffrankar finanzjarju; intelliġenti tat‑traffiku, loġistika aħjar, jitnaqqsu iżda huwa essenzjali għas‑sigurtà tagħna fil‑qasam l‑emissjonijiet ta’ CO2 tal‑vetturi kollha tat‑triq, tal‑enerġija. Aktar progress bl‑integrazzjoni tas‑suq għas‑settur tal‑avjazzjoni u dak marittimu, Ewropew tal‑enerġija li jżid il‑PGD tagħna b’bejn inkluż it‑tnedija ta’ inizjattiva Ewropea dwar 0.6% u 0.8%. L‑ilħuq l‑għan tal‑UE ta’ 20% ta’ sorsi ta’ karozza “ekoloġika” li ser tgħin il‑promozzjoni enerġija li jiġġeddu waħdu jista’ jwassal għall‑ħolqien ta’ ta’ teknoloġiji ġodda fosthom karozzi elettriċi aktar minn 600,000 fl‑UE. Jekk inżidu l‑mira ta’ 20% u ibridi permezz ta’ taħlita ta’ riċerka, standards f ’użu effiċjenti tal‑enerġija, jista’ jkun li nżidu aktar komuni u l‑iżviluppar tal‑infrastruttura ta’ sostenn minn 1 miljun impjieg ġdid. meħtieġa; L‑azzjoni taħt din il‑prijorità tirrekjedi l‑implimentazzjoni • Tħaffef ‑l implimentazzjoni ta’ proġetti strateġiċi ta’ impenji għat‑tnaqqis tal‑emissjonijiet b’tali mod li jsir fejn rwol Ewropew ikun ta’ valur miżjud biex l‑aħjar użu mill‑benefiċċji filwaqt li jinqatgħu‑ l ispejjeż, tindirizza diffikulatjiet kritiċi, partikolarment 466 inkluż billi jinfirxu soluzzjonijiet teknoloġiċi innovattivi. sezzjonijiet transkonfinali u punit ta’ konġunzjoni Barra minn hekk, aħna għandna jkollna l‑għan li noftmu intermodali (bliet, portijiet, pjattaformi loġistiċi); t‑tkabbir mill‑użu tal‑enerġija u nsiru ekonomija b’użu aktar effiċjenti tar‑riżorsi, li mhux biss jagħti vantaġġ kom- • Tiffinalizza s‑suq intern tal‑enerġija u timplimenta petittiv lill‑Ewropa, talli jnaqqas ukoll id‑dipendenza fuq l‑pjan tat‑teknoloġiji strateġiċi tal‑enerġija (SET), sorsi barranin ta’ materja prima u prodotti oħrajn. il‑promozzjoni ta’ għejun ta’ enerġija li tiġġeddded f ’suq uniku ukoll hija ta’ prijorità; • Tippreżena inizjattiva għall‑aġġornament Inizjattiva ewlenija: “Ewropa b’użu tan‑netwerks tal‑Ewropa, inkluż in‑Netwerks ta’ effiċjenti tar‑riżorsi” Enerġija Trans‑Ewropej, lejn supergrid Ewropea, “netwerks intelliġenti” u interkonnessjonijiet L‑għan huwa s‑sostenn tal‑qalba lejn ekonomija partikolarment ta’ sorsi ta’ enerġija li tiġġedded b’użu aktar effiċjenti ta’ riżorsi u b’użu limitat ta’ man‑netwerk (bis‑sostenn ta’ fondi strutturali karbonju li tagħmel tuża r‑riżorsi kollha b’effiċjen- u tal‑BEI). Dan jinkludi l‑promozzjoni ta’ proġetti za. L‑għan huwa li t‑tkabbir ekonomiku tagħna ta’ infrastruttura ta’ importanza strateġika maġġuri jinfatam mill‑użu tar‑riżorsi u tal‑enerġija, jitnaqqsu għall‑UE fir‑reġjuni tal‑Baltiku, tal‑Balkani, tal‑Mediterran u tal‑Ewrasja; l‑emissjonijiet tas‑CO2, tissaħħaħ il‑kompetittività u ssir aktar promozzjoni b’saħħitha dwar is‑sigurtà • Tadotta u timplimenta verżjoni riveduta tal‑Pjan tal‑enerġija. ta’ Azzjoni għall‑Użu Effiċjenti tal‑Enerġija Fil‑livell tal‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni ser tistinka biex: u tippromwovi programm sostanzjali għall‑użu effiċjenti tal‑enerġija (b’għajuna lil impriżi ta’ • Timmobilizza l‑istrumenti finanzjarji tal‑UE (eż. daqs żgħir u medju u kif ukoll lil entitajiet żvilupp rurali, fondi strutturali, programm qafas domestiċi) permezz tal‑użu ta’ fondi strutturali tar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp, TENs, BEI) bħala parti u fondi orħrajn biex tikseb finanzjamenti minn strateġija ta’ finanzjament konsistenti, li ġodda permezz ta’ mudelli eżistenti ta’ skemi tiġbor il‑finanzjament pubbliku u privat; innovattivi ta’ investimenti li rnexxew ferm; dan għandu jippromwovi tibdil fix‑xejriet tal‑konsum • Issaħħaħ qafas għall‑użu ta’ stumenti bbażati fuq u l‑produzzjoni; is‑suq (eż. skambju tal‑kwoti ta’ emissjonijiet, reviżjoni tat‑tassazzjoni tal‑enerġija, inkoraġġiment ta’ użu aktar wiesa’ ta’ akkwisti pubbliċi ekoloġiċi); Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv

• Tistabbilixxi viżjoni ta’ tibdil strutturali Inizjattiva ewlenija: u teknoloġiku li hija meħtieġa għall‑qalba lejn ekonomija b’użu limitat ta’ karbonju, b’użu “Politika industrijali għall‑era effiċjenti tar‑riżorsi u reżistenti għat‑tibdil tal‑globalizzazzjoni” fil‑klima sal-2050 li jwassal biex l‑UE tilħaq il‑miri tagħha fit‑tnaqqis tal‑emissjonijiet; dan jinkludi L‑industrija, u b’mod speċjali l‑impriżi ta’ daqs żgħir l‑prevenzjoni u r‑rispons għall‑katastrofi, ‑l użu u medju ntlaqtu ħażin ħafna mill‑kriżi ekonomika tal‑kontribut tal‑politika ta’ koeżjoni, agrikola, u s‑setturi kollha qegħdin jiffaċċjaw ‑l isfidi tal‑glo- tal‑iżvilupp rurali u dik marittima biex tindirizza balizzazzjoni biex jaġġustaw il‑proċessi ta’ produzz- t‑tibdil fil‑klima, partikolarment permezz ta’ joni u l‑prodotti tagħhom għal ekonomija b’użu miżuri ta’ adattament msejjes fuq użu aktar limitat ta’ karbonju. L‑impatt ta’ dawn l‑isfidi ser ikun effiċjenti tar‑riżorsi, li ser jikkontribwixxi wkoll differenti bejn settur u ieħor, xi setturi ser ikollhom għat‑titjib tas‑sigurtà alimentari globali. jagħmlu bidliet radikali iżda għal oħrajn dawn l‑isfdi ser jippreżentaw opportunitajiet ġodda ta’ negozju. Fil‑livell nazzjonali, l‑Istati Membri ser ikunu Il‑Kummissjoni ser taħdem mill‑qrib mal‑partijiet meħtieġa: interessati fis‑setturi differenti (negozji, sindakati, • Gradwalment ineħħu s‑sussidji ambjentali li huma akkademiċi, organizzazzjonijiet mhux governattivi, dannużi, b’eċċezzjonijiet għal persuni bi ħtiġijiet organizzazzjonijiet tal‑konsumatur) u ser tfassal qafas speċjali; għal politika industrijali moderna, biex tappoġġja 467 l‑intraprenditorija, tiggwida u tgħin l‑industrija biex • Jużaw strumenti bbażati fuq is‑suq bħal inċentivi tiġi aktar b’saħħitha u tiffaċċja ‑l isfidi, tippromwovi fiskali u akwwisti biex jadattaw il‑metodi ta’ l‑kompetittività tal‑industriji primarji, tal‑manifa- produzzjoni u konsum; ttura u tas‑servizzi tal‑Ewropa u tgħinhom jaħtfu • Jiżvluppaw infrastruttura tal‑enerġija intelliġenti, l‑opportunitajiet tal‑globalizzazzjoni tal‑ekonomija msaħħa u totalment interkonnessa u jagħmlu użu ekoloġika. Il‑qafas ser jindirizza l‑elementi kollha sħiħ mill‑ICT; tal‑katina tal‑valur, li hija dejjem aktar internazzjonali, mill‑aċċess għall‑materja prima għas‑servizzi ta’ wara • Jiżguraw implimentazzjoni koordinata ta’ l‑bejgħ. proġetti ta’ infrastruttura, fi ħdan in‑netwerk ewlieni tal‑UE, li jikkontribwixxu b’mod kruċjali Fil‑livell tal‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni ser tistinka biex: għall‑effikaċja tas‑sistema talt‑trasport globali • Tistabbilixxi politika industrijali li toħloq l‑aħjar tal‑UE. ambjent biex tħares u tiżviluppa bażi industrijali • Jiffokaw fuq id‑dimensjoni urbana tat‑trasport b’saħħitha, kompetittiva u ddiversifikata ‑fl Ewropa fejn huma ġġenerati l‑akbar parti tal‑konġestjoni u kif ukoll tappoġġja t‑tranżizzjoni tas‑setturi u l‑emissjonijiet; tal‑manifattura lejn użu aktar effiċjenti tal‑enerġija u r‑riżorsi. • Jużaw regolamentazzjoni, jibnu standards ta’ prestazzjoni u strumenti bbażati fuq is‑suq bħal • Tiżviluppa approċċ orizzontali għall‑politika tassazzjoni, sussidji u akkwist biex jitnaqqas l‑użu industrijali li jlaqqa’ strumenti ta’ politika tal‑enerġija u tar‑riżorsi u jużaw fondi strutturali differenti (eż. regolamentazzjoni “intelliġenti”, biex jinvestu f ’bini pubbliku b’użu effiċjenti ta’ akkwist pubbliku mmodernizzat, regoli dwar enerġija u f ’riċiklaġġ aktar effiċjenti; il‑kompetizzjoni u l‑iffissar ta’ standards); • Jagħtu inċentivi għal strumenti ta’ ffrankar • Ittejjeb l‑ambjent kummerċjali, speċjalment tal‑enerġija li jistgħu jżidu l‑effiċjenza f ’oqsma tal‑impriżi ta’ daqs żgħir u medju, fosthom b’użu intensiv ta’ enerġija, bħal dawk ibbażati fuq permezz tat‑tnaqqis tal‑ispejjeż ta’ tranżizzjoni l‑użu ta’ ICTs. ta’ negozju li jsir fl‑Ewropa, il‑promozzjoni ta’ raggruppamenti u t‑titjib ta’ aċċess raġonevoli għall‑finanzi. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

• Tippromwovi r‑ristrutturar tas‑setturi li jinsabu • Jaħdmu mill‑qrib ma’ partijiet interessati f ’setturi f ’diffikultà għal attivitajiet orjentati lejn ‑il ġejjieni, differenti (negozji, sindakati, akkademiċi, fosthom permezz tar‑riallokazzjoni ta’ kapaċitajiet organizzazzjonijiet mhux governattivi, lejn setturi u swieq emerġenti b’possibbiltajiet organizzazzjonijiet tal‑konsumatur) biex jiġu kbar ta’ tkabbir u appoġġ mis‑sistemi ta’ għajnuna identifikati diffikultajiet u jiżviluppaw analiżi mill‑Istat u/jew il‑Fond ta’ Aġġustament kondiviża dwar kif l‑aħjar titħares bażi industrijali tal‑Globalizzazzjoni; u tal‑għarfien b’saħħitha u jpoġġu lill‑UE fi rwol prinċipali fi żvilupp sostenibbli globali. • Tippromwovi teknoloġiji u metodi ta’ produzzjoni li jnaqqsu l‑użu ta’ riżorsi naturali, u żżid l‑investiment fl‑assi naturali eżistenti tal‑UE. Tkabbir inklussiv – ekonomija b’rata • Tippromwovi l‑internazzjonalizzazzjoni tal‑impriżi għolja ta’ nies jaħdmu li tikseb koeżjoni ta’ daqs żgħir u medju; ekonomika, soċjali u territorjali • Tiżgura li n‑netwerks ta’ trasport u loġistika jippermettu lill‑industrija madwar l‑Unjoni li Tkabbir inklussiv ifisser li ‑n nies jingħataw is‑setgħa jkollhom aċċess effettiv għas‑Suq Uniku u għal permezz ta’ livelli għolja ta’ impjegar, isir investiment swieq internazzjonali lil hinn minnu; fil‑kapaċitajiet u s‑swieq tax‑xogħol, is‑sistemi ta’ taħriġ u protezzjoni soċjali jiġu mmodernizzati biex in‑nies jiġu 468 • Tiżviluppa politika effettiva tal‑ispazju li tipprovdi megħjuna jantiċipaw u jlaħħqu mal‑bidla, u tinbena soċ- l‑istrumenti li jindirizzaw għadd mill‑isfidi globali jetà b’aktar koeżjoni. Huwa essenzjali wkoll li l‑benefiċċji ewlenin u partikolarment it‑tlestija ta’ Galileo tat‑tkabbir ekonomiku jinfirxu mal‑partijiet kollha tal‑Un- u GMES; joni, anke fl‑aktar reġjuni mbiegħda, u b’hekk tissaħħaħ • Issaħħaħ il‑kompetittività tas‑settur tat‑turiżmu il‑koeżjoni territorjali. Dan huwa marbut mal‑iżgurar Ewropew; ta’ aċċess u opportunitajiet għal kulħadd tul ħajjithom. Jeħtieġ li l‑Ewropa tagħmel użu sħiħ mill‑potenzjal ta’ • Tirrevedi r‑regolamenti dwar is‑sostenn xogħol tagħha biex tiffaċċja ‑l isfidi ta’ popolazzjoni li qed tat‑tranżizzjoni tas‑setturi tas‑servizzi tikber fl‑età u l‑kompetizzjoni globali. Ser ikunu meħtieġa u l‑manifattura għal użu aktar effiċjenti ta’ riżorsi, politiki għall‑promozzjoni tal‑ugwaljanza bejn is‑sessi biex fosthom riċiklaġġ aktar effettiv; ittejjeb il‑mod jiżdied in‑numru ta’ persuni f ’impjieg u li jikkontribwixxu kif jiffunzjona ‑l istabbiliment ta’ standards għal aktar tkabbir u koeżjoni soċjali. fl‑Ewropa biex tagħmel pressjoni fuq standards Ewropej u internazzjonali għall‑kompetittività L‑Ewropa għandha tieħu azzjoni: fit‑tul tal‑industrija Ewropea. Dan ser jinkludi l‑promozzjoni tal‑kummerċjalizzazzjoni • Impjiegi: Minħabba bidla demografika, ‑l għadd ta’ u l‑introduzzjoni ta’ teknoloġiji ewlenin li jagħtu ħaddiema b’xogħol qiegħed jonqos. Bħalissa huma l‑kapaċitajiet meħtieġa; biss żewġ terzi tal‑popolazzjoni bl‑età li jaħdmu li • Iġġedded l‑istrateġija tal‑UE għall‑promozzjoni huma impjegati, meta mqabbel ma’ aktar minn 70% tar‑Responsabbiltà Soċjali tal‑Kumpaniji bħala fl‑Istati Uniti u fil‑Ġappun. Ir‑rata ta’ nisa li jaħdmu element fundamentali li jiżgura l‑fiduċja fit‑tul u ta’ ħaddiema aktar anzjani hija partikolarment baxxa. tal‑impjegati u l‑konsumaturi. Iż‑żgħażagħ intlaqtu partikolarment ħażin mill‑kriżi, u rata tal‑qgħad fosthom telgħet għal aktar minn Fil‑livell nazzjonali, l‑Istati Membri ser ikunu 21%. Hemm riskju kbir li dawk il‑persuni li mhumiex meħtieġa: jaħdmu jew li ma tantx għandom rabtiet b’saħħithom • Itejbu l‑ambjent tan‑negozju speċjalment għal mad‑dinja tax‑xogħol jibdew jinqatgħu mis‑suq impriżi ta’ daqs żgħir u medju innovattivi, tax‑xogħol. fosthom permezz ta’ akkwist tas‑settur pubbliku • Il‑kapaċitajiet: Madwar 80 miljun ruħ għandhom għas‑sostenn ta’ inċentivi ta’ innovazzjoni; livelli baxxi jew bażiċi ta’ kapaċitajiet, iżda t‑tagħlim • Itejbu l‑kundizzjonijiet tal‑infurzar tal‑proprjetà tul il‑ħajja jħalli benefiċċji lil dawk li għandhom livelli intellettwali; ogħla ta’ edukazzjoni. Sal-2020, 16-il miljun impjieg ieħor ser ikunu jitolbu kwalifiki aktar għoljin, filwaqt li • Inaqqsu l‑piż amministrattiv fuq il‑kumpaniji, d‑domanda għal ħiliet ta’ livell baxx ser taqa’ taħt it-12- u ttejjeb il‑kwalità tal‑leġiżlazzjoni dwar il miljun impjieg. Il‑fatt li ż‑żmien li persuna tagħmel in‑negozju; taħdem qiegħed jitwal ser jirrekjedi wkoll il‑possibbiltà li din takkwista u tiżviluppa ħiliet ġodda tul il‑ħajja. Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv

• Il‑ġlieda tal‑faqar: 80 miljun ruħ kienu jinsabu fir‑riskju ta’ faqar qabel il‑kriżi. 19-il miljun minnhom huma tfal. • Tiffaċilita u tippromwovi aktar mobbiltà ta’ xogħol 8 fil‑mija tal‑persuni b’xogħol ma jaqilgħux biżżejjed fl‑UE filwaqt li ‑l provvista ta’ ħaddiema tkun taqbel flus b’mod li jaqbżu ‑l livell tal‑faqar. Il‑persuni qiegħda aktar mad‑domanda b’sostenn finanzjarju xieraq huma partikolarment esposti għal dan ir‑riskju. mill‑fondi strutturali, speċjalment mill‑Fond Soċjali Ewropew (FSE), u tippromwovi politika Azzjoni taħt din il‑prijorità tirrekjedi l‑immoderniz- komprensiva ta’ migrazzjoni tal‑ħaddiema u li zar, it‑tisħiħ tal‑politiki tax‑xogħol, tal‑edukazzjoni tħares ‘il quddiem u li tirrispondi b’mod flessibbli u t‑tat‑taħriġ tagħna u tas‑sistemi ta’ protezzjoni soċja- għall‑prijoritajiet u l‑ħtiġijiet tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol; li billi tiżdied il‑parteċipazzjoni tax‑xogħol u jitnaqqas il‑qgħad strutturali, kif ukoll billi titrawwem aktar re- • Issaħħaħ il‑kapaċità tal‑imsieħba soċjali li jagħmlu sponsabbiltà soċjali tal‑kumpaniji fil‑komunità tan‑ne- użu sħiħ mill‑potenzjal li għandu d‑djalogu gozju. L‑aċċess għal faċilitajiet ta’ kura tat‑tfal u l‑kura soċjali għas‑soluzzjoni għall‑problemi fil‑livelli ta’ persuni dipendenti oħrajn ser ikun importanti f ’dan kollha (UE, nazzjonali/reġjonali, settorjali, ir‑rigward. L‑implimentazzjoni ta’ prinċipji ta’ flessigurtà kumpanija), u tippromwovi kooperazzjoni msaħħa u l‑fatt li persuni jingħataw il‑possibbiltà li jakkwistaw ħili- bejn istituzzjonijiet tas‑suq tax‑xogħol fosthom et ġodda biex jadattaw għal kundizzjonijiet ġodda u bidliet is‑servizzi pubbliċi tal‑impjiegi tal‑Istati Membri; potenzjali ta’ karrieri ser ikunu essenzjali. Ser ikun meħtieġ • Tagħti spinta qawwija lill‑qafas strateġiku sforz maġġuri għall‑ġlieda kontra l‑faqar u l‑esklużjoni għall‑kooperazzjoni fl‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ soċjali u biex jitnaqqsu l‑inugwaljanzi bejn is‑sessi biex jiġi bl‑involviment tal‑partijiet interessati 469 żgurat li kulħadd ikun jista’ jibbenefika mit‑tkabbir. Ser kollha. Prinċipalment dan għandu jirriżulta ikun importanti wkoll li jkollna l‑ħila li nindirizzaw l‑isfida fl‑implimentazzjoni ta’ prinċipji ta’ tagħlim tul tal‑promozzjoni ta’ popolazzjoni anzjana li tkun b’saħħitha il‑ħajja (f ’kooperazzjoni mal‑Istati Membri, u attiva biex tkun tista’ tinkiseb koeżjoni soċjali u livelli l‑imsieħba soċjali u esperti) inkluż permezz ta’ ogħla ta’ produttività. toroq ta’ tagħlim flessibbli bejn setturi differenti tal‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ u billi l‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ vokazzjonali jsiru aktar attraenti għal Inizjattiva ewlenija: “Aġenda għal aktar persuni. L‑imsieħba soċjali fil‑livell Ewropew kapaċitajiet u impjiegi ġodda” għandhom jiġu kkonsultati bil‑għan li tiġi żviluppata inizjattiva tagħhom stess f ’dan il‑qasam; L‑għan huwa li jinħolqu l‑kundizzjonijiet għall‑im- • Tiżgura li l‑kompetenzi meħtieġa biex isir modernizzar tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol bil‑għan li jiżdiedu aktar tagħlim u fis‑suq tax‑xogħol ikunu jistgħu l‑livelli tax‑xogħol u tiġi żgurata s‑sostenibbiltà jiġu jinkisbu u jiġu rikonoxxuti fl‑oqsma tal‑mudelli soċjali tagħna. Dan ifisser li ‑l persuni tal‑edukazzjoni ġenerali, vokazzjonali, għolja jingħataw il‑possibbiltà li jakkwistaw kapaċitajiet u tal‑adulti u tiġi żviluppata lingwa komuni ġodda li jippermettu lill‑ħaddiema ta’ issa u ta’ għadda u strumenti operazzjonali għall‑edukazzjoni/ li jadattaw għal kundizzjonijiet ġodda u għal bidliet it‑taħriġ u x‑xogħol: Qafas Ewropew ta’ potenzjali fil‑karrieri, jitnaqqas il‑qgħad filwaqt li Kapaċitajiet, Kompetenzi u Xogħol (ESCO). tiżdied il‑produttività tax‑xogħol. Fil‑livell nazzjonali, l‑Istati Membri ser ikunu Fil‑livell tal‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni ser tistinka biex: meħtieġa: • Tiddefinixxi u timplimenta ‑t tieni fażi tal‑aġenda • Jimplimentaw il‑metodi nazzjonali tagħhom ta’ ta’ flessigurtà, flimkien mal‑imsieħba soċjali flessigurtà, kif miftiehem mill‑Kunsill Ewropew, Ewropej, biex tidentifika ‑l aħjar modi kif tista’ biex inaqqsi s‑segmentazzjoni tas‑suq tax‑xogħol tamministra tranżizzjonijiet ekonomiċi u biex u jiffaċilitaw it‑tranżazzjonijiet u r‑rikonċiljazzjoni tiġġieled il‑qgħad u żżid ir‑rati ta’ attività; tax‑xogħol mal‑ħajja tal‑familja. • Tadatta l‑qafas leġiżlattiv, f ’konformità • Jirrevedu u jwettqu monitoraġġ regolari mal‑prinċipji ta’ regolamentazzjoni “intelliġenti”, tal‑effiċjenza tas‑sistema tat‑taxxi u benefiċċji biex tevolvi mudelli ta’ xogħol (eż. ħin tax‑xogħol, in‑nies iktar ikun jaqblilhom jaħdmu, b’enfasi allokazzjoni tal‑ħaddiema) u riskji ġodda speċjali fuq dawk b’anqas kapaċitajiet, filwaqt għas‑saħħa u s‑sikurezza fuq il‑post tax‑xogħol; li jitneħħew il‑miżuri li jiskoraġġixxu n‑nies li jaħdmu għal rashom. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

• Jippromwovu forom ġodda ta’ bilanċ bejn • Tfassal u timplimenta programmi ix‑xogħol u l‑ħajja u politiki attivi dwar il‑ħaddiema għall‑promozzjoni tal‑innovazzjoni soċjali aktar anzjani u tiżdied l‑ugwaljanza bejn is‑sessi; għal dawk li huma fost l‑aktar nies vulnerabbli, partikolarment billi jingħataw opportunitajiet • Jippromwovu u jwettqu monitoraġġ innovattivi ta' edukazzjoni, taħriġ u impjiegi tal‑implimentazzjoni effettiva tar‑riżultati li għall‑aktar komunitajiet li huma nieqsa minn joħorġu mid‑djalogu soċjali; affarijiet, għall‑ġlieda kontra d‑diskriminazzjoni • Jagħtu impetu qawwi għall‑implimentazzjoni (eż. d‑diżabbli), u tiżviluppa aġenda ġdida tal‑Qafas Ewropew tal‑Kwalifiki, permezz għall‑integrazzjoni ta' migranti biex ikunu jistgħu tal‑ħolqien ta' oqfsa nazzjonali tal‑kwalifiki; jittieħdu l‑aħjar vantaġġi mill‑potenzjal tagħhom; • Jiżguraw li l‑kompetenzi meħtieġa biex isir tagħlim • Twettaq valutazzjoni tal‑adegwatezza ulterjuri u għas‑suq tax‑xogħol jiġu akkwistati u s‑sostenibbiltà tas‑sistemi ta' protezzjoni soċjali u rikonoxxuti fl‑oqsma kollha tal‑edukazzjoni, u tal‑pensjonijiet tagħhom, u tidentifika modi jiġifieri ‑l edukazzjoni ġenerali, vokazzjonali, biex jiżguraw aċċess aħjar għas‑sistemi tal‑kura l‑edukazzjoni għolja u anke dik tal‑adulti, inkluż tas‑saħħa. it‑tagħlim mhux formali u informali; Fil‑livell nazzjonali, l‑Istati Membri ser ikunu • Jiżviluppaw partenarjati bejn meħtieġa: 470 id‑dinjatal‑edukazzjoni/taħriġ u dik tax‑xogħol, • Jippromwovu responsibbiltà kollettiva partikolarment billi jinvolvu l‑imsieħba soċjali u individwali kondiviża fil‑ġlieda kontra l‑faqar fl‑ippjanar tal‑għoti tal‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ. u l‑esklużjoni soċjali; • Jiddefinixxu u jimplimentaw miżuri li jindirizzaw iċ‑ċirkostanzi speċifiċi ta' gruppi li jinsabu f 'riskju partikolari (bħall‑familji b'ġenitur wieħed, nisa Inizjattiva ewlenija: "Pjattaforma anzjani, minoranzi, Roma, persuni b'diżabbiltà Ewropea kontra l‑Faqar" u dawk mingħajr dar fejn joqogħdu); • Jagħmlu użu sħiħ mis‑sistemi tas‑sigurtà soċjali L‑għan huwa li niżguraw koeżjoni ekonomika, soċjali u tal‑pensjonijiet tagħhom biex jiżguraw sostenn u territorjali, li tibni fuq is‑sena Ewropea kurrenti għad‑dħul adegwat u aċċess għall‑kura tas‑saħħa. li tiffoka fuq il‑ġlieda kontra l‑faqar u l‑esklużjoni soċ- jali biex titqajjem kuxjenza u jiġu rrikonoxxuti d‑drittijiet fundamentali tal‑persuni li jesperjenzaw il‑faqar u l‑esklużjoni soċjali, u jingħataw il‑possibbiltà li jgħixu b'dinjità u jkollhom sehem attiv fis‑soċjetà. 3. Lakuni u diffikultajiet

Fil‑livell tal‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni ser tistinka biex: Il‑politiki, l‑istrumenti u l‑atti legali kollha tal‑UE, kif • Tittrasforma l‑metodu miftuħ ta' koordinazzjoni ukoll l‑istrumenti finanzjarji tagħha, għandhom jiġu mmo- dwar l‑esklużjoni soċjali u l‑protezzjoni soċjali fi bilizzati biex titwettaq ħidma fuq l‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija. pjattaforma għall‑kooperazzjoni, analiżi bejn il‑pari Il‑Kummissjoni biħsiebha ssaħħaħ l‑politiki u l‑istrumenti u skambju tal‑aħjar prassi, u fi strument li jrawwem ewlenin tagħha, bħas‑suq uniku, il‑baġit u l‑aġenda ekno- l‑impenn minn atturi pubbliċi u privati biex mika esterna tal‑UE biex tiffoka fuq il‑ksib tal‑għanijiet titnaqqas l‑esklużjoni soċjali, u tittieħed azzjoni tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020. Il‑proposti operazzjonali li konkreta, anke permezz ta' sostenn immirat sew jiżguraw il‑kontribut sħiħ tagħhom għall‑istrateġija ser mill‑fondi strutturali, speċjalment mill‑FSE; ikunu parti integrali mill‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020. 3.1. Suq uniku għas‑seklu 21

Suq uniku aktar b'saħħtu, aktar wiesa' u estiż huwa ta' importanza vitali għat‑tkabbir u l‑ħolqien tal‑impjiegi. Ma- danakollu, ix‑xejriet kurrenti juru sinjali ta' integrazzjoni għajjiena u diżillużjoni dwar is‑suq uniku. Il‑kriżi żiedet it‑tentazzjonijiet ta' nazzjonaliżmu ekonomiku. Il‑kontroll tal‑Kummissjoni u sens ta' responsabbiltà bejn l‑Istati Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv

Membri kollha rnexxielhom iwaqqfu l‑kurrent li kien se Permezz tal‑implimentazzjoni tal‑politika tal‑kompetiz- jwassal għad‑diżintegrazzjoni. Iżda mbuttatura ġdida – zjoni l‑Kummissjoni ser tiżgura li s‑suq uniku jibqa' suq impenn politiku ġenwin – hija meħtieġa biex is‑suq uniku miftuħ, li jingħataw opportunitajiet ugwali għall‑kump- jingħata enerġija ġdida, permezz tal‑adozzjoni mingħajr aniji u tiġġieled il‑protezzjoniżmu nazzjonali. Iżda l‑poli- telf ta' żmien tal‑inizjattivi msemmija hawn taħt. Dan l‑im- tika tal‑kompetizzjoni ser tagħti kontribut akbar għall‑il- penn politiku ser jitlob taħlita ta' miżuri li jimlew il‑lakuni ħuq tal‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020. Il‑politika tas‑suq uniku. tal‑kompetizzjoni tiżgura li s‑swieq jipprovdu l‑aħjar ambjent għall‑innovazzjoni, pereżempju billi jiġi żgurat li ma Ta' kuljum in‑negozji u ċ‑ċittadini qegħdin iħabbtu jsir l‑ebda abbuż mill‑privattivi u d‑drittijiet tal‑proprjetà. wiċċhom mar‑realtà li għad fadal tfixkil fir‑rigward tal‑at- Il‑prevenzjoni tal‑abbuż tas‑suq u ftehimiet li jmorru kon- tività transkonfinali minkejja li jeżisti s‑suq uniku. Huma tra l‑kompetizzjoni bejn il‑kumpaniji tipprovdi riassig- jirrealizzaw li n‑netwerks mhumiex interkonnessi biżżejj- urazzjoni biex tiġi inċentivata l‑innovazzjoni. Il‑politika ed u li l‑infurzar tar‑regoli tas‑suq uniku għadu irregolari. tal‑għajnuna mill‑Istat tista wkoll tikkontribwixxi b'mod Ta' sikwit, in‑negozji u ċ‑ċittadini għadhom isibu ma' attiv u pożittiv għall‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 wiċċhom 27 sistema legali differenti għall‑istess tranżazz- billi tinċita u tappoġġja inizjattivi għal teknoloġiji innovat- joni. Filwaqt li l‑kumpaniji tagħna għadhom ikkonfrontati tivi, effiċjenti u aktar ekoloġiċi, filwaqt li tiffaċilita‑ l aċċess mir‑realtà ta' kuljum ta' regoli frammentati u diverġen- għal appoġġ pubbliku għall‑investiment, kapital tar‑riskju ti, il‑kompetituri tagħhom miċ‑Ċina, l‑Istati Uniti jew u ffinanzjar tar‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp. il‑Ġappun jistgħu jibbażaw ruħhom tajjeb fuq is‑swieq kbar tagħhom. Il‑Kummissjoni ser tipproponi azzjoni biex tegħleb id‑dif- 471 fikultajiet fis‑suq uniku billi: Is‑suq uniku ġie maħsub qabel ma wasal l‑Internet, qabel ma t‑teknoloġija tal‑informazzjoni u l‑komunikazzjoni • Issaħħaħ l‑istrutturi tal‑implimentazzjoni ta' miżuri saret wieħed mill‑muturi ewlenin tat‑tkabbir u qabel ma tas‑suq uniku fil‑ħin stipulat u b'mod korrett, inkluż s‑servizzi saru parti daqstant dominanti tal‑ekonomija regolamentazzjoni dwar in‑netwerks, id‑Direttiva Ewropea. L‑emerġenza ta' servizzi ġodda (eż. kontenut tas‑Servizzi u u l‑pakkett leġiżlattiv u superviżorju u medja, saħħa, kejl intelliġenti tal‑enerġija) joffri poten- tas‑swieq finanzjarji, issaħħaħhom b'mod effettiv zjal enormi, iżda l‑Ewropa tista' tuża dan il‑potenzjal biss u meta jinqalgħu l‑problemi, issolvihom bla dewmien; jekk tegħleb il‑frammentazzjoni li bħalissa qiegħda tim- • Tkompli għaddejja bl‑aġenda tar‑Regolamentazzjoni blokka l‑fluss ta' kontenut onlajn u l‑aċċess għall‑konsuma- Intelliġenti, fosthom billi tikkunsidra użu aktar estiż ta' turi u l‑kumpaniji. regolamenti u mhux ta' direttivi, tniedi evalwazzjoni ex‑post ta' leġiżlazzjoni eżistenti, twettaq monitoraġġ Sabiex tħejji lis‑suq uniku biex jaqdi l‑miri tal‑Ewropa tas‑suq, tnaqqas il‑piżijiet amministrattivi, jitneħħew 2020, hemm il‑bżonn ta' swieq konnessi tajjeb bejnieth- l‑ostakli fiskali, ittejjeb ‑l ambjent kummerċjali, om, fejn il‑kompetizzjoni u l‑aċċess għall‑konsumatur partikolarment għall‑impriżi ta' daqs żgħir u medju, jistimulaw it‑tkabbir u l‑innovazzjoni. Suq uniku miftuħ u tappoġġja lill‑intraprenditorjat; għas‑servizzi għandu jinħoloq abbażi tad‑Direttiva dwar is‑Servizzi, filwaqt li ‑fl istess ħin tiġi żgurata l‑kwalità • Tadatta l‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE u dik nazzjonali għall‑era tas‑servizzi li jingħataw lill‑konsumaturi. L‑implimentazz- diġitali biex tippromwovi ċ‑ċirkolazzjoni tal‑kontenut joni sħiħa tad‑Direttiva dwar is‑Servizzi tista' żżid in‑ne- b'livelli għolja ta' fiduċja għall‑konsumaturi gozju fis‑servizzi kummerċjali b'45% u l‑investiment Barra- u l‑kumpaniji. Dan jirrekjedi li jsir aġġornament ni Dirett b'25%, u rwassal għal żieda ta' bejn 0.5% u 1.5% tar‑regoli dwar ir‑responsabbiltà, il‑garanziji, fil‑PGD. il‑forniment u r‑riżoluzzjoni ta' tilwim; • Tagħmilha possibbli li n‑negozji u l‑konsumaturi L‑aċċess tal‑impriżi ta' daqs żgħir u medju għandu jittejj- jkunu jistgħu jikkonkludu kuntratti ma' sħab f 'pajjiżi eb. L‑intraprenditorija għandha tiġi żviluppata permezz ta' oħra tal‑UE b'mod anqas diffiċli u b'anqas spejjeż, inizjattivi ta' politika konkreti, fosthom simplifikazzjoni prinċipalment billi toffri soluzzjonijiet armonizzati tal‑liġi tal‑kumpaniji (il‑proċeduri ta' falliment, l‑istatut għal kuntratti tal‑konsumatur, klawsoli ta' kuntratti ta' kumpaniji privata, eċċ.), u inizjattivi li jippermettu b'mudell tal‑UE u billi tagħmel progress lejn Liġi lill‑imprendituri biex jerġgħu jibdew wara l‑falliment ta' Ewropea tal‑Kuntratti li tkun fuq bażi fakultattiva; negozju. Iċ‑ċittadini għandhom jingħataw is‑setgħa li jip- parteċipaw bis‑sħiħ fis‑suq wieħed. Dan jitlob li jissaħħu • Tagħmilha possibbli li n‑negozji u l‑konsumaturi jkunu l‑abbiltà u l‑fiduċja tagħhom biex jixtru prodotti u servizzi jistgħu jinforzaw kuntratti b'mod aktar faċli u b'anqas transkonfinali, partikolarment onlajn. spejjeż u li s‑sentenzi u d‑dokumenti tal‑qorti jkunu rikonoxxuti f 'pajjiżi oħra tal‑UE. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

3.2. Investiment fit‑tkabbir: politika ta' u l‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 biex tindirizza koeżjoni, l‑immobilizzar tal‑baġit l‑frammentazzjoni attwali tal‑istrumenti ta' finanzjament tal‑UE u ta' finanzi privati tal‑UE (eż. riċerka u żvilupp u innovazzjoni, investimenti ewlenin fl‑infrastruttura f 'netwerks transkonfinali tal‑enerġija u t‑trasport, u teknoloġija b'użu baxx Il‑koeżjoni ekonomika, soċjali u territorjali ser jibqa' ta' karbonju). Tagħmel użu sħuħ mill‑opportunità jkollha rwol ċentrali għall‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 biex tar‑reviżjoni tar‑Regolament Finanzjarju biex tiżviluppa jiġi żgurat li l‑enerġija u l‑kapaċitajiet kollha jiġu mmobi- l‑potenzjal ta' strumenti finanzjarji innovattivi, filwaqt li lizzati u ffokati biex jintlaħqu ‑l prijoritajiet tal‑istrateġija. tiżgura ġestjoni finanzjarja soda; Il‑politika ta' koeżjoni u l‑fondi strutturali tagħha, filwaqt li huma importanti, huma mekkaniżmi ewlenin għall‑ksib • Tfassal strumenti finanzjarji ġodda, partikolarment tal‑prijoritajiet ta' tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklus- f 'kooperazzjoni mal‑BEI/FEI u s‑settur privat, li siv fl‑Istati Membri u r‑reġjuni. jirrispondu għall‑ħtiġijiet tan‑negozji li sa issa għadhom ma ġewx indirizzati. Bħala parti mill‑pjan ta' riċerka Il‑kriżi finanzjarja kellha impatt maġġuri fuq il‑kapaċità u innovazzjoni li dalwaqt joħroġ, il‑Kummissjoni ser tan‑negozji u l‑gvernijiet Ewropej li jiffinanzjaw investi- tikkoordina inizjattiva mal‑BEI/FEI biex tiġbor kapital ment u proġetti ta' innovazzjoni. Biex jinkisbu l‑għanijiet addizzjonali għall‑finanzjament ta' negozji innovattivi fl‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020, huwa importanti li jkun hemm u li qegħdin jikbru; ambjent regolatorju li jwassal biex is‑swieq finanzjarji jkunu • Tittrasforma s‑suq Ewropew ta' kapital ta'risku f 'realtà, 472 aktar effettivi u sikuri. L‑Ewropa għandha tagħmel minn u b'hekk tiffaċilita ħafna ‑l aċċess dirett tan‑negozji kollox biex tuża l‑mezzi finanzjarja tagħha, taqbad toroq għas‑swieq tal‑kapital u tesplora inċentivi għal fondi ġodda fl‑użu ta' finanzi privati u pubbliċi, u toħloq stru- mis‑settur privat li joffru finanzi għal kumpaniji ġodda, menti innovattivi biex tiffinanzja‑ l investimenti meħtieġa, u għal impriżi ta' daqs żgħir u medju innovattivi. anke permezz tal‑partenarjati pubbliċi‑privati (PPPs). Il‑Bank Ewropew tal‑Investiment u l‑Fond Ewropew tal‑In- 3.3. L‑użu tal‑istrumenti ta' politika vestiment jistgħu jikkontribwixxu biex jappoġġjaw "ċirku esterna tagħna ta' ġid" fejn l‑innovazzjoni u l‑intraprenditorija jkunu jist- għu jiġu ffinanzjati tajjeb minn stadju bikri tal‑investiment It‑tkabbir globali ser jiftaħ opportunitajiet ġodda għall‑es- sal‑elenkar tal‑indiċi tal‑borża, fi sħubija mal‑bosta inizjat- portaturi tal‑Ewropa u anke aċċess kompetittiv għal im- tivi u skemi pubbliċi li joperaw fil‑livell nazzjonali. portazzjonijiet essenzjali. L‑istrumenti kollha tal‑politika ekonomika esterna jeħtieġ li jintużaw biex jitrawwem Jeħtieġ ukoll li l‑qafas finanzjarju multiannwali jirrefletti tkabbir Ewropew permezz tal‑parteċipazzjoni tagħna l‑prijoritajiet ta' tkabbir fit‑tul. Ladarba jintlaħaq ftehim fi swieq miftuħa u ekwi madwar ‑id dinja. Dan japplika dwarhom, il‑Kummissjoni biħsiebha tinkludi dawn il‑prijor- għall‑aspetti esterni tad‑diversi politiki interni tagħna itajiet fil‑proposti tagħha għall‑qafas finanzjaru multiann- (eż. l‑enerġija, it‑trasport, l‑agrikoltura, ir‑riċerka u l‑iżvi- wali, li mistenni għas‑sena d‑dieħla. Id‑diskussjoni ma għan- lupp) iżda dan jgħodd b'mod partikolari għall‑kummerċ dhiex tkun biss dwar il‑livelli ta' finanzjament, iżda wkoll u għall‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika makroekonomika dwar kif l‑istrumenti ta' finanzjament differenti bħall‑fondi internazzjonali. Ewropa miftuħa, li topera fi ħdan qafas strutturali, il‑fondi tal‑iżvilupp agrikolu u rurali, il‑pro- internazzjonali msejjes fuq regoli, hija l‑aħjar triq biex jit- gramm qafas dwar ir‑riċerka, u l‑programm qafas tal‑kom- gawdew il‑benefiċċji tal‑globalizzazzjoni li ser jagtħu spin- petittività u l‑innovazzjoni (CIP) jinħasbu b'mod li jinksibu ta 'l quddiem lit‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi. Fl‑istess ħin, l‑UE l‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 biex jiġi mmassimiz- għandha tasserixxi ruħha b'mod aktar effettiv fuq ix‑xena zat l‑impatt, tiġi żgurata l‑effiċjenza u l‑valur miżjud tal‑UE. dinjija, bi rwol prinċipali fit‑tiswir tal‑ordni ekonomika Ser ikun importanti li jinstabu mezzi kif jista' jiżdied l‑impatt globali tal‑ġejjieni permezz tal‑G20, u tħares l‑interessi tal‑baġit tal‑UE - li filwaqt li huwa żgħir, meta jiġi mmirat Ewropej permezz tal‑użu effettiv tal‑istrumenti li għandna sew xorta jista' jħalli effetti importanti ta' bidla. għad‑dispożizzjoni tagħna.

Il‑Kummissjoni ser tipproponi azzjoni biex tiżviluppa Parti mit‑tkabbir li l‑Ewropa hija meħtieġa tiġġenera fuq soluzzjonijiet ta' finanzjament innovattivi biex issostni l‑għaxar snin li ġejjin ser ikollu jiġi mill‑ekonomiji emerġen- l‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 billi: ti hekk kif il‑klassijiet tan‑nofs jiżviluppaw u jimportaw oġġetti u servizzi b'vantaġġ komparattiv għall‑Unjoni Ewro- • Tagħmel użu sħiħ mill‑possibbiltajiet biex tittejjeb pea. Bħala l‑akbar blokk kummerċjali fid‑dinja, l‑UE timxi l‑effikaċja u l‑effiċjenza tal‑baġit eżistenti tal‑UE 'l quddiem billi tiftaħ għad‑dinja u tagħti attenzjoni par- permezz ta' prijoritizzazzjoni aktar qawwija tikolari għal dak li qegħdin jagħmlu l‑ekonomiji emerġenti u livelli ogħla ta' konverġenza bejn in‑nefqa tal‑UE biex tantiċipa jew tadatta għal xejriet ġejjiena. Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv

Għan ewlieni għandu jkun dak ta' azzjoni permezz • B'bidu fl-2011 u mbagħad kull sena qabel il‑Kunsill tad‑WTO u anke bilateralment sabiex tiżgura n- negozji Ewropew tar‑Rebbiegħa, ser tippreżenta rapport dwar tal‑UE, fosthom impriżi ta' daqs żgħir u medju, ikollhom l‑ostakli għall‑kummerċ u l‑investiment li jidentifika aċċess aħjar għas‑swieq u kif ukoll kundizzjonijiet indaqs modi kif jista' jittejjeb l‑aċċess għas‑suq u l‑ambjent fil‑konfront tal‑kompetituri esterni. Barra minn hekk, aħna regolatorju għall‑kumpaniji tal‑UE. għandna niffokaw fuq djalogi regolatorji, partikolarment L‑UE hija attur globali u tieħu r‑responsabbiltajiet inter- f 'oqsma ġodda bħall‑klima u t‑tkabbir ekoloġiku, fejn hu nazzjonali tagħha b'serjetà. Hija qiegħda tiżviluppa par- possibbli billi nestendu l‑involviment globali tagħna billi tenarjat reali mal‑pajjiżi fil‑fażi tal‑iżvilupp biex teqred nippromwovu l‑ekwivalenza, ir‑rikonoxximent reċiproku il‑faqar, biex tippromwovi t‑tkabbir u tilħaq l‑Għanijiet ta' u l‑konverġenza dwar kwistjonijiet regolatorji, u kif ukoll Żvilupp tal‑Millennju (MDGs). Aħna għandna relazzjoni permezz tal‑adozzjoni tar‑regoli u l‑istandards tagħna. mill‑qrib ħafna mal‑Afrika u fil‑ġejjieni ser ikun meħtieġ li ninvestu aktar biex niżviluppaw dan is‑sħubija mill‑qrib. L‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 mhijiex biss rilevanti fl‑UE, ti- Dan ser iseħħ fil‑kuntest tal‑isforzi aktar wiesa' li jinsabu sta' wkoll toffri potenzjal konsiderevoli għall‑pajjiżi kan- għaddejjin biex tiżdied l‑għajnuna għall‑iżvilupp, tittejj- didati u għall‑pajjiżi ġirien u tkun ta' punt ta' riferiment eb l‑effiċjenza tal‑programmi ta' għajnuna tagħna prinċi- għall‑isforzi ta' riforma tagħhom. L‑espansjoni taż‑żona palment permezz tal‑qsim tax‑xogħol mal‑Istati Membri fejn japplikaw ir‑regoli tal‑UE ser toħloq opportunitajiet u billi nirreflettu aħjar ‑l għanijiet ta' żvilupp f 'politiki ġodda kemm għall‑UE u kif ukoll għall‑ġirien tagħha. oħrajn tal‑Unjoni Ewropea.

Aktar minn hekk, wieħed mill‑għanijiet kritiċi tagħna 473 fil‑ftit snin li ġejjin huwa li nibnu relazzjonijiet strateġiċi 4. Ħruġ mill‑kriżi: l‑ewwel passi ma' ekonomiji emerġenti biex niddiksutu kwistjonijiet li jolqtu lill‑partijiet kollha, nippromwovu kooperazzjoni lejn l-2020 fil‑qasam regolatorju u f 'oqsma oħrajn u nsibu soluzzjonijiet għal kwistjonijiet bilaterali. L‑istrutturi li jirfdu dawn L‑istrumenti ta' politika ntużaw b'mod deċiż u massiv biex ir‑relazzjonijiet ser ikollhom ikunu flessibbli u politiċi niġġieldu l‑kriżi. Fejn possibbli l‑politika fiskali kellha rwol u mhux b'enfasi teknika. espansiv u kontraċikliku; ir‑rati tal‑imgħax tnaqqsu għal minimi storiċi filwaqt li s‑settur finanzjarju ngħata likwidità Fl-2010 l‑Kummissjoni ser tfassal strateġija kummerċjali b'mod mingħajr ebda preċedent. Il‑gvernijiet taw appoġġ għall‑Ewropa 2020 li ser tinkludi: enormi lill‑banek, kemm permezz ta' garanziji, rikapitalizzazzjoni u permezz tat-"tindif " tal‑karti tal‑bilanċ tagħhom • Enfasi fuq il‑konklużjoni ta' negozjati multilaterali minn assi danneġġati; setturi oħrajn tal‑ekonomija ġew u bilaterali li jinsabu għaddejjin, partikolarment dawk megħjuna taħt qafas temporanju u eċċezzjonali ta' għajnu- bl‑aktar potenzjal ekonomiku qawwi, u kif ukoll fuq na mill‑Istat. Dawn l‑azzjonijiet kollha kienu, u għadhom, infurzar aħjar ta' ftehimiet eżistenti, b'enfasi fuq ostakli iġġustifikati. Iżda ma jistgħux jibqgħu fis‑seħħ b'mod perma- mhux tariffarji fuq il‑kummerċ; nenti. Livelli għoljin ta' dejn pubbliku ma jistgħux jiġu sostnuti indefinittavament. L‑ilħuq tal‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija • Inizjattivi li jiftħu ‑l kummerċ għal setturi tal‑ġejjieni, Ewropa 2020 għandu jkun imsejjes fuq strateġija ta' ħruġ bħal prodotti u teknoloġiji "ekoloġiċi", prodotti kredibbli fir‑rigward tal‑politika baġitarja u monetarja fuq u servizzi ta' teknoloġija avvanzata, u dwar in‑naħa l‑waħda, u fuq l‑appoġġ dirett li ngħata mill‑gverni- standardizzazzjoni internazjzonali partikolarment jiet lil setturi ekonomiċi, partikolarment fis‑settur finanz- f 'oqsma ta' tkabbir; jarju, fuq in‑naħa l‑oħra. Is‑sekwenza ta' kif noħorġu minn • Proposti għal djalogi strateġiċi ta' livell għoli ma sħab dawn id‑diversi skemi huwa importanti. Il‑koordinazzjoni ewlenin, biex issir diskussjoni dwar kwistjonijiet msaħħa tal‑politiki ekonomiċi, partikolarment fiż‑żona strateġiċi li jvarjaw mill‑aċċess għas‑suq, il‑qafas tal‑euro għandha tiżgura ħruġ globali b'suċċess. regolatorju, l‑iżbilanċi globali, l‑enerġija u t‑tibdil fil‑klima, l‑aċċess għal materja prima, il‑faqar globali, 4.1. Id‑definizzjoni ta' strateġija ta' sal‑edukazzjoni u l‑iżvilupp. Hija ser twettaq ħidma ħruġ kredibbli biex issaħħaħ il‑Kunsill Ekonomiku Transatlantiku mal‑Istati Uniti, id‑Djalogu Ekonomiku ta' Livell Minħabba l‑inċertezzi li għad fadal dwar il‑prospetti Għoli maċ‑Ċina u tapprofondixxi r‑relazzjoni tagħha u dgħufijiet ekonomiċi fis‑settur finanzjarju, il‑miżuri ta' mal‑Ġappun u r‑Russja; appoġġ għandhom jitneħħew ladarba l‑irkupru ekonomiku jkun jista' jitqies li jkun sostenibbli u ladarba titreġġa' IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

lura l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja40. It‑tneħħija ta' miżuri tempo- fil‑forma ġabra unika ta' regoli Ewropej li tkopri ranji għal kontra l‑kriżi għandha tiġi kkoordinata u tikkun- s‑setturi finanzjarji u swieq kollha b'mod adegwat; sidra tal‑konsegwenzi negattivi possibbli fl‑Istati Membri • It‑tisħiħ tal‑governanza ta' istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji, u kif ukoll l‑interazzjonijiet bejn strumenti ta' politika sabiex jiġu indirizzati d‑dgħufijiet indentifikati matul differenti. Id‑dixxiplina tal‑għajnuna mill‑Istat għandha il‑kriżi finanzjarja fil‑qasam tal‑identifikazzjoni titreġġa' lura, u dan jibda billi jintemm il‑qafas temporanju u l‑ġestjoni tar‑riskju; ta' għajnuna mill‑Istat. Jeħtieġ li dan l‑approċċ ikkoordinat jistrieħ fuq il‑prinċipji li ġejjin: • L‑għoti ta' impetu għal politika ambizzjuża li fil‑ġejjieni tippermettilna nimpedixxu, u jekk ikun meħtieġ • It‑tneħħija tal‑istimulu fiskali għandu jibda hekk nikkontrollaw, kriżijiet finanzjarji li jistgħu jseħħu, u li - kif l‑irkupru jkun stabbilit sew. Madanakollu, b'kunsiderazzjoni tar‑responsabbiltà speċifika tas‑settur iż‑żmien eżatt ta' dan jista' tkun differenti bejn pajjiż finanzjarju fil‑kriżi ta' bħalissa - ser tesplora l‑possibbiltà u ieħor, għalhekk hemm il‑ħtieġa għal livell ogħla ta' ta' kontribuzzjonijiet xierqa mis‑settur finanzjarju. koordinazzjoni fil‑livell Ewropew; 4.3. Inwettqu konsolidazzjoni baġitarja • L‑appoġġ fuq żmien qasir għall‑qgħad għandu jibda intelliġenti għal tkabbir fit‑tul jitneħħa gradwalment ladarba t‑tkabbir tal‑PGD ikun stabbilit sew u b'hekk l‑impjegar, bl‑intervall normali Biex inreġġgħu lura l‑kundizzjonijiet għal tkabbir sostenib- tiegħu, jerġa' jibda jiżdied; bli u impjiegi neħtieġu finanzi pubbliċi fis‑sod, u għalhekk 474 • L‑iskemi ta' appoġġ settorjali għandhom jitneħħew neħtieġu strateġija komprensiva ta' ħruġ. Din ser tinvolvi gradwalment minn kmieni billi dawn jitfgħu piż t‑tneħħija progressiva ta' appoġġ għall‑kriżi li ngħata fuq fuq il‑baġit, u b'mod ġenerali qiegħed jitqies li laħqu perjodu qasir ta' żmien u l‑introduzzjoni ta' riformi fuq l‑għanijiet li ġew stabbiliti għalihom, u minħabba perjodu medju u twil li jippromwovu s‑sostenibbiltà tal‑fi- l‑effett ta' distorsjoni li possibbilment iħallu fuq is‑suq nanzi pubbliċi u t‑tisħiħ tal‑potenzjal tat‑tkabbir. uniku; Il‑Patt ta' Stabbiltà u Tkabbir jipprovdi l‑aħjar qafas • L‑appoġġ ta' aċċess għall‑finanzi għandu jissokta għall‑implimentazzjoni tal‑istrateġiji ta' ħruġ fiskali sakemm jidhru sinjali ċari li l‑kundizzjonijiet ta' u l‑Istati Membri qegħdin jistabbilixxu dawn l‑istrateġi- finanzjament għan‑negozji jkunu reġgħu lura ji fil‑programmi ta' stabbiltà u konverġenza tagħhom. għan‑normal; Għall‑bosta pajjiżi, normalment il‑bidu tal‑konsolidazz- • It‑tneħħija tal‑appoġġ għas‑settur finanzjarju, ‑l ewwel joni fiskali għandha sseħħ fl-2011. Bħala regola, ‑il proċess nett tal‑iskemi ta' garanzija tal‑gvern, ser tiddependi biex id‑defiċit tal‑pajjiżi jaqa' għal taħt it-3% tal‑PGD fuq l‑istat globali tal‑ekonomija u partikolarment fuq għandu jitlesta sal-2013. Madanakollu, f 'għadd ta' pajjiżi, l‑istabbiltà tas‑sistema finanzjarja. jista' jkun li l‑fażi ta' konsolidazzjoni jkollha tibda qabel l-2011 u dan jimplika li t‑tneħħija tal‑appoġġ temporan- 4.2. Ir‑riforma tas‑sistema finanzjarja ju għall‑kriżi u l‑konsolidazzjoni fiskali jistgħu, f 'dawn il‑każijiet, iseħħu fl‑istess ħin. Prijoirtà kruċjali fuq żmien qasir huwa li jerġa' jiġi stabbiliti settur finanzjarju solidu, stabbli u b'saħħtu li jkun jista' Sabiex jingħata appoġġ għall‑potenzjal tal‑UE ta’ tkabbir jiffinanzja‑ l ekonomija reali. Dan ser jirrekjedi l‑implimen- ekonomiku u s‑sostenibbiltà tal‑mudelli soċjali tagħna, tazzjoni sħiħa u f 'waqtha tal‑impenji tal‑G20. B'mod par- il‑konsolidazzjoni tal‑finanzi pubbliċi fil‑kuntest tal‑Patt tikolari ser ikollhom jintlaħqu ħames għanijiet: ta' Stabbiltà u Tkabbir tinvolvi l‑iffissar ta' prijoritajiet u għażliet ibsin: il‑koordinazzjoni fil‑livell tal‑UE tis- • L‑implimentazzjoni tar‑riformi miftiehma ta' tkun ta' għajnuna biex l‑Istati Membri jwettqu dan tas‑sorveljanza tas‑settur finanzjarju; il‑kompitu u tgħin biex jiġu indirizzati l‑effetti negattivi. Barra minn dan, l‑għamla u l‑kwalità tan‑nefqa tal‑Gvern • Is‑sejba ta' soluzzjoni għal‑lakuni regolatorji, huma relevanti: il‑programmi ta’ konsolidazzjoni baġitarja il‑promozzjoni tat‑trasparenza, l‑istabbiltà għandhom jagħtu prijorità lil ‘fatturi li jwasslu għat‑tkab- u r‑responsabbiltà fir‑rigward tad‑derivati bir’ bħall‑edukazzjoni u l‑kapaċitajiet, ir‑riċerka u l‑iżvi- u l‑infrastruttura tas‑suq; lupp l‑innovazzjoni u l‑investiment f ’netwerks, bħal • L‑ikkompletar tat‑tisħiħ tar‑regoli prudenzjali, pereżempju, internet ta' veloċità għolja, interkonessjonijiet tal‑kontabbiltà u dwar il‑protezzjoni tal‑konsumatur fil‑qasam tal‑enerġija u tat‑trasport – jiġifieri, ‑l oqsma tem- atiċi ewlenin fl‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020.

40 Il‑konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill Ewropew tal-10/11 ta’ Diċembru 2009. Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv

In‑naħa tad‑dħul tal‑baġit hija importanti wkoll u għand- • Qafas għall‑indirizzar għal riskji imminenti ha tingħata attenzjoni partikolari għall‑kwalità tas‑siste- għall‑istabbiltà finanzjarja taż‑żona tal‑euro kollha ma ta' dħul/taxxa. Fejn hemm il‑possibbiltà li jkollhom kemm hi. jogħlew it‑taxxi, dan għandu, fejn hu possibbli, jsir flimk- • Rappreżentanza esterna xierqa taż‑żona tal‑euro sabiex ien ma' miżuri li jwasslu biex is‑sistemi tat‑taxxa jkunu l‑isfidi ekonomiċi u finanzjarji globali jiġu indirizzati "jgħinu t‑tkabbir". Pereżempju, iż‑żieda tar‑rati tat‑taxxi b'mod effettiv. fuq ix‑xogħol, kif ġara fl‑imgħoddi u li wasslet għal telf ta' impjiegi, għandha tiġi evitata. Min‑naħa l‑oħra l‑Istati Il‑Kummissjoni ser tagħmel proposti biex tmexxi dawn Membri għandhom ineħħu l‑piż fiskali minn fuq ix‑xog- l‑ideat 'il quddiem. ħol u jitfgħuh fuq l‑enerġija u l‑ambjent bħala parti minn approċċ ta' sistemi fiskali aktar "ekoloġiċi". 5. Il‑ksib ta' riżultati: Jeħtieġ li l‑konsolidazzjoni fiskali u s‑sostenibbiltà finanzjarja fit‑tul jimxu id f 'id ma' riformi strutturali importanti, governanza aktar b'saħħitha partikoarment fis‑sistema tal‑pensjoni, tal‑kura tas‑saħħa, tal‑protezzjoni soċjali u tas‑sistema edukattiva. L‑ammin- Biex tikseb bidla trasformattiva, ser ikun meħtieġ l‑is- istrazzjoni pubblika għandha tuża din is‑sitwazzjoni bħala trateġija Ewropa 2020 tkun immirata aħjar, tkun aktar ċara opportunità biex ittejjeb l‑effiċjenza u l‑kwalità tas‑servizz. u jkollha kriterji trasparenti biex jiġi vvalutat il‑progress. Il‑politika ta' akkwist pubbliku għandha tiżgura l‑aktar użu Dan ser jirrekjedi qafas ta' governanza aktar b'saħħitha effiċjenti ta' fondi pubbliċi u s‑swieq ta' akkwist għandhom li juża bis‑sħiħ l‑istrumenti li għandu għad‑dispożizzjo- 475 jinżammu miftuħa madwar ‑l UE kollha. ni tiegħu biex tiġi żgurata implimentazzjoni f 'waqtha u effettiva. 4.4. Koordinazzjoni mal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja 5.1. L‑arkitettura proposta għall‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 Il‑munita komuni aġixxiet ta' tarka tassew siewja kontra t‑turbulenzi tar‑rata tal‑kambju għal dawk l‑Istati Mem- L‑istrateġija għandha tkun organizzata madwar approċċ bri li jużaw l‑euro. Iżda l‑kriżi ħarġet di‑dieher ukoll l‑in- tematiku u sorveljanza aktar iffukata tal‑pajjiżi. Dan jibni terdipendenza li teżisti bejn l‑ekonomiji fi ħdan iż‑żona fuq is‑saħħa ta' strumenti ta' koordinazzjoni li diġà jinsabu tal‑euro, jiġifieri fid‑dominju finanzjarju, u din żiedet fis‑seħħ. B’mod aktar speċifiku: il‑possibbiltà ta' konsegwenzi negattivi minn ekonomija għal oħra. Xejriet ta' tkabbir diverġenti jwasslu f 'xi każijiet • Approċċ tematiku ser jiffoka fuq it‑temi identifikati għall‑kumulu ta' djun tal‑gvern li ma jkunux sostenibbli li fit‑Taqsima 2, partikolarment tat‑twettiq tal‑ħames min‑naħa tagħhom jitfgħu pressjoni fuq il‑munita unika. miri ewlenin. L‑istrument prinċipali jkun il‑programm Għalhekk il‑kriżi amplifikat ċerti sfidi li qiegħda tħabbat Ewropa 2020 u l‑inizjattivi ewlenin tiegħu, li wiċċha magħhom iż‑żona tal‑euro, eż. is‑sostenibbiltà jirredkjedu azzjoni kemm fil‑livell tal‑UE u kif ukoll tal‑finanzi pubbliċi u ‑ l potenzjal tat‑tkabbir, iżda wkoll fil‑livell tal‑Istati Membri (ara t‑Taqsima 2 u l‑Annessi ir‑rwol ta' destabilizzanti tal‑iżbilanċi u tad‑diverġenzi 1 u 2). L‑approċċ tematiku jirrefletti ‑d dimensjoni fil‑kompetittività. tal‑UE, juri biċ‑ċar l‑interdipendenza bejn l‑ekonomiji tal‑Istati Membri, u jippermetti aktar selettività dwar Huma ferm importanti u urġenti li jirnexxielna negħlbu inizjattivi konkreti li jimbuttaw l‑istrateġija 'l quddiem dawn l‑isfidi fiż‑żona tal‑euro sabiex niżguraw l‑istabbiltà, u jgħinu biex l‑UE tikseb il‑miri nazzjonali ewlenin. tkabbir sostnut u l‑impjiegi. L‑indirizzar ta' dawn l‑isfidi • Rappurtar tal‑pajjiżi jikkontribwixxi għall‑ksib jitlob li l‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika tkun aktar b'saħħitha tal‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 billi jgħin u mill‑qrib u tinkludi: lill‑Istati Membri jiddefinixxu u jimplimentaw strateġiji ta' ħruġ, ireġġa' lura l‑istabbiltà makroekonomika, • Qafas għal sorveljanza aktar profonda u wiesgħa jidentifika diffikultajiet nazzjonali filwaqt ‑li l ekonomiji għall‑pajjiżi li jinsabu fiż‑żona tal‑euro: apparti t‑tisħiħ tagħhom jerġgħu lura fit‑triq tat‑tkabbir sostenibbli tad‑dixxiplina fiskali, ‑l iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi u finanzi pubbliċi. Dan ma jkunx jinkludi biss politiki u l‑iżviluppi fil‑kompetittività għandhom ikunu parti fiskali, iżda kwistjonijiet makroekonomiċi ċentrali integrali mis‑sorveljanza ekonomika, partikolarment relatati mat‑tkabbir u l‑kompetittività (jiġifieri bil‑għan li niffaċilitaw aġġustament permezz makrożbilanċi). Dan ikollu jżgura approċċ integrat tal‑politika. għat‑tfassil u l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑politika, li huwa kruċjali biex jingħata sostenn għall‑għażliet IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

li l‑Istati Membri ser ikollhom jagħmlu, minħabba s‑sura ta' Opinjonijiet dwar programmi ta' stabbiltà/kon- restrizzjonijiet fuq il‑finanzi pubbliċi. Ser tingħata verġenza taħt ir‑Regolament tal‑Kunsill (KE) Nru 1466/97 enfasi speċjali dwar il‑funzjonament taż‑żona tal‑euro, akkumpanjati minn rakkomdazzjonijiet taħt il‑Linji Gwida u l‑interdipendenza bejn l‑Istati Membri. Ġenerali tal‑Politika Ekonomija (BEPGs, Artikolu 121.2). Il‑parti tematika tkun tinkludi rakkomandazzjonijiet dwar Biex jinkiseb dan, ir‑rappurtar u l‑evalwazzjoni tal‑Ewropa l‑Inpjiegi (Artikolu 148) u rakkomdazzjonijiet tal‑pajjiżi 2020 u l‑Patt ta' Stabbiltà u Tkabbir (PST) issir simultan- dwar kwistjonijiet tematiċi magħżul oħrajn (pereżempju jament biex b'hekk jitlaqqgħu flimkien il‑mezzi u l‑miri, dwar l‑ambjent tan‑negozju, l‑innovazzjoni, il‑funzjona- filwaqt li ‑l istrumenti u l‑proċeduri jinżammu separati ment tas‑suq uniku, enerġija/tibdil fil‑klima eċċ), li t‑tnejn u tinżamm l‑integrità tal‑PST. Dan ifisser li ‑l programmi li huma jistgħu jiġu indirizzati wkoll safejn ikollhom im- annwali ta' stabbiltà jew konverġenza u programmi ta' ri- plikazzjonijiet makroekonomiċi fir‑rakkomandazzjoni- forma ssimplifikati li kull Stat Membru ser ifassal biex jiet taħt il‑BEPGs kif indikat hawn fuq. Din l‑istruttura jistabbilixxi miżuri għar‑rappurtar dwar il‑progress fil‑ksib għar‑rakkomdazzjonijiet tgħin ukoll l‑iżgurar tal‑koerenza tal‑miri tagħhom jiġu proposti fl‑istess ħin, u ma dawn jiġu bejn il‑qafas makro/fiskali u l‑aġendi tematiċi. inklużi wkoll ir‑riformi strutturali ewlenin għall‑indirizzar tad‑diffikulatajiet li hemm biex isir tkabbir. Dawn iż‑żewġ programmi, li għandhom jiġbru fihom il‑kontroreferenzi Ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet taħt is‑sorveljanza tal‑pajjiżi tkun neċessarji, għandhom jitressqu lill‑Kummissjoni u lill‑Ista- tindirizza kwistjonijiet mingħajr implikazzjonijiet mak- ti Membri l‑oħra matul l‑aħħar tliet xhur tas‑sena. Il‑Bord roekonomiċi u fuq il‑finanzi pubbliċi, filwaqt li‑ r rakko- Ewropew dwar ir‑Riskju Sistemiku (BERS) għandu jirra- madazzjonijiet taħt l‑approċċ tematiku jipprovdu pariri 476 pporta regolarment dwar ir‑riskji makrofinanzjarji: dawn ddettaljati dwar l‑isfidi mikroekonomiċi u dawk dwar ‑l im- ir‑rapporti ser ikunu kontribut importanti għall‑valutazz- pjiegi. Dawn ir‑rakkomadazzjoni jkunu preċiżi biżżejjed joni globali. Il‑Kummissjoni ser tivvaluta dawn il‑program- u normalment jipprovdu perjodu ta' żmien li matulu l‑Istat mi u tirrapporta dwar il‑progress li jsir bl‑implimentazzjo- Membru kkonċernat ikun mistenni jaġixxi (eż. sentejn). ni tagħhom. Ser tingħata attenzjoni speċifika għall‑isfidi Imbagħad l‑Istat Membri jistabbilixxi liema azzjoni jkol- tal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja. lu jieħu biex jimplimenta r‑rakkomandazzjoni. Jekk Stat Membru, wara li tagħlaq l‑iskadenza, ma jkunx wieġeb b'mod xieraq għal rakkomdazzjoni ta' politika tal‑Kunsill Dan jipprovdi lill‑Kunsill Ewropew bl‑informazzjoni jew jiżviluppa politiki li jmorru kontra l‑pariri li jingħata, kollha meħtieġa biex jieħu d‑deċiżjonijiet. Fil‑fatt, ikollu il‑Kummissjoni tkun tista' toħroġ twissija ta' politika (Ar- analiżi tas‑sitwazzjonijiet ekonomiċi u tal‑impjiegi, l‑ista- tikolu 121.4). mpa baġitarja sħiħa, il‑kundizzjonijiet makrofinanzjarji u l‑progress dwar l‑aġendi tematiċi għal kull Stat Memb- ru, u barra minn hekk ikun jista' janalizza l‑qagħda globali 5.2. Min jagħmel xiex? tal‑ekonomija tal‑UE. Huwa essenzjali li naħdmu id f 'id biex nilħqu dawn Linji gwida integrati l‑għanijiet. Fl‑ekonomiji interkonnessi tagħna, it‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi jitreġġgħu lura biss jekk l‑Istati Membri kollha L‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 ser tiġi stabbilita istituzzjonal- jimxu fl‑istess direzzjoni, b'kunsiderazzjoni għaċ‑ċirkostan- ment f 'ġabra żgħira ta' linji gwida integrati 'Ewropa 2020' zi speċifiċi tagħhom. Neħtieġu aktar responsabbiltà. (linji gwida integrati dwar il‑qgħda tal‑impjiegi u l‑politi- Il‑Kunsill Ewropew għandu jipprovdi gwida globali ka ekonomika ġenerali), li tissostitwixxi l-24 linja gwida għall‑istrateġija, imsejsa fuq il‑proposti tal‑Kummissjo- eżistenti. Dawn il‑linji gwida ġodda ser jirreflettu ‑d deċiż- ni fuq prinċipju fundamentali wieħed: valur miżjud ċar jonijiet tal‑Kunsill Ewropew u jintegraw miri miftiehma. tal‑UE. F'dan ir‑rigward, ir‑rwol tal‑Parlament Ewropew Wara l‑opinjoni tal‑Parlament Ewropew b'rabta mal‑linji għandu importanza partikolari. Il‑kontribut tal‑partijiet gwida dwar l‑impjiegi kif prevista mit‑Trattat, il‑linji gwida interessati fil‑livell nazzjonali u reġjonali u tas‑sħab soċjali għandhom jiġu approvati politikament mill‑Kunsill Ew- jeħtieġ li jissaħħaħ. L‑Anness 3 jinkludi fih stampa ġenerali ropew ta' Ġunju qabel ma jiġu adottati mill‑Kunsill. Ladar- taċ‑ċiklu u l‑iskedar tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020. ba jiġu adottati, ġeneralment dawn għandhom jibqgħu stabbli sal-2014 biġi tiġi żgurata enfasi fuq l‑implimentazzjoni. Responsabbiltà sħiħa mill‑Kunsill Ewropew Rakkomandazzjonijiet ta’ politika Bil‑kontra tas‑sitwazzjoni attwali fejn il‑Kunsill Ewropew huwa l‑aħħar element fil‑proċess tat‑teħid ta' deċiżjonijiet Ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet ta' politika ser jiġu indirizzati tal‑istrateġija, il‑Kunsill Ewropew għandu jidderieġi l‑is- lill‑Istati Membri kemm fil‑kuntest tar‑rappurtar tal‑pajjiżi trateġija billi huwa l‑korp li jiżgura l‑integrazzjoni tal‑poli- kif ukoll taħt approċċ tematiku tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020. tiki u jamministra l‑interdipendenza bejn l‑Istati Membri Fir‑rigward tas‑sorveljanza tal‑pajjiżi, dawn ser jieħdu u l‑UE. Ewropa 2020: Strateġija għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv

Filwaqt li huwa responsabbli mis‑sorveljanza orizzonta- Jekk jistabbilixxi djalogu permanenti bejn id‑diversi livelli mill‑implimenetazzjoni tal‑programm Ewropa 2020, li tal‑gvern, il‑prijoritajiet tal‑Unjoni jitqarrbu aktar lejn fil‑laqgħat tiegħu fil‑ġejjieni l‑Kunsill Ewropew jista' jif- iċ‑ċittadini, u b'hekk tissaħħaħ ir‑responsabbiltà meħtieġa foka fuq temi speċifiċi (eż. ir‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni, biex jinkisbu r‑riżultati tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020. il‑kapaċitajiet), jipprovdi gwida u jagħti l‑ispinti neċessarji. Partijiet interessati u soċjetà ċivili Il‑Kunsill tal‑Ministri Barra minn hekk, il‑Kumitat Ekonomikuu Soċjali Il‑formazzjonijiet rilevanti tal‑kunsill iwettqu ħidma biex u l‑Kumitat tar‑Reġjuni għandhom ikunu assoċjati aktar jimplimentaw il‑programm Ewropa 2020 u biex jiksbu mill‑qrib. L‑iskambju tal‑aħjar prassi, l‑istabbiliment ta' l‑miri fl‑oqsma li jkunu responsabbli minnhom. Bħa- kriterji u n‑netwerking - kif ġie ssuġġerit minn diversi Stati la parti minn inizjattivi ewlenin, l‑Istati Membri ser jiġu Membri - wrew li huma strumenti utli oħrajn li javvanzaw mistiedna jistabbilixxu l‑iskambju tagħhom ta' informazz- ir‑responsabbiltà u d‑dinamiżmu fil‑ħtieġa ta' riforma. joni ta' politika dwar prassi tajba fid‑diversi formazzjonijiet tal‑Kunsill. Għadaqstant is‑suċċess tal‑istrateġija l‑ġdida ser ikunu jiddependi kruċjalment fuq il fatt li l‑istituzzjonijiet Il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea tal‑Unjoni, l‑Istati membri u r‑reġjuni jispjegaw b'mod ċar ir‑raġuni għaliex ir‑riformi huma tant meħtieġa, u inevi- Kull sena l‑Kummissjoni Ewropea ser issegwi s‑sitwazzjoni tabbli, biex inħarsu l‑kwalità tal‑għajxien u l‑mudelli soċja- abbażi ta' ġabra ta' indikaturi li juru l‑progress ġenerali li li tagħna – dwar fejn jixtiequ jaslu l‑Ewropa u l‑Istati Mem- 477 jsir f‑għan ta' ekonomija intelliġenti, ekoloġika u inklus- bri tagħha sal-2020, u dwar x'inhu l‑kontribut li qegħdin siva li twassal għal livelli għolja ta' impjiegi, produttività jistennew miċ‑ċittadini, in‑negozji u l‑organizzazzjonijiet u koeżjoni soċjali. li jirrapreżenawhom. Filwaqt li tirrokonoxxi l‑ħtieġa li tqis iċ‑ċirkostanzi u t‑tradizzjonijiet nazzjonali, il‑Kummissjo- Hija ser toħroġ rapport kull sena dwar il‑ħidma fuq l‑is- ni ser tipproponi għadd ta' strumenti ta' komunikazzjoni trateġija Ewropa 2020 li tiffoka fuq il‑progress li jsir biex komuni għal dan il‑għan. jintlaħqu l‑miri ewlenin, u tivvaluta r‑rapporti tal‑pajjiżi u l‑programmi dwar l‑istabbiltà u l‑konverġenza. Bħala parti minn dan il‑proċess, il‑Kummissjoni ser tippreżenta 6. Deċiżjonijiet f'idejn il‑Kunsill rakkomandazzjonijiet u twissijiet ta' politika, ser tagħmel proposti ta' politika biex jinkisbu l‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropew u ser tippreżenta valutazzjoni speċifika tal‑progress li jinkiseb fiż‑żona tal‑euro. Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li l‑Kunsill Ewropew, fil‑laqgħa tar‑Rebbiegħa 2010: Il‑Parlament Ewropew • jilħaq ftehim dwar il‑prijoritajiet tematiċi Il‑Parlament Ewropew għandu jkollu rwol importanti f 'din għall‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020; l‑istrateġija, mhux biss fil‑kapaċità tiegħu ta' koleġiżlatur, iżda wkoll bħala l‑mutur wara l‑mobilizzazzjoni taċ‑ċit- • jistabbilixxi ħames miri ewlenin kif ġie propost tadini u tal‑parlamenti nazzjonali tagħhom. Il‑Parlament fit‑taqsima 2 ta' dan id‑dokument: dwar l‑investimenti jista, pereżempju, juża l‑laqgħa li jmiss mal‑parlamenti naz- fir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp, l‑enerġija/it‑tibdil fil‑klima, zjonali biex jiddiskuti l‑kontribut tiegħu għall‑istrateġija ir‑rata ta' impjegar, ut‑tnaqqis tal‑faqar, jiddefinixxi Ewropa 2020 u jikkomunikaw b'mod konġunt il‑fehmiet d‑destinazzjoni tal‑Ewropa sal-2020; jistieden lill‑Istati tagħhom lill‑Kunsill Ewropew tar‑Rebbiegħa. Membri fi djalogu mal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea biex jittraduċu dawn il‑miri tal‑UE f 'miri nazzjonali Awtoritajiet nazzjonali, reġjonali u lokali biex jittieħdu deċiżjonijiet fil‑Kunsill Ewropew ta' Ġunju, b'kunsiderazzjoni għaċ‑ċirkostanzi nazzjonali L‑awtoritajiet nazzjonali, reġjonali u lokali għandhom u għall‑punti ta' tluq differenti tagħhom; jimplimentaw il‑partenarjat, bl‑assoċjazzjoni mill‑qrib tal‑parlamenti, kif ukoll tal‑imsieħba soċjali u tar‑rap- • jistieden lill‑Kummissjoni jressaq proposti preżentanti tas‑soċjetà ċivili, u b'hekk jikkontribwixxu għall‑inizjattivi ewlenin, u jitlob lill‑Kunsill (u għall‑elaborazzjoni ta' programmi nazzjonali ta' riforma lill‑formazzjonijiet tiegħu) biex abbażi ta' dan jieħu u kif ukoll għall‑implimentazzjoni tagħhom. d‑deċiżjonijiet meħtieġa għall‑implimentazzjoni tagħhom; IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

• jaqbel mat‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika għall‑promozzjoni ta' effetti pożittivi bejn is‑swieq differenti u jgħin biex ‑l Unjoni tkun tista' tindirizza l‑isfidi b'mod aktar effettiv; għal dan ‑il għan, huwa japprova t‑taħlita ta' valutazzjonijiet tematiċi u tal‑pajjiżi hekk kif proposti f 'din il‑komunikazzjoni filwaqt li ‑l integrità tal‑Patt tinżamm b'mod strett; huwa ser jagħti wkoll attenzjoni speċjali għat‑tisħiħ tal‑UEM; • isejjaħ lill‑partijiet u l‑partijiet interessati kollha (eż. parlamenti nazzjonali/reġjonali, awtoritajiet reġjonali u/jew lokali, imsieħba soċjali u s‑soċjetà ċivili, iżda l‑aħħar iżda mhux l‑anqas liċ‑ċittadini tal‑Ewropa) biex jgħinuh implimenta l‑istrateġija, f 'ħidma flimkien, permezz ta' azzjoni f 'oqsma li jaqgħu fil‑kompetenza tagħhom; • jitlob lill‑Kummissjoni biex tissorvelja l‑progress u tirrapporta kull sena lill‑Kunsill Ewropew 478 tar‑Rebbiegħa, tipprovdi stampa ġenerali tal‑progress lejn l‑ilħuq tal‑miri, inkluż l‑istabbiliment ta' kriterji internazzjonali, u dwar l‑istat tal‑implimentazzjoni tal‑inizjattivi ewlenin. Fil‑laqgħat sussegwenti tiegħu:

• japprova l‑linji gwida integrati proposti li jikkostitwixxu l‑pedament istituzzjonali ta l‑istrateġija wara l‑opinjoni tal‑Parlament Ewropew; • jivvalida l‑miri nazzjonali fis‑segwitu ta' proċess ta' verifika reċiproka biex tiġi żgurata ‑l konsistenza; • jiddiskuti temi speċifiċi li tivvaluta ‑l qagħda tal‑Ewropa u kif il‑progress ikun jista' jiġi aċċelerat. L‑ewwel diskussjoni dwar ir‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni tista' ssir fil‑laqgħa tiegħu ta' Ottubru abbażi tal‑kontribut tal‑Kummissjoni. Proposta għal REGOLAMENT TAL‑KUNSILL li jistabbilixxi mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta' stabbilizzazzjoni finanzjarja

BRUSSELL 9.5.2010 COM(2010) 2010

IL‑KUNSILL TA’ L‑UNJONI EWROPEA, (5) Sabiex tiġi indirizzata din is‑sitwazzjoni eċċezzjonali lil hinn mill‑kontroll tal‑Istati Membri, jidher meħtieġ 479 Wara li kkunsidra t‑Trattat dwar il‑Funzjonament tal‑Un- li jiġi stabbilit minnufih mekkaniżmu tal‑Unjoni joni Ewropea, u b'mod partikolari l‑Artikolu 122(2) għall‑istabbilizzazzjoni bil‑għan li tiġi ppreżervata tiegħu, l‑istabbilità finanzjarja ‑fl Ewropa. Mekkaniżmu bħal dan għandu jippermetti lill‑Unjoni tirrispondi b'mod Wara li kkunsidra l‑proposta mill‑Kummissjoni, koordinat, rapidu u effikaċi għad‑diffikultajiet akuti fi Stat Membru partikolari taż‑żona tal‑euro. Billi: (6) Fid‑dawl tal‑implikazzjonijiet finanzjarji partikolari (1) L‑Artikolu 122(2) tat‑Trattat jipprevedi l‑possibbiltà tagħhom, id‑deċiżjonijiet biex tingħata għajnuna fili tingħata għajnuna finanzjarja mill‑Unjoni lil Stat nanzjarja mill‑Unjoni skont dan ir‑Regolament huma Membru li jsib ruħu f 'diffikultajiet jew ikun mhed- setgħat ta' implimentazzjoni li għandhom jiġu kkon- ded minn diffikultajiet serji kkawżati minn ċirkostan- feriti lill‑Kunsill. zi eċċezzjonali li ma jkollux kontroll fuqhom. (7) Jekk dan il‑mekkaniżmu jiġi attivat, għandhom jiġu (2) Diffikultajiet bħal dawn jistgħu jkunu kkaġunati imposti kundizzjonijiet sodi ta' politika ekonomika, minn deterjorament serju fl‑ambjent ekonomiku u fi- bil‑għan li tiġi ppreservata s‑sostenibbiltà tal‑finan- nanzjarju internazzjonali. zi pubbliċi tal‑Istat Membru kkonċernat u biex tiġi rrestawrata l‑kapaċità tiegħu li jiffinanzja lilu nnifsu fis‑swieq finanzjarji. (3) Il‑kriżi finanzjarja globali u ‑ r riċessjoni ekonomika bla preċedent li laqtu d‑dinja matul l‑aħħar sentejn għamlu ħsara kbira lit‑tkabbir ekonomiku u lill‑istab- (8) Il‑Kummissjoni għandha tanalizza fuq bażi regolari biltà finanzjarja, u pprovokaw deterjorament qaw- jekk ikunux għadhom jeżistu ċ‑ċirkostanzi eċċezzjon- wi fil‑pożizzjonijiet tad‑defiċit u tad‑dejn tal‑Istati ali li jheddu l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja tal‑Unjoni Ewro- Membri. pea kollha kemm hi.

(4) L‑iggravar tal‑kriżi finanzjarja wassal għal deterjo- (9) Il‑faċilità eżistenti li tipprovdi għajnuna fuq il‑med- rament serju tal‑kundizzjonijiet tas‑self ta' diversi da ta' żmien medju għal Stati Membri li mhumiex Stati Membri fiż‑żona tal‑euro, lil hinn minn dak li fiż‑żona tal‑euro, kif stabbilita bir‑Regolament (KE) jista' jiġi spjegat bi prinċipji ekonomiċi fundamenta- Nru 332/2002, għandha tibqa' kif inhi. li. F'dan il‑punt, din is‑sitwazzjoni, jekk ma tiġix indirizzata b'urġenza, tista' twassal għal theddida serja ADOTTA DAN IR‑REGOLAMENT: għall‑istabbiltà, l‑unità u l‑integrità taż‑żona tal‑euro kollha kemm hi. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Artikolu 1 pprovduta mill‑Istati Membri l‑oħra għandha tiġi Għan u ambitu kkalkulata mill‑ġdid skont dan. Bil‑għan li tiġi ppreżervata l‑istabbiltà, l‑unità u l‑integ- 5. L‑Istati Membri għandhom jieħdu l‑miżuri neċessar- rità taż‑żona tal‑euro kollha kemm hi, dan ir‑Regolament ji biex jiżguraw li l‑garanzija tiġi pprovduta fi żmien jistabbilixxi l‑kundizzjonijiet u l‑proċeduri li fihom tista' għaxart ijiem wara d‑deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill meħuda tingħata l‑għajnuna finanzjarja mill‑Unjoni lil Stat Memb- skont l‑Artikolu 4. ru fiż‑żona tal‑euro li jkun għaddej minn, jew li jkun mhed- ded serjament minn tfixkil ekonomiku jew finanzjarju gravi, ikkaġunat minn okkorrenzi eċċezzjonali li ma jkollux Artikolu 4 kontroll fuqhom. Proċedura 1. L‑Istat Membru li jkun qiegħed ifittex ‑l għajnuna Artikolu 2 finanzjarja mill‑Unjoni għandu jiddiskuti mal‑Kum- Il‑forma tal‑għajnuna finanzjarja mill‑Unjoni missjoni, flimkien mal‑BĊE, valutazzjoni tal‑ħtiġijiet finanzjarji tiegħu u jippreżenta abbozz ta' programm 1. L‑għajnuna finanzjarja mill‑Unjoni, għall‑finijiet għall‑aġġustament ekonomiku u finanzjarju lill‑Kum- ta' dan ir‑Regolament, għandha tieħu l‑forma ta' missjoni u lill‑Kumitat Ekonomiku u Finanzjarju. self jew linja ta' kreditu mogħtija lill‑Istat Membru kkonċernat. 2. L‑għajnuna finanzjarja mill‑Unjoni għandha 480 tingħata permezz ta' deċiżjoni adottata mill‑Kun- Għal dan li‑għan, skont id‑deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill f 'kon- sill, li jaġixxi b'maġġoranza kwalifikata fuq proposta formità mal‑Artikolu 4, il‑Kummissjoni għandu mill‑Kummissjoni. jkollha s‑setgħa li, f 'isem l‑Unjoni Ewropea, tidħol għal self fuq is‑swieq tal‑kapital jew mingħand istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji. 3. Id‑deċiżjoni dwar l‑għoti tas‑self għandu jkun fiha:

2. Skont l‑Artikolu 3, l‑ammont pendenti ta' self jew lin- (a) (a) l‑ammont, iż‑żmien medju ta' maturità, il‑formula ji ta' kreditu li għandhom jingħataw lil Stati Membri tal‑iffissar tal‑prezzijiet, l‑għadd massimu ta' paga- fil‑kuntest ta' dan il‑mekkaniżmu ta' stabilizzazzjoni menti perjodiċi, il‑perjodu tad‑disponibbiltà tal‑għa- għandu jkun limitat għall‑marġni disponibbli taħt jnuna finanzjarja mill‑Unjoni u regoli oħra dettaljati il‑limitu tar‑riżorsi proprji tagħhom għall‑appropr- meħtieġa għall‑implimentazzjoni tal‑għajnuna inkluż jazzjonijiet għall‑pagamenti. għall‑implimentazzjoni tal‑garanzija msemmija fl‑Ar- tikolu 3; Artikolu 3 Garanziji (b) il‑kundizzjonijiet ġenerali tal‑politika ekonomika li huma marbuta mal‑għajnuna finanzjarja mill‑Unjoni, 1. Self jew linji ta' kreditu 'il fuq mil‑limitu msemmi bil‑għan li tiġi stabbilita mill‑ġdid qagħda ekonomi- fl‑Artikolu 2(2) għandhom jibbenefikaw mill‑garan- ka jew finanzjarja soda ‑fl Istat Membru kkonċernat zija konġunta u pro‑rata tal‑Istati Membri taż‑żona u biex terġa' tiġi rrestawrata l‑kapaċità tiegħu li jiffi- tal‑euro. nanzja lilu nnifsu fis‑swieq finanzjarji;

2. Kull Stat Membru taż‑żona tal‑euro għandu jigga- (c) approvazzjoni tal‑programm ta' aġġustament imħejji rantixxi l‑ammonti 'l fuq mil‑limitu msemmi fil‑par- mill‑Istat Membru benefiċjarju biex jilħaq il‑kundizz- agrafu 1 skont is‑sehem tiegħu tal‑kapital imħallas jonijiet ekonomiċi marbuta mal‑għajnuna finanzjarja tal‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew. mill‑Unjoni.

3. F'każi koperti minn dan l‑Artikolu, il‑Kummissjo- 4. Id‑deċiżjoni dwar l‑għoti ta' linja ta' kreditu għandu ni tista' tuża s‑servizzi tal‑uffiċji nazzjonali tad‑de- jkun fiha: jn pubbliku tal‑Istati membri taż‑żona tal‑euro. Dawn l‑uffiċji jkunu, għal dan ‑il għan, disponibbli (a) l‑ammont, il‑ħlas dovut biex il‑linja ta' kreditu tkun għall‑Kummissjoni. disponibbli, il‑formula għall‑iffissar tal‑prezzijiet applikabbli għar‑rilaxx tal‑fondi, u l‑perjodu tad‑dis- 4. Stat Membru li jirċievi appoġġ finanzjarju deċiż ponibbiltà tal‑għajnuna finanzjarja mill‑Unjoni, kif mill‑Kunsill skont dan ir‑Regolament m'għandux ukoll regoli oħra dettaljati meħtieġa għall‑implimen- jipprovdi garanzija. Il‑garanzija li għandha tiġi tazzjoni tal‑għajnuna, inkluż għall‑implimentazzjoni tal‑garanzija msemmija fl‑Artikolu 3; PROPOSTA GĦAL REGOLAMENT TAL‑KUNSILL LI JISTABBILIXXI MEKKANIŻMU EWROPEW TA' STABBILIZZAZZJONI FINANZJARJA

(b) il‑kundizzjonijiet ġenerali tal‑politika ekonomika li u mal‑kundizzjonijiet stipulati mill‑Kunsill f 'kon- huma marbuta mal‑għajnuna finanzjarja mill‑Unjoni, formità mal‑Artikolu 4(3) (b). Għal dan l‑għan, dak bil‑għan li tiġi stabbilita mill‑ġdid qagħda ekonomika l‑Istat Membru għandu jipprovdi l‑informazzjoni jew finanzjarja soda ‑fl Istat Membru kkonċernat; kollha meħtieġa lill‑Kummissjoni u jagħtiha l‑kooperazzjoni kollha tiegħu. (c) approvazzjoni tal‑programm ta' aġġustament imħejji mill‑Istat Membru benefiċjarju biex jilħaq il‑kundizz- 3. Abbażi tas‑sejbiet ta' verifiki bħal dawn, il‑Kum- jonijiet ekonomiċi marbuta mal‑għajnuna finanzjarja missjoni, wara li tkun kisbet l‑opinjoni tal‑Kumitat mill‑Unjoni. Ekonomiku u Finanzjarju, għandha tiddeċiedi dwar il‑ħruġ ta' pagamenti perjodiċi oħra. 5. Il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Istat Membru kkonċernat għand- hom jikkonkludu Memorandum ta' Ftehim li jkun Artikolu 6 fih il‑kundizzjonijiet ġenerali tal‑politika ekonomika Rilaxx ta' fondi stipulati mill‑Kunsill, wara li tkun inkisbet l‑opinjoni 1. L‑Istat Membru kkonċernat għandu jinforma tal‑kumitat ekonomiku u finanzjarju. Il‑Kummissjo- lill‑Kummissjoni bil‑quddiem dwar l‑intenzjoni ni għandha tikkomunika l‑Memorandum ta' Ftehim tiegħu li jiġbed il‑fondi mil‑linja ta' kreditu tiegħu. lill‑Parlament Ewropew u lill‑Kunsill. Regoli dettaljati għandhom jiġu stipulati fid‑deċiżjo- ni msemmija fl‑Artikolu 4(4). 6. Il‑Kummissjoni għandha teżamina mill‑ġdid 481 il‑kundizzjonijiet ġenerali tal‑politika ekonomika 2. Il‑Kummissjoni għandha tivverifika f 'intervalli rego- msemmija fil‑paragrafi (3)(b) u (4)(b) mill‑inqas kull lari jekk il‑politika ekonomika tal‑Istat Membru bene- sitt xhur, u tiddiskuti mal‑Istat Membru kkonċernat fiċjarju taqbilx mal‑programm tiegħu ta' aġġustament il‑bidliet li jistgħu jkunu meħtieġa fil‑programm ta' u mal‑kundizzjonijiet stipulati mill‑Kunsill f 'kon- aġġustament tiegħu. formità mal‑Artikolu 4(4) (b). Għal dan il‑għan, l‑Istat Membru għandu jipprovdi l‑informazzjoni 7. Il‑Kunsill, li jaġixxi b'maġġoranza kwalifikata fuq kollha meħtieġa lill‑Kummissjoni u jagħtiha l‑koop- proposta mill‑Kummmissjoni, għandu jiddeċiedi erazzjoni kollha tiegħu. dwar kwalunkwe aġġustament li jkollu jisir fil‑kundizzjonijiet ġenerali inizjali tal‑politika ekonomika, 3. Abbażi tas‑sejbiet ta' verifiki bħal dawn, il‑Kum- u għandu japprova l‑programm rivedut ta' aġġusta- missjoni, wara li tkun kisbet l‑opinjoni tal‑Kumitat ment kif imħejji mill‑Istat Membru benefiċjarju. Ekonomiku u Finanzjarju, għandha tiddeċiedi dwar ir‑rilaxx tal‑fondi. 8. Jekk ikun previst finanzjament barra ‑l Unjoni, soġġett għal kundizzjonijiet ta' politika ekonomika, l‑Istat Artikolu 7 Membru kkonċernat għandu l‑ewwel jikkonsulta Operazzjonijiet ta' self lill‑Kummissjoni. Il‑Kummissjoni għandha teżami- na l‑possibbiltajiet disponibbli fil‑kuntest tal‑faċilità 1. L‑operazzjonijiet ta' self imsemmija fl‑Artikolu 2 għall‑għajnuna finanzjarja tal‑Unjoni u l‑kompatib- għandhom iseħħu f 'euro. biltà tal‑kundizzjonijiet previsti ta' politika ekonomika mal‑impenji meħuda mill‑Istat Membru kkonċer- 2. Il‑karatteristiki tal‑ħlasijiet perjodiċi suċċessivi nat għall‑implimentazzjoni tar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet maħruġa mill‑Unjoni fil‑kuntest tal‑faċilità għall‑għa- tal‑Kunsill u d‑deċiżjonijiet tal‑Kunsill adottati fuq jnuna finanzjarja għandhom jiġu nnegozjati bejn il‑bażi tal‑Artikolu 121, l‑Artikolu126 u l‑Artiko- l‑Istat Membru benefiċjarju u l‑Kummissjoni. lu 136 tat‑Trattat. Għandha tinforma lill‑Kumitat Ekonomiku u Finanzjarju. 3. Ġaladarba tkun ittieħdet deċiżjoni mill‑Kunsill dwar self, il‑Kummissjoni hija awtorizzata ssellef fuq Artikolu 5 is‑swieq tal‑kapital jew mill‑istituzzjonijiet finan- Ħruġ tas‑self zjarji fiż‑żmien l‑aktar xieraq bejn il‑ħruġ ippjanat 1. Bħala regola, is‑self għandu jinħareġ f 'pagamenti tal‑fondi, sabiex tottimizza l‑kost tal‑finanzjament parzjali perjodiċi. u tippreserva r‑reputazzjoni tagħha bħala l‑emittent tal‑Unjoni fis‑swieq. Il‑fondi maħruġa iżda li jkun għandhom ma ġew żburżati għandhom jinżammu 2. Il‑Kummissjoni għandha tivverifika f 'intervalli rego- f 'kull ħin f 'kontijiet apposta ta' kontanti jew titoliz- lari jekk il‑politika ekonomika tal‑Istat Membru bene- zazzjonijiet li jiġu ttrattati skont ir‑regoli li japplikaw fiċjarju taqbilx mal‑programm tiegħu ta' aġġustament IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

għal operazzjonijiet lil hinn mil‑baġit, u ma jistgħux Artikolu 10 jintużaw għal għan ieħor għajr dak tal‑għoti ta' ap- Reviżjoni u adattament poġġ finanzjarju lill‑Istati Membri skont il‑mek- keniżmu prżenti. 1. Il‑Kummissjoni għandha tippreżenta lill‑Kumitat Ekonomiku u Finanzjarju u lill‑Kunsill, fi żmien sitt xhur wara d‑dħul fis‑seħħ ta' dan ir‑Regolament, 4. Meta Stat Membru jirċievi self li fuqu jkun hemm u fejn xieraq kull sitt xhur wara dan, rapport dwar klawżola dwar il‑ħlas lura qabel iż‑żmien, u jiddeċie- l‑implimentazzjoni ta' dan ir‑Regolament u dwar di li juża din l‑għażla, il‑Kummissjoni għandha tieħu il‑kontinwazzjoni tal‑okkorrenzi eċċezzjonali li l‑passi meħtieġa. jiġġustifikaw ‑l adozzjoni ta' dan ir‑Regolament. 5. Fuq talba mill‑Istat Membru benefiċjarju u fejn 2. Fejn xieraq, ir‑rapport għandu jkollu miegħu propos- iċ‑ċirkostanzi jippermettu titjib fir‑rata tal‑imgħax ta għall‑emendi għal dan ir‑Regolament bil‑għan li fuq is‑self, il‑Kummissjoni tista' tiffinanzja mill‑ġdid tiġi adattata l‑possibbiltà li tingħata l‑għajnuna finan- is‑self inizjali kollu, inkella parti minnu, inkella tirris- zjarja mingħajr ma tkun affetwata ‑l validità tad‑deċiż- truttura l‑kundizzjonijiet finanzjarji korrispondenti. jonijiet diġà adottati. 6. Il‑kumitat Ekonomiku u Finanzjarju għandu Artikolu 11 jinżamm infurmat dwar l‑iżviluppi fl‑operazzjonijiet Dħul fis‑seħħ imsemmija fil‑paragrafu 5. 482 Dan ir‑Regolament għandu jidħol fis‑seħħ l‑għada Artikolu 8 tal‑pubblikazzjoni tiegħu f 'Il‑Ġurnal Uffiċjali tal‑Unjoni Kosti Ewropea. Il‑kosti mġarrba mill‑Unjoni għall‑konklużjoni u t‑twettiq Dan ir‑Regolament għandu jorbot fl‑intier tiegħu u jkun ta' kull operazzjoni għandhom jinġarru mill‑Istat Membru direttament applikabbli fl‑Istati Membri kollha. benefiċjarju. Magħmul fi Brussel, Artikolu 9 L‑amministrazzjoni tas‑self Għall‑Kunsill, 1. Il‑Kummissjoni għandha tistabbilixxi l‑arranġamenti meħtieġa għall‑amministrazzjoni tas‑self mal‑BĊE. Il‑President

2. L‑Istat Membru benefiċjarju għandu jiftaħ kont speċ- jali mal‑Bank Ċentrali Nazzjonali tiegħu għall‑ġest- joni tal‑għajnuna finanzjarja li jirċievi mill‑Unjoni. Għandu jittrasferixxi wkoll il‑kapital u l‑imgħax dovuti fuq is‑self fuq kont għandu il‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew, erbatax il‑jum ta' negozju TARGET2 qabel id‑data tal‑għeluq korrispondenti.

3. Bla ħsara għall‑Artikolu 27 tal‑Istatut tas‑Sistema Ewropea tal‑Banek Ċentrali u tal‑Bank Ċentrali Ew- ropew, il‑Qorti Ewropea tal‑Awdituri għandu jkollha d‑dritt twettaq fl‑Istat Membru benefiċjarju kwalunkwe kontroll jew verifika finanzjarja li tqis meħtieġa fir‑rigward tal‑ġestjoni tal‑għajnuna. Il‑Kummissjoni, inkluż l‑Uffiċju Ewropew Kontra‑ l Frodi, b'mod partikolari għandu jkollha d‑dritt li tibgħat lill‑uffiċjali tagħha jew rappreżentanti tagħha awtorizzati kif xieraq, biex iwettqu kwalunkwe kontrolli jew verifiki tekniċi jew finanzjarji li hi tqis meħtieġa fir‑rigward ta' dik l‑għajnuna fl‑Istat Membru benefiċjarju. It‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL, LILL‑BANK ĊENTRALI EWROPEW, LILL‑KUMITAT EKONOMIKU U SOĊJALI EWROPEW U LILL‑KUMITAT TAR‑REĠJUNI BRUSSEL 12.5.2010 COM(2010) 250 "Il‑governanza taż‑żona tal‑euro u l‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika fiskali għandha titjieb. Dan se jinvolvi arranġamenti ta' sorveljanza ekonomika iktar fondi u wesgħin biex jiggwidaw il‑politika fiskali matul iċ‑ċiklu u fuq terminu twil ta' żmien u, fl‑istess ħin, jindirizzaw id‑diverġenzi fit‑tkabbir, fl‑inflazzjoni u fil‑kompetittività. " (Komunikazzjoni tal‑Kum‑ missjoni dwar "EMU@10: suċċessi u sfidi wara 10 snin ta' Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja" — is-7 ta' Mejju 2008 - IP/08/716)

483 1. Introduzzjoni spinta lil‑livelli ta' tkabbir sostenibbli. Il‑Patt ta' Tkab- bir u Stabbiltà jipprovdi l‑qafas xieraq għal ħruġ ordnat mill‑kriżi. Iżda biex issostni l‑potenzjal tat‑tkabbir ekono- Il‑kriżi ekonomika globali sfidat il‑mekkaniżmi attwali miku tal‑UE u s‑sostenibbiltà tal‑mudelli soċjali tagħna, ta' koordinazzjoni ta' politika ekonomika fl‑Unjoni Ew‑ il‑konsolidazzjoni tal‑finanzi pubbliċi teħtieġ ‑l iffissar ta' ropea u żvelat id‑dgħufijiet.Il ‑funzjonament tal‑Unjoni prioritajiet u t‑teħid ta' deċiżjonijiet ibsin: il‑koordinazz- Ekonomika u Monetarja kien taħt tensjoni partikolari, joni fil‑livell tal‑UE se tkun kruċjali f 'dan il‑kompitu u se minħabba li qabel kien hemm nuqqasijiet ta' konformità tgħin biex jiġu indirizzati l‑effetti negattivi. mar‑regoli u l‑prinċipji sottostanti. Il‑proċeduri eżistenti ta' sorveljanza ma kinux komprensivi biżżejjed. Il‑Komu- nikazzjoni tipproponi miżuri li għandhom jittieħdu fuq Il‑kriżi finanzjarja reċenti u l‑pressjoni fuq l‑istabbil‑ terminu qasir ta' żmien abbażi tat‑Trattat dwar il‑Funzjon- ità finanzjarja fl‑Ewropa enfasizzaw aktar minn qatt ament tal‑Unjoni Ewropea (TFUE) biex tiġi rrimedjata qabel l‑interdipendenza tal‑ekonomiji tal‑UE, b'mod s‑sitwazzjoni. partikolari fiż‑żona tal‑euro. L‑Istati Membri ġew sostnuti billi jagħmlu parti mill‑UE, bis‑suq intern b'saħħtu tagħha ta' 500 miljun ruħ u l‑munita komuni għal sittax‑il Il‑kriżi ekonomika riċenti ma għandha l‑ebda preċedent Stat Membru. L‑istrumenti u l‑metodi eżistenti ta' koor- fil‑ġenerazzjoni tagħna. Iż‑żidiet kostanti fit‑tkabbir dinazzjoni taw is‑setgħa lill‑UE biex tgħaqqad l‑isforzi ta' ekonomiku u fil‑ħolqien tal‑impjiegi li nkisbu f 'dawn rkupru tagħha u biex tegħleb id‑diffikultajiet ta' kriżi li l‑aħħar għaxar snin sfaw kollha fix‑xejn u l‑kriżi ħarġet l‑ebda Stat Membru ma seta' jegħleb waħdu. Madankol- fid‑dieher xi dgħufijiet fundamentali tal‑ekonomija tagħ- lu, l‑esperjenzi reċenti wrew ukoll nuqqasijiet u dgħufiji- na. L‑iżbilanċi fiskali u oħrajn makroekonomiċi li ġew et fis‑sistema attwali, billi enfasizzaw il‑ħtieġa għal koor- akkumulati fis‑snin qabel il‑kriżi għamlu l‑ekonomija dinazzjoni tal‑politika aktar b'saħħitha u aktar bikrija, tal‑UE vulnerabbli meta bdew il‑kriżi finanzjarja globali mekkaniżmi addizzjonali ta' prevenzjoni u korrezzjoni u t‑tnaqqis fir‑ritmu ekonomiku. Il‑finanzi pubbliċi tagħ- u faċilità għar‑riżoluzzjoni tal‑kriżijiet għall‑Istati Membri na ġew affettwati b'mod sever, b'defiċits ta' 7 % tal‑PGD taż‑żona tal‑euro. bħala medja u livelli ta' dejn 'il fuq minn 80 % tal‑PGD, ogħla ferm mill‑valuri ta' referenza ta' 3 % u 60 % tal‑PGD stipulati fit‑Trattat. Ittieħdet azzjoni urġenti biex tittratta l‑ħtiġijiet im‑ medjati tal‑kriżi u din laħqet il‑quċċata fid-9 ta' Mejju meta l‑Kunsill straordinarju tal‑Ecofin iddeċieda, ab‑ Livelli għoljin ta' dejn pubbliku ma jistgħux jiġu sost‑ bażi ta' proposta tal‑Kummissjoni, dwar it‑twaqqif ta' nuti indefinittavament. L‑attività tal‑Istrateġija tal‑Ew- mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta' stabbilizzazzjoni u qabel ropa 2020, li kien hemm qbil dwarha fil‑Kunsill Ewropew dwar impenn b'saħħtu biex jaċċelera l‑konsolidazzjoni f 'Marzu, trid tkun ibbażata fuq strateġija ta' ħruġ kredibbli. fiskali meta din tkun ġustifikata. Għandhom jittieħdu L‑UE se tiffaċċja sfidi kbar fis‑snin li ġejjin – il‑ħtieġa għal lezzjonijiet u passi biex tissaħħaħ is‑sistema tal‑UE ta' konsolidazzjoni fiskali u, ‑fl istess ħin, il‑ħtieġa li tingħata governanza ekonomika għall‑futur. Fil‑Komunikazzjoni IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

tagħha, il‑Kummissjoni tistipula metodu ta' tliet pilastri salvataġġi finanzjarji, li jirrappreżentaw 25 punt perċent- għat‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika. wali tal‑PGD oħra fl‑UE, jippreżentaw sors addizzjonali ta’ Ħafna mill‑proposti jikkonċernaw lill‑UE kollha, iżda ġie tħassib, li jżid mal‑isfidi fiskali li ilhom marbuta mat‑tixjiħ. propost metodu aktar impenjattiv għaż‑żona tal‑euro, ib- bażat fuq l‑Artikolu 136 tat‑Trattat dwar il‑Funzjonament Nuqqas ta’ bilanċi makroekonomiċi u finanzjarji oħra tal‑Unjoni Ewropea. aggravaw il‑vulnerabbiltà tal‑ekonomija taż‑żona tal‑eu‑ ro b’mod partikolari. Diverġenzi kompetittivi persistenti Il‑Komunikazzjoni tisħaq biex isir użu sħiħ mill‑istru‑ u żbilanċi makroekonomiċi fiż‑żona tal‑euro joħolqu risk- menti ta' sorveljanza disponibbli skont it‑Trattat. Fejn ju għall‑funzjonament tal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetar- meħtieġ, l‑istrumenti eżistenti għandhom ikunu modifika- ja. Fis‑snin ta’ qabel il‑kriżi, spejjeż ta’ finanzjament baxxi ti u kkumplimentati. Il‑Komunikazzjoni sejħet għal tisħiħ żiedu l‑allokazzjoni ħażina ta’ riżorsi għal użi li spiss kell- tal‑konformità mal‑Patt ta' Stabbiltà u Tkabbir u estens- hom produttività baxxa, u dan wassal għal livelli ta’ kon- joni tas‑sorveljanza għall‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi. Biex sum mhux sostenibbli, żieda qawwija fil‑prezzijiet tal‑pro- isir dan, din tipproponi twaqqif ta' Semestru Ewropew prjetà immobbli u l‑akkumulazzjoni ta’ dejn estern u intern għall‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika, sabiex l‑Istati f ’uħud mill‑Istati Membri. Id‑distakk fil‑kompetittività Membri jibbenefikaw minn koordinazzjoni bikrija f 'livell laħaq l‑ogħla livell eżatt qabel il‑kriżi. Mill‑pożizzjoni bbi- Ewropew huma u jħejju l‑programmi tagħhom ta' stabbiltà lanċjata fl-1999, il‑bilanċi pożittivi tal‑kontijiet kurrenti u konverġenza inklużi l‑baġits nazzjonali u l‑programmi fiż‑żona tal‑euro akkumulaw b’mod konsistenti u laħqu ta' riforma nazzjonali tagħhom. Finalment, din tistipula s-7,7 % tal‑PGD fl-2007, filwaqt li‑ d defiċits aggregati tel- 484 l‑prinċipji li għandhom isostnu qafas robust għall‑ġestjoni għu minn 3,5 % tal‑PGD fl-1999 sa 9,7 % fl-200741. Il‑kriżi tal‑kriżijiet għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro. ekonomika u finanzjarja ħolqot bilanċ parzjali mill‑ġdid ta’ kontijiet kurrenti. Iżda dan il‑bilanċ mill‑ġdid huwa Dawn huma ideat ambizzjużi u neċessarji li dwarhom biss parzjalment strutturali. Jeħtieġ orjentazzjoni maġġuri il‑Kummissjoni qed tfittex l‑opinjonijiet tal‑Istati mill‑ġdid tal‑politika biex ġġib l‑aġġustament neċessarju Membri, il‑Parlament Ewropew u l‑partijiet interes‑ f ’termini ta’ spejjeż u pagi, riforma strutturali u allokazz- sati. Fix‑xhur li ġejjin il‑Kummissjoni se tressaq proposti joni mill‑ġdid tal‑impjiegi u tal‑kapital. leġiżlattivi biex timplimenta dawn l‑ideat. Il‑kombinazzjoni eċċezzjonali fil‑Greċja ta’ politika fiskali laxka, reazzjoni inadegwata għal żbilanċi dejjem 2. Il‑kriżi finanzjarja globali jiżdiedu, dgħufijiet strutturali u nuqqas ta’ rappurtar statistiku wasslet għal kriżi tad‑dejn pubbliku mingħajr ħarġet fid‑dieher u amplifikat preċedent. Is‑sitwazzjoni sottostanti tal‑finanzi pubbliċi l‑isfidi li qed taffaċċja inkixfet brutalment li kienet parzjalment minħabba rappurtar ħażin ta’ dejta fil‑passat, iżda filfatt kienet prinċipal- l‑ekonomija Ewropea ment ir‑riżultat ta’ politika fiskali mhux xierqa. Filwaqt li din is‑sitwazzjoni kienet parzjalment riżultat tan‑nuqqasi- Id‑dejn pubbliku ma tnaqqasx biżżejjed matul l‑aħħar jiet fil‑qafas eżistenti ta’ sorveljanza ekonomika, tenfasizza għaxar snin. Ma kienx hemm biżżejjed impenn għall‑kon- b’mod ċar l‑importanza vitali tal‑assigurazzjoni tal‑konsolidazzjoni fiskali, b’mod partikolari matul żmien tajjeb formità effettiva mar‑regoli. Meta ġew ikkonfrontati fl‑ekonomija. F’uħud mill‑Istati Membri, id‑dħul kien minn kriżi eċċezzjonali ta’ dejn pubbliku, li għaliha ż‑żona ingħata spinta temporanja minn attività ta’ taxxa għolja, tal‑euro tħalliet mingħajr ebda strument ta’ rimedju, l‑Ista- immexxija minn żieda qawwija mhux sostenibbli fin‑ne- ti Membri qablu dwar pakkett ta’ miżuri biex jippreservaw gozju tal‑proprjetà, il‑kostruzzjoni u s‑servizzi finanzjarji. l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja ‑fl Ewropa42. Din il‑Komunikazzjoni Il‑korrezzjoni f ’daqqa ta’ dawn l‑iżbilanċi makrofinanzjarji hi maħsuba biex isaħħaħ bil‑qawwa l‑mekkaniżmu tagħna minħabba tal‑kriżi wasslet biex id‑dħul mit‑taxxi fl‑Istati ta’ sorveljanza sabiex tevita li Stat Membru jerġa’ jsib ruħu Membri kkonċernati ċeda. Dan żvela pożizzjoni finanzjar- f ’sitwazzjoni bħal din. Iżda l‑kriżi tefgħet dawl ukoll fuq ja fundamentali ħafna aktar dgħajfa milli kien antiċipat. il‑ħtieġa għal għodod xierqa biex jimmaniġġjaw sitwazzjo- Il‑baġits tal‑gvern fl‑Unjoni Ewropea marru minn qrib ni li thedded l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja taż‑żona tal‑euro. il‑bilanċ (-0.8 % tal‑PGD fl‑UE u -0.6 % fiż‑żona tal‑Eu- ro) fl-2007 għal defiċit li fl-2010 mistenni jkun qrib is-7 % tal‑PGD.Id‑dejn pubbliku għadu jiżdied. Skont l‑aħħar tbassir tas‑servizzi tal‑Kummissjoni, id‑dejn pubbliku se 41 Il‑proporzjonijiet ta’ bilanċi pożittivi tal‑kont kurrenti rrappurtati jilħaq l-84 % tal‑PGD fl-2011 (88 % fiż‑żona tal‑Euro), li hawn jirriflettu l‑bilanċi pożittivi kombinati tal‑Ġermanja, il‑Lussemburgu, il‑Pajjiżi l‑Baxxi, l‑Awstrija u l‑Finlandja. jġib fix‑xejn ir‑riżultati ta’ għoxrin sena ta’ konsolidazzjo- Il‑proporzjonijiet tad‑defiċit tal‑kont kurrenti jirriflettu d‑defiċits ni. Responsabbiltajiet kontinġenti mdaqqsa marbuta ma’ kombinati tal‑Irlanda, il‑Greċja, Spanja, Ċipru, u l‑Portugall. 42 Konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill tal Ecofin tad-9 ta’ Mejju 2010. It‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika

3. It‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tard wisq biex tipprovdi l‑inċentivi t‑tajbin għall‑Istati Membri biex jittrattaw l‑iżbilanċi fiskali li qed jitfaċċaw. tal‑politika ekonomika Il‑funzjonament tal‑PŻE jista’ jitjieb billi jitħaffu ‑l proċe- duri, b’mod partikolari fir‑rigward ta’ Stati Membri bi ksur 3.1. Tisħiħ ta’ konformità mal‑Patt ripetut tal‑Patt. Dan ikun jeħtieġ bidliet fil‑leġiżlazzjoni ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir sekondarja. u koordinazzjoni aktar profonda tal‑politika fiskali Għandha tingħata aktar prominenza lid‑dejn pubbli‑ ku u lis‑sostenibbiltà. Okkażjonijiet reċenti enfasizzaw mhux biss il‑vulnerabbiltà tal‑Istati Membri li għandhom Ir‑regoli u l‑prinċipji tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkab‑ dejn pubbliku kbir ħafna, iżda wkoll ir‑riperkussjonijiet bir huma rilevanti u validi. Iżda, minkejja l‑Patt, l‑Istati transkonfinali potenzjalment negattivi. Dejn għoli jaf- Membri naqsu milli jibnu marġni adegwat fi żminijiet fettwa l‑prospetti ta’ tkabbir fuq medda medja u twila ta’ tajbin. It‑tisħiħ tad‑dimensjoni preventiva ta’ sorveljanza żmien u jċaħħad lill‑gvernijiet mill‑kapaċità li jipproċedu baġitarja għandu jkun parti integrali mill‑koordinazzjoni b’politika kontraċiklika kredibbli meta din tkun meħtieġa aktar mill‑qrib tal‑politika fiskali. Il‑konformità mar‑regoli l‑aktar. Dan japplika partikolarment fir‑rigward tat‑thed- jeħtieġ li titjieb ukoll u għandha tingħata aktar attenzjoni did dejjem jiżdied għas‑sostenibbiltà tal‑finanzi pubbliċi, lis‑sostenibbiltà tal‑finanzi pubbliċi. inklużi dawk li ġejjin minn pakketti ta’ salvataġġ bankarju reċenti kif ukoll minn popolazzjonijiet li qed jikbru fl‑età. It‑tħejjija u l‑valutazzjoni ta’ Programmi ta’ Stabbiltà 485 u Konverġenza jifformaw il‑qalba tax‑xogħol preventiv Il‑kriterju tad‑dejn tal‑proċedura dwar żbilanċ eċċessiv skont il‑Patt. L‑impatt u l‑effettività tiegħu għandhom għandu jiġi implimentat b’mod effettiv.Il ‑PŻE għandha jissaħħu b’mod deċiżiv bit‑tkabbir tad‑dimensjoni ex‑ante tikkunsidra aħjar l‑interazzjoni bejn id‑dejn u d‑defiċit biex tal‑proċess, u billi tingħata s‑saħħa. Dik ta’ qabel hi ind- ittejjeb l‑inċentivi għal politika prudenti. L‑Istati Membri irizzata hawn taħt (fit‑Taqsima III.3) permezz tal‑intro- bi proporzjonijiet ta’ dejn li jaqbżu s-60 % għandhom isi- duzzjoni ta’ “Semestru Ewropew”. Dik tal‑aħħar tista’ ssir, ru soġġetti għall‑PŻE jekk it‑tnaqqis tad‑dejn f ’perjodu pereżempju, billi tiġi inkluża l‑possibbiltà li jiġu imposti preċedenti speċifikat ikun inqas mil‑livell ta’ referenza xier- depożiti bl‑imgħax fil‑każ ta’ politika fiskali mhux adeg- aq. Speċifikament, il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Kunsill jeħtieġu je- wata meta l‑Istati Membri jagħmlu progress insuffiċjenti valwaw jekk id‑defiċit tal‑baġit hux konsistenti ma’ tnaqqis lejn l‑Objettivi tagħhom fuq Terminu Medju fi żminijiet kontinwu u sostanzjali fid‑dejn pubbliku. Riskji fiskali li ekonomiċi tajbin. Dan ikun jeħtieġ bidla fil‑leġiżlazzjoni ġejjin minn responsabbiltajiet espliċiti u impliċiti għand- sekondarja. hom jiġu kkunsidrati bħala fattur rilevanti. B’mod simetri- ku, it‑tħassir tal‑PŻE għal Stati Membri b’dejn li jaqbeż is- L‑oqfsa fiskali nazzjonali għandhom jirriflettu aħjar 60 % tal‑limitu tal‑PGD għandu jkun ikkundizzjonat fuq il‑prijoritajiet tas‑sorveljanza baġitarja tal‑UE. L‑Ista- valutazzjoni tal‑iżviluppi u r‑riskji previsti tad‑dejn. Dan ti Membri għandhom jiġu mħeġġa jintegraw l‑objet- l‑approċċ hu konsistenti b’mod sħiħ mal‑Artikolu 126 tiv tat‑Trattat ta’ finanzi pubbliċi sodi fil‑liġi nazzjonali tat‑TFUE u jeħtieġ ftit tibdil fil‑leġiżlazzjoni sekondarja. tagħhom. Qafas fiskali nazzjonali hu s‑sett ta’ elementi li jifformaw il‑bażi ta’ governanza fiskali nazzjonali, jiġifieri Biex tkun żgurata konformità aħjar mar‑regoli tal‑Patt t‑twaqqif ta’ politika istituzzjonali speċifika għall‑pajjiż li ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir, għandha tingħata aktar atten‑ tifforma ‑t tfassil ta’ politika fiskali fil‑livell nazzjonali. Sa- zjoni lill‑użu tal‑baġit tal‑UE. Bħalissa, is‑sospensjoni biex tingħata tifsira konkreta lill‑kumplimentarjetà bejn tal‑fond ta’ Koeżjoni, li minnu għadd limitat biss ta’ Stati l‑oqfsa fiskali tal‑UE u dawk nazzjonali, l‑obbligu fil‑Pro- Membri huwa eliġibbli, tiġi kkunsidrata biss fi stadju tard tokoll Nru 12 tat‑TFUE għall‑Istati Membri biex ikoll- tal‑PŻE (Artikolu 126(8) tat‑TFUE). hom proċeduri baġitarji stabbiliti li jiżguraw il‑konform- ità mal‑obbligi tat‑Trattat tagħhom dwar id‑dixxiplina baġitarja, jista’ jiġi speċifikat permezz ta’ strumenti legali Għandu jiġi kkunsidrat użu aktar wiesa’ u f ’waqtu li jorbtu. Strumenti bħal dawn ikunu jeħtieġu, pereżemp- tal‑infiq tal‑baġit tal‑UE bħala inċentiv għall‑konform‑ ju, oqfsa nazzjonali biex jirriflettu proċeduri baġitarji ità meta jitħejjew id‑deċiżjonijiet dwar il‑Qafas Finanzjar- multiannwali, biex jiżguraw il‑kisba tal‑Objettivi baġitarji ju li jmiss. Il‑mira għandha tkun li jiġu stabbiliti inċentivi fuq Medda Medja taż‑żmien. xierqa, f ’waqthom u effettivi għall‑konformità mar‑regoli tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir. Il‑kundizzjonalità tista’ titjieb u l‑Istati Membri jistgħu jintalbu jagħtu direzzjoni Il‑Proċedura ta’ Żbilanċ Eċċessiv (PDE) tifforma l‑qofol ġdida lill‑fondi biex titjieb il‑kwalità tal‑finanzi pubbliċi, tal‑parti korrettiva tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir. Iżda, ladarba tkun ġiet stabbilita l‑eżistenza ta’ defiċit eċċessiv id‑dimensjoni korrettiva misjuba fil‑PŻE tiġi applikata (skont l‑Artikolu 126(6) tat‑TFUE). IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Il‑politika ta’ Koeżjoni għandu jkollha rwol aktar ċar 3.2. Lejn sorveljanza aktar wiesgħa fl‑appoġġ tal‑azzjonijiet tal‑Istati Membri biex jindiriz‑ ta’ żviluppi kompetittivi zaw dgħufijiet strutturali u sfidi għall‑kompetittività. u makroekonomiċi fiż‑żona Il-5 Rapport ta’ Koeżjoni li ġej se jippreżenta proposti f ’dan ir‑rigward, partikolarment bl‑għan li jsaħħaħ tal‑euro il‑kapaċità istituzzjonali u l‑effiċjenza tal‑amministrazzjonijiet pubbliċi. L‑istrateġija komprensiva Ewropa 2020 tal‑UE għat‑tk‑ abbir u l‑impjiegi titfa’ l‑attenzjoni fuq żbilanċi struttura‑ Matul il‑Qafas Finanzjarju kurrenti, applikazzjoni aktar li u makrofinanzjarji. Ewropa 2020 tistipula strateġija am- rigoruża u bbażata fuq ir‑regoli tal‑klawsola ta’ suspensjoni bizzjuża u komprensiva lejn tkabbir sostenibbli u inklużiv eżistenti għal impenji tal‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni, għandha tiġi intelliġenti għall‑ekonomija tal‑UE. Fl‑isfond tal‑kriżi, din segwita f ’każ ta’ ksur rikorrenti tal‑Patt. tistipula ffukar ġdid fuq ‑l indirizzar tad‑dgħufijiet tal‑Ew- ropa fis‑sorveljanza ta’ sfidi strutturali u makrofinanzjarji. Meta wieħed jikkunsidra l‑interkonnessjonijiet ekonomiċi Titjib tal‑funzjonament ta’ mekkaniżmi u finanzjarji fondi fiż‑żona tal‑euro u l‑impatt tagħhom eżistenti skont il‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir fuq il‑munita unika, Ewropa 2020 issejjaħ għall‑iżvilupp ta’ qafas politiku speċifiku għaż‑żona tal‑euro biex jittratta • Żieda fl‑effettività tal‑valutazzjonijiet ta’ żbilanċi makroekonomiċi aktar wesgħin43. Għaldaqstant, Programmi ta’ Stabbiltà u Konverġenza permezz ta’ f ’Marzu 2010, il‑Kunsill Ewropew sejjaħ lill‑Kummissjo- 486 koordinazzjoni ex‑ante aħjar. ni biex sa Ġunju 2010 tippreżenta proposti biex tissaħħaħ il‑koordinazzjoni fiż‑żona tal‑euro, billi jsir użu mill‑is- • L‑oqfsa fiskali nazzjonali għandhom jirriflettu trumenti ġodda għal koordinazzjoni ekonomika offruti aħjar il‑prijoritajiet tas‑sorveljanza baġitarja tal‑UE mill‑Artikolu 136 tat‑Trattat (TFUE). Indirizzar ta’ dejn pubbliku għoli u l‑ħarsien ta’ sostenibbiltà fiskali fuq medda twila ta’ L‑akkumulazzjoni ta’ żbilanċi makroekonomiċi kbar żmien u persistenti fost l‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro għand‑ ha l‑potenzjal li ddgħajjef il‑koeżjoni taż‑żona tal‑euro • Tingħata prominenza ġdida lill‑kriterju tad‑dejn u tfixkel il‑funzjonament tajjeb tal‑UME. Biex tkun evitat‑Trattat tata l‑okkorrenza ta’ żbilanċi severi fiż‑żona tal‑euro, huwa • Tiġi kkunsidrata aħjar l‑interazzjoni bejn id‑dejn għaldaqstant importanti li l‑analiżi tidħol aktar fil‑fond u d‑defiċit u s‑sorveljanza ekonomika tespandi lil hinn mid‑dimensjoni baġitarja biex tindirizza żbilanċi makroekonomiċi Inċentivi aħjar u sanzjonijiet biex ikun hemm oħrajn, inklużi żviluppi fil‑kompetittività u sfidi strutturali konformità mar‑regoli tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà sottostanti. Huwa propost li r‑reviżjoni esperta tal‑iżbilanċi u Tkabbir makroekonomiċi li bħalissa qed issir mill‑grupp tal‑Euro • Depożiti bl‑imgħax f ’każ ta’ politika fiskali tiġi aġġornata f ’qafas ta’ sorveljanza strutturata għall‑Istati inadegwata Membri taż‑żona tal‑Euro permezz tal‑użu tal‑Artikolu 136 TFUE. Dan il‑qafas se jimplika sorveljanza aktar fonda, • Użu aktar rigoruż u kundizzjonali tal‑infiq tal‑UE koordinazzjoni ta’ politika aktar impenjattiva u segwitu biex tkun żgurata konformità aħjar mar‑regoli aktar b’saħħtu milli previst skont l‑Ewropa 2020 għall‑Istati tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir Membri tal‑UE kollha. Bħall‑qafas fiskali tal‑UE, li japplika • Ksur rikorrenti tal‑Patt se jkun soġġett għal wkoll għall‑Istati Membri kollha tal‑UE, regoli aktar stretti trattament aktar mgħaġġel u użu aktar rigoruż japplikaw għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro. tar‑Regolament tal‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni Is‑sorveljanza se tinkludi tabella tal‑punteġġi li se tindi‑ ka l‑ħtieġa għal azzjoni. It‑tabella tal‑punteġġi, li tirrifletti l‑iżviluppi esterni kif ukoll interni, tkun definita u ssorvelja- ta regolarment. Din tkopri sett rilevanti ta’ indikaturi u tirrifletti, inter alia, żviluppi fil‑kontijiet kurrenti, il‑pożizz- jonijiet netti tal‑assi barranin, il‑produttività, l‑ispejjeż

43 Il‑Kummissjoni talbet ripetutament għal koordinazzjoni ekonomika usà u aktar fonda fiż‑żona tal‑euro fil‑passat, inkluż fid‑Dikjarazzjoni Annwali 2009 dwar iż‑Żona tal‑Euro u l‑Komunikazzjoni 2008 dwar l-”EMU@10: suċċessi u sfidi wara 10 snin mill‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja”. It‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika għal kull unità ta’ xogħol, l‑impjiegi, ir‑rati tal‑kambju reali effettivi, kif ukoll id‑dejn pubbliku u l‑kreditu u l‑prezzijiet It‑tisħiħ u t‑twessigħ tas‑sorveljanza ta’ tal‑assi tas‑settur privat. Jidher partikolarment importanti żviluppi makroekonomiċi fiż‑żona tal‑euro. li ż‑żidiet qawwija fil‑prezzijiet tal‑assi u t‑tkabbir eċċessiv • Bi tkomplija mal‑Ewropa 2020, l‑iżvilupp ta’ qafas ta’ kreditu jkunu żvelati fi stadju bikri biex jiġu evitati kor- għal sorveljanza makroekonomika mtejba u usà rezzjonijiet ta’ żbilanċi fiskali u esterni li jiswew ħafna flus għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro f ’forma ta’ fi stadju aktar tard. Din ‑l analiżi tifforma ‑l bażi għall‑for- regolament ibbażat fuq l‑Artikolu 136 TFUE mulazzjoni tar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet għal miżuri preventivi jew korrettivi fl‑Istat(i) Membru(i) kkonċernat(i). • L‑iżvilupp ta’ tabella ta’ punteġġi ta’ indikaturi li jidentifikaw limiti ta’ twissija għal żbilanċi severi Fir‑rigward taż‑żona tal‑euro, il‑Kummissjoni se tiv‑ • Il‑formolazzjoni ta’ rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi valuta wkoll l‑iżviluppi u l‑prospetti kollha ta’ żbilanċi għall‑pajjiż makroekonomiċi. Meta wieħed iħares lejn iż‑żona tal‑euro kollha kemm hi u fuq bażi ta’ pajjiż pajjiż, il‑Kummis- • Rikors għal atti formali tal‑Kunsill, permezz sjoni tivvaluta r‑riskju tal‑forom kollha possibbli ta’ żbi- tal‑votazzjoni tal‑Kunsill fil‑konfigurazzjoni lanċi makroekonomiċi li jpoġġu f ’riskju l‑funzjonament taż‑żona tal‑euro tajjeb taż‑żona tal‑euro. F’każ bħal dan, il‑Kummissjoni se tagħmel analiżi aktar fil‑fond tar‑riskju sottostanti tal‑iżbi- lanċi li qed jitfaċċaw. Din l‑analiżi se tkun il‑bażi għal or- 3.3. Koordinazzjoni integrata 487 jentazzjonijiet ta’ politika. Il‑Kunsill, bil‑Membri taż‑żona tal‑politika ekonomika għall‑UE: tal‑ewro biss li jivvotaw, jistieden lill‑Istat(i) Membru(i) “Semestru Ewropew” kkonċernati biex jieħdu l‑azzjoni meħtieġa biex jirrimedjaw din is‑sitwazzjoni. Jekk l‑Istat(i) Membru(i), fi żmien stipulat jonqos milli jieħu miżuri xierqa biex jikkoreġi Bl‑għan li tinkiseb sorveljanza aktar integrata tal‑politika l‑iżbilanċ eċċessiv, il‑Kunsill, bl‑għan li jiżgura l‑funzjon- ekonomika, ġie ssuġġerit skont l‑inizjattiva Ewropa 2020 ament xieraq tal‑UME, jista’ jżid is‑sorveljanza għall‑Istati li tiġi sinkronizzata l‑valutazzjoni tal‑politika strutturali Membri kkonċernati u jiddeċiedi, fuq proposta mill‑Kum- u fiskali tal‑Istati Membri tal‑UE. Ir‑riżultat ta’ sorveljanza missjoni, li joħroġ rakkomandazzjonijiet preċiżi ta’ politi- makroekonomika usà għandu jkun rifless ukoll meta jkunu ka ekonomika. Fejn meħtieġ, il‑Kummissjoni se tuża l‑pos- qed jiġu fformolati ‑r rakkomandazzjonijiet tal‑politika sibbiltà tagħha biex toħroġ twissijiet bikrin direttament fiskali skont il‑PST. B’mod partikolari, it‑tfaċċar ta’ żbilanċi lil Stat Membru taż‑żona tal‑euro. Jekk ikun il‑każ u jkun makroekonomiċi mdaqqsa jistgħu jirrikjedu miri baġitarji hemm il‑bżonn, jistgħu wkoll jiġu indirizzati rakkoman- aktar ambizzjużi. Bl‑istess mod, meta tivvaluta r‑riskju ta’ dazzjonijiet liż‑żona tal‑euro kollha. żbilanċi severi u tiddeċiedi dwar ir‑reazzjoni politika xierqa, il‑Kummissjoni tikkunsidra l‑parteċipazzjoni rilevanti tal‑Bord Ewropew dwar ir‑Riskju Sistemiku. Twissijiet Azzjonijiet preventivi u korrettivi huma potenzjalment u rakkomandazzjonijiet mill‑Bord Ewropew dwar ir‑Riskju meħtieġa f ’firxa wiesgħa ta’ oqsma ta’ politika biex jin‑ Sistemiku indirizzati lil Stat Membru wieħed jew diversi fluwenzaw b’mod effettiv l‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi Stati Membri jkunu kkunsidrati bħala kwistjoni ta’ tħassib u l‑kawżi strutturali sottostanti tagħhom. Bil‑maqlu komuni, meta tiġi applikata pressjoni mill‑pari xierqa għal tal‑korrezzjoni ta’ defiċits eċċessivi, il‑politika ekonomika azzjoni ta’ rimedju. Is‑sinerġiji u l‑konsistenza bejn fax- jidher li għandha biss impatt kajman u indirett fuq l‑iżvi- ex differenti ta’ sorveljanza ekonomika għandhom ikunu lupp ta’ żbilanċi esterni. Għaldaqstant, skont l‑isfidi speċi- ffaċilitati permezz ta’ ċiklu ta’ sorveljanza integrat fil‑qafas fiċi tal‑ekonomija kkonċernata, ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet ta’ Semestru Ewropew. ta’ politika jistgħu jindirizzaw kemm in‑naħa tad‑dħul u kif ukoll dik tal‑infiq tal‑politika fiskali (fil‑kuntest tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir) billiI l‑kriżi uriet li l‑evoluzzjoni Il‑prevenzjoni hi effettiva aktar mill‑korrezzjoni. Iċ‑ċiklu tal‑kompożizzjoni tad‑dħul tal‑gvern hi wkoll indikatur kurrenti ta’ sorveljanza ekonomika jikkonsisti l‑aktar f ’val- ewlieni importanti ta’ żbilanċi potenzjali. F’dan il‑kuntest, utazzjoni ex‑post ta’ kemm hi xierqa l‑politika ekonomika ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet jistgħu jindirizzaw il‑funzjon- mar‑regoli tal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir (PST) u l‑linji ament tas‑swieq tax‑xogħol, tal‑prodotti u tas‑servizzi gwida wesgħin tal‑politika ekonomika. Id‑dimensjoni f ’konformità mal‑politika ekonomika wiesgħa u l‑linji ex‑ante ta’ sorveljanza baġitara u ekonomika li bħalissa hi gwida tal‑impjiegi. Dawn għandhom ikopru wkoll aspetti nieqsa tkun tippermetti l‑formulazzjoni ta’ gwida ġenwina, makroprudenzjali biex jevitaw jew jikkontrollaw tkabbir filwaqt li tiġi kkunsidrata ‑d dimensjoni Ewropea, u t‑tisrif eċċessiv ta’ kreditu jew żviluppi eżuberanti tal‑prezzijiet sussegwenti tagħha ft‑tfassil ta’ politika domestika. Il‑for- tal‑assi, f ’konformità mal‑analiżi futura tal‑Bord Ewropew mulazzjoni ta’ rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiż dwar ir‑Riskju Sistemiku. aktar f ’waqthom tibbenefika ‑l aspetti kollha ta’ sorveljanza – dik fiskali, makrofinanzjarja u strutturali. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Sistema ta’ reviżjoni esperta bikrija tal‑baġits nazzjonali tiżvela l‑inkonsistenzi u l‑iżbilanċi li qed jitfaċċaw. Biex A. “Semestru Ewropew” għal koordinazzjoni tiġi żgurata dejta xierqa u preċiża, prerekwiżit ikun li jis- ex‑ante integrata aħjar tal‑politika fiskali saħħaħ il‑mandat tal‑Eurostat biex jivverifika statistiċi naz- • Allinjament tat‑tressiq u d‑diskussjonijiet zjonali konformi mal‑proposti reċenti tal‑Kummissjoni. tal‑PSK u l‑PRN biex tiġi vvalutata s‑sitwazzjoni Huwa importanti li din il‑proposta tidħol malajr fis‑seħħ ekonomika ġenerali u ttejjeb is‑sinkronizzazzjoni għaliex din se ttejjeb il‑kwalità ta’ rappurtar fuq il‑finan- maċ‑ċikli baġitarji nazzjonali zi pubbliċi. Kieku dan l‑iżvilupp ta’ żbilanċi fiskali jiġi ttrattat qabel, ikun jista’ jiffaċilita ‑t treġġigħ lura tagħhom • Assigurar ta’ parir politiku effettiv u fil‑ħin u jevita li jsiru ta’ riskju serju għall‑istabbiltà makroekono- mill‑Kunsill Ewropew u l‑Kunsill skont mika u s‑sostenibbiltà fiskali. It‑tressiq tal‑Programmi ta’ il‑valutazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni Stabbiltà u Konverġenza għandu jsir fl‑ewwel nofs tas‑sena  Sorveljanza integrata aktar effettiva, sabiex aktar milli lejn l‑aħħar tas‑sena kif inhu fil‑prattika kurren- il‑benefiċċji kollha tar‑reviżjoni esperta jistgħu ti. B’rispett sħiħ tal‑prerogattivi tal‑parlamenti nazzjonali, jitgawdew ir‑reviżjoni esperta bikrija tipprovdi gwida għat‑tħejjija tal‑baġits nazzjonali fis‑sena ta’ wara.

Għaż‑żona tal‑euro għandha ssir valutazzjoni orizzon‑ 3.4. Lejn qafas robust għal ġestjoni tali tal‑qagħda fiskali abbażi tal‑Programmi nazzjonali ta’ tal‑kriżijiet għall‑Istati Membri 488 Stabbiltà u t‑tbassir tal‑Kummissjoni. Għandha tingħata taż‑żona tal‑euro konsiderazzjoni speċjali lill‑qagħda aggregata fil‑każijiet ta’ tensjonijiet ekonomiċi serji fiż‑żona tal‑euro, meta miżuri L‑analiżi tal‑kriżi Griega wriet li jinħtieġ qafas robust mdaqqsa ta’ politika fiskali li ttieħdu minn Stati Membri għall‑ġestjoni tal‑kriżijiet għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona individwali aktarx jipproduċu effetti pożittivi importanti. tal‑euro. F’każ ta’ inadegwatezzi ovvji fil‑pjanijiet tal‑baġit għas‑sena ta’ wara, tista’ tiġi rrakkomandata reviżjoni tal‑pjaniji- Fil‑fatt, it‑taqlib finanzjarju fi Stat Membru wieħed jis‑ et. Il‑Grupp tal‑Euro għandu jkollu rwol kruċjali f ’din ta’ jpoġġi f ’riskju l‑istabbiltà makrofinanzjarja taż‑żona is‑sistema l‑ġdida ta’ koordinazzjoni mtejba u, fejn xieraq, tal‑euro kollha. Il‑kriżi wriet li qafas robust għall‑ġestjoni ikollu rikors għal teħid formali tad‑deċiżjonijiet kif previst tal‑kriżijiet jikkumplimenta kif meħtieġ lill‑istrumenti ta’ bit‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona. sorveljanza, il‑prevenzjoni u l‑aġġustament diskussi hawn fuq. L‑għajnuna tal‑UE fil‑bilanċ ta’ pagamenti pprovdi- Semestru Ewropew għandu jinkludi ċ‑ċiklu ta’ sor‑ et appoġġ kruċjali lil Stati Membri li mhumiex fiż‑żo- veljanza tal‑politika baġitarja u strutturali. Dan jibda na tal‑euro fit‑taqlib finanzjarju. L‑inċertezza marbuta fil‑bidu tas‑sena b’reviżjoni orizzontali li taħtha l‑Kunsill mad‑disponibbiltà u l‑modalitajiet ta’ għajnuna finanzjar- Ewropew, skont parteċipazzjoni analitika mill‑Kummis- ja lill‑Greċja aggravat il‑kontaġju lil Stati Membri oħrajn sjoni, jidentifika ‑l isfidi ekonomiċi ewlenin li qed tiffaċċ- u poġġiet fir‑riskju l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja ġenerali fiż‑żona ja l‑UE u ż‑żona tal‑euro u jagħti gwida strateġika dwar tal‑euro. il‑politika. L‑Istati Membri jikkunsidraw il‑konklużjoniji- et ta’ din id‑diskussjoni orizzontali meta jkunu qed iħejju Sett ta’ proċeduri ċari u kredibbli għad‑dispożizzjoni ta’ l‑Programmi tagħhom ta’ Stabbiltà u Konverġenza (PSK) appoġġ finanzjarju lill‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro u l‑Programmi ta’ Riforma Nazzjonali (PRN). Il‑PSK f ’taqlib finanzjarju serju huwa meħtieġ biex jippreserva u l‑PRN jinħarġu simultanjament, u b’hekk l‑impatt ta’ l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja taż‑żona tal‑euro fil‑medda med‑ tkabbir u dak fiskali tar‑riformi jiġi rifless ‑fl istrateġiji ja u twila ta’ żmien. u l‑miri baġitarji. L‑Istati Membri huma mħeġġa wkoll, b’rispett sħiħ tar‑regoli u l‑proċeduri nazzjonali, biex jin- Qafas għal għajnuna finanzjarja kkundizzjonata mfassla volvu l‑parlamenti nazzjonali tagħhom f ’dan il‑proċess tajjeb għandu jsaħħaħ l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja taż‑żona qabel ma jitressqu l‑PSK u L‑PRN għal sorveljanza mul- tal‑euro filwaqt li jevita l‑periklu morali. Fil‑qalba ta’ tilaterali fil‑livell tal‑UE. Il‑Kunsill, skont il‑valutazzjoni dan il‑mekkaniżmu ta’ riżoluzzjoni tal‑kriżijiet taż‑żona tal‑Kummissjoni, jipprovdi sussegwentement il‑valutazz- tal‑euro hemm kundizzjonalità stretta u rati tal‑imgħax joni u l‑gwida tiegħu fi żmien meta ‑d deċiżjonijiet baġitar- li joħolqu inċentivi biex wieħed imur lura lejn finanzja- ji importanti ikunu għadhom f ’fażi preparatorja fil‑livell ment ibbażat fuq is‑suq filwaqt li tkun żgurata ‑l effettiv- nazzjonali. F’dan il‑kuntest, il‑Parlament Ewropew għandu ità tal‑appoġġ finanzjarju. Meta ‑l prevenzjoni tal‑kriżijiet jkun involut b’mod xieraq. ma taħdimx, u dan ikun evidenti minn ħtieġa finanzjarja oġġettiva, l‑għajnuna tiġi attivata bħala l‑aħħar tentattiv, biex tissalvagwardja l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja fiż‑żona tal‑euro It‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika kollha. Din tkun akkumpanjata bi programm impenjattiv hekk, l‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro jinsabu lesti, per- u dettaljat ta’ kundizzjonalità politika li tiżgura li l‑perjodu mezz ta’ ftehim intergovermentali biex jikkumplimentaw tal‑għajnuna jintuża biex jimplimenta l‑aġġustamenti xi- dawn ir‑riżorsi permezz ta’ entità ad hoc (Special Purpose erqa (fiskali u strutturali) biex jiżguraw is‑solvenza aktar Vehicle- SPV). Din l‑SPV tissellef billi tuża garanziji finan- ‘il quddiem u b’hekk jiffaċilitaw ir‑ritorn l‑aktar mgħaġġel zjarji tal‑Istati membri parteċipanti sa EUR 440 biljun. possibbli lejn finanzjament ibbażat fuq is‑suq. Dan il‑mekkaniżmu jirrispetta fil‑biċċa l‑kbira l‑prinċip‑ L‑għajnuna finanzjarja għandha tkun ipprovduta f ’for‑ ji bażiċi għal mekkaniżmu ta’ riżoluzzjoni tal‑kriżijiet ma ta’ self. Is‑self lil Stat Membru taż‑żona tal‑euro – robust u permanenti. Għaldaqstant, il‑Kummissjoni tik- għall‑kuntrarju ta’ meta wieħed jassumi d‑dejn tiegħu – kunsidra li l‑ewwel prijorità issa trid tkun li tagħmel dan ma jikkontradixxix l‑Artikolu 125 TFUE. Il‑programm il‑mekkaniżmu jaħdem b’mod sħiħ. Skont din l‑esperjen- ta’ politika u l‑kundizzjonalità għandhom ikunu stabbiliti za, il‑Kummissjoni biħsiebha, fil‑medda medja għal dik fl‑Artikolu 136 TFUE. L‑esperjenza bl‑għajnuna tal‑bi- twila ta’ żmien, tagħmel proposta għal mekkaniżmu per- lanċ ta’ pagamenti tal‑UE għal Stati Membri li mhumiex manenti ta’ riżoluzzjoni tal‑kriżijiet. fiż‑żona tal‑euro wriet li qafas uniku, bl‑UE li toħroġ self ta’ emerġenza ta’ finanzjament tad‑dejn, jipprovdi taħlita tajba ta’ effiċjenza relattiva tal‑ġestjoni u sorveljanza poli- 4. Next steps tika mill‑Kunsill.

The Commission will develop the reform proposals 489 Il‑kundizzjonalità tal‑politika għandha l‑ewwel timmira presented in this Communication, in line with its reli tittratta l‑iżbilanċi sottostanti fl‑Istat Membru affet‑ sponsibilities under the Treaty. It considers it important twat biex tiżgura funzjonament mingħajr xkiel tal‑UME. to make swift progress on the reform agenda laid out in Il‑kundizzjonalità tipikament tkun tinvolvi taħlita xierqa this Communication: the present economic situation re- ta’ konsolidazzjoni fiskali u t‑tisħiħ tal‑governanza fiska- quires urgent action to implement the measures proposed li inkluża l‑politika tat‑taxxi; stabbilizzazzjoni tas‑settur to improve the economic governance of the EU and the finanzjarju sal‑punt li t‑taqlib tas‑settur finanzjarju jkun euro area. The first European Semester should start with il‑kaġun tal‑problemi tal‑finanzi pubbliċi; u interventi the beginning of 2011. ta’ politika usà biex tiġi stabbilita mill‑ġdid l‑istabbiltà makroekonomika u l‑vijabbiltà esterna. Lil hinn mid‑di- The Commission stands ready to follow-up swiftly mensjoni baġitarja għandhom jiġu indirizzati bi prijorità with legislative proposals, including amending the reg- l‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi, inklużi l‑iżviluppi tal‑kom- ulations underpinning the Stability and Growth Pact, to petittività u l‑isfidi strutturali sottostanti. Dan se jimpli- enhance the prevention and correction of macroeconomic ka sorveljanza aktar mill‑qrib, koordinazzjoni ta’ politika imbalances within the euro area, and to establish a more aktar impenjattiva u segwitu aktar b’saħħtu biex jiżguraw permanent framework for crisis management. li riformi strutturali neċessarji jkunu implimentati b’mod mgħaġġel.

Fid-9 ta’ Mejju, skont il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni, l‑ECOFIN iddeċieda dwar it‑twaqqif ta’ mekkaniżmu temporanju Ewropew ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni biex jittratta l‑ħtiġijiet immedjati tal‑kriżi. Dan kien parti minn pakkett usà, inklużi impenji b’saħħithom għall‑konsolidazzjoni fiskali fejn iġġustifikata u l‑involviment tal‑IMF permezz tal‑faċiltajiet tiegħu tas‑soltu f ’konformità mal‑programmi reċenti Ewropej.

Dan il‑mekkaniżmu nħoloq biex iwieġeb għaċ‑ċirkostan‑ zi eċċezzjonali kurrenti u jinvolvi appoġġ finanzjarju ġen- erali sa’ EUR 500 biljun. L‑għajnuna finanzjarja se tkun soġġetta għal kundizzjonalità b’saħħitha, fil‑kuntest ta’ ap- poġġ konġunt tal‑UE/IMF, u se jkollha termini u kundizzjonijiet simili għall‑IMF. Dan il‑mekkaniżmu se jkun iffinanzjat permezz ta’ żewġ sorsi kumplimentari. L‑ewwel, billi jibni fuq ir‑Regolament tal‑Kunsill skont l‑Artiko- lu 122(2), jista’ jimmobilizza sa EUR 60 biljun. Barra minn

It‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika għall‑istabilità, it‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi — Għodda għal governanza ekonomika tal‑UE isħaħ

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EUROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL EUROPEW, LILL‑BANK ĊENTRALI EUROPEW LILL‑KUMITAT EKONOMIKU U SOĊJALI EUROPEW U LILL‑KUMITAT TAR‑REĠJUNI BRUSSEL 30.6.2010 COM(2010) 367

L‑Europa tgħallmet ħafna lezzjonijiet mill‑kriżi riċen- tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika l‑UE tista’ toffri ti finanzjarja u ekonomika. Issa qed naraw ċar ħafna li aġenda ta’ tkabbir ġdid u sostenibbli liċ‑ċittadini tagħha. 491 f ’Unjoni integrata b’mod sod, u aktar minn hekk f ’unjoni monetarja, l‑ekonomiji tagħna u s‑suċċessi tagħna huma F’dan il‑kuntest, l‑iskop ta’ din il‑Komunikazzjoni huwa li: konnessi. Minkejja li l‑UE għandha numru ta’ strumenti għall‑koordinazoni tal‑politika ekonomika, il‑kriżi wriet • Ikunu żviluppati proposti għal koordinazzjoni li dawn ma ntużawx bis‑sħiħ u li bħalissa hemm lakuni u sorveljanza akbar tal‑politika ekonomika stabbiliti fis‑sistema ta’ governanza. Hemm qbil politiku wiesa’ li din fil‑Komunikazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni tat-12 ta’ Mejju is‑sitwazzjoni għandha tinbidel u li l‑UE għandha bżonn dwar it‑tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika li tkun mgħammra b’sett usa’ u aktar effettiv ta’ strumen- ekonomika f ’proposti konkreti billi (i) jiġu indirizzati ti politiċi biex tiżgura l‑prosperità futura u l‑istandards ta’ l‑iżbilanċi permezz ta’ sorveljanza makroekonomika għajxien. isħaħ, inklużi t‑twissija u l‑mekkaniżmi ta’ sanzjonijiet; (ii) jissaħħu l‑oqsfa fiskali nazzjonali billi jkunu L‑UE ħadet miżuri qawwija, komprensivi u konsisten- speċifikati ħtiġijiet minimi għall‑oqsfa fiskali ti biex tegħleb il‑kriżi u tikseb lezzjonijiet għall‑futur. domestiċi, u notevolment ikun hemm ċaqliq minn It‑tnedija tal‑Programm Europew ta’ Rkupru Ekonomi- ippjanar baġitarju annwali għal wieħed multiannwali; ku fl-2008 għenet biex ittaffi‑ x xokk tat‑tnaqqis fir‑ritmu (iii) jissaħħaħ il‑Patt ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir, b’mod ekonomiku tagħna. Ingħata appoġġ ikkoordinat lill‑Istati partikolari billi nikkonċetnraw fuq il‑kwistjoni Membri tal‑UE li kellhom bżonnu u protezzjoni lill‑ista- tad‑dinamika tad‑dejn kif ukoll tal‑iżbilanċi. bilità tal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja. Sett ta’ miżuri biex jissaħħu s‑sorveljanza u r‑regolamentazzjoni tas‑sis- • Ikunu stabbiliti mekkaniżmi ta’ infurzar effettivi sabiex tema finanzjarja qiegħed ikun innegozjat, ‑fl UE u lil hinn l‑Istati Membri jaġixxu f ’konformità mal‑qafas tal‑UE minnha. Issa li l‑qafas tal‑Istrateġija tal‑Europa 2020 kien li qablu fuqu. Fejn żviluppi fl‑ekonomiji tal‑Istati stabbilit, se jsegwu serje ta’ inizjattivi, mfassla biex jisfrut- Membri jippreżentaw riskju lill‑iżvilupp ġenerali taw l‑potenzjal tal‑UE biex taċċellera t‑tkabbir u jinħolqu tal‑Unjoni, ikunu proposti serje ta’ miżuri preventivi l‑impjiegi. u korrettivi, inkluża firxa ta’ sanzjonijiet li jkunu jistgħu jkunu applikati meta jseħħ xi ksur. Dak li għandha bżonn l‑UE huwa approċċ politiku definit • Ikun stabbilit Semestru Europew għall‑koordinazzjoni li jappoġġa l‑irkupru ekonomiku, ipoġġi lura l‑finanzi politika u jkun spjegat il‑proċess u l‑waqt li se jipprovdi pubbliċi fuq sieq soda u jippromovi b’mod attiv tkabbir kontribut Europew lid‑deċiżjonijiet fuq politika sostenibbli u impjiegi. Din hi l‑viżjoni politika stabbilita nazzjonali u li jwasslu għal koordinazzjoni politika fl‑istrateġija tal‑Europa 2020 li kienet approvata mill‑Kun- ex‑ante aktar effettiva. Dan japplika wkoll għar‑riformi sill Europew. L‑istrumenti relevanti kollha għandhom strutturali u l‑elementi ta’ tisħiħ tat‑tkabbir jinġiebu flimkien biex jiżguraw li ‑d deċiżjonijiet politiċi tal‑istrateġija tal‑Europa 2020. futuri jkunu koerenti, jissodisfaw dawn il‑miri u, hekk kif jittieħdu, ikunu implimentati u infurzati. Bit‑tisħiħ Il‑proposti f ’din il‑Komunikazzjoni jista’ jsir qbil fuqhom skont it‑termini tat‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona. Dawn huma IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

indirizzati lis-27 Stat Membru kollha minkejja aspetti 1.1. Sorveljanza u żbilanċi ta’ x’uħud minnhom se japplikaw biss għal dawk l‑Istati makroekonomiċi Membri li huma fiż‑żona euro. Dawn tfasslu biex iġibu flimkien, ‑fl istess ħin, is‑sorveljanza tal‑pajjiż taħt il‑Patt ta’ It‑tixrif tal‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi kbar, inklużi di- Stabilità u Europa 2020 u biex ikun żgurat li s‑sorveljanza verġenzi kbar u persistenti fix‑xejriet ta’ kompetittività, tematika tal‑miri tal‑Europa 2020 tkun ankrata f ’politiki kien ta’ dannu kbir għall‑UE u b’mod partikolari għall‑eu- fiskali u ekonomiċi sodi. Dawn ‑il proposti jiżviluppaw ro meta faqqgħet il‑kriżi. Għalhekk huwa importanti li ulterjorament l‑ideat politiċi stabbiliti fil‑Komunikazz- jkun żvilappat mekkaniżmu strutturat ġdid għas‑sorvel- joni tal‑Kummissjoni tat-12 ta’ Mejju 201044 u jserrħu janza tal‑iżbilanċi makrekonomiċi dannużi u l‑korrezzjoni fuq orjentazzjonijiet maqbula fil‑Kunsill Europew tas- tagħhom fl‑Istati Membri kollha. Wara approċċ f ’żewġ 17 ta’ Ġunju 2010 li jirriflettu ‑l progress sal‑lum dwar stadji, il‑Kummissjoni qiegħda tipproponi mekkaniżmu li it‑Task Force tal‑governanza ekonomika. Dawn iwieġbu jkun fih: għall‑istedina tal‑Kunsill Europew lit‑Task Force u l‑Kum- missjoni biex jiżviluppaw l‑orjentazzjonijiet tagħhom u jagħmluhom operattivi. • Id preventiva b’valutazzjonijiet (annwali) regolari tar‑riskju tal‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi, inkluż mekkaniżmu ta’ twissija. Meqjusin flimkien, din il‑kumbinazzjoni ta’ proposti se tgħammar lill‑UE u l‑livelli nazzjonali biex ikollhom • Id korrettiva, mfassla biex tinforza l‑implimentazzjoni kunfidenza fil‑kwalità tal‑politika u l‑proċess tat‑tfassil tar‑rimedji fil‑każ ta’ żbilanċi makroekonomiċi 492 tad‑deċiżjonijiet u biex ikun hemm twissija minn qabel dannużi. meta s‑sitwazzjonijiet nazzjonali jmorru żmerċ. Dan se jippermetti lill‑Istati Membri li jimmassimizzaw is‑sin- Id preventiva: sistema ta’ twissija erġiji pożittivi tal‑aderenza fl‑istess Unjoni. Dan se jġib Fil‑qafas tas‑sorveljanza makrokulturali tal‑pajjiż skont trasparenza u kunfidenza reċiproka permezz ta’ proċess Europa 2020, il‑Kummissjoni teżamina n‑nuqqasijiet aktar kollettiv. Dan se jnaqqas ukoll l‑effetti mifruxa makrokulturali, il‑kompetittività mwiegħra u l‑iżbilanċi negattivi fejn l‑Istati Membri ma jikkonformawx mal‑lim- makroekonomiċi emerġenti abbażi ta’ kull pajjiż individ- iti maqbula u fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar, jissanzjonaw lil dawk li wali filwaqt li jkunu kkunsidrati ‑l interkonnessjonijiet jipperikolaw il‑ġid komuni permezz ta’ azzjonijiet nazz- ekonomiċi u finanzjarji b’mod partikolari fiż‑żona euro. jonali mhux sostenibbli. Bit‑tlaqqigħ flimkien tal‑proċess tal‑Patt ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir u l‑Europa 2020 l‑UE tis- Tabella ta’ valutazzjoni li tistabbilixxi sett ta’ indikaturi li ta’ tibni fuq il‑miżuri neċessarji ta’ konsolidament bħala jikxfu żbilanċi esterni u interni magħqudin ma’ analiżiji- l‑passi essenzjali fl‑istrateġija tagħha tat‑tkabbir fuq medda et esperti kwalitattivi se tkun il‑bażi ta’ mekkaniżmu ta’ twila ta’ żmien, tibni UE aktar mirquma, aktar sostenibbli twissija. L‑użu tal‑indikaturi se jipprovdi gwida importan- u aktar inklussiva. ti iżda mhux se jkun hemm konnessjoni mekkanika bejn ir‑riżultati tat‑tabella ta’ valutazzjoni u s‑segwitu politiku.

1. Sorveljanza makroekonomika Għal dawk il‑pajjiżi li juru riskji sinifikattivi, titwettaq ana- usa’ liżi profonda tal‑pajjiż. Fejn riskji emerġenti jkunu kkonfermati, il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi rakkomandazz- L‑UE għandha bżonn sorveljanza makroekonomika jonijiet tal‑Kunsill speċifikament għall‑pajjiż biex jittratta tal‑pajjiżi li tintegra l‑oqsma kollha tal‑politika ekonomika l‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi. Il‑Kummissjoni tista’ toħroġ kollha. L‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi għandhom ikunu oss- ukoll twissija bikrija lil dak l‑Istat Membru. ervati b’mod konġunt b’politika fiskali u riformi strutturali li jsaħħu t‑tkabbir. L‑għan huwa li tkun żgurata l‑istabil- Skont in‑natura tal‑iżbilanċi identifikati ‑fl Istat(i) Mem- ità makrekonomika, tiġi evitata repetizzjoni ta’ żbilanċi li bru(i), ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet jistgħu jindirizzaw firxa jagħmlu l‑ħsara u jiġu stabbiliti kundizzjonijiet ta’ qafas wiesgħa ta’ kwistjonijiet politiċi li jkopru politiki makroe- makrekonomiku wiesa’ li jippermettu tkabbir sostenibbli konomiċi, is‑salarji u s‑swieq tax‑xogħol kif ukoll it‑tħad- u dinamiku. dim tas‑swieq tal‑oġġetti u s‑servizzi u l‑politiki makroprudenzjali. Dawn se jkunu inkorporati f ’sett uniku ta’ rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifikament għall‑pajjiż li l‑Kum- missjoni se tipproponi annwalment, flimkien mar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet maħruġa skont is‑sorveljanza tematika tar‑riforma strutturali, kif deskritt hawn taħt. 44 COM(2010) 250 dwar it‑Tisħiħ tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika.. IT‑TISĦIĦ TAL‑KOORDINAZZJONI TAL‑POLITIKA EKONOMIKA GĦALL‑ISTABILITÀ, IT‑TKABBIR U L‑IMPJIEGI - GĦODDA GĦAL GOVERNANZA EKONOMIKA TAL‑UE ISĦAĦ

Il‑mekkaniżmu se jkun parti ċentrali tas‑sorveljanza makroekonomika (mhux fiskali) mtejba tal‑pajjiż previs- Tabella tal‑valutazzjoni differenzjata għall‑Istati ta skont Europa 2020. Flimkien mas‑sorveljanza fiskali Membri taż‑żona euro u għaż‑żona mhux tal‑euro skont il‑Patt ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir, is‑sorveljanza tal‑pajjiż tidher meritata. Minħabba d‑differenzi fir‑reġimi għandha l‑għan li tiżgura ambjent makroekonomika stab- tar‑rati tal‑kambju u f ’karatteristiċi ekonomiċi bli konduċenti għat‑tkabbir u l‑ħolqien tax‑xogħol fil- ewlenin, l‑aġir ta’ xi varjanti ekonomiċi fiż‑żona euro waqt li titqies bis‑sħiħ l‑interdipendenza bejn l‑ekonomiji huwa pjuttost differenti mill‑pajjiżi taż‑żona mhux tal‑Istati Membri, partikolarment fiż‑żona euro. Din tiżgu- tal‑euro. Dan hu argument favur l‑użu ta’ limiti ta’ ra konsistenza fl‑Europa 2020, b’mod partikolari bl‑identi- twissija differenti għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona euro fikazzjoni tal‑ostakli makro/fiskali li fihom‑ l Istati Membri u ż‑żona mhux tal‑euro. Barra minn hekk, fl‑as- jridu jimplimentaw riformi strutturali u jistgħu jinvestu senza tar‑rati tal‑kambju nominali fi ħdan ‑l unjoni f ’politiki li jtejbu t‑tkabbir tal‑Europa 2020. monetarja, iż‑żona euro jixirqilha wkoll analżi speċjali tal‑iżviluppi tar‑rata tal‑kambju realment effettivi. Partikolarment f ’każijiet serji, il‑Kummisssjoni se tirrakkomanda t‑tqegħid tal‑Istat membru f ’”pożizzjoni ta’ żbilanċi eċċessivi”. Dan jikkawża l-’id korrettiva’ tal‑mekkaniżmu Azzjoni korrettiva deskritt hawn taħt. F’tali każ, il‑Kummissjoni tista’ toħroġ Il‑qafas tas‑sorveljanza tal‑iżbilanċi jinkludi mekkaniżmu ukoll twissija bikrija lil dak l‑Istat Membru direttament. ta’ infurzar. Stat Membru li jippreżenta riskji sinifikattivi se jitqiegħad mill‑Kunsill f ’pożizzjoni ta’ “żbilanċi 493 eċċessivi” abbażi ta’ rakkomandazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni. Il‑karatteristiċi ewlenin tal‑mekkaniżmu ta’ Twissijiet ta riskju u/jew rakkomandazzjonijiet maħruġin twissija għall‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi mill‑Bord tar‑Riskju Sistemiku Europew dwar l‑istabilità Il‑mekkaniżmu ta’ twissija se jidentifika ‑l Istati makrofinanzjarja se jitqiesu. Membri b’livelli potenzjalment problematiċi ta’ żbilanċi makroekonomiċi u fejn hemm bżonn aktar Stat Membru f ’”pożizzjoni ta’ żbilanċi eċċessivi” se jkun analiżi profonda speċifikament għall‑pajjiż. soġġett għal sorveljanza aktar stretta. Il‑Kunsill se joħroġ rakkomandazzjonijiet politiċi (ibbażati fuq l‑Artiko- Il‑mekkaniżmu ta’ twissija se jkun magħmul minn lu 121(4) u l‑Artikolu 136 tat‑TFUE għall‑Istati Membri tabella ta’ valutazzjoni tal‑indikaturi, ikkumplimen‑ taż‑żona euro) u l‑Istat Membru se jkollu jirrapporta rego- tata b’aktar analiżi kwalitattivia. Dawn l‑indikaturi larment lill‑Kunsill Ecofin u lill‑Eurogrupp (pereżempju fi se inkludu miżuri ta’ pożizzjoni esterna u l‑kompetit- żmien sitt xhur wara r‑rakkomandazzjoni tal‑Kunsill u kull tività tal‑prezz jew l‑ispiża kif ukoll indikaturi interni. erba’ xhur minn hemm ‘il quddiem) dwar il‑progress fl‑im- L‑użu ta’ indikaturi interni huwa ġustifikat peress plimentazzjoni tar‑riformi rakkomandati. li l‑iżbilanżi esterni għandhom bżonn kontropartijiet interni. Pereżempju, l‑indikaturi bħalma huma Dan il‑mekkaniżmu se japplika għall‑Istati Membri kollha. l‑bilanċi tal‑kontijiet kurrenti, il‑pożizzjonijiet tal‑assi Bħalma jiġri fil‑qafas fiskali tal‑UE, li japplika wkoll fl‑Ista- barranin, ir‑rata tal‑kambju realment effettiva bbażata ti Membri tal‑UE, se jkunu applikati aktar regoli stretti fuq fuq l‑ispejjeż ta’ kull unità tax‑xogħol u l‑diflatur l‑Istati Membri taż‑żona euro. Meta jitqiesu l‑interkon- tal‑PGD, iż‑żidiet fil‑prezzijiet reali tad‑djar, id‑dejn nessjonijiet ekonomiċi u finanzjarji profondi ġoż‑żona tal‑gvern, u l‑proporzjon tal‑kreditu tas‑settur privat euro u l‑impatt tagħhom fuq il‑munita unika, jista’ jkun imqabbel mal‑PGD jistgħu jkunu parti minn din previst mekkaniżmu speċifiku ta’ infurzar għall‑Istati it‑tabellla tal‑valutazzjoni. Membri taż‑żona euro f ’każ ta’ nuqqas repetittiv ta’ ris‑ Il‑limiti ta’ twissija se jkunu definiti u mħabbra pett tar‑rakkomandazzonijiet biex jindirizzaw żbilanċi għal kull indikatur. Il‑limiti jistgħu jkunu kkalkulati markoenomiċi dannużi li jirriskjaw li jxekklu t‑tħaddim abbażi ta’ kunċett statistiku sempliċi u trasparenti. xieraq tal‑unjoni ekonomika u monetarja. Approċċ possibbli jista’ jkun l‑użu tal‑perċentili 75 % u 25 % tad‑distribuzzjonijiet statistiċi ta’ kull varjant Konformità insuffuċjenti mar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet skont (fil‑pajjiżi kollha u ż‑żmien kollu) fuq il‑livell ‘il fuq is‑sorveljanza tal‑iżbilanċi se tkun ikkunsidrata bħala fat- jew ‘l isfel li jimmerita aktar analiżi. Madankollu, hu tur aggravanti fil‑valutazzjoni fiskali skont il‑Patt ta’ Sta- importanti li wieħed iżomm f ’moħħu li l‑livelli ta’ bilità u Tkabbir. limiti assoluti għal varjanti individwali għandhom tifsira ekonomika limitata biss u għandhom bżonn li Sal‑aħħar ta’ Settembru, il‑Kummissjoni se tagħmel jkunu kkumplimentati b’raġunar ekonomiku peress proposti formali għal leġiżlazzjoni sekondarja biex ti- li livelli xirqa jistgħu jvarjaw skont iċ‑ċirkostanzi stabbilixxi qafas li jitratta żbilanċi eċċessivi bbażati fuq ekonomiċi tal‑pajjiż. l‑Artikoli 121 u 136 tat‑Trattat dwar il‑Funzjonament tal‑Unjoni Europea. Dawn il‑proposti se jispeċifikaw IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

is‑sehem tal‑mekkaniżmu ta’ twissija; is‑sehem u l‑obbligi jew meta jirriskjaw li jxekklu t‑tħaddim xieraq tal‑unjoni tal‑Kummissjoni, l‑Istati Membri u l‑Kunsill; il‑proċedu- ekonomika u monetarja, il‑Kummissjoni se tindirizza di- ra għall‑adozzjoni tar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet; u r‑regoli rettament twissija lill‑Istat(i) Membru (i) rilevanti. u l‑proċeduri kif ukoll il‑mekkaniżmi ta’ infurzar għall‑Ista- ti Membri taż‑żona euro. Abbażi tal‑monitoraġġ speċifiku tal‑pajjiż, il‑Kummissjoni se tagħmel valutazzjoni ġenerali tal‑progress lejn il‑ħames 1.2. Soveljanza tematika tar‑riformi miri titolari tal‑UE, teżamina l‑prestazzjoni fl‑isfond strutturali tas‑sħab kummerċjali ewlenin (internazzjonali) u teżami- na r‑raġunijiet sottolineati fil‑każ ta’ progress insuffiċjenti. Biex jirritornaw l‑ekonomiji tagħhom għal tkabbir sos- F’dan l‑eżami l‑Kummissjoni se teżamina wkoll kif l‑impli- tenibbli u żieda fil‑kompetittività, l‑Istati Membri għand- mentazzjoni tal‑inizattivi ewlenin tal‑Europa 2020 qiegħ- hom bżonn jirrestawraw l‑istabilità makroekonomika da tipprogressa kemm fil‑livell tal‑UE kif ukoll fil‑livell u l‑finanzi pubbliċi. Fl‑istess ħin għandhom bżonn li jif- nazzjonali hekk kif jappoġġaw u jikkumplimentaw l‑isforzi fokaw l‑isforzi tagħhom dwar l‑ilħuq tal‑għanijiet tal‑Eu- lejn dawn il‑miri. ropa 2020 u ħames miri titolari maqbula mill‑Kunsill Europew. Approċċ integrat għal tfassil politiku u impli- Il‑Kummissjoni se tirrapporta kull sena lill‑Kunsill Eu- mentazzjoni huwa essenzjali minħabba r‑restrizzjonijiet ropew tar‑Rebbiegħa, u se tipproponi orjentazzjonijiet tal‑finanzi pubbliċi. L‑identifikazzzjoni tal‑ostakli li jim- speċifiċi biex ittejjeb ‑l implimentazzjoni tal‑miżuri ta’ ri- pedixxu jew idewmu l‑ksib tal‑miri tal‑Europa 2020 hija forma korrispondenti. Dawn l‑orjentazzjonijiet se jidħlu 494 element ewlieni tas‑sorveljanza tematika. f ’sett uniku ta’ rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiż li l‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi fil‑bidu ta’ Lulju. Il‑mira tas‑sorveljanza tar‑riforma strutturali tematika hija għalhekk doppja: 2. Oqsfa Fiskali Nazzjonali (i) Biex jitħaffef il‑ksib tal‑miri tal‑Europa 2020, b’mod partikolari l‑ħames miri titoalri45 Din tinkludi miri Oqsfa fiskali domestiċi reżiljenti u effettivi għandhom se- fl‑oqsma tax‑xogħol, l‑inklużjoni soċjali, ir‑riċerka hem kruċjali fit‑tisħiħ tal‑konsolidament fiskali u l‑finanzi u l‑innovazzjoni, l‑edukazzjoni, l‑enerġija u l‑bidla pubbliċi sostenibbli. Filwaqt li l‑bżonnijiet u l‑preferen- fil‑klima kif ukoll miżuri li jittrattaw kwalunkwe fat- zi speċifiċi tal‑Istati Membri għandhom ikunu rispettati, turi oħrajn li jfixklu ‑l iżvilupp jew it‑tkabbir ekono- numru ta’ karatteristiċi jispikkaw bħala bżonnjużi f ’ter- miku tal‑Istati Membri. mini li jiżguraw kwalità minima u jkunu kumplimentari mar‑regoli tal‑UE46. (ii) Biex tiżgura l‑implimentazzjoni ambizzjuża tar‑riformi strutturali b’mod konsistenti mar‑restrizzjoni- 1) L‑ewwel, sabiex ikunu żgurati standards ta’ kwal‑ jiet makrofiskali. ità fl‑Istati Membri kollha, huwa essenzjali approċċ konsistenti fir‑rigward tal‑accounting (hu meħtieġ Din is‑sorveljanza se titwettaq skont l‑Artikoli 121 u 148 (ESA95 accouting hu meħtieġ għas‑sorveljanza tat‑TFUE u abbażi tal‑Linji Gwida Integrati tal‑Eu- fiskali fil‑livell tal‑UE); Il‑kapaċità tal‑uffiċċji statis- ropa 2020. Abbażi tal‑Programmi ta’ Riforma Nazzjonali tiċi nazzjonali għandha tkun suffiċjenti biex tkun tal‑Istati Membri, il‑Kummissjoni se teżamina l‑mod kif żgurata konformità mad‑dejta u mal‑ħtiġijiet ta’ rap- kull pajjiż qed jindirizza t‑tfixkil li identifikat u kif ikun qed portar; u s‑sistemi ta’ tbassir għandhom jippermettu jagħmel progress lejn il‑miri nazzjonali tal‑Europa 2020. għall‑għoti ta’ proġettazzjonijiet ta’ tkabbir u baġit li huma newtrali u ta’ min joqgħod fuqhom. Idealment, it‑tbassir tal‑Kummissjoni għandu jintuża bħala punt F’każ ta’ progress insuffiċjenti, jew meta‑ l politiki mhumiex ta’ riferiment. Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li tispeċi- suffiċjentement konsistenti mal‑linji gwida integrati (i.e. fika biċ‑ċar il‑korrispondenza bejn dejta ta’ flus naz- il‑Linji Gwida Integrati għall‑politiki ekonomiċi u tax‑xog- zjonali u dejta tal‑ESA95 fuq il‑proviżjoni ta’ dejta ħol), tinħareġ rakkomandazzjoni speċifika għall‑pajjiż jew ta’ kull xahar bi traduzzjoni f ’termini ta’ ESA95 kull iż‑żona euro. erba’ xhur fis‑sena. Il‑metodoloġiji ta’ tbassir u l‑as- sunzjonijiet makroekonomiċi użati għall‑iskopiji- F’każijiet fejn l‑politiki ekonomiċi mhumiex konsist- et baġitarji għandhom ikunu s‑suġġett ta’ awditjar enti mal‑Linji Gwida tal‑Politika Ekonomika tal‑Bord, xieraq.

45 Ara l‑miri fuq http://ec.europa.eu/eu2020/pdf/council_ 46 Ara wkoll il‑Konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill Ecofin tat-18 ta’ Mejju conclusion_17_june_en.pdf 2010 dwar l‑Oqsfa Baġitarji. IT‑TISĦIĦ TAL‑KOORDINAZZJONI TAL‑POLITIKA EKONOMIKA GĦALL‑ISTABILITÀ, IT‑TKABBIR U L‑IMPJIEGI - GĦODDA GĦAL GOVERNANZA EKONOMIKA TAL‑UE ISĦAĦ

2) It‑tieni, l‑Istati Membri għandhom jistabbilixxu rego‑ mill‑Istati Membri b’livell għoli ta’ dejn jew riskji evidenti li fiskali nazzjonali li jiżguraw li l‑oqsfa fiskali domes- f ’termini tal‑iżviluppi ta’ dejn fil‑futur. tiċi jirriflettu ‑l obbligi tat‑Trattat. Id‑dispożizzjonijiet tar‑regoli fiskali nazzjonali għandhom jiżguraw ir‑ris- Fir‑rigward l‑id korrettiva, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi pett tal‑valur referenzjali tat‑Trattat dwar l‑iżbilanċ li l‑kriterju tad‑dejn tal‑proċedura ta’ żbilanċ eċċessiv u d‑dejn u jkunu konsistenti mal‑Għan Baġitarju jkun implimentat b’mod effettivpermezz ta’ punt ta’ għat‑Terminu l‑Medju (MTO). Regoli fiskali u mek- referiment numeriku ċar u sempliċi għad‑deifinzjoni kaniżmi kredibbli ta’ infurzar għandhom ikunu kodi- ta’ pass sotisfaċenti tat‑tnaqqis fid‑dejn. L‑Istati Membri fikati bil‑liġi nazzjonali. bi proporzjon ta’ dejn aktar minn 60 % tal‑PGD jistgħu jsiru suġġetti għall‑PŻE jekk it‑tnaqqis fid‑dejn f ’perjodu 3) It‑tielet, ir‑riformi tal‑oqsfa fiskali nazzjonali għand- definit preċedenti jfalli dan il‑punt ta’ referiment (frazz- hom jippromovu l‑bidla għall‑ippjanar baġitarju joni tad‑distakk bejn il‑livell ta’ dejn u s-60 % tal‑limitu multiannwali. Il‑miri annwali baġitarji għandhom tal‑PGD). Bl‑istess mod, li l‑iżbilanċ jitniżżel taħt it-3 % ikunu enfasizzati minn oqsfa multiannwali, inkluża tal‑PGD jista’ ma jkunx suffiċjenti għat‑tneħħija tal‑PZE tabella tad‑dħul u nefqa proġettati u indikazzjonijiet jekk id‑dejn ma jkunx tpoġġa f ’direzzjoni ta’ tnaqqis sos- ta’ fejn l‑aġġustament lejn il‑miri jkun ippjanat li jasal. tenibbli. Il‑parametru preċiż se jkun stabbilit fil‑Kodiċi ta’ Kondotta li jakkumpanja l‑Patt ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir. 4) Fl‑aħħar nett, oqsfa domestiċi għandhom ikunu komprensivi u jkopru s‑sistemi kollha tal‑finanzi Aktar mill‑iżbilanċ, l‑iżviluppi fid‑dejn pubbliku huma tal‑amministrazzjoni pubblika. Dan huma impor- soġġetti għal fatturi barra mill‑kontroll dirett tal‑gverni- 495 tanti b’mod partikolari fl‑ekonomiji deċentralizzati. jiet (b’mod partikolari l‑inflazzjoni, ir‑rati ta’ interess L‑għoti ta’ responsabbiltajiet baġitarji fil‑livelli kollha u l‑iżviluppi fit‑tkabbir ċikliku), għalhekk hemm bżonn ta’ tal‑gvern għandu jkun speċifikat b’mod ċar u jkunu ġudizzju qabel id‑deċiżjoni dwar jekk dawn jimmeritawx stabbiliti monitoraġġ xieraq u dispożizzjonijiet ta’ li jqiegħdu l‑pajjiż fil‑PŻE. Għandha ssir stima ġenerali li infurzar. tqies firxa ta’ parametri. Dawn jinkludu ‑l grad ta’ qrubija tal‑proporzjon tad‑dejn għall‑valur referenzjali tas-60 % Il‑Kummissjoni se tagħmel proposti formali f ’Settembru tal‑PGD u jekk id‑dejn hux temporanju u/jew eċċezzjon- li jispeċifikaw il‑ħtiġijiet minimi għat‑tfassil tal‑oqsfa ali; u fatturi rilevanti oħra li jirriflettu ‑r riskji tat‑tkabbir fiskali domestiċi u l‑ħtiġijiet proedurali (ta’ rappurtar) li tad‑dejn fil‑futur u l‑pressjoni finanzjarja, bħalma huma: jippermettu għall‑verifika tal‑konformità. Dawn għand- hom jieħdu l‑forma ta’ regolament ġdid ibbażat fuq l‑Ar- • l‑istruttura tal‑maturità u d‑denominazzjoni tal‑valuta tikolu 126(14) tat‑TFUE, biex irawwem l‑applikazzjoni tad‑dejn; tal‑Protokoll tat‑Trattat Nru 12 dwar il‑Proċedura ta’ Żbi- • il‑garanziji lill‑korporazzjonijiet, l‑istituzzjonijiet lanċ Eċċessiv. Il‑proċeduri ta’ ksur jistgħu jinbdew fil‑każ finanzjarji u d‑djar; ta’ nuqqas ta’ konformità. • ir‑riżervi akkumulati u assi oħra tal‑gvern; 3. Fokus akbar fuq id‑dejn • l‑obbligi impliċiti, l‑aktar dawk relatati mal‑anzjanità; pubbliku u s‑sostenibbiltà • il‑livell u l‑bidla fid‑dejn privat, sal‑punt li jista’ jirrappreżenta obbligu impliċitu għall‑gvern; fiskali fil‑Patt ta’ Stabilità • il‑fatturi wara l‑bidla fid‑dejn (il‑bilanċ primarju, u Tkabbir (SGP) l‑inflazzjoni, it‑tkabbir, ir‑rati ta’ interess, il‑bejgħ ta’ darba); kif ukoll Il‑Patt ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir (SGP) għandu jikkunsidra aktar Il‑konnesjoni bejn id‑dejn u l‑iżbilanċ biex jitjiebu • l‑operazzjonijiet tal‑istokk. l‑inċentivi biex ikunu ġestiti politiki prudenti. F’każ ta’ falliment fil‑konformità mar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet, is‑sanzjonijiet għandhom japplikaw. Fir‑rigward tal‑id preventiva tal‑SGP, il‑Kummissjo- ni tipproponi li tesiġi pass aktar mgħaġġel ta’ progress F’Settembru, il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi emendi kemm lejn il‑bilanċ tal‑amministrazzjoni pubblika li jipprovdi fl‑id preventiva (ir‑Regoalment (KE) Nru 1466/97) marġini ta’ sigurtà fir‑rispett ta’ 3 % tal‑limitu tad‑żbilanċ kif ukoll fl‑id korrettiva tal‑SGP(ir ‑Regolament (KE) tal‑PGD u li jiżgura progress lejn sostenibilità, i.e. l‑hekk Nru 1467/97) biex tagħmel dawn il‑prinċipji operattivi. imsejjaħ l‑Għan Baġitarju għat‑Terminu l‑Medju (MTO) IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

4. Infurzar effettiv Baġitarju għat‑Terminu l‑Medju (MTO) fi żmeniji- et ekonomiċi tajbin) se jkunu proposti żewġ settijiet ta’ tas‑sorveljanza ekonomika inċentivi/sanzjonijiet. permezz ta’ sanzjonijiet L‑ewwel, għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona euro, l‑inċentivi se u inċentivi jikkonsistu f ’depożiti bl‑interessi temporanjament imposti fuq Stat Membru li qed jagħmel progress insuffiċ- Ir‑regoli komuni u l‑proċeduri ta’ koordinazjoni stabbili- jenti fil‑konsolidament tal‑baġit. Għażla waħda tkun li tiġi ti fit‑Trattat u fil‑Patt ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir ma evitawx definita regola sempliċi ta’ nfiq konsistenti mal‑aġġusta- numru ta’ Stati Membri milli jimplimentaw politiki fiskali ment lejn il‑MTO speċifiku għall‑pajjiż. Devjazzjoni sini- li jmorru kontra l‑oqsfa eżistenti. Tabilħaqq hemm bżonn fikattiva mid‑direzzjoni maqbula ta’ nfiq se tkun ġġudikata li tissaħħaħ il‑kredibilità tal‑qafas tas‑sorveljanza fiskali bħala tfassil ta’ politika fiskali imprudenti u tikkawża twis- tal‑UE permezz ta’ aktar regoli bbażati fuq l‑applikazzjo- sija mill‑Kummissjoni f ’konformità mad‑dispożizzjonijiet ni tas‑sanzjonijiet. Biex tikber l‑effettività fil‑futur, firxa tal‑Artikolu 121(4) tat‑TFUE. F’każ ta’ ksur persistenti, usa’ ta’ sanzjonijiet u inċentivi għandhom jintużaw bħala ikun impost depożitu bl‑interessi mill‑Kunsill sakemm preventiv u jibdew fi stadju bikri. L‑effett tad‑deterrent il‑ksur jissewwa. Id‑depożitu jinħeles hekk kif is‑sitwazz- tas‑sanzjonijiet finanzjarji għandhom jikkonstitwixxu injoni li ġabet l‑impożizzjoni tiegħu tkun waslet fi tmiemha. ċentiv reali għall‑konformità mar‑regoli. It‑tieni, dejjem fl‑id preventiva, il‑Kummissjoni se tippro- 496 Tipi diversi ta’ sanzjonijiet huma previsti fl‑Artiko- poni li tistabbilixxi kondizzjonalità ex ante li tgħaqqad lu 126(11) tat‑TFUE f ’każijiet fejn l‑Istati Membri il‑ħlas tal‑appoġġ tal‑politika ta’ koeżjoni mar‑riformi jonqsu milli jikkonformaw mal‑gwida tal‑UE. Dawn jik- strutturali istituzzjonali direttament konnessi mat‑tħad- kostitwixxu l‑ħtieġa li tkun ippubblikata informazzjoni dim tal‑politika ta’ koeżjoni bil‑ħsieb li tittejjeb l‑effettività addizzjonali, stedina lill‑Bank Europew tal‑Investiment u effiċjenza tagħha. biex jikkonsidra mill‑ġdid l‑politika tiegħu ta’ self vis‑a‑vis l‑Istat Membru kkonċernat, il‑ħtieġa li depożitu mingħajr Fir‑rigward l‑id korrettiva, (i.e. meta Stat Membru huwa interessi tad‑daqs xieraq sakemm l‑iżbilanċ eċċessiv ikun suġġett għal proċedura ta’ żbilanċ eċċessiv) il‑Kummissjoni ġie ikkoreġut, u l‑possibbiltà li jkunu imposti multi ta’ daqs tipproponi sistema ġdida ta’ sanzjonijiet u inċentivi finan- xieraq. zjarji biex jikkumplimentaw l‑użu tad‑depożitu u l‑multi. Dan iħaddem l‑baġit tal‑UE bħala għodda kumplimentari Fl‑irfinar tal‑funzjonament u l‑ambitu tal‑inċentivi pos- f ’termini li jiżguraw rispett tal‑kundizzjonijiet makroe- sibbli, huwa importanti u neċessarju li titfittex ‑l effettività konomiċi ewlenin tal‑SGP. Is‑sanzjonijiet m’għandhomx u t‑trattament ugwali bejn l‑Istati Membri. Biex tiġi żgu- jaffettwaw ‑l benefiċjarji aħħarija tal‑fondi tal‑UE iżda rata l‑proporzjonalità, is‑sanzjonijiet finanzjarji konnessi lill‑pagament lill‑Istati Membri jew pagamenti li għali- mal‑baġit tal‑UE jistgħu jkunu definiti bħala persentaġġ hom l‑Istati Membri jaġixxi bħala intermedjarju. Il‑kriterji tad‑DGN jew PGD tal‑Istat Membru rilevanti sal‑ogħla li ġejjin se jkunu proposti biex jistabbilixxu li kategoriji limitu identiku għall‑Istati Membri kollha. L‑ogħla limitu u programmi ta’ nfiq jistgħu jiġu kkunsidrati: se jiżgura li l‑Istati Membri jistgħu jkunu soġġetti għas‑sanzjonijiet de facto. Barra minn hekk, l‑ammonti ta’ impenji • l‑effettività tal‑fondi konċernati hija dipendenti fuq u pagamenti konċernati mis‑sospensjoni u/jew l‑kanċel- politiki fiskali sodi, lazzjoni se jkun stabbiliti fuq bażi pro‑rata għall‑fondi eliġibli sa dan l‑ogħla limitu. • biċ‑ċar huwa tort tal‑Istat Membru li nstab li mhux konformi mal‑SGP jew kondizzjonijiet oħra, Għalhekk il-“kaxxa tal‑għodda” tas‑sanzjonijiet il‑ġod- • programmati u implimentati taħt ġestjoni maqsuma, da jkun fiha tipi differenti ta’ sanzjonijiet u inċentivi li i.e. fejn l‑Istati Membri għandhom ir‑responsabbiltà se jkunu attivati skont is‑sett ta’ ċirkostanzi u l‑gravità ewlenija jew jirrappreżentaw ir‑refużjonijiet tal‑fondi tas‑sitwazzjoni. It‑titjib propost fil‑mekkaniżmi eżistenti tal‑UE lill‑Istati Membri, ta’ infurzar se jkunu jeħtieġu emendi fl‑idejn preventivi u korrettivi tal‑SGP (ir‑Regolamenti 1466/97 u 1467/97) • imdaqqas biżżejjed li joħloq sanzjonijiet u inċentivi kif ukoll permezz ta’ mekkaniżmi xierqa bbażati fuq l‑atti kredibbli, legali varji li fuqhom il‑programmi tal‑infiq tal‑UE huma • b’impatt (potenzjalment) duq il‑kwalità tal‑infiq bbażati. u l‑aġġustament strutturali. Fir‑rigward l‑id preventiva, (i.e. meta Stat Membru Dawn il‑kriterji huma ssodisfati fil‑każ ta’ ħafna min‑nef- ma jkunx qed jagħmel progress suffiċjenti lejn‑ l Għan qiet relatati mal‑politika ta’ koeżjoni, l‑infiq tal‑Politika IT‑TISĦIĦ TAL‑KOORDINAZZJONI TAL‑POLITIKA EKONOMIKA GĦALL‑ISTABILITÀ, IT‑TKABBIR U L‑IMPJIEGI - GĦODDA GĦAL GOVERNANZA EKONOMIKA TAL‑UE ISĦAĦ

Komuni tal‑Agrikoltura (EAGF u EAFRD) u n‑nefqiet effettivament u ‑ l kontribuzzjoni lill‑Istati Membri koll- tal‑fond tas‑sajd (EFF). Fir‑rigward tal‑CAP u EFF, sit- ha l‑oħra tonqos. Il‑Kummissjoni se teżamina wkoll jekk wazzjoni li fiha tnaqqis ‑fl infiq tal‑UE twassal għal tnaqqis in‑naħa tad‑dħul tal‑baġit tal‑UE jistax jintuża b’mod ade- tad‑dħul tal‑bidwi u s‑sajjied se tkun eskluża. Għalhekk gwat bħala inċentiv għall‑konformità. l‑kondizzjonalità dwar il‑ħlasijiet għandha timmira r‑re- fużjonijiet tal‑UE lejn il‑baġits nazzjonali biss: l‑Istati Il‑bidliet meħtieġa se jkunu inkorporati fil‑propos- Membri għandhom ikomplu jħallsu s‑sussidji tal‑agrikol- ti tal‑Kummissjoni għall-2011 għal qafas finanzjarju tura, iżda r‑refużjonijiet ta’ din in‑nefqa mill‑baġit tal‑UE multiannwali li jmiss. Fil‑frattemp, se jkun propost rego- jistgħu jkunu (parzjalment) sospiżi. lamenti bbażat fuq l‑Artikolu 136 tat‑TFUE li joħloq sett ġdid ta’ sanzjonijiet li jkollu l‑istess effetti għall‑Istati mem- F’każijiet ta’ nuqqas ta’ konformità mar‑regoli, għalhekk, bri taż‑żona euro sal‑aħħar ta’ Settembru. Il‑Kummissjoni l‑inċentivi jistgħu jinħolqu bis‑sospensjoni jew il‑kanċel- se tesplora modi kif testendi dan is‑sett ta’ sanzjonijiet lazzjoni tal‑appropprjazzjonijiet kurrenti jew futuri u inċentivi lill‑Istati Membri kollha mill‑aktar fis possibbli. mill‑baġit tal‑UE. Ir‑riżorsi kkanċellati għandhom jibqgħu fil‑baġit tal‑UE. 5. Iċ‑Ċiklu ta’ koordinazzjoni Biex jikkumplimentaw id‑dispożizzjonijiet tal‑Artiko- lu 126(11), żewġ tipi tas‑sanzjonijiet finanzjarji jistgħu skont is‑Semestru Europew jkunu previsti aktar qabel fil‑proċess tal‑PŻE. It‑twaqqif tas‑Semestru Europew se jintegra x‑xejriet dif- 497 ferenti tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika u jip- • Pass 1 – id‑definizzjoni tal‑iżbilanċ eċċessiv permetti koordinazzjoni aħjar u għall‑politiki (l‑Artikolu 126(6) tat‑TFUE) se jirriżulta ex ante ekonomiċi. fis‑sospensjoni tal‑impenji relatati mal‑programmi multiannwali. Din is‑sospensjoni jkollha impatt immedjat fuq il‑pagamenti u għalhekk tippermetti Koordinazzjoni ex ante tal‑politiki ekonomiċi. L‑għan żmien biex tittieħed azzjoni rimedjali effettiva. ewlieni tal‑proposta huwa li jagħti dimensjoni ex ante ċara L‑Istati Membri jistgħu jintalbu li jidderieġu l‑fondi lill‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika fl‑UE u fiż‑żo- mill‑ġdid biex itejbu l‑kwalità tal‑finanzi pubbliċi. na euro. Skont is‑Semestru Europew, il‑kumplimentarjetà Bl‑istess mod, għar‑refużjonijiet tal‑PAK (EAGF), tal‑pjanijiet tal‑politika ekonomika nazzjonali se jkun titħabbar id‑deiżjoni li tikkanċella l‑pagamenti sa żgurati fil‑livell Europew permezz ta’ gwida qabel ma jit- data ta’ skadenza ffissata. L‑ibbaġitjar mill‑ġdid tieħedu d‑deċiżjonijiet finali fuq il‑baġit għas‑sena ta’ wara se jkun previst hekk kif l‑Istat Membru jissodisfa fl‑Istati Membri. Għaż‑żona euro għandha titwettaq valu- r‑rakkomandazzjonijiet tal‑Kunsill. tazzjoni orizzonatali tal‑pożizzjoni fiskali abbażi tal‑Pro- grammi ta’ Stabilità u t‑tbassir tal‑Kummssjoni. Għandha • Pass 2 – nuqqas ta’ konformità tingħata konsiderazzjoni speċjali lill‑pożizzjoni aggregata mar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet inizjali biex jitranġa fil‑każijiet ta’ stress ekonomiku serju fiż‑żona euro meta l‑iżbilanċ eċċessiv skont l‑Artikolu 126(8) tat‑TFUE miżuri mdaqqsa ta’ politika fiskali jittieħdu mill‑Istati jirriżulta f ’kanċellazzjoni tal‑impenji tas‑sena n. Bl‑isess Membri individwali probabbilment jipproduċu effet- mod, jitwaqqfu r‑refużjonijiet tal‑PAK (EAGF) ti sekondarji importanti. Fil‑każ ta’ inadegwatezzi ovvji għal sena n. Dan iwassal għal telf żgur ta’ pagamenti fil‑pjanijiet baġitarji għas‑sena ta’ wara, tista’ tkun rakko- għall‑Istati Membri konċernati. mandata reviżjoni tal‑pjanijiet. Jistgħu jinħolqu inċentivi oħra bit‑tibdil tar‑rati ta’ kofinanzjament jew l‑introduzzjoni ta’ riżerva tal‑prestazzjo‑ Sorveljanza integrata aħjar. Is‑Semestru Europew se jko- ni tal‑Unjoni biex tikkumpensa politiki fiskali sodi. Tali pri l‑elementi kollha tas‑sorveljanza ekonomika, inklużi riżerva tista’ tkun finanzjata bl‑impenji kkanċellati skont l‑politiki li jiżguraw dixxiplina fiskali, ‑l istabilità markoe- il‑proċedura pass 2 imsemmija hawn fuq. konomika, u biex irawwem tkabbir f ’konformità mal‑is- trateġija tal‑Europa 2020. Proċessi eżistenti – pereżempju skont il‑Patt ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir u l‑Linji Gwida Wes- In‑naħa finanzjarja tal‑baġit tal‑UE tikkontribwixxi ukoll għin tal‑Politika Ekonomika - se jinġiebu f ’konformità fit‑tisħiħ ta’ konformità. Is‑sistema preżenti tar‑Riżorsi mat‑termini ta’ żmien fil‑waqt li jibqgħu legalment sep- Proprji tipprovdi għal multi mħallsa mill‑Istati Membri arati. Il‑Programmi ta’ Stabilità u Konverġenza (SCPs) fil‑kuntest tal‑PŻE awtomatikament inaqqsu l‑kontribuzz- u l‑Programmi Nazzjonali ta’ Riforma (NRPs) se jkun joni tal‑Istati Membri parteċipanti mingħajr żbilanċ li hu sottomessi mill‑Istati Membri fil‑istess waqt u eżaminati eċċessiv għall‑baġit (skont is‑sehem tagħhom fid‑DGN simultanjament mill‑Kummissjoni. totali tal‑Istati membri eliġibbli). Din is‑sistema tiżgura li l‑kontribuzzjoni tal‑Istat Membru mmultat lill‑baġit iżid IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Il‑kontenut tal‑Programmi ta’ Stabilità u Konverġenza Implimentazzjoni bikrija. Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi (SCPs) għandhom ikunu adattati għall‑ħsieb tal‑eżisten‑ li timplimenta s‑Semestru Europew mill-2011. Emen- za ta’ Semestru Europew. L‑intenzjoni hija ovvjament li di fil‑Kodiċi ta’ Kondotta eżistenti għall‑SCP47, inkluża ma tesiġix lill‑Istati Membri li jissottomettu baġits kom- inter alia d‑data l‑ġdida tas‑sottomissjoni tal‑SCPs, se pleti lill‑UE għall-”validazzjoni” qabel ma jippreżentawh jkunu ppreżentati lill‑Kunsill ECOFIN għall‑approvazz- lill‑Parlamenti nazzjonali tagħhom. Madankollu, dawn joni. Bidliet leġiżlattivi immedjati ma jidhrux li se jkunu il‑Programmi għandhom jinkludu l‑informazzjoni neċes- neċessarji. sarja għal diskussjonijiet ex ante bis‑sens dwar il‑politika fiskali. Il‑ħtiġijiet minimi għandhom jinkludu: Tranżizzjoni għas‑Semestru Europew. Il‑Kummissjoni se tipprovdi gwida dwar il‑kontenuti tal‑Programmi Naz- • xenarju makroekonomiku aġġornat kompletament; zjonali ta’ Riforma futuri f ’Lulju. Se tipproponi wkoll djalogu bilaterali mal‑Istati Membri fil‑ħarifa 2010 biex • indikazzjonijiet konkreti dwar il‑pjanijiet għas‑sena jiddiskutu: t+1; • deskrizzjoni tal‑politiki previsti; • Xenarju makroekonomiku nazzjonali fit‑terminu medju biex ifasslu programmi politiċi għall‑perjodu • proġettazzjonijiet ta’ terminu medju għall‑varjanti sal-2015 inklużi l‑aspettattivi ta’ tkabbir ewlenin tal‑finanzi tal‑gvern; u l‑orjentazzjonijiet baġitarji wesgħin; • valutazzjoni tal‑iżviluppi fiskali fis‑sena t-1; 498 • Konferma tal‑miri nazzjonali f ’konformità mal‑ħamsa • aġġornament tal‑pjanijiet fiskali għas‑sena kurrenti. miri maqbula fl‑Europa 2020. L‑Istati Membri għandhom jindikaw għal kull mira l‑politiki li se Is‑Semestru Europew. Iċ‑ċiklu jibda f ’Jannar bi “Stħar- jsegwu biex jissodisfaw il‑miri nazzjonali tagħhom riġ tat‑Tkabbir Annwali” (AGS) ippreparat mill‑Kum- u l‑investiment pubbliku meħtieġ biex jissodisfawhom. missjoni li jagħti ħarsa lejn l‑isfidi ekonomiċi għall‑UE u ż‑żona euro flimkien. Sa tmien Frar, il‑Kunsill Europew • Kif se jneħħu l‑ostakli li qed mhux qed iħallu lill‑Istati jipprovdi gwida strateġika dwar il‑politiki li tiġi kkunsidra- Membri jissodisfaw il‑miri tagħhom u l‑miri usa’ ta mill‑Istati Membri fis‑SCPs u l‑NRPs tagħhom li se tal‑Europa 2020. jkunu sottomessi f ’April. Il‑Kunsill joħroġ gwida politika speċifikament għall‑pajjiż kif intqal fit‑Taqsima 1 fil‑bidu 6. Konklużjonijiet u l‑passi li ta’ Lulju. Fit‑tieni parti tas‑sena, l‑Istati Membri jiffinalizzaw l‑baġits nazzjonali. Fl‑AGS tagħha tas‑sena ta’ wara, jmiss il‑Kummissjoni teżamina kif l‑Istat Membru jkun ikkun- sidra l‑gwida tal‑UE. Il‑Kummissjoni se tagħmel il‑proposti formali neċessarji li hawn f ’din il‑Komunikazzjoni sal‑aħħar ta’ Settembru – Gwida politika skont is‑Semestru Europew. Ir‑rakko- ara l‑anness għad‑dettalji. mandazzjonijiet se jkunu espliċiti u konkreti. Fil‑qasam tal‑politika fiskali, se jkun hemm fokus qawwi fuq is‑sena Sadanittant, il‑Kummissjoni tistieden lill‑Kunsill Ecofin t+1 u s‑sorveljanza se tagħti indikazzjonijiet ċari dwar jekk tat-13 ta’ Lulju li jikkonferma t‑tnedija taċ‑ċiklu ta’ sorvel- il‑miri previsti u l‑politiki enfasizzati kinux xierqa. Fir‑rig- janza tas‑Semestru Europew minn Jannar tal-2011 u jap- ward il‑politiki li jrawmu t‑tkabbir u jindirizzaw ir‑riskji prova l‑Kodiċi ta’ Kondotta rivedut għall‑SCPs tal‑Patt ta’ makroekonomiċi, ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet se jiffokaw fuq Stabilità u Tkabbir kif annessi mal‑Komunikazzjoni. numru limitat ta’ riformi ewlenin u jiġu ffissati dati ta’ skadenza għall‑implimentazzjoni tagħhom.

Involviment akbar tal‑Parlament Europew. Kull sena f ’Jannar il‑Kummissjoni se tippreżenta l‑AGS tagħha lill‑Parlament Europew.

Il‑Parlamenti Nazzjonali. Din il‑governanza ekonomika mtejba tal‑UE se tibbenifika minn rabta bikrija u qawwija tal‑parlamenti nazzjonali mal‑proċess tas‑Semestru Eu- ropew u minn djalogu akbar mal‑Parlament Europew. 47 It‑titlu komplet ‘Speċifikazzjonijiet tal‑impplimentazzjoni tal‑Patt ta’ Stabilità u Tkabbir u Linji ta’ gwida dwar il‑format u l‑kontenut tal‑Programmi ta’ Stabilità u Konverġenza’. Baġit għall‑Ewropa 2020

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL, LILL‑KUMITAT SOĊJALI U EKONOMIKU EWROPEW U LILL‑KUMITAT TAR‑REĠJUNI BRUSSELL, 29.6.2011 COM(2011) 500

Daħla Illum qed nagħmlu dawk l‑għażliet għall‑perjodu ta’ bejn l-2014 u l-2020. 499 L‑Unjoni Ewropea taħdem kuljum biex tgħin jitwettqu l‑aspirazzjonijiet ta’ 500 miljun persuna. Nemmen li tista’ Il‑baġit tal‑UE li qed nipproponu mhux se jiswa lill‑kontrib‑ tkun forza għat‑tiġdid ta’ ekonomija soċjali tas‑suq kom- wenti iktar milli qed jiswielhom bħalissa. Iżda se jagħtihom petittiva ħafna fl‑Ewropa u globalment. Sabiex dan isir, lura iktar. Aħna qed nimmodernizzaw il‑baġit Ewropew neħtieġu baġit innovattiv. Baġit li jikkonforma mar‑realti- biex niffrankaw f’xi oqsma sabiex inkunu nistgħu nonfqu jiet tal‑globalizzazzjoni. Baġit li jwieġeb għall‑isfidi tal‑lum aktar fl‑oqsma ta’ prijorità li huma tassew importanti. Qed u li joħloq opportunitajiet għal għada. inressaq baġit ambizzjuż f’oqsma li fihom l‑Ewropa tista’ tagħmel differenza. Huwa baġit ibbażat fuq raġunament Dan hu baġit innovattiv. Nistedinkom tħarsu lil hinn pan‑Ewropew, li jiffoka fuq dawk l‑oqsma li fihom nistgħu mill‑intestaturi tradizzjonali u tiffukaw fuq il‑mod kif, nisfruttaw is‑sinerġiji tagħna billi nippuljaw flusna u li jiffi‑ fil‑baġit kollu, se nwettqu l‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa nanzja azzjonjiet li jiswew aktar meta jiġu ffinanzjati sepa‑ 2020 li fassalna kollettivament. Huwa għal din ir‑raġuni li ratament fil‑livell nazzjonali. qed nitbiegħdu mill‑kultura ta’ dritt li twassal lil xi awtoritajiet pubbliċi biex jonfqu l‑flus kif iridu. Issa kull talba Il‑baġit il‑ġdid se jkun aktar sempliċi, aktar trasparenti trid tkun marbuta kjarament mal‑għanijiet u l‑prijoritaji- u aktar ġust. Qed nipproponu baġit li jista’ jimmobilizza et li qbilna dwarhom. B’hekk kull euro li jintefaq se jkun fondi privati. U qed nipproponu li l‑mod kif jiġi ffinanzjat euro li jaqdi diversi finijiet. Euro jista’ ‑fl istess ħin isaħħaħ il‑baġit jinbidel bil‑ħolqien ta’ tipi ġodda ta’ dħul li se jis- il‑koeżjoni, jagħti spinta lill‑effiċjenza‑ fl użu tal‑enerġija sostitwixxu parzjalment il‑kontribuzzjonijiet ibbażati fuq u lill‑ġlieda kontra t‑tibdil fil‑klima, u fl‑istess ħin jipprom- id‑Dħul Nazzjonali Gross ta’ kull Stat Membru. Nemmnu wovi l‑miri soċjali, iżid l‑impjiegi u jnaqqas il‑faqar. Jista’ li dan se jkun ta’ vantaġġ għall‑familji u għall‑gvernijiet. jkollu influwenza maġġuri f ’diversi oqsma. Dan se jagħmlu baġit tassew Ewropew. Baġit għall‑integrazzjoni. Baġit li jevita duplikazzjoni tan‑nefqa tal‑Istati Membri u jwassal għal valur miżjud permezz tas‑sinerġija Fl‑Ewropa kollha, il‑gvernijiet, in‑negozji u l‑familji qed ta’ azzjoni li niddeċiedu fil‑livell Ewropew, liema azzjo- jagħżlu bir‑reqqa kif jonfqu flushom Huwa żmien li fih ni ma tistax tiġi implimentata mingħajr dil‑perspettiva għandna naħsbu sew dwar dak li se nnaqsu u fejn ħa nin‑ Ewropea. vestu għall‑futur. Jeħtieġ li nkunu rigorużi u, fl‑istess ħin, neħtieġu wkoll investiment għal tkabbir fl‑Ewropa. Hemm biċċa kbira tal‑baġit li se jkollha l‑iskop li toħloq l‑im‑ L‑Unjoni Ewropea trid ukoll tgħix skont il‑mezzi li għand- pjiegi u li tkabbar l‑ekonomija, marbuta mal‑Istrateġija Ew‑ ha filwaqt li tinvesti għall‑futur. Aħna għandna baġit relatti- ropa 2020 għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv. vament żgħir ta’ madwar wieħed fil‑mija tar‑rikkezza tal‑UE Pereżempju, hemm faċilità ‘Nikkollegaw l‑Ewropa’ li se tiffi‑ (imkejla skont id‑DGN), li jirrappreżenta madwar 1% nanzja l‑konnessjonijiet li għad jonqos fl‑enerġija, it‑trasport fil‑mija tal‑baġits tal‑Istati Membri. Iżda aħna rridu nagħm- u t‑teknoloġija tal‑informatika u b’hekk issaħħaħ l‑integrità lu impatt kbir bih u nużaw il‑potenzjal sħiħ ta’ kull euro. tas‑suq intern, toħloq konnessjonijiet bejn il‑lvant u l‑punent u t‑tramuntana man‑nofsinhar u toħloq koeżjoni territorjali IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

vera għall‑benefiċċju ta’ kulħadd. Il‑baġit se jinvesti f’imħuħ kollox, għandna l‑għan li nagħtu liċ‑ċittadini tal‑Ewropa l‑Ewropej billi jżid l‑ammonti allokati għall‑edukazzjoni, valur għal flushom. it‑taħriġ, ir‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni. Dawn l‑oqsma huma ta’ importanza tassew kruċjali għall‑kompetittività globa‑ Issa jeħtieġ li l‑Parlament Ewropew, l‑Istati Membri li tal‑Ewropa u se jgħinuna noħolqu l‑impjiegi u l‑ideat u l‑Kummissjoni jingħaqdu biex dawn il‑proposti jsarrfu- għall‑ġejjieni. F’dinja li fiha qed nikkompetu ma’ blokok reġ‑ hom fi ftehim. Qed nistenna li se jkun hemm ħafna disk- jonali oħrajn, l‑aħjar possibbiltà tal‑Ewropa hija li naqsmu ussjonijiet diffiċli ‑fix xhur li ġejjin iżda nemmen li jekk r‑riżorsi li għandna disponibbli sabiex inkunu nistgħu nas‑ il‑partijiet kollha jimxu fi spirtu tassew Ewropew nistgħu lu għal ekonomija soċjali tas‑suq estremament kompetitti‑ naslu għal ftehim dwar baġit ambizzjuż u innovattiv li jista’ va li tilħaq l‑għanijiet tal‑Istrateġija Ewropa 2020. Issa li jkollu impatt veru fuq il‑ħajja tan‑nies. l‑ekonomiji tagħna huma aktar interdipendenti minn qatt qabel, ilkoll għandha sehem fit‑tisħiħ tal‑irkupru ekonomiku Jose Manuel Durão Barroso f’kull wieħed mill‑Istati Membri tagħna. President tal‑Kummissjoni Ewropea Bl‑istess mod, is‑sehem tal‑baġit dedikat għall‑agrikoltu‑ ra jsostni politika Ewropea komuni vera ta’ importanza strateġika; 70 fil‑mija tal‑fondi għal din il‑politika ma għad‑ 1. Kuntest homx jiġu mill‑baġits nazzjonali u l‑finanzjament Ewropew jiswa anqas minn 27 politika agrikola nazzjonali. Il‑Politi‑ Fil‑preparazzjoni tal‑proposti tagħha għall‑baġit tal‑Unjo- 500 ka Agrikola Komuni se tiġi mmodernizzata biex tipprovdi ni Ewropea fil‑futur, il‑Kummissjoni ffaċċjat ‑l isfida li tkun ikel sigur u tajjeb għas‑saħħa, tipproteġi l‑ambjent u tkun kapaċi tiffinanzja numru dejjem jikber ta’ oqsma politiċi ta’ benefiċċju akbar għall‑bidwi ż‑żgħir. Dan juri kif euro fejn l‑UE tista’ tkun aktar effettiva permezz ta’ azzjoni wieħed jista’ u għandu jkollu diversi finijiet. fil‑livell tal‑UE billi taġixxi fil‑klima attwali ta’ awsterità nazzjonali u konsolidazzjoni fiskali. Dan wassal biex tip- Id‑dinja qiegħda dejjem tiċkien. L‑alleanzi li qed jinbid- proponi baġit b’loġika pan‑Ewropea b’saħħitha, imfassal lu u s‑setgħat emerġenti l‑ġodda jfissru li ‑l Ewropa trid biex ikun il‑mutur tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 għat‑tkab- tagħmel aktar biex tkun influwenti. Il‑flus investiti biex bir. Din il‑proposta hija innovattiva f ’termini ta’ kwalità l‑Ewropa jkollha rwol fix‑xena dinjija se jiżdiedu. Se jkun tal‑proposti ta’ infiq tagħha u wkoll f ’termini ta’ kif il‑baġit hemm aktar flus għall‑viċinat tagħna u se jkun hemm aktar tal‑UE għandu jkun iffinanzjat ‑fil futur, li potenzjalment flus biex inwettqu ‑l impenji tagħna biex ngħinu dawk li għandu jttaffi‑ l impatt dirett fuq il‑baġits nazzjonali huma l‑aktar foqra fid‑dinja. Jekk aħna bħalissa qed naf- u jagħmlu tassew baġit Ewropew. faċċjaw żminijiet iebsa, huma qed jaffaċċjaw ‑l aktar żmini- jiet iebsa l‑ħin kollu. Fid‑dawl tal‑kriżi ekonomika u finanzjarja, ‑l Unjoni Ew- ropea ħadet passi importanti biex ittejjeb il‑koordinaz- It‑tema tas‑solidarjetà hija parti integrali ta’ din il‑proposta zjoni tal‑governanza ekonomika biex tirfed l‑irkupru. kollha – is‑solidarjetà mal‑aktar Stati Membri u reġjuni fo- Il‑Parlament Ewropew u l‑Istati Membri għarfu l‑bene- qra, is‑solidarjetà biex nindirizzaw flimkien ‑l isfidi tal‑mi- fiċċji tal‑ġestjoni tal‑interdipendenza tal‑UE permezz grazzjoni, is‑solidarjetà f ’dak li għandu x’jaqsam mas‑sig- ta’ approċċ strutturat stabbilit fis‑Simestru Ewropew urtà tal‑enerġija u s‑solidarjetà ma’ popli f ’pajjiżi terzi. għall‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika. Il‑Qafas Fi- nanzjarju li jmiss ġie mfassal biex jappoġġja dan il‑proċess. Il‑perċezzjoni komuni li l‑Ewropa tonfoq il‑biċċa l‑kbira ta’ Jipprovdi viżjoni fit‑tul tal‑ekonomija Ewropea li jmur lil flusha fuq il‑persunal tagħha u fuq il‑bini hija żbaljata. Fil- hinn mid‑diffikultajiet fiskali kurrenti ta’ xi Stati Membri. fatt tonfoq biss 6 fil‑mija tal‑baġit fuq dan. Iżda nemmen Il‑baġit tal‑UE mhuwiex baġit għal “Brussell” - huwa baġit li, fi żmien meta qed jintalab tnaqqis ‑fl ispejjeż u effiċjenza għaċ‑ċittadini tal‑UE. Huwa żgħir fid‑daqs u huwa baġit li massima fil‑livelli kollha, l‑istituzzjonijiet Ewropej għand- huwa investit fl‑Istati Membri sabiex jipproduċu benefiċċji hom ukoll juru solidarjetà maċ‑ċittadini Ewropej. Għal għal l‑Unjoni Ewropea u ċ‑ċittadini tagħha. Huwa jgħin din ir‑raġuni ma hu se jkun hemm l‑ebda żieda fin‑nefqa fit‑twettiq tal‑istrateġija tat‑tkabbir sostenibbli tal‑UE amministrattiva u se jkun hemm tnaqqis ta’ 5 fil‑mija minħabba li għandu effett katalitiku qawwi, b’mod par- fil‑persunal Ewropew matul is‑seba’ snin li jmiss. tikolari meta jintuża biex jintlaħqu l‑miri tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020. Nemmen li qed nippreżentaw proposti ambizzjużi imma responsabbli. Hemm tnaqqis f ’xi oqsma u żidiet f ’dawk It‑tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv huwa li huma ta’ prijorità. Irreżistejna t‑tentazzjoni li nagħmlu t‑tema prinċipali ta’ din il‑proposta. Il‑Kummissjoni aġġustamenti żgħar li jwasslu għall‑istess tip ta’ baġit. Fuq qed tipproponi li żżid l‑ammonti allokati għar‑riċerka Baġit għall‑Ewropa 2020 u l‑innovazzjoni, għall‑edukazzjoni u għall‑iżvilupp 2. Il‑Qafas finanzjarju tal‑SMEs. Qed tipproponi li jiġi sfruttat aktar il‑potenzjal tas‑Suq Uniku billi tattrezzah bl‑infrastruttura li jeħtieġ multiannwali propost biex jaħdem fis‑seklu wieħed u għoxrin. Qed tipproponi li l‑Politika Agrikola Komuni ssir aktar effiċjenti ‑fir riżor- Fid‑deċiżjoni dwar l‑ammont kumplessiv li tipproponi si, biex b’hekk din mhux biss twassal ikel ta’ kwalità għolja għall‑MFF li jmiss, il‑Kummissjoni qieset l‑opinjonijiet iżda tgħin ukoll fil‑ġestjoni tal‑ambjent u tiġġieled kontra tal‑Parlament Ewropew li “l‑iffriżar tal‑MFF li jmiss fil‑livell t‑tibdil fil‑klima tagħna. Tul din il‑proposta tidher ukoll tal-2013 … mhijiex għażla vjabbli … [u li] … hija meħtieġa it‑tema tas‑solidarjetà – solidarjetà mal‑ifqar Stati Mem- mill‑inqas żieda ta’ 5% fir‑riżorsi għall‑MFF li jmiss”51. bri u reġjuni permezz ta’ konċentrazzjoni tal‑akbar parti Żammet ukoll f ’’moħħha l‑konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill Ew- tal‑infiq għall‑koeżjoni fuq il‑ħtiġijiet tagħhom, fuq is‑soli- ropew52 li huwa essenzjali li “l‑Qafas Finanzjarju Multian- darjetà fl‑indirizzar flimkien tal‑isfidi tal‑migrazzjoni u fuq nwali li jmiss jirrifletti ‑l isforzi ta’ konsolidazzjoni li qed l‑indirizzar tad‑diżastri, solidarjetà f ’termini ta’ sigurtà isiru mill‑Istati Membri sabiex id‑defiċit u d‑dejn jingħataw tal‑enerġija u s‑solidarjetà ma’ nies f ’pajjiżi terzi li jeħtieġu direzzjoni iktar sostenibbli. Ir‑rispett għar‑rwol tal‑istituzz- l‑appoġġ tagħna għall‑bżonnijiet umanitarji immedjati jonijiet differenti u l‑ħtieġa biex jintlaħqu l‑għanijiet tal‑Ew- tagħhom u għall‑iżvilupp fit‑tul tagħhom. ropa …. [huwa meħtieġ] biex niżguraw li l‑infiq fil‑livell tal‑UE jista’ jagħti kontribuzzjoni xierqa f ’din il‑ħidma”. Il‑Kummissjoni tikkondividi l‑preokkupazzjoooniii tal‑Parlament Ewropew48 li “il‑mod kif is‑sistema tar‑riżor- Il‑Kummissjoni tinsab konvinta mill‑valur miżjud fl‑infiq si proprji evolviet … tagħmel enfasi sproporzjonata fuq fuq il‑livell tal‑UE. In‑nefqa tal‑MFF attwali tirrappreżen- 501 il‑bilanċi netti bejn l‑Istati Membri u għalhekk tikkontra- ta biss 1 % tad‑DNG tal‑UE u hija żgħira meta mqabbla dixxi l‑prinċipju tas‑solidarjetà tal‑UE, billi tnaqqas l‑in- mal‑ħtiġijiet pan‑Ewropej li jiġu identifikati regolarment teress komuni Ewropew u fil‑biċċa l‑kbira tinjora l‑valur fil‑Parlament Ewropew u fil‑Kunsill. Il‑Kummissjoni tip- miżjud Ewropew”. Meta jsiru dawn il‑proposti, il‑Kummis- proponi qafas finanzjarju b’1,05 % tad‑DNG f ’appropr- sjoni qed tfittex biex tqiegħed il‑finanzi tal‑UE fuq rotta jazzjonoijiet li jittraduċu għal 1 % f ’pagamenti provenjenti differenti – biex tibda it‑tbegħid minn baġit iddominat mill‑baġit tal‑UE. 0.02 % iktar f ’infiq potenzjali barra minn kontribuzzjonijiet bbażati fuq id‑dħul nazzjonali l‑MFF, u 0.04 % f ’infiq barra ‑l baġit b’kollox se jammon- gross billi tagħti lill‑baġit tal‑UE sehem ġenwin ta’ “riżorsi ta għal 1.11 %: dan jinkludi ammonti finanzjarji riservati proprji”, aktar konformi mad‑dispożizzjonijiet tat‑Trattat, għal rispons fi kriżijiet u emerġenzi (li ma jistgħux jiġu li jistipulaw li l‑baġit għandu jkun iffinanzjat kompleta- previsti, bħal interventi umanitarji), u infiq li jista’ jibbene- ment minn riżorsi proprji. fika minn kontribuzzjonijiet ad hoc minn Stati Membri (pereżempju, l‑EDF li għandu għodda ta’ kontribuzzjoni li Fit‑tfassil din il‑proposta għall‑qafas finanzjarju multian- hija differenti minn dik tal‑baġit tal‑UE). Bil‑proposta ta’ nwali (MFF) li jmiss, il‑Kummissjoni eżaminat l‑impatt dan il‑qafas, il‑Kummissjoni ppruvat tikseb l‑aħjar bilanċ ta’ strumenti u programmi ta’ nfiq kurrenti, ikkonsultat bejn ambizzjoni u realiżmu, minħabba l‑perjodu ta’ żmien b’mod wiesa’ mal‑partijiet interessati49 u analizzat l‑alter- li fih se jseħħu ‑n negożjati baġitarji. nattivi għat‑tfassil ta’ strumenti u programmi taħt il‑qafas finanzjarju multiannwali li jmiss50. B’mod konformi mal‑prattika stabbilita għall‑qafas finanzjarju multiannwali, il‑Kummissjoni tippreżenta l‑proposta tagħha espressa f ‘termini ta’ impenji finanzjarji futuri. Tip- provdi wkoll dettalji dwar ir‑ritmu mistenni tal‑ħlasijiet sabiex tingħata aktar prevedibbiltà, li hija ta’ importanza partikolari fi żmien ta’ konsolidazzjoni baġitarja, li teħtieġ kontroll strett fuq il‑livelli ta’ ħlas fil‑bidu tal‑perjodu li jmiss.

Il‑Kummissjoni ddeċidiet li tipproponi l‑qafas finanzjarju multiannwali li ġej għall‑perjodu 2014-2020: 48 Ir‑Riżoluzzjoni tal‑Parlament Ewropew tat-8 ta’ Ġunju 2011 dwar Investiment fil‑ġejjieni: qafas Finanzjarju Multiannwali Ġdid (MFF) għal Ewropa kompetittiva, sostenibbli u inklużiva. QAFAS FINANZJARJU MULTIANNWALI (UE-27 – 49 Ara, pereżempju, id‑dettalji dwar il‑proċess ta’ konsultazzjoni f ’EUR miljuni – prezzijiet tal-2011) qabel l‑adozzjoni tar‑reviżjoni tal‑baġit tal‑UE, http://ec.europa. eu/budget/reform/issues/read_en.htm 50 Id‑dettalji tal‑evalwazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni tal‑infiq taħt l‑MFF 51 Ir‑Riżoluzzjoni tal‑Parlament Ewropew tat-8 ta’ Ġunju 2011 2007-2013 u l‑analiżi tagħha tal‑impatti tal‑proposti attwali dwar Investiment fil‑ġejjieni: qafas Finanzjarju Multiannwali huma stabbiliti fid‑dokument ta’ ħidma tal‑persunal SEC Ġdid (MFF) għal Ewropa kompetittiva, sostenibbli u inklużiva. (2011) 868 li jakkumpanjah. 52 Konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill Ewropew tad-29 ta’ 0ttubru 2010. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

3. Finanzjament tal‑baġit tal‑UE hija spjegata fit‑test leġiżlattiv mehmuż55. F’dan il‑kuntest, il‑Kummissjoni tappoġġja t‑talba magħmula mill‑Par- lament Ewropew għal konferenza interparlamentari Il‑ħtieġa għall‑modernizzazzjoni tal‑qafas finanzjarju mal‑Parlamenti nazzjonali biex tiġi diskussa l‑kwistjoni. tapplika mhux biss għall‑prijoritajiet tal‑infiq u ‑ t tfassil tagħhom, iżda wkoll għall‑finanzjament tal‑baġit tal‑UE, li ġie dejjem aktar ikkontestat fis‑snin riċenti. It‑Trattat Għar‑raġunijiet spjegati hawn fuq, il‑Kummissjoni qed dwar il‑Funzjonament tal‑Unjoni Ewropea jtenni l‑inten- tipproponi wkoll simplifikazzjoni importanti għall‑prob- zjoni oriġinali li l‑baġit tal‑UE għandu jkun iffinanzjat lema ta’ ribassi u korrezzjonijiet. it‑tentattivi biex jiġu kompletament minn riżorsi proprji. Madankollu, ir‑realtà livellati d‑differenzi bejn il‑ħlasijiet tal‑Istati Membri tas‑sitwazzjoni hi li llum iktar minn 85% tal‑finanzja- għall‑baġit tal‑UE u dak li jirċievu minn politiki ta’ infiq ment tal‑UE huwa bbażat fuq aggregati statistiċi derivati differenti tal‑UE, joħolqu r‑riskju li jkun hemm distors- mid‑Dħul Nazzjonali Gross (DNG) u mill‑VAT. Dawn jonijiet fil‑baġit u li tiddgħajjef il‑kapaċità tagħha biex huma fil‑biċċa l‑kbira meqjusa bħala kontribuzzjonijiet twassal il‑valur miżjud. Għalhekk il‑Kummissjoni qed nazzjonali li għandhom jiġu minimiżżati mill‑Istati Mem- tipproponi, skont il‑konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill Ewropew bri. Dan ta lok għal attitudni “il‑flus tiegħi lura” min‑naħa ta’ Fontainebleau tal-1984, li jkun hemm limitu fuq il‑kon- tal‑kontributuri netti, li jxekkel il‑loġika għal baġit tal‑UE tribuzzjonijiet ta’ dawk l‑Istati Membri li altrimenti jiffaċċ- u li jixħet dubju dwar il‑prinċipju ġenerali ta’ solidarjetà jaw piż baġitarju li huwa eċċessiv b’relazzjoni mal‑pros- tal‑Unjoni. Dan wassal ukoll għal konċentrazzjoni żejda perità relattiva tagħhom. fuq pagamenti u bilanċi netti u waqqaf l‑UE milli twettaq 502 ir‑rwol sħiħ tagħha fl‑implimentazzjon ta’ valur miżjud għall‑UE kollha kemm hi. 4. Il‑prinċjipji li jirfdu l‑baġit tal‑UE Wasal il‑waqt li l‑finanzjament tal‑UE jibda jiġi allinjat mill‑ġdid mal‑prinċipji ta’ awtonomija, trasparenza u im- Il‑baġit tal‑UE mhuwiex bħall‑baġits nazzjonali. L‑UE ma parzjalità u biex l‑UE tiġi mgħammra biex tilħaq l‑għani- tiffinanzjax direttament is‑saħħa jew l‑edukazzjoni. Ma jiet miftiehma tal‑politika tagħha. L‑għan tal‑proposta ta’ tiffinanzjax ‑il forzi tal‑pulizija jew tad‑difiża bil‑mod kif riżorsi proprji ġodda mhuwiex li jiżdied il‑Baġit Ġenerali jagħmlu l‑baġits nazzjonali. Għandha loġika pan‑Ewro- tal‑UE kollha iżda li jkun hemm tbegħid mill‑attitud- pea, mhux waħda nazzjonali. Id‑daqs relattivament żgħir ni “il‑flus tiegħi lura” u biex tintroduċi aktar trasparen- tagħha jippermettilha li tikkonċentra fuq l‑oqsma fejn za fis‑sistema. Dan ma jirrigwardax l‑għoti ta’ sovranità twassal valur miżjud għoli tal‑UE56. Il‑baġit tal‑UE ma fiskali lill‑UE iżda pjuttost dwar ritorn għall‑mekkaniżmi jfittixx li jiffinanzja interventi li‑ l Istati Membri jistgħu ta’ finanzjament li huma eqreb lejn ‑l intenzjoni oriġinali jiffinanzjaw waħedhom. Jeżisti għax hemm attivitajiet li tat‑Trattati. Għalhekk, il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni twas- jeħtieġu li jkunu ffinanzjati biex jippermettu li‑ l UE tiffun- sal għal tnaqqis f ’kontribuzzjonijiet diretti mill‑baġits zjona jew minħabba li jistgħu jsiru b’mod iktar ekonomi- tal‑Istati Membri. ku u effettiv permezz tal‑finanzjament kollettiv tal‑baġit tal‑UE. Il‑baġit tal‑UE jeżisti biex: Fir‑reviżjoni tal‑baġit53, il‑Kummissjoni stabbiliet lista mhux eżawrjenti ta’ mezzi finanzjarji possibbli li jistgħu • jiffinanzja‑ l politiki komuni li l‑Istati Membri qablu li gradwalment jissostitwixxi l‑kontribuzzjonijiet nazzjon- għandhom jiġu ttrattati fil‑livell tal‑UE (pereżempju, ali u jittaffu ‑l piż fuq it‑Teżori nazzjonali. Hija elenkat il‑Politika Agrikola Komuni); ukoll diversi kriterji li għandhom jiġu applikati biex dawn jiġu eżaminati. Il‑Kummissjoni wettqet analiżi estensiva • jesprimi solidarjetà bejn l‑Istati Membri u r‑reġjuni tal‑għażliet54 u ddeċidiet li tipproponi sistema ġdida ta’ kollha, biex jappoġġja l‑iżvilupp tar‑reġjuni l‑aktar riżorsi proprji bbażata fuq taxxa fuq it‑tranżazzjonijiet dgħajfa, li jippermetti wkoll li l‑UE tiffunzjona bħala finanzjarji u riżorsa ġdida tal‑VAT. Dawn ir‑riżorsi pro- spazju ekonomiku waħdieni (pereżempju, permezz prji ġodda jkunu jistgħu jiffinanzjaw parzjalment ‑il baġit tal‑politika ta’ koeżjoni); tal‑UE u jissostitwixxu kompletament is‑sistema ta’ riżor- si proprji eżistenti u kumplessa bbażata fuq il‑VAT, li l‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li telimina, u tnaqqas l‑iskala • jiffinanzja‑ l interventi biex jiġi kkompletat is‑suq in- tar‑riżorsi bbażati fuq id‑DNG. Il‑proposta tal‑Kummiss- tern - li lanqas l‑Istat Membru l‑iktar prosperuż ma joni għal Deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill dwar riżorsi proprji ġodda jista’ jiffinanzja waħdu. ‑Il baġit tal‑UE jippermetti

53 COM(2010) 700 55 COM(2011) 510 54 Għad‑dettalji ara d‑dokument ta’ ħidma tal‑persunal SEC 56 Għal eżempji tal‑valur miżjud tal‑infiq tal‑UE ara d‑dokument (2011) 876 li jakkumpanjah ta’ ħidma tal‑persunal SEC (2011) 867 li jakkumpanjah Baġit għall‑Ewropa 2020

perspettiva pan‑Ewropea iktar milli perspettiva pu- u l‑kultura) u/jew imfassla mill‑ġdid (bħar‑riċerka, rament nazzjonali (pereżempju, permezz ta’ finanz- il‑koeżjoni) biex tiġi żgurata programmazzjoni jament pan‑Ewropew tal‑investiment fl‑infrastruttu- integrata u sett uniku ta’ mekkaniżmi ta’ ra). Jgħin ukoll fl‑eliminazzjoni ta’ duplikazzjoni li implimentazzjoni, rappurtar u kontroll. tiswa’ ħafna flus ta’ iskemi nazzjonali diversi li jsegwu • Simplifikazzjoni:ir ‑regoli attwali ta’ finanzjament parzjalment l‑istess għanijiet; evolvew mhux biss bħala tweġiba għall‑ħtieġa għar‑responsabbiltà dwar kif għandhom jintefqu l‑flus • jiżgura sinerġiji u ekonomiji ta’ skala billi jiffaċili- pubbliċi iżda wkoll biex jiġu kkunsidrati l‑problemi ta l‑kooperazzjoni u s‑soluzzjonijiet konġunti għal preċedenti. Ir‑riżultat huwa diversità u kumplessità li kwistjonijiet li ma jistgħux jiġu pprovduti mill‑Istati huwa diffiċli li jiġu implimentati u kkontrollati. Din Membri li jaġixxu waħedhom (pereżempju, it‑twet- il‑kumplessità timponi piż amministrattiv tqil fuq tiq ta’ riċerka ta’ klassi mondjali u l‑innovazzjoni, il‑benefiċjarji kif ukoll fuq il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Istati il‑kooperazzjoni fuq l‑affarijiet interni, il‑migrazzjoni Membri, li jista’ jkollu l‑effett mhux intenzjonat li u l‑ġustizzja); jiskoraġġixxi l‑parteċipazzjoni u joħloq dewmien fl‑implimentazzjoni. Bħalissa qed isir xogħol biex jiġu • iwieġeb għal sfidi persistenti emerġenti li jsejħu għal ssimplifikati kemm ir‑regoli ġenerali (ir‑Regolament metodu pan‑Ewropew komuni, (pereżempju, l‑amb- Finanzjarju) kif ukoll ir‑regoli speċifiċi għas‑settur. jent, it‑tibdil fil‑klima, l‑għajnuna umanitarja, it‑tibdil demografiku u l‑kultura). • Kondizzjonalità: Sabiex l‑attenzjoni tkun iktar immirata fuq ir‑riżultati milli fuq inputs, se tiddaħħal 503 Fuq dan l‑isfond, fit‑tfassil tal‑MFF li jmiss, il‑Kummissjo- kondizzjonalità fil‑programmi u l‑istrumenti. Dan ni implimentat il‑prinċipji li spjegat fir‑reviżjoni tal‑baġit huwa partikolarment rilevanti fil‑partijiet kbar ta’ 2010: infiq tal‑politika ta’ koeżjoni u tal‑agrikoltura, fejn l‑Istati Membri u l‑benefiċjarji se jkunu meħtieġa juru li l‑fondi li jkunu rċevew qed jintużaw biex ikomplu • Iffukar fuq il‑kisba ta’ prijoritajiet politiċi ewlenin jintlaħqu l‑prijoritajiet politiċi tal‑UE. B’mod iktar • Iffukar fuq il‑valur miżjud tal‑UE ġenerali, il‑Kummissjoni se tiżgura koerenza bejn il‑politika ekonomika ġenerali tal‑UE u l‑baġit tal‑UE, • Iffukar fuq impatti u riżultati b’mod partikolari biex jiġu evitati sitwazzjonijiet fejn • Twassil ta’ benefiċċji reċiproċi madwar ‑l Unjoni l‑effettività tal‑finanzjament tal‑UE huwa mxekkel Ewropea minn politiki makro‑fiskali mhux sodi. Il‑baġit tal‑UE jesprimi “politika f ’numri”. Bħala tali, il‑fi- • Multiplikazzjoni tal‑investiment: Permezz ta’ nanzjament għandu jmur id f ’id mal‑ambjent regolatorju ħidma mas‑settur privat dwar strumenti finanzjarji eżistenti u mal‑prijoritajiet politiċi fl‑oqsma rilevanti. Il‑fi- innovattivi huwa possibbli li jitkabbar l‑impatt tal‑baġit nanzjament irid jagħti r‑riżultati mistennija – l‑awtoritaji- tal‑UE, li jippermetti li jkun hemm għadd akbar ta’ et pubbliċi mhumiex “intitolati bi dritt” li jirċievu fondi investimenti strateġiċi, u b’ hekk jittejjeb il‑potenzjal biex jonfquhom kif iridu, iżda pjuttost jirċievu l‑fondi tat‑tkabbir tal‑UE. L‑esperjenza ta’ ħidma l‑aktar tal‑UE biex jgħinuhom iwettqu l‑għanijiet tal‑UE miftieh- mal‑grupp tal‑Bank Ewropew għall‑Investiment (BEI), ma b’mod komuni. Għalhekk, il‑programmi u l‑istrumenti ma’ istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji pubbliċi nazzjonali inklużi f ’din il‑proposta għal MFF ġew orjentati mill‑ġdid u internazzjonali kienet pożittiva u dan se jitressaq biex jiġi żgurat li r‑riżultati u l‑impatti jressqu ‘l quddiem fl’MFF li jmiss. Il‑garanziji u l‑arranġamenti tal‑qsim il‑prijoritajiet politiċi ewlenin tal‑UE. Il‑karatteristiċi ew- tar‑riskju jistgħu jippermettu lis‑settur finanzjarju li lenin tas‑sett li jmiss ta’ programmi u strumenti finanzjarji jipprovdi aktar ekwità u aktar self ta’ flus lil kumpaniji se jkunu l‑iffukar fuq ir‑riżultati, aktar użu ta’ kundizzjon- innovattivi, jew għal proġetti infrastrutturali. B’dan alità u s‑simplifikazzjoni tat‑twettiq: il‑mod, dawn l‑istrumenti finanzjarji jistgħu wkoll jikkontribwixxu għall‑iżvilupp globali fis‑swieq • Ir‑riżultati se jkunu relatati b’mod ċar finanzjarji wara ‑l kriżijiet. mal‑implimentazzjoni tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 u l‑kisba tal‑miri tagħha. Dan ifisser konċentrazzjoni 5. L‑elementi ġodda ewlenin ta’ programmi fuq numru limitat ta’ prijoriatjiet ta’ profil għoli u azzjonijiet li jiksbu massa kritika. L‑ambizzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni għall‑baġit tal‑UE li jmiss Il‑frammentazzjoni u intervenzjonijiet mhux hija li l‑infiq isir b’mod differenti, b’aktar enfasi fuq ‑ir riżul- koordinati għandhom jiġu evitati. Fejn possibbli, tati u l‑prestazzjoni, b’konċentrazzjoni fuq it‑twettiq il‑programmi eżistenti se jiġu amalgamati (pereżempju, tal‑aġenda Ewropa 2020 permezz ta’ kondizzjonalità iktar f ’oqsma bħall‑affarijiet interni, ‑l edukazzjoni IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

b’saħħitha fil‑politika ta’ koeżjoni u pagamenti diretti iktar għall‑Kompetittività u l‑Innovazzjoni) sabiex tinħoloq ekoloġiċi lill‑bdiewa. Il‑baġit li jmiss għandu jiġi mmod- rabta aktar b’saħħitha ma’ għanijiet ta’ politika definiti ernizzat permezz tar‑riallokazzjoni tar‑riżorsi għal oqsma u biex jiġu ssimplifikati ‑l proċeduri għall‑implimentazz- ta’ prijorità bħall‑infrastruttura pan‑Ewropea, ir‑riċer- joni. Dan jippermetti wkoll li jittaffa il‑piż amministrattiv ka u l‑innovazzjoni, l‑edukazzjoni u l‑kultura, l‑iżgurar fuq il‑benefiċjarji. tal‑fruntieri esterni tal‑UE u l‑prijoritajiet ta’ politika tar‑relazzjonijiet esterni bħall‑viċinat tal‑UE. Dan jindi- Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li fil‑ġejjieni il‑finanzjament rizza prijoritajiet ta’ politika transversali, bħall‑protezzjoni għar‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni jkun ibbażat fuq tliet oqsma tal‑ambjent u l‑ġlieda kontra t‑tibdil fil‑klima, bħala parti prinċipali li huma ankrati sew fl‑Istrateġija Ewropa 2020: integrali tal‑istrumenti u intervenzjonijiet ewlenin kollha. Dettalji sħaħ tal‑approċċ f ’kull qasam ta’ politika jinsabu • eċċellenza fil‑bażi tax‑xjenza; fil‑parti II li takkumpanja din il‑Komunikazzjoni. It‑taqsima segwenti tispjega l‑bidliet ewlenin li se jsiru fl‑oqsma • indirizzar tal‑isfidi imposti mis‑soċjetà; prinċipali ta’ nfiq. • il‑ħolqien ta’ tmexxija industrijali u t‑tisħiħ tal‑kompetittività. 5.1. Horizon 2020: Qafas Strateġiku Komuni għar‑riċerka, Qafas strateġiku komuni (li għandu jissejjaħ Horizon 2020) għandu jelimina l‑frammentazzjoni u jiżgura aktar l‑innovazzjoni u l‑iżvilupp koerenza, inkluż ma’ programmi nazzjonali ta’ riċerka. Se 504 teknoloġiku jkun marbut mill‑qrib ma’ prijoritajiet ta’ politika settorjali ewlenin bħas‑saħħa, is‑sigurtà tal‑ikel u l‑bio‑ekonomija, L‑UE qed tiffaċċja distakk sinifikanti‑ fl innovazzjoni57, l‑enerġija u t‑tibdil fil‑klima. L‑Istitut Ewropew għat‑Te- li jeħtieġ li jiġi indirizzat jekk l‑UE għandha tikkompeti knoloġija se jkun parti mill‑programm Horizon 2020 u se ma’ ekonomiji żviluppati oħra, ekonomiji li qed jiżvi- jkollu rwol importanti li jgħaqqad it‑tliet naħat tat‑trian- luppaw u emerġenti. L‑UE kollha kemm hi għadha lura golu tal‑għarfien - ‑l edukazzjoni, l‑innovazzjoni u r‑riċer- mill‑Ġappun u l‑Istati Uniti f ’għadd ta’ indikaturi ewlenin, ka - permezz tal‑Komunitajiet tiegħu tal‑Għarfien u l‑In- bħall‑għadd ta’ privattivi rreġistrati, in‑numru ta’ esportazz- novazzjoni. Waħda mill‑karatteristiki tal‑approċċ ġdid jonijiet ta’ prodotti medium‑high u high‑tech u l‑perċent- għall‑finanzjament tar‑riċerka se tkun użu akbar ta’ stru- wali tal‑PDG fin‑nefqa fuq ir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp. menti finanzjarji innovattivi, wara ‑l eżempju li kellu suċċess tal‑faċilità ta’ Finanzjament għall‑Kondiviżjoni tar‑Riskji. Ir‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni jgħinu biex iġibu l‑impjieg, il‑prosperità u kwalità tal‑ħajja. Għalkemm l‑UE hija Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li talloka EUR 80 biljun mexxej globali f ’bosta teknoloġiji, qed tiffaċċja dejjem għall‑perjodu 2014-2020 għall‑Qafas Strateġiku Komuni aktar sfidi minn kompetituri tradizzjonali u ekonomiji għar‑Riċerka u l‑Innovazzjoni. emerġenti. Għaldaqstant programmi konġunti li jiġbru sforzi ta’ riċerka jistgħu jwasslu riżultati li Stati Membri Dan il‑finanzjament se jiġi kkumplimentat b’appoġġ im- individwali ma jistgħux iwasslu waħedhom. portanti għar‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni fil‑Fondi Struttur- ali. Pereżempju, fil‑perjodu 2007-2013, intefqu madwar L‑isfida hija li tiġi promossa ż‑żieda tal‑investiment EUR 60 biljun fuq riċerka u innovazzjoni fir‑reġjuni fir‑riċerka u l‑iżvilupp madwar l‑UE, sabiex il‑mira tal‑Ew- tal‑Ewropa u livelli simili ta’ nfiq huma mistennija fil‑futur. ropa 2020 ta’ 3% tal‑investiment tal‑PDG tintlaħaq. L‑UE għandha ttejjeb ukoll ir‑rekord tagħha li taqleb l‑għarfien 5.2. Solidarjetà u investiment għal xjentifiku f ’proċessi u prodotti bi privattivi għall‑użu mhux biss fl‑industriji high‑tech iżda wkoll fis‑setturi tradizzjon- tkabbir u impjiegi sostenibbli ali. Dan jirrikjedi sforz mill‑awtoritajiet pubbliċi, mis‑settur privat u mill‑komunità tar‑riċerka. Il‑Kummissjoni bdi- Il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni hija espressjoni importanti ta’ sol- et riforma maġġuri tal‑istrutturi ta’ riċerka tal‑governanza idarjetà mal‑ifqar u l‑aktar reġjuni dgħajfa tal‑UE – iżda tal‑UE permezz tal‑ħolqien tal‑Kunsill Ewropew tar‑Riċer- hija aktar minn dan. Wieħed mill‑akbar suċċessi tal‑UE ka, li issa qed jipproduċi riżultati pożittivi. Il‑Kummissjoni hija l‑kapaċità tagħha li tgħolli l‑livelli tal‑għajxien tmur lil hinn u tipproponi li torganizza mill‑ġdid l‑istru- għaċ‑ċittadini kollha tagħha. Dan tagħmlu mhux biss billi menti ta’ riċerka u innovazzjoni attwali tal‑UE (b’mod tgħin l‑ifqar Stati Membri u reġjuni biex jiżviluppaw u jik- partikolari l‑programmi qafas tar‑riċerka u l‑Programm bru iżda wkoll permezz tar‑rwol tagħha fl‑integrazzjoni tas‑suq intern li d‑daqs tiegħu jwassal swieq u ekonomiji ta’ skala fil‑partijiet kollha tal‑UE, lis‑sinjuri u l‑foqra, 57 Ara r‑Rapport dwar l‑Innovazzjoni u l‑Kompetittività tal‑Unjoni lil kbar u liż‑żgħar. L‑evalwazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni ta’ 2011, SEC (2011) 739. nfiq li sar fil‑passat uriet ħafna eżempji tal‑valur miżjud Baġit għall‑Ewropa 2020 u tal‑investiment li joħloq it‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi li ma set- mill‑Kummissjoni, bħal netwerks PROGRESS u EURES għux isiru mingħajr l‑appoġġ tal‑baġit tal‑UE. Madankol- bħala appoġġ għall‑ħolqien ta’ impjiegi. lu, ir‑riżultati juru wkoll xi tixrid u nuqqas ta’ prijoritazz- joni. Fi żmien meta l‑flus pubbliċi huma skarsi u meta Il‑Fond Ewropew ta’ Aġġustament għall‑Globalizzazz- l‑investiment li jtejjeb it‑tkabbir huwa meħtieġ aktar minn joni (EGF) huwa fond flessibbli, barra mill‑qafas finanz- qatt qabel, il‑Kummissjoni ddeċidiet li tipproponi bidliet jarju, li jappoġġja l‑ħaddiema li jitilfu l‑impjieg tagħhom importanti fil‑politika ta’ koeżjoni. bħala riżultat tax‑xejriet kummerċjali globali li jinbidlu u jgħinhom isibu impjieg ieħor malajr kemm jista’ jkun. Il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni għandha rwol importanti fit‑twet- L‑ammonti li huma meħtieġa jvarjaw minn sena għal tiq tal‑għanijiet u l‑miri tal‑Ewropa 2020 fl‑UE kollha. sena, u minħabba dan il‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi li Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li ssaħħaħ l‑attenzjoni fuq żżomm l‑EFG barra l‑qafas finanzjarju. L‑EGF jista’ jin- ir‑riżultati u l‑effettività ta’ nfiq ta’ koeżjoni permezz ta’ tuża wkoll biex tingħata għajnuna fis‑settur agrikolu lil rabta iktar sistematika tal‑politika ta’ koeżjoni mal‑għani- dawk li l‑ħobża ta’ kuljum tagħhom tista’ tiġi affettwata jiet Ewropa 2020. Barra minn dan, tipproponi li tiġi in- mill‑globalizzazzjoni. trodotta kategorija ġdida ta’ – “reġjuni ta’ tranżizzjoni” li jissostitwixxu s‑sistema attwali ta’ tneħħija u ta’ introduzz- Sabiex tiżdied l‑effettività ta’ nefqa tal‑UE u skont l‑approċċ joni gradwali. Din il‑kategorija se tinkludi r‑reġjuni kollha territorjali tat‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona, il‑Kummissjoni qed tip- bi PDG per capita bejn 75 % u 90 % tal‑medja tal‑UE27. proponi li tistabilixxi qafas strateġiku komuni għall‑fondi strutturali kollha, biex tittraduċi l‑għanijiet Ewropa 2020 Il‑qgħad u r‑rati għolja ħafna ta’ faqar jeħtieġu azzjoni fi prijoritajiet ta’ investiment. Dan huwa mfassal biex jagħti 505 fil‑livell tal‑UE u fil‑livell nazzjonali. Hekk kif l‑Unjoni qed nifs lill‑għan tal‑koeżjoni territorjali tat‑Trattat ta’ Lisbo- tiffaċċja ‑l isfidi li dejjem qed jikbru ta’ nuqqasijiet fil‑livelli na. F’termini operattivi, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li tik- tal‑kapaċitajiet, ta’ prestazzjonijiet ta’ livell baxx fil‑politika konkludi kuntratt ta’ sħubija ma’ kull Stat Membru. Dawn attiva tas‑suq tax‑xogħol u fis‑sistemi edukattivi, ta’ eskluż- il‑kuntratti għandhom jistipulaw l‑impenn tal‑imsieħba joni soċjali ta’ gruppi marġinalizzati u ta’ mobilità baxxa fil‑livell nazzjonali u reġjonali biex jużaw il‑fondi alloka- tal‑impjieg hemm il‑ħtieġa kemm għall‑inizjattivi ta’ politi biex jimplimentaw l‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020, qafas ta’ tika kif ukoll għal azzjoni konkreta ta’ appoġġ. Ħafna minn prestazzjoni li fuq l‑isfond tiegħu jista’ jiġi evalwat il‑pro- dawn l‑isfidi ġew aggravati bil‑kriżi finanzjarja u ekono- gress fuq l‑impenji. mika, bix‑xejriet demografiċi u migratorji u bil‑pass im- għaġġel tal‑bidla teknoloġika. Jekk dawn ma jiġux in- Għalhekk għandu jkun hemm rabta qawwija mal‑pro- dirizzati b’mod effettiv, jikkostitwixxu sfida sinifikanti grammi nazzjonali ta’ riforma u mal‑programmi ta’ stab- għall‑koeżjoni soċjali u l‑kompetittività. Għalhekk huwa biltà u konverġenza mfassla mill‑Istati Membri, kif ukoll essenzjali li l‑investiment li jtejjeb it‑tkabbir fl‑infrastruttu- mar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiż adottati ra, fil‑kompetittività reġjonali u fl‑iżvilupp tan‑negozju jiġi mill‑Kunsill fuq din il‑bażi. Sabiex jiġi żgurat li l‑effettiv- akkumpanjat b’miżuri relatati mal‑politika tas‑suq tax‑xog- ità tan‑nefqa ta’ koeżjoni ma tkunx imxekkla minn poli- ħol, mal‑edukazzjoni, mat‑taħriġ, mal‑inklużjoni soċjali, tiki makro‑fiskali mhux sodi, il‑kondizzjonalità marbuta mal‑adattabbiltà tal‑ħaddiema, tal‑intrapriżi u tal‑intra- mal‑governanza ekonomika ġdida se tikkumplimenta prendituri u tal‑kapaċità amministrattiva. l‑kundizzjonalità speċifika għas‑settur ex ante stabbilita f ’kull kuntratt. Huwa hawnhekk li l‑Fond Soċjali Ewropew (FSE) għan- du rwol importanti u qed jiġi propost li l‑Istati Membri Il‑kuntratti se jistabbilixxu għanijiet ċari u indikatu- jkunu meħtieġa jistabilixxu l‑mod kif id‑diversi strumenti ri u jistabbilixxu numru limitat ta’ kondizzjonalitajiet ta’ finanzjament jikkontribwixxu għall‑għanijiet ġenerali (kemm ex ante u marbuta mal‑kisba tar‑riżultati sabiex Ewropa 2020, inkluż billi jiġu stabbiliti ishma minimi ikunu jistgħu jiġu mmonitorjati), u jinkludu impenn biex għall‑FSE mill‑fondi strutturali ta’ appoġġ għal kull kat- jagħtu kont tal‑progress annwali fir‑rapporti annwali dwar egorija ta’ reġjun (25 % għal reġjunijiet ta’ konverġenza, il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni. Il‑finanzjament se jkun immirat fuq 40 % għal reġjunijiet fi tranżizzjoni, 52 % għal reġjuniji- numru limitat ta’ prijoritajiet: ir‑reġjuni ta’ kompetittività et ta’ kompetittività, ibbażat fuq sitwazzjoni fejn il‑Fond u tranżizzjoni se jiddedikaw primarjament l‑allokazzjo- ta’ Koeżjoni jkompli jirrappreżenta terz tal‑allokazzjoni ni baġitarja kollha tagħhom, ħlief l‑FSE, għall‑effiċjenza ta’ politika ta’ koeżjoni fl‑Istati Membri eliġibbli, u bl‑es- fl‑użu tal‑enerġija, l‑enerġiji rinnovabbli, il‑kompetittivi- klużjoni ta’ kooperazzjoni territorjali). L‑applikazzjo- tà u l‑innovazzjoni tal‑SMEs, filwaqt li ‑r reġjuni ta’ kon- ni ta’ dawn l‑ishma tirriżulta f ’sehem globali miniminu verġenza se jiddedikaw l‑allokazzjoni tagħhom fuq firxa għall‑FSE ta’ 25 % tal‑baġit allokat għall‑politika ta’ usa’ ta’ prijoritajiet (fejn meħtieġ, inkluż l‑bini tal‑kapaċità koeżjoni, jiġifieri EUR 84 biljun. L‑FSE se jkun ikkom- instituzzjonali). plimentat minn għadd ta’ strumenti ġestiti direttament IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Biex tissaħħaħ il‑prestazzjoni, se jiġu introdotti dispożizz- sseħħ kieku kellhom jiċċaqalqu minnufih lejn status ta’ jonijiet ġodda ta’ kondizzjonalità biex jiġi żgurat li l‑finan- “reġjun ta’ kompetittività”. Għalhekk, il‑Kummissjoni qed zjament tal‑UE ikun iffukat fuq ir‑riżultati u joħloq inċen- tipproponi li dawn għandhom iżommu żewġ terzi tal‑allo- tivi qawwija għall‑Istati Membri biex jiżguraw it‑twettiq kazzjonijiet preċedenti tagħhom għall‑perjodu ta’ MFF li effettiv tal‑għanijiet u l‑miri Ewropa 2020 permezz ta’ jmiss. Dawn ir‑reġjuni, flimkien ma’ reġjuni oħra b’livelli politika ta’ koeżjoni. Il‑kundizzjonalità se tieħu l‑għam- simili tal‑PDG (bejn 75 u 90% tal‑PDG tal‑UE) jifformaw la kemm ta’ kundizzjonijiet ‘ex ante’ li għandhom ikunu kategorija ġdida ta’ “reġjuni fi tranżizzjoni”. f ’posthom qabel ma jiġu żbursjati l‑fondi kif ukoll kundizzjonijiet ‘ex post’ li jippermettu l‑ħruġ ta’ fondi addizz- Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li talloka EUR 376 biljun jonali skont il‑prestazzjoni. In‑nuqqas ta’ progress fl‑ilħiq għall‑perjodu 2014-2020 għall‑infiq fi strumenti tal‑poli- ta’ dawn il‑kundizzjonijiet se jwassal għal sospensjoni jew tika ta’ koeżjoni. kanċellazzjoni ta’ fondi. Dan l‑ammont jinkludi: Il‑kundizzjonalità se tkun ibbażata fuq ir‑riżultati u l‑in- ċentivi biex jimplimentaw ir‑riformi meħtieġa biex jiżgu- • EUR 162,6 biljun għal reġjuni ta’ konverġenza, raw l‑użu effettiv tar‑riżorsi finanzjarji. Sabiex tissaħħaħ l‑attenzjoni fuq ir‑riżultati u jintlaħqu l‑għanijiet tal‑is- • EUR 38,9 biljun għal reġjuni ta’ tranżizzjoni, trateġija Ewropa 2020, 5% tal‑baġit ta’ koeżjoni se jitwarr- • EUR 53,1 biljun għal reġjuni ta’ kompetittività, ab u jiġi allokat, matul reviżjoni ta’ nofs it‑terminu, lill‑Ista- 506 ti Membri u reġjuni li l‑programmi tagħhom ikunu laħqu • EUR 11,7 biljun għal kooperazzjoni territorjali l‑miri fir‑relazzjoni mal‑kisba tal‑għanijiet tal‑programm • EUR 68,7 biljun għall‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni relatat mal‑miri u l‑għanijiet tal‑Ewropa 2020. Il‑kisbiet ewlenin se jiġu definiti skont ir‑regolamenti għall‑politika U EUR 40 biljun għall‑Faċilità ta’ Konnessjoni għall‑Ew- ta’ koeżjoni. ropa (ara 5.3 hawn taħt)

L‑esperjenza fil‑qafas finanzjarju attwali turi li ħafna Sta- Il‑Fond Soċjali Ewropew (ibbażat fuq il‑formula ti Membri għandhom diffikultajiet biex jassorbu volumi 25/40/52 għal kull kategorija ta’ reġjuni) se jirrappreżenta kbar ta’ fondi tal‑UE matul perjodu limitat. Id‑dewmien 25 % tal‑pakkett ta’ koeżjoni mingħajr ma titqies Faċilità fil‑preparazzjoni tal‑proġetti, l‑impenji u l‑infiq huma re- għall‑Konnessjoni tal‑Ewropa, jiġifieri EUR 84 biljun sponsabbli għal numru pendenti importanti ta’ approprjazzjonijiet mhux użati fit‑tmiem tal‑perjodu ta’ finanzja- Barra l‑MFF: ment preżenti. Barra minn hekk, minħabba s‑sitwazzjoni fiskali f ’xi Stati Membri sar aktar diffiċli biex jinħarġu -fon • EUR 3 biljun għall‑Fond Ewropew ta’ Aġġustament di li jipprovdu kofinanzjament nazzjonali. Sabiex jissaħħaħ għall‑Globalizzazzjoni l‑assorbiment tal‑finanzjament, il‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi għadd ta’ passi: • EUR 7 biljun għall‑Fond Ewropew ta’ Solidarjetà

• l‑iffissar tar‑rati tal‑limiti massimi għall‑allokazzjonijiet 5.3. Nikkonnetjaw l‑Ewropa ta’ koeżjoni għal 2,5 % tad‑DNG Suq waħdieni li jiffunzjona bis‑sħiħ jiddependi fuq infra- • tippermetti żieda temporanja fir‑rata ta’ struttura moderna u ta’ prestazzjoni għolja li tgħaqqad kofinanzjament b’5 sa 10 punti perċentwali meta Stat lill‑Ewropa partikolarment fl‑oqsma tat‑trasport, l‑enerġi- Membru jkun qed jirċievi għajnuna finanzjarja skont ja u t‑teknoloġiji tal‑informazzjoni u l‑komunikazzjoni l‑Artikolu 136 jew 143 TFUE, biex b’hekk jitnaqqas (ICT). l‑isforz meħtieġ mill‑baġits nazzjonali fi żmien ta’ konsolidazzjoni fiskali, filwaqt li jinżamm‑ l istess livell Huwa meqjus li madwar EUR 200 biljun huma meħtieġa globali tal‑finanzjament tal‑UE biex jikkompletaw in‑netwerk trans‑Ewropej tal‑enerġi- • tinkludi ċerti kondizzjonijiet fil‑kuntratti ta’ sħubija ja, EUR 540 biljun jeħtieġu li jiġu investiti fin‑netwerk rigward it‑titjib tal‑kapaċità amministrattiva. trans‑Ewropew tat‑trasport, u iktar minn EUR 250 biljun fl‑ICT għall‑perjodu 2014-2020. Filwaqt li s‑suq jista’ Għall‑MFF li jmiss, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li tik- u għandu jwassal il‑parti l‑kbira tal‑investimenti neċessar- konċentra l‑akbar sehem mill‑fondi tal‑koeżjoni fuq l‑ifqar ju, hemm il‑ħtieġa li jiġi ndirizzat in‑nuqqas tas‑suq - li reġjuni u Stati Membri. Tipproponi wkoll li tgħin lil dawk jimtlew in‑nuqqasijiet persistenit, jiġu eliminati l‑konġest- ir‑reġjuni li ma jibqgħux fl‑istatus ta’ “reġjun ta’ konverġen- jonijiet u jiġu żgurati konnessjonijiet transkonfinali ade- za” billi tillimita t‑tnaqqis fl‑intensità ta’ għajnuna li kieku gwati. Madankollu, l‑esperjenza turi li l‑baġits nazzjonali Baġit għall‑Ewropa 2020 mhuma se jagħtu qatt prijorità għolja biżżejjed għal inves- jitħaffef u jiġi żgurat li jkun hemm investiment akbar milli timenti f ’bosta pajjiżi u ta’ natura transkonfinali biex jar- jkun jista’ jinkiseb permezz ta’ finanzjament pubbliku biss. maw is‑Suq Uniku bl‑infrastruttura meħtieġa. Dan huwa Il‑Kummissjoni se taħdem mill‑qrib mal‑BEI u banek oħra eżempju ieħor tal‑valur miżjud tal‑baġit tal‑UE. Jista’ jas- ta’ investiment pubbliku biex tikkumbina l‑iffinanzjar ta’ sigura fondi għal proġetti pan‑Ewropej li jgħaqqdu ċ‑ċent- dawn il‑proġetti. B’mod partikolari, il‑Kummissjoni se ru u l‑periferija għall‑benefiċċju ta’ kulħadd. tippromwovi l‑użu ta’ bonds ta’ proġetti tal‑UE58 bħala mezz sabiex jimxi ‘l quddiem it‑twettiq ta’ dawn il‑proġetti Għalhekk, il‑Kummissjoni ddeċidiet li tipproponi l‑ħol- importanti. qien ta’ Faċilità għall‑Konnessjoni tal‑Ewropa biex jitħaffef l‑iżvilupp tal‑infrastruttura li l‑UE teħtieġ. Dawn il‑kon- Xi uħud mill‑proġetti ta’ infrastruttura ta’ interess nessjonijiet li jtejbu t‑tkabbir se jipprovdu aċċess aħjar għall‑UE se jeħtiġilhom jgħaddu minn pajjiżi tal‑viċinat għas‑suq intern u jtemmu l‑iżolament ta’ ċerti “gżejj- u tal‑pre‑adeżjoni. Il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi mezzi er” ekonomiċi. Pereżempju, dawk il‑partijiet tal‑UE li ssimplifikati ta’ konnessjoni bejniethom u ta’ finanzja- għadhom mhumiex imqabbda mas‑sistemi prinċipali ta’ ment tagħhom permezz tal‑faċilità l‑ġdida, biex tiżgura distribuzzjoni ta’ elettriku u ta’ gass jiddependu fuq in- l‑koerenza bejn l‑istrumenti interni u esterni. Dan ifisser vestimenti magħmula fi Stati Membri oħra għas‑sigurtà l‑eżistenza ta’ settijiet integrati ta’ regoli sabiex il‑finanzja- tal‑provvista tal‑enerġija tagħhom. Il‑Faċilità għall‑Kon- ment ta’ proġetti rilevanti jkun disponibbli minn intestat- nessjoni tal‑Ewropa se tagħmel ukoll kontribut vitali uri differenti tal‑baġit tal‑UE. għas‑sigurtà tal‑enerġija, billi tiżgura aċċess pan‑Ewropew għal għejun u fornituri differenti ġewwa u barra ‑l Unjoni. Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li talloka EUR 40 biljun 507 Għandha tgħin ukoll fl‑implimentazzjoni tal‑kunċett ġdid għall‑perjodu 2014-2020 għall‑Faċilità għall‑Konnessjoni ta’ koeżjoni territorjali introdott fit‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona. tal‑Ewropa biex tiġi msaħħa b’EUR 10 biljun riservati għal Disponibbiltà ta’ netwerks veloċi tal‑ICT fl‑Ewropa kollha investimenti ta’ trasport relatati fil‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni. u servizzi tal‑ICT pan‑Ewropej għandhom jegħlbu l‑frammentazzjoni tas‑suq uniku u jassistu l‑SMEs fit‑tfittxija Dan l‑ammont jinkludi EUR 9,1 biljun għas‑settur tal‑en- tagħhom għal opportunitajiet ta’ tkabbir lil hinn mis‑suq erġija, EUR 31,6 biljun għat‑trasport (inkluż EUR 10 bil- lokali tagħhom. jun fil‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni) u EUR 9,1 biljun għall‑ICT.

Il‑Faċilità għall‑Konnessjoni tal‑Ewropa se tiffinanz- 5.4. Politika Agrikola Komuni effiċjenti ja infrastrutturi pre‑identifikati ta’ trasport, ta’ enerġija u tal‑ICT ta’ interess għall‑UE, u kemm infrastrutturi fiżiċi fir‑riżorsi kif ukoll tat‑teknoloġija tal‑informazzjoni b’konformità mal‑kriterji tal‑iżvilupp sostenibbli. Din il‑proposta hija Il‑Politika Agrikola Komuni (PAK) hija waħda mill‑ftit akkumpanjata minn lista preliminari ta’ infrastrutturi politiki komuni verament tal‑UE. Hija mfassla biex twas- proposti (il‑konnessjonijiet neqsin). sal settur agrikolu sostenibbli fl‑Ewropa permezz tat‑tisħiħ tal‑kompetittività, l‑iżġurar ta’ provvista tal‑ikel adegwata Il‑Faċilità għall‑Konnessjoni tal‑Ewropa se tkun ġesti- u sikura, il‑preservazzjoni tal‑ambjent u l‑kampanja fil- ta b’mod ċentrali u se tiġi ffinanzjata minn baġit dedikat waqt li tipprovdi livell ta’ għajxien xieraq għall‑komunità u permezz ta’ ammonti riservati għat‑trasport fil‑Fond ta’ agrikola. Bħala tali, din tissostitwixxi 27 politiki nazzjonali Koeżjoni. Ir‑rati ta’ ko‑finanzjament mill‑baġit tal‑UE differenti tal‑agrikoltura u tirrappreżenta ffrankar fil‑baġit se jkunu ogħla meta l‑investimenti jsiru f ’reġjuni ta’ nazzjonali minħabba li l‑appoġġ dirett lill‑bdiewa huwa “konverġenza” milli meta jsiru f ’reġjuni ta’ “kompetitiv- pprovdut permezz tal‑baġit tal‑UE mingħajr kofinanzjar ità”. L‑infrastrutturi lokali u reġjonali ser ikunu marbuta nazzjonali. mal‑infrastrutturi ta’ prijorità tal‑UE, li jgħaqqdu ċ‑ċitta- dini kollha madwar l‑UE, u jistgħu jkunu (ko-) finanzjati Permezz tal‑bidliet li qed tipproponi għall‑finanzjament mill‑Fondi Strutturali (il‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni u/jew ERDF, tal‑PAK, il‑Kummissjoni qed tressaqha aktar bis‑sħiħ fi skont is‑sitwazzjoni ta’ kull Stat Membru/reġjun). Meta ħdan l‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020, filwaqt li tiżgura livel- jitqies l‑iżbilanċ fl‑infrastruttura tal‑Istati Membri l‑ġod- li stabbli ta’ dħul għal bdiewa Ewropej. Fil‑futur, il‑baġit da, il‑Kummissjoni ddeċidiet li tipproponi relattivament tal‑agrikoltura se jintuża mhux biss biex tiżdied il‑produt- l‑istess allokazzjoni għall‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni. Dan se jgħin tività agrikola, biex jiġi żgurat standard ta’ għajxien ġust biex isaħħaħ l‑investiment tat‑trasport fir‑reġjuni eliġibbli għall‑komunità agrikola, biex jiġu stabbilizzati s‑swieq, u jappoġġja r‑rabtiet bejniethom u l‑bqija tal‑UE. biex tiġi żgurata d‑disponibbiltà tal‑provvisti u jiġi żgurat

Il‑Faċilità għall‑Konnessjoni tal‑Ewropa toffri opportu- 58 Għal aktar dettalji ara d‑dokument ta’ ħidma tal‑persunal SEC nitajiet għall‑użu tal‑għodod finanzjarji innovattivi biex (2011) 868 li jakkumpanjah. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

li jaslu għand il‑konsumatur bi prezzijiet raġonevoli, imma l‑istess attivitajiet. Sabiex il‑PAK tkun tista’ tirrispondi se jappoġġja wkoll il‑ġestjoni sostenibbli tar‑riżorsi natu- għall‑isfidi marbuta ma’ speċifiċitajiet ekonomiċi, soċjali, rali u tal‑azzjoni klimatika u jappoġġja l‑iżvilupp territor- ambjentali u ġeografiċi tal‑agrikoltura Ewropea fis‑seklu jali bbilanċjat fl‑Ewropa kollha. It‑tliet fergħat ta’ Ewropa 21 u biex tikkontribwixxi effettivament għall‑għanijiet 2020 – tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv – se jiġu tal‑Ewropa 2020 il‑Kummissjoni se tagħmel proposti biex minsuġa fil‑fażi li jmiss tal‑iżvilupp tal‑PAK. tippermetti flessibbiltà bejn iż‑żewġ pilastri.

Il‑bidliet proposti mill‑Kummissjoni huma mfassla biex Limitu fuq il‑livell ta’ ħlasijiet diretti permezz ta’ limitu iwasslu għal sistema aktar ġusta u ekwa ta’ sostenn madwar fuq il‑livell bażiku tal‑appoġġ dirett tad‑dħul li azjendi l‑UE, li tgħaqqad flimkien ‑l agrikoltura u l‑politika amb- agrikoli kbar jistgħu jirċievu, filwaqt li jitqiesu ‑l ekonomiji jentali f ’kura sostenibbli tal‑kampanja filwaqt li tiżgura li ta’ skala ta’ strutturi akbar u l‑impjiegi dirett li jiġġeneraw l‑agrikultura tkompli tikkontribwixxi għal ekonomija ru- dawn l‑istrutturi. Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li t‑tfaddil rali ħajja. Tul is‑snin, ġew inklużi fil‑PAK għadd ta’ obligi jiġi reċiklat ġewwa allokazzjoni baġitarja għall‑iżvilupp u doveri li proprjament jappartjenu għal oqsma oħra ta’ rurali u miżmum fi ħdan il‑pakketti nazzjonali tal‑Istati politika. Il‑Kummissjoni se tieħu l‑opportunità tal‑MFF Membri fejn oriġina. il‑ġdid biex terġa tiffoka ‑l PAK fuq l‑attivitajiet ewlenin u ġodda tagħha. B’dan il‑mod, pereżempju, il‑fondi dded- Il‑Kummissjoni tikkunsidra li dawn l‑elementi l‑ġodda jist- ikati għas‑sigurtà tal‑ikel tressqu fl‑Intestatura 3 tal‑baġit għu jiġu akkomodati taħt l‑istruttura attwali ta’ żewġ pilas- u fil‑futur, l‑għajnuna għall‑ikel għall‑persuni l‑aktar depri- tri tal‑PAK. Il‑PAK futura għalhekk se tikkonsisti fl‑ewwel 508 vati se tiġi ffinanzjata mill‑Intestatura 1 li huwa post aktar pilastru li huwa iktar ekoloġiku u mqassam b’mod iktar adattat mal‑miri ta’ tnaqqis tal‑faqar tal‑istrateġija Ewropa ġust u t‑tieni pilastru li se jkun iffukat fuq il‑kompetittiv- 2020. Il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi li testeni l‑ambitu ità u l‑innovazzjoni, it‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑ambjent. Miri tal‑Fond Ewropew għall‑Globalizzazzjoni biex jinkludi iktar preċiżi ta’ politika għandhom iwasslu għal użu aktar għajnuna għal bdiewa li l‑ħobż ta’ kuljum tagħhom jista’ effiċjenti tar‑riżorsi finanzjarji disponibbli. It‑tieni pilastru jiġi affettwat mill‑globalizzazzjoni. tal‑PAK, li jkopri l‑iżvilupp rurali, se jkompli jikkontribwixxi għall‑bżonnijiet nazzjonali u/jew reġjonali speċifiċi, L‑istruttura bażika b’żewġ pilastri tal‑PAK se tinżamm. filwaqt li jirrifletti‑ l prijoritajiet tal‑UE, u se jkun suġġett Il‑bidliet ewlenin proposti mill‑Kummissjoni huma kif ġej: għall‑istess dispożizzjonijiet ibbażati fuq prestazzjoni ta’ kondizzjonalità tal‑Ewropa 2020 bħall‑Fondi Strut- Finanzjament ekoloġiku ta’ pagamenti diretti: biex turali l‑oħra. Fil‑perjodu wara l-2013, il‑Fond Agrikolu tiżgura li l‑PAK tgħin lill‑UE biex twettaq l‑għanijiet Ewropew għall‑Iżvilupp Rurali (EAFRD) se jkun inkluż u l‑azzjoni klimatika tagħha, lil hinn mir‑rekwiżiti ta’ fil‑qafas strateġiku komuni għal fondi strutturali kollha konformità reċiproka tal‑leġiżlazzjoni attwali, 30 % tal‑ap- u fil‑kuntratti ta’ sħubija previsti mal‑Istati Membri koll- poġġ dirett se jkun bil‑kundizzjoni li jkun ekoloġiku. Dan ha. B’enfasi fuq id‑dimensjoni territorjali tal‑iżvilupp soċ- ifisser li ‑l bdiewa kollha għandhom jibdew prattiki li jirris- jo‑ekonomiku u l‑ikkumbinar tal‑fondi disponibbli kollha pettaw l‑ambjent li ser jiġu ddefiniti fil‑leġiżlazzjoni u se tal‑UE f ’kuntratt wieħed, l‑iżvilupp ekonomiku taż‑żoni jkunu verifikabbli. L‑impatt se jkun li s‑settur agrikolu rurali madwar l‑UE se jiġi appoġġat aħjar fil‑futur. jiċċaqlaq b’mod sinifikanti f ’direzzjoni aktar sostenibbli, fejn il‑bdiewa jirċievu pagamenti biex jipproduċu prodotti Finalment, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li terġa tirristrut- pubbliċi lill‑konċittadini tagħhom. tura d‑dispożizzjonijiet tas‑suq li bħalissa jinsabu fl‑ewwel pilastru tal‑PAK. Illum, l‑agrikoltura Ewropea qed tiffaċ- Konverġenza tal‑pagamenti: sabiex tiġi żgurata dis- ja varjetà ta’ sfidi, b’mod partikolari ‑l ħtieġa li tirreaġixxi tribuzzjoni aktar ugwali ta’ appoġġ dirett, filwaqt li jitqiesu għal ċirkostanzi mhux previdibbli jew biex tiffaċilita d‑differenzi li għadhom jeżistu fil‑livelli tal‑pagi u l‑ispejj- l‑adattamenti meħtieġa minn ftehimiet internazzjona- eż tad‑dħul, il‑livelli ta’ appoġġ dirett għal kull ettaru se li ta’ kummerċ. Għal dawn ir‑raġunijiet il‑Kummissjoni jiġu aġġustati progressivament. Dan se jinkiseb b’dan tipproponi l‑ħolqien ta’ żewġ strumenti barra l‑qafas fi- il‑mod: matul dan il‑perjodu, l‑istati Membri kollha b’pa- nanzjarju multiannwali li ser ikunu suġġetti għall‑ist- gamenti diretti inqasminn 90% tal‑medja se jagħlqu terz ess proċedura aċċellerata bħar‑Riżerva għall‑Għajnuna mid‑distakk bejn il‑livell kurrenti tagħhom u dan il‑livell. ta’ Emerġenza (EAR): mekkaniżmu ta’ emerġenza għal Din il‑konverġenza se tiġi ffinanzjata b’mod proporzjon- reazzjoni f ’sitwazzjonijiet ta’ kriżi (pereżempju problema ali mill‑Istati Membri kollha b’pagamenti diretti ‘l fuq dwar sigurtà tal‑ikel) u ambitu ġdid għall‑Fond Ewropew mill‑medja tal‑UE. Bl‑istess mod, l‑allokazzjoni tal‑fondi għall‑Globalizzazzjoni. tal‑iżvilupp rurali se jiġu riveduti fuq il‑bażi ta’ kriterji aktar oġġettivi u mmirati aħjar għall‑għanijiet tal‑politika. Dan Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li talloka EUR 281,8 biljun għandu jiżgura trattament aktar ġust ta’ bdiewa li jwettqu għall‑I Pilastru tal‑Politika Agrikola Komuni u EUR 89,9 Baġit għall‑Ewropa 2020 biljun għall‑iżvilupp rurali għall‑perjodu 2014-2020. Dan jikber tas‑settur tal‑kultura u l‑industriji kreattivi huwa sew il‑finanzjament se jkun imsaħħaħ b’EUR 15,2 biljun oħra: fuq il‑linja tal‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020.

• EUR 4,5 biljun għar‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni dwar Madankollu, l‑arkitettura attwali tal‑programmi u l‑istru- is‑sigurtà tal‑ikel, il‑bio‑ekonomija u l‑agrikoltura menti hija frammentata. Kienu karatterizzati minn prolif- sostenibbli (fil‑Qafas Strateġiku Komuni erazzjoni ta’ proġetti fuq skala żgħira u xi wħud minnhom għar‑Riċerka u l‑Innovazzjoni) huma nieqsa mill‑massa kritika meħtieġa biex ikun hemm impatt fit‑tul. Hemm ukoll xi duplikazzjonijiet bejn l‑azz- • EUR 2,2 biljun għas‑sigurtà tal‑ikel fl‑Intestatura 3 jonijiet – dan wassal għal żieda fl‑ispejjeż tal‑ġestjoni • EUR 2,5 biljun għall‑għajnuna tal‑ikel għall‑persuni u ħoloq konfużjoni għall‑applikanti potenzjali. l‑iktar deprivati fl‑Intestatura I Għalhekk, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li tirrazzjonalizza • EUR 3,5 biljun f ’riserva ġdida għall‑kriżijiet u tissimplifika ‑l istruttura attwali billi tipproponi pro- fis‑settur agrikolu gramm integrat wieħed, dwar l‑edukazzjoni, it‑taħriġ • Sa EUR 2,5 biljun għall‑Fond Ewropew u ż‑żgħażagħ. L‑enfasi se tkun fuq żvilupp tal‑ħiliet u mo- għall‑Globalizzazzjoni bilità tal‑kapital uman. Għall‑istess raġunijiet, se jiġu introdotti wkoll sinerġiji fil‑programmi relatati mal‑kultura. 5.5. Ninvestu fil‑kapital uman Il‑proċessi ta’ applikazzjoni u l‑monitoraġġ u l‑evalwazz- 509 Il‑miri ewlenin tal‑Ewropa 2020 dwar iż‑żieda fl‑edukazzjoni tal‑proġetti ser ikunu ssimplifikati, inkluż permezz joni terzjarja u t‑tnaqqis tat‑tluq bikri mill‑iskola mhum- tal‑ġestjoni tal‑proġetti mill‑aġenziji nazzjonali. iex se jintlaħqu mingħajr investiment iktar qawwi fil‑kapital uman. L‑akbar kontribuzzjoni finanzjarja mill‑baġit Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li talloka EUR 15,2 biljun tal‑UE fl‑investiment fin‑nies ġej mill‑Fond Soċjali Ew- fil‑qasam tal‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ u EUR 1,6 biljun ropew. Lil hinn mill‑attivitajiet tagħha, hemm skop biex fil‑qasam tal‑kultura għall‑perjodu 2014-2020. jiżdied l‑appoġġ tal‑UE għal‑livelli kollha tal‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ formali (skola, edukazzjoni ogħla, vokazzjonali, Dan il‑finanzjament se jiġi kkumplimentat b’appoġġ im- adulta) kif ukoll informali u mhux formali għall‑attivi- portanti għall‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ fil‑Fondi Struttur- tajiet ta’ edukazzjoni u taħriġ. Wieħed mis‑suċċessi ew- ali. Pereżempju, fil‑perjodu 2007-2013, intefqu madwar lenin tal‑programmi attwali Tagħlim tul il‑Ħajja (LLP), EUR 72,5 biljun fuq edukazzjoni u taħriġ fir‑reġjuni Erasmus Mundus u Youth huwa t‑tkabbir ta’ programmi tal‑Ewropa u livelli simili ta’ nfiq huma mistennija fil‑futur. transnazzjonali ta’ mobilità għat‑tagħlim. Sabiex jiżdied il‑livell tal‑ħiliet u jiġu indirizzati l‑livelli għolja ta’ qgħad fost iż‑żgħażagħ f ’bosta Stati Membri, l‑azzjonijiet li huma 5.6. Nindirizzaw l‑isfidi tal‑migrazzjoni appoġġjati bħalissa mill‑programm Leonardo, li jgħin lil persuni jibbenefikaw mill‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ f ’pajjiż Il‑politika tal‑affarijiet interni, li tkopri s‑sigurtà, il‑mi- ieħor tal‑UE f ’oqsma bħat‑taħriġ vokazzjonali inizjali kif grazzjoni u l‑ġestjoni tal‑fruntieri esterni, kibret b’mod ukoll biex jiġu żviluppati u trasferiti l‑politiki innovattivi kostanti fl‑importanza tul dawn l‑aħħar snin. Dan huwa minn Stat Membru għal ieħor, se jiġu msaħħa fil‑perjodu wkoll wieħed mill‑oqsma li ra bidliet importanti taħt MFF li jmiss. Bħalissa, hemm ftit wisq appoġġ finanzjarju it‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona. L‑importanza tagħhom ġiet ikkon- disponibbli għal dawk li jixtiequ jistudjaw f ’livell ta’ Mas- fermata mill‑Progamm ta’ Stokkolma59 u l‑Pjan ta’ Azzjoni ters fi Stat Membru ieħor. Il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi li tiegħu60. tiżviluppa, bl‑involviment tal‑BEI, programm innovattiv li jipprovdi garanziji għal studenti mobbli ta’ masters. Għal- L‑għan li tinħoloq żona mingħajr fruntieri interni, fejn hekk, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li ssaħħaħ programmi iċ‑ċittadini tal‑UE u ċ‑ċittadini ta’ pajjiżi terzi bi drittiji- Komunitarji għall‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ u żżid il‑fondi et legali ta’ dħul u ta’ residenza jistgħu jidħlu, jiċċaqilqu, allokati għal dawn l‑attivitajiet. jgħixu u jaħdmu konfidenti li ‑d drittijiet tagħhom huma rispettati bis‑sħiħ u li s‑sigurtà tagħhom hija żgurata huwa Il‑finanzjament tal‑UE għall‑attivitajiet ta’ kultura u midja ta’ importanza enormi. Fl‑istess ħin, it‑tħassib pubbliku jappoġġja l‑wirt kulturali komuni tal‑Ewropej u jaħdem dwar l‑immigrazzjoni irregolari u l‑integrazzjoni kibret. biex iżid iċ‑ċirkolazzjoni ta’ ħidmiet Ewropej kreattivi Huwa kruċjali li jkun hemm politika tal‑immigrazzjo- ġewwa u barra l‑UE. Il‑programmi attwali għandhom rwol ni legali li tħares ‘il quddiem u politika ta’ integrazzjoni uniku fl‑istimolazzjoni ta’ kooperazzjoni transkonfinali, billi jippromwovu t‑tagħlim fost il‑pari u jagħmlu dawn is‑setturi iktar professjonali. Ir‑rwol ekonomiku dejjem 59 Dokument tal‑Kunsill 17024/09. 60 COM(2010) 171. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

biex jiżdiedu l‑kompetittività tal‑UE u l‑koeżjoni soċjali, u l‑libertajiet fundamentali, id‑dinjità umana, l‑ugwal- l‑arrikkiment tas‑soċjetajiet tagħna u l‑ħolqien ta’ oppor- janza u s‑solidarjetà, u r‑rispett għall‑prinċipji tal‑Karta tunitajiet għal kulħadd. It‑tlestija ta’ Sistema Ewropea Ko- tan‑Nazzjonijiet Uniti u tad‑dritt internazzjonali. L‑UE se muni tal‑Ażil aktar sikura u effiċjenti li tirrifletti‑ l valuri tkompli tippromwovi u tiddefendi d‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem, tagħna tibqa’ prijorità. B’mod ġenerali, dan huwa qasam id‑demokrazija u l‑istat tad‑dritt barra l‑pajjiż. Huwa as- fejn hemm valur miżjud ovvju fil‑mobilizzazzjoni tal‑baġit pett ewlieni tal‑azzjoni esterna tal‑UE fid‑difiża tal‑valuri tal‑UE. tagħha.

Għall‑qafas finanzjarju multiannwali li jmiss, il‑Kummis- Prijorità ewlenija oħra hija li jiġi rispettat l‑impenn for- sjoni tipproponi li tissimplifika ‑l istruttura tal‑istrumenti mali tal‑UE biex timpenja 0,7% tal‑prodott nazzjonali tan‑nefqa billi tnaqqas l‑għadd ta’ programmi għal strut- gross (PNG) għall‑iżvilupp barrani billi żżomm is‑sehem tura magħmula minn żewġ pilastri – billi toħloq Fond ta’ tal‑baġit tal‑UE bħala parti minn sforz komuni tal‑UE bħa- Migrazzjoni u Ażil u Fond ta’ Sigurtà Interna. Iż‑żewġ fon- la entità sħiħa sal-2015, biex b’hekk tagħmel pass deċiżivi di se jkollhom dimensjoni esterna li tiżgura l‑kontinwità lejn il‑kisba tal‑Għanijiet ta’ Żvilupp għall‑Millenju. Se tal‑finanzjament, li jibda ‑fl UE u jkompli f ’pajjiżi terzi, jinħoloq strument pan‑Afrikan taħt l‑Istrument ta’ Ko- pereżempju dwar ir‑risistemazzjoni tar‑refuġjati, ir‑riam- operazzjoni u Żvilupp (DCI) biex jappoġġja l‑implimen- missjoni u l‑programmi ta’ protezzjoni reġjonali. Il‑Kum- tazzjoni tal‑Istrateġija Konġunta bejn l‑Afrika u l‑Ewropa, missjoni tipprevedi wkoll pass lil hinn minn program- li jiffoka fuq valur miżjud ċar ta’ attivitajiet transreġjonali mazzjoni annwali lejn programmazzjoni multi‑annwali, li u kontinentali. Se jkun flessibbli biżżejjed biex jakkomoda 510 tirriżulta fi tnaqqis tax‑xogħol tal‑Kummissjoni, tal‑Istati kontribuzzjonijiet minn Stati Membri tal‑UE, minn Stati Membri u tal‑benefiċjarji finali. Afrikani, minn istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji u mis‑settur privat. Barra minn hekk, l‑Istrument ta’ Kooperazzjoni u Żvi- It‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona jipprevedi kooperazzjoni tal‑UE lupp (DCI) se jiffoka fuq ‑l eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar u l‑kisba fil‑ġlieda kontra n‑netwerks kriminali, it‑traffikar tal‑Għanijiet ta’ Żvilupp għall‑Millennju (MDGs) fir‑reġ- tal‑bnedmin u l‑kuntrabandu tal‑armi u tad‑drogi kif ukoll juni rilevanti tad‑dinja. fil‑protezzjoni ċivili sabiex tiġi żgurata protezzjoni aħjar tan‑nies u tal‑ambjent f ’każ ta’ diżastri kbar kemm natu- Jeħtieġ li l‑impenn tal‑UE jkun adattat għaċ‑ċirkustanzi rali kif ukoll ikkawżati mill‑bniedem. Iż‑żieda fid‑diżastri individwali. L‑imsieħba tagħna jvarjaw minn ekonomiji li jaffettwaw liċ‑ċittadini Ewropej teħtieġ azzjoni aktar żviluppati għal pajjiżi l‑inqas żviluppati li jeħtieġu għajnu- sistematika fil‑livell Ewropew. Għalhekk il‑Kummissjoni na speċifika mill‑UE. Skont komunikazzjoni tal‑Politika tipproponi li żżid l‑effiċjenza, ‑il koerenza u l‑viżibbiltà Ewropea tal‑Viċinat61 riċenti tagħha, l‑UE hija impen- tar‑reazzjoni tal‑UE għad‑diżastri. jata fit‑tul biex tistabbilixxi żona ta’ stabbiltà, prosperità u demokrazija fil‑viċinat tagħha stess. Żviluppi storiċi Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li talloka EUR 8,2 biljun fid‑dinja Għarbija wkoll jeħtieġu investiment sostenut għall‑perjodu 2014-2020 fil‑qasam tal‑affarijiet interni biex jappoġġja t‑trasformazzjoni li huwa daqstant fl‑in- u EUR 455 miljun għall‑protezzjoni ċivili u l‑Kapaċità teress tagħna u tagħhom. L‑UE se żżid il‑ħidma tagħha Ewropea ta’ Rispons għall‑Emerġenza. fuq il‑prevenzjoni tal‑kriżijiet sabiex tippreserva l‑paċi u ssaħħaħ is‑sigurtà internazzjonali. 5.7. L‑UE bħala attur globali L‑istrumenti tagħna jistgħu jiffaċilitaw ukoll ‑l impenn Dak li jiġri barra mill‑fruntieri tal‑UE jista’ jaffettwa di- tal‑UE ma’ pajjiżi terzi dwar kwistjonijiet li huma ta’ tħas- rettament, u fil‑fatt jaffettwa direttament, il‑prosperità sib globali, bħat‑tibdil fil‑klima, il‑protezzjoni ambjen- u s‑sigurtà taċ‑ċittadini tal‑UE. Għalhekk huwa fl‑interess tali, il‑migrazzjoni irregolari u l‑instabbiltajiet reġjonali, tal‑UE li tkunu attivament involuta fl‑influwenzar tad‑din- u jippermettu lill‑UE biex twieġeb malajr u b’mod effet- ja ta’ madwarna, inkluż permezz bl‑użu ta’ strumenti tiv għad‑diżastri naturali u dawk maħluqa mill‑bniedem finanzjarji. madwar id‑dinja. L‑UE hija impenjata biex tikkontribwixxi finanzjarjament biex tilħaq ‑l impennji internazzjonali tagħha fil‑qasam tat‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑biodiversità. It‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona huwa punt ta’ tluq ġdid fir‑relazz- Fl-2003 saret razzjonalizzazzjoni maġġuri tal‑istrumenti jonijiet tal‑UE mal‑bqija tad‑dinja. Il‑ħolqien tal‑kariga ta’ u dan beda jagħti riżultati aktar effettivi. Il‑Kummissjoni rappreżentant għoli li jkun ukoll Viċi President tal‑Kum- ma tqisx li hija meħtieġa bidla ewlenija oħra fl‑arkitettura missjoni, bi rwol qawwi ta’ koordinament, ġej minn xewqa leġiżlattiva għall‑perjodu MFF li jmiss, għalkemm qed jiġi li jkun hemm interazzjoni magħquda u effettiva mal‑im- propost xi titjib u l‑investiment globali qed jiżdied. sieħba internazzjonali tagħna, ibbażata fuq il‑prinċipji tad‑demokrazija, l‑istat tad‑dritt, id‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem 61 COM(2011) 303 Baġit għall‑Ewropa 2020

Biex jirriflettu ‑l bidliet internazzjonali li huma għaddejjin, 5.8. Partiti bi status speċifiku il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li terġa torjenta l‑finanzjament ta’ programmi f ’pajjiżi industrijalizzati u emerġenti Hemm modi differenti ta’ finanzjament ta’ attivitajiet li u minflok toħloq Strument ta’ Sħubija ġdid biex jappoġġja jitwettqu f ’isem l‑UE jew bħala parti mill‑politiki tal‑UE. l‑interessi ekonomiċi tagħna fil‑bqija tad‑dinja. Dan jista’ Għal diversi raġunijiet, xi attivitajiet huma ffinanzjati jagħti opportunità akbar għan‑negozji tal‑UE permezz minn għodda differenti tal‑baġit jew minn xi Stati Mem- tal‑promozzjoni tal‑kummerċ u l‑konverġenza regolatorja bri biss. F’din il‑proposta tal‑MFF, il‑Kummissjoni tiġbed f ’dawk il‑każijiet fejn il‑finanzjament jista’ jikkontribwixxi l‑attenzjoni wkoll lejn għadd ta’ proposti ta’ nfiq bi status għat‑tisħiħ tar‑relazzjonijiet ekonomiċi tal‑UE madwar speċifiku. id‑dinja. Għandu jiżgura li n‑negozji Ewropej ikunu jist- għu jibbenifikaw mit‑trasformazzjoni ekonomika li qed 5.8.1. Il‑Fond Ewropew għall‑Iżvilupp isseħħ f ’ħafna partijiet tad‑dinja li joħolqu opportunitajiet bla preċedent iżda fejn il‑kompetizzjoni hija wkoll intensa Il‑Fond Ewropew għall‑Iżvilupp (EDF) jiffinanzja għajnu- ħafna. na għall‑iżvilupp għall‑pajjiżi msieħba tal‑UE li qed jiżvi- luppaw. Dan tradizzjonalment ġie ffinanzjat barra‑ l baġit L‑għajnuna umanitarja tal‑UE issa hija rikonoxxuta tal‑UE biex jirrifletti ‑r relazzjonijiet storiċi partikolari fit‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona bħala politika awtonoma fil‑qasam li ċerti Stati Membri għandhom ma’ partijiet differenti tal‑azzjoni esterna tal‑UE, li ġġib livell għoli ta’ valur miż- tad‑dinja. Il‑Kummissjoni tqis li, fiċ‑ċirkostanzi attwali, jud. Approċċ koerenti, komplementari u koordinat tal‑UE bil‑Ftehim ta’ Kotonou (li abbażi tiegħu l‑EDF tipprovdi għall‑għoti tal‑għajnuna umanitarja jiżgura li riżorsi skarsi appoġġ għall‑pajjiżi AKP) li se jiskadi fl-2020, il‑kundiz- 511 jintużaw b’mod effiċjenti sabiex jilħqu‑ l bżonnijiet identi- zjonijiet għal integrazzjoni sħiħa tal‑EDF fil‑baġit għad- fikati u jkun il‑mutur għal reazzjoni umanitarja internazz- hom ma ġewx sodisfati. Madankollu, sabiex tinħoloq pers- jonali aktar effettiva. Iż‑żieda kemm fin‑numru ta’ diżastri pettiva ta’ inklużjoni futura, il‑Kummissjoni se tikkunsidra naturali u kif ukoll dawk ikkawżati mill‑bniedem u l‑im- li tipproponi li l‑għodda ta’ kontribuzzjoni tal‑EDF titqa- patt ekonomiku tagħhom jitlob azzjoni sistematika fil‑liv- rreb iktar mal‑għodda li tintuża għall‑baġit tal‑UE. Dan se ell Ewropew biex jissaħħaħ l‑istat ta’ tħejjija u jissaħħu jikkontribwixxi wkoll għall‑viżibbiltà ta’ ammonti assoluti l‑kapaċitajiet ta’ rispons, kemm ġewwa kif ukoll barra pprovduti fl‑għajnuna għall‑iżvilupp. Huwa wkoll propost l‑UE. Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li r‑reazzjoni għall‑kriżi- li jittejjeb l‑iskrutinju demokratiku tal‑EDF billi jġibugħ jiet, il‑prevenzjoni u l‑ġestjoni tagħhom tkun investigata konformi mad‑DCI, filwaqt li jitqiesu ‑l ispeċifiċitajiet ta’ mal‑istrument tal‑għajnuna umanitarja, u l‑mekkaniżmu dan l‑istrument. tal‑protezzjoni ċivili li jirreaġixxi għal diżastri naturali u dawk ikkawżati mill‑bniedem, li se jkomplu hekk kif l‑ef- 5.8.2. Proġetti fuq skala kbira fetti tal‑bidla fil‑klima jinħassu. L‑esperjenza matul is‑snin wriet li proġetti fuq skala kbira ta’ interess għall‑UE għandhom it‑tendenza li jkun dis- Il‑Kummissjoni temmen li l‑istrumenti ta’ finanzjament proporzjonalment għoljin għall‑baġit żgħir tal‑UE. Billi f ’xi oqsma ta’ politika interna, bħall‑edukazzjoni u l‑mi- n‑natura speċifika tagħhom tfisser li spiss jaqbżu‑ l previż- grazzjoni, għandu jintuża wkoll biex jingħata appoġġ għal jonijiet inizjali ta’ spejjeż, il‑ħtieġa sussegwenti li jsibu fi- azzjonijiet f ’pajjiżi terzi, minħabba l‑benefiċċji ovvji minn nanzjament addizzjonali jqanqal il‑ħtieġa li jiġu riallokati razzjonalizzazzjoni u simplifikazzjoni tal‑approċċ. fondi li diġà ġew riservati għal ħtiġijiet prijoritarji oħrajn. Din mhijiex soluzzjoni sostenibbli u l‑Kummissjoni għal- Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li talloka EUR 70 biljun hekk iddeċidiet li tagħmel proposti alternattivi għall‑fi- għall‑perjodu 2014-2020 għal strumenti esterni. nanzjament futur ta’ proġetti xjentifiċi ta’ skala kbira, billi tagħmel distinzjoni bejn Galileo u proġetti oħra. U barra l‑MFF: L‑UE hija l‑uniku proprjetarju tal‑proġett Galileo u huwa • Il‑Fond Ewropew għall‑Iżvilupp (pajjiżi tal‑AKP) propost baġit suffiċjenti għall‑bżonnijiet futuri tiegħu EUR 30 biljun bħala parti minn dan il‑pakkett. Ser ikunu meħtieġa sforzi • Il‑Fond Ewropew għall‑Iżvilupp (pajjiżi u territorji kontinwi sabiex l‑ispejjeż jinżammu taħt kontroll. Dan se extra‑Ewropej) EUR 321 miljun jiġi żgurat fir‑Regolament li jistabilixxi l‑MFF. Il‑fażi ta’ skjerament sħiħ u l‑istadju operattiv tal‑proġett għandhom • Il‑Fond Globali għall‑Klima u l‑Biodiversità jintlaħqu fil‑bidu tal‑qafas finanzjarju li jmiss, f ’liema punt għandhom jitqiesu arranġamenti ta’ governanza ġdida għal • Riżerva ta’ Għajnuna għall‑Emerġenza, EUR 2,5 perjodu ta’ żmien itwal. biljun IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Għal proġetti bħal ITER u GMES, fejn l‑ispejjeż u/jew - Affarijiet marittimi u sajd, ġustizzja u drittijiet funda- spejjeż żejda huma kbar wisq biex jitħallsu biss mill‑baġit mentali, affarijiet interni, edukazzjoni u kultura. tal‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li wara l-2013 il‑finanzjament tagħhom jiġi previst barra l‑MFF. Dan se jipper- 6.1.2. Tqegħid tal‑istrumenti differenti taħt metti lill‑UE tkompli tissodisfa bi sħiħ l‑impenj internaz- qafas wieħed zjonali tagħha. Mod ieħor biex tiġi ssimplifika ‑l ġestjoni tal‑programmi huwa li jitpoġġew taħt qafas wieħed b’regoli komuni, billi 6. Strumenti u implimentazzjoni jitnaqqsu kemm jista’ jkun kwalunkwe eċċezzjonijiet jew speċifiċitajiet. Pereżempju: 6.1. Simplifikazzjoni biex titjieb • Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li tiġbor flimkien it‑tliet il‑prestazzjoni għejun ewlenin tal‑finanzjament għar‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni (is‑Seba’ Programm Qafas, Il‑proċeduri ta’ implimentazzjoni u l‑ħtiġiet tal‑kontroll l‑innovazzjoni kurrenti parti tal‑Programm tal‑programmi tal‑UE jeħtieġu li jkunu effettivi biex jiżgu- tal‑Kompetittività u l‑Innovazzjoni, u l‑Istitut raw ir‑responsabbiltà iżda jeħtieġu wkoll li jkunu ta’ nefqa Ewropew għall‑Innovazzjoni u t‑Teknoloġija (EIT)) effikaċi. ‑Il bidliet matul is‑snin taw lok għal sistema li issa fi ħdan Qafas Strateġiku Komuni uniku għar‑Riċerka hija ġeneralment meqjusa bħala kkumplikata wisq u li u l‑Innovazzjoni (CSF). 512 spiss tiskoraġġixxi l‑parteċipazzjoni u/jew toħloq dewmien fl‑implimentazzjoni. B’dan l‑isfond, il‑Kummissjoni • Għall‑fondi taħt ġestjoni mqassma - l‑ERDF, l‑FSE, ddeċidiet li tipproponi simplifikazzjoni radikali ‑fl MFF il‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni, il‑Fond Agrikolu Ewropew futuri kollha. F’dan il‑kuntest, huwa importanti li l‑bażi- għall‑Iżvilupp Rurali u l‑Fond Ewropew Marittimu jiet legali futuri tal‑programmi settorjali kollha jiksbu bi- u għas‑Sajd - Qafas Strateġiku Komuni li se lanċ ġust bejn l‑għanijiet tal‑politika, il‑mezzi ta’ twettiq jissostitwixxi l‑approċċ attwali li jistabilixxi settijiet u l‑ispejjeż tal‑amministrazzjoni u l‑kontroll. B’mod par- separati ta’ linji gwida strateġiċi għal strumenti tikolari, il‑kondizzjonijiet għall‑kisba ta’ għanijiet politiċi differenti. se jitwaqqfu b’mod li jkunu effikaċi ‑fin nefqa filwaqt li jiġu 6.1.3. L‑esternalizzazzjoni żgurati kundizzjonijiet ċari ta’ eliġibbiltà, responsabbiltà u livell xieraq ta’ kontroll li jillimita r‑riskju tal‑iżbalji għal Il‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi wkoll l‑użu tal‑għażla li livell raġonevoli bi spiża raġonevoli. jkun hemm kuntatt iktar estensiv mal‑aġenziji eżekutti- vi eżistenti. Kif ġie kkonfermat mill‑Qorti tal‑Awdituri, Kwalunkwe simplifikazzjoni sinifikanti tal‑użu ta’ fondi dawn l‑aġenziji jipprovdu servizz aħjar ta’ twettiq u jsaħħu tal‑UE se teħtieġ l‑isforzi magħquda tal‑istituzzjonijiet l‑viżibbiltà tal‑UE. Dan l‑istrument huwa partikolarment kollha fir‑reviżjoni kemm tar‑regoli ġenerali fir‑Regola- rilevanti għat‑tkomplija ta’ programmi iżgħar attwali li ment Finanzjarju kif ukoll tar‑regoli speċifiċi għas‑settur għadhom ma ġewx esternalizzati u li jinvolvu massa kri- li bħalissa qed jitħejjew. Madankollu, l‑isforzi għas‑simpli- tika ta’ operazzjonijiet omoġenji jew standardizzati, biex fikazzjoni fil‑livell tal‑UE mhux se jipproduċu l‑effett sħiħ b’hekk jinkisbu ekonomiji ta’ skala. Dan ma jfissirx li tagħhom jekk ma jkunux akkumpanjati minn sforzi paral- jinħolqu aġenziji eżekuttivi ġodda, iżda li jiġi rivedut kif leli fuq livell nazzjonali, pereżempju fil‑qasam tal‑ġestjoni meħtieġ il‑mandat ta’ dawk eżistenti. Dan l‑approċċ qed kondiviża. Il‑Kummissjoni se toħroġ Komunikazzjoni jiġi segwit pereżempju fi proposti għal programmi tal‑edu- ddedikata dwar is‑simplifikazzjoni fi tmiem l-2011 ladarba kazzjoni u l‑kultura. l‑proposti speċifiċi għas‑settur ikunu skedati. 6.1.4. Integrazzjoni effiċjenti tal‑prijoritajiet 6.1.1. Innaqqsu l‑għadd ta’ programmi fost il‑politiki L‑ewwel mod kif jista’ jinkiseb dan l‑għan huwa li jitn- F’ċerti oqsma tal‑politika l‑aħjar mod biex jintlaħqu aqqas in‑numru ta’ programmi u strumenti separati; għani- l‑għanijiet – inkluż azzjoni dwar il‑klima, l‑ambjent, il‑poli- jiet multipli ta’ politika jistgħu jintlaħqu mingħajr ma tika tal‑konsumatur, is‑saħħa u d‑drittijiet fundamentali jkun hemm multiplikazzjoni mhux meħtieġa tan‑numru - jiddependi fuq l‑integrazzjoni effiċjenti tal‑prijoritajiet ta’ strumenti biex iwettquhom u mingħajr differenzi kbar f ’firxa ta’ strumenti f ‘oqsma oħra tal‑politika. Pereżempju, fir‑regoli ta’ ġestjoni minn programm għal ieħor. Pro- l‑għanijiet ta’ azzjoni dwar il‑klima għandhom bżonn jiġu grammi kumplessi li ma kellhomx suċċess se jiġu mfassla riflessi fi strumenti biex jiġi żgurat li jikkontribwixxu biex mill‑ġdid b’forma ssimplifikata u aktar effettiva jew se tinbena ekonomija baxxa fil‑karbonju, effiċjenti ‑fir riżorsi jitwaqqfu. Dan l‑approċċ qed jiġi propost f ’xi oqsma u reżistenti għat‑tibdil fil‑klima li ssaħħaħ il‑kompetit- tività tal‑Ewropa, toħloq aktar impjiegi u aktar impjiegi Baġit għall‑Ewropa 2020 ekoloġiċi, isaħħaħ is‑sikurezza tal‑enerġija u ġġib benefiċċji Il‑Kummissjoni qed tipprepara abbozz ta’ Regolament għas‑saħħa. Fil‑qasam tal‑kooperazzjoni għall‑iżvilupp, li l‑ewwel se jiġi diskuss mar‑rappreżentanti tal‑persunal il‑klima u l‑ambjent, b’mod partikolari l‑biodiversità, se bħala parti normali tal‑proċess tad‑djalogu soċjali u im- jiġu integrati fil‑programmi relevanti kollha. bagħad ippreżentat formalment lill‑Parlament Ewropew u lill‑Kunsill għall‑adozzjoni mill‑aktar fis possibbli. Konsegwentament, is‑sehem relevanti tal‑baġit tal‑UE se jiżdied bħala riżultat tal‑integrazzjoni effettiva tal‑politiki maġġuri kollha tal‑UE (bħall‑koeżjoni, ir‑riċerka u l‑in- 7. It‑tul, l‑istruttura novazzjoni, l‑agrikoltura u l‑kooperazzjoni esterna). Billi l‑istess azzjoni tista’ u għandha ssegwi għanijiet differenti u l‑flessibbiltà tal‑qafas fl‑istess ħin, l‑integrazzjoni effettiva għandha tippromwovi finanzjarju multiannwali sinerġiji fl‑użu tal‑fondi għal diversi prijoritajiet u tirriżul- ta f ’aktar konsistenza u effiċjenza‑ fl infiq. Filwaqt li tqis il‑pożizzjoni tal‑Parlament Ewropew, il‑Kummissjoni ddeċidiet li tipproponi perjodu ta’ seba’ 6.1.5. Amministrazzjoni aktar effiċjenti snin għall‑MFF li jmiss. Dan se jssaħħaħ ir‑rabta biex il‑miri tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 jintlaħqu fil‑ħin. Fl-2016 In‑nefqa amministrattiva bħalissa hija 5,7% tal‑infiq il‑Kummissjoni se tippreżenta valutazzjoni tal‑implimen- kurrenti. Dan il‑baġit jiffinanzja‑ l istituzzjonijiet koll- tazzjoni tal‑qafas finanzjarju akkumpanjat, fejn meħtieġ, ha tal‑Unjoni Ewropea – il‑Parlament Ewropew (20 %), minn proposti rilevanti. Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li 513 il‑Kunsill Ewropew u l‑Kunsill (7 %), il‑Kummissjo- l‑intestaturi użati taħt il‑qafas 2007-2013 jiġu ffurmati ni (40 %) u l‑istituzzjonijiet u l‑korpi ż‑żgħar (15 %). mill‑ġdid biex jirriflettu ‑l għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa Min‑naħa tagħha, il‑Kummissjoni għamlet sforzi konsid- 2020. erevoli fl‑aħħar għaxar snin biex tirriforma l‑amministrazzjoni ta’ riżorsi umani u baġitarji tagħha, u biex tiżgura ak- Il‑Kummissjoni taqbel mal‑Parlament Ewropew li aktar effiċjenza‑ fl użu tagħhom. Ir‑riforma tal-2004 waħedha tar flessibbiltà ‑fl intestaturi baġitarji kollha kemm huma ġabet ekonomijij ta’ EUR 3 biljun mill-2004, u hekk kif hija meħtieġ biex tippermetti lill‑Unjoni Ewropea li tif- ikompli l‑proċess ta’ riforma, ser jagħti EUR 5 biljun aktar faċċja sfidi ġodda u biex jiġi ffaċilitat ‑il proċess tat‑teħid fis‑snin li ġejjin sal-2020. Bħala parti mill‑impenn kontin- tad‑deċiżjonijiet fi ħdan ‑l istituzzjonijiet. Il‑Kummissjoni wu tagħha biex nillimitaw l‑ispejjeż ta’ amministrazzjoni għalhekk tipproponi ħames strumenti barra mill‑qafas tal‑politiki tal‑UE, il‑Kummissjoni ilha topera fuq il‑bażi finanzjarju (ir‑Riżerva għall‑Għajnuna ta’ Emerġenza, ta’ “tkabbir żero” fir‑riżorsi umani mill-2007 l‑Istrument tal‑Flessibilità, il‑Fond ta’ Solidarjetà u ta’ Aġġustament għall‑Globalizzazzjoni u strument ġdid Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li tissimplifika u tirrazzjon- biex jintuża f ’reazzjonijiet għal sitwazzjonijiet ta’ kriżi alizza aktar l‑amministrazzjoni tagħha biex tagħmilha fl‑agrikoltura) kif ukoll xi bidliet addizzjonali li huma organizzazzjoni moderna, effettiva u dinamika konformi ppreżentati fil‑proposti li jakkumpanjaw ir‑Regolament mal‑għanijiet tal‑Ewropa 2020. Konxja dwar il‑pressjoni- MFF u l‑Ftehim Interistituzzjonali Ġdid dwar il‑kooper- jiet fuq il‑baġits tal‑Istati Membri u wara li kkunsidrat azzjoni fi kwistjonijiet baġitarji u amministrazzjoni finanz- it‑tnaqqis fl‑infiq tal‑amministrazzjonijiet pubbliċi naz- jarja soda. Barra minn hekk, il‑bażijiet legali futuri għall‑is- zjonali, il‑Kummissjoni rrevediet nefqa amministrattiva trumenti differenti se jipproponu ‑l użu estensiv ta’ atti fl‑istituzzjonijiet kollha biex jiġu identifikati aktar sorsi ta’ delegati biex jippermettu li jkun hemm aktar flessibbiltà effiċjenza u tnaqqis‑ fl ispejjeż. Iddeċidiet li tipproponi tn- fil‑ġestjoni tal‑politiki matul il‑perjodu ta’ finanzjament, aqqis ta’ 5% fil‑livelli tal‑persunal ta’ kull istituzzjoni bħala filwaqt li jiġu rrispettati ‑l prerogattivi taż‑żewġ fergħat parti mill‑MFF li jmiss. Flimkien ma’ effiċjenzi oħra, dan se tal‑leġiżlatur. jżomm f ’livell minimu s‑sehem tal‑spejjeż amministrattivi fil‑baġit tal‑MFF li jmiss. Min‑naħa l‑oħra, il‑ġestjoni ta’ programmi għandha tqis iktar il‑ħtieġa għal ippjanar aktar rigoruż tal‑infiq fil‑fu- Mingħajr stennija sal-2014 meta se jibda l‑MFF li jmiss, tur u tevita li tiżdied l‑akkumulazzjoni ta’ ħlasijiet futuri. il‑Kummissjoni ddeċidiet li tipproponi għadd ta’ tibdiliet Il‑Kummissjoni għalhekk għandha tipproponi miżuri fir‑Regolamenti tal‑Persunal tal‑UE applikabbli għall‑uffiċ- biex tiżgura regoli aktar stretti għall‑ippjanar finanzjarju jali tal‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑UE. Dawn jinkludu metodu ġdid u l‑ġestjoni ta’ programmi ffinanzjati mill‑UE, partikolar- għall‑kalkolu tal‑adattament tas‑salarji, żieda fis‑sigħat ment fil‑Fondi Strutturali, filwaqt li tqis ir‑responsabbilta- tax‑xogħol (minn 37,5 għal 40 siegħa fil‑ġimgħa) mingħajr jiet tal‑Istati Membri fl‑amministrazzjoni ta’ dawn il‑fondi. kumpens ta’ aġġustamenti tal‑pagi, żieda fl‑età tal‑pensjoni u l‑immodernizzar ta’ ċerti kundizzjonijiet skaduti skont xejriet simili fl‑amministrazzjonijiet tal‑Istati Membri. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

8. Konklużjoni

F’testi leġiżlattivi li jakkumpanjaw il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi Regolament li jadotta qafas finanzjarju multiannwali ġdid, ftehim interistituzzjonali (IIA) dwar kwistjonijiet baġitarji u amministrazzjoni finanzjarja soda, u biex ikun hemm Deċiżjoni dwar ir‑riżorsi proprji (b’leġiżlazzjoni implimentattiva rilevanti).

Fix‑xhur li ġejjin qabel it‑tmiem tal-2011, l‑approċċ deskritt f ’din il‑Komunikazzjoni se jiġi stipulat fid‑dettall fil‑proposti leġiżlattivi għall‑istrumenti u l‑programmi ta’ nfiq ‑fl oqsma individwali tal‑politika.

Il‑Parlament Ewropew u l‑Kunsill huma mistiedna jap- poġġaw l‑orjentazzjonijiet stabbiliti f ’din il‑Komunika- zzjoni u biex jieħdu l‑passi neċessarji fil‑proċess tan‑negozjati sabiex jiżguraw li l‑atti leġiżlattivi rilevanti, inkluż 514 il‑programmi u l‑istrumenti ta’ nfiq settorjali, ikunu ġew adottati fil‑ħin bil‑għan li jkun hemm implimentazzjoni bla xkiel tal‑qafas finanzjarju multiannwali ‑l ġdid fl-1 ta’ Jannar 2014. Il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi l‑aġġustamenti meħtieġa għal dan il‑qafas jekk, kif mistenni, ir‑Repubbli- ka tal‑Kroazja ssir Stat Membru tal‑Unjoni Ewropea qabel ma jidħol fis‑seħħ il‑Qafas Finanzjarju Multiannwali li jmiss. Inżidu l‑impatt tal‑Politika tal‑UE għall‑Iżvilupp: Aġenda għall‑Bidla

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL, LILL‑KUMITAT SOĊJALI U EKONOMIKU EWROPEW U LILL‑KUMITAT TAR‑REĠJUNI BRUSSELL, 13.10.2011 COM(2011) 637

1. Tnaqqis tal‑faqar f’dinja li fuq l‑MDGs huwa essenzjali, iżda mhux biżżejjed. Dan iwassal għal żewġ konklużjonijiet: l‑ewwel, li l‑għanijiet 515 qiegħda tinbidel rapidament tal‑iżvilupp, id‑demokrazija, id‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem, il‑governanza tajba u s‑sigurtà huma marbutin ma’ xulx‑ F’mument kritiku – filwaqt li qiegħda taffaċċja sfidi glo- in; it‑tieni, li huwa kritiku li s‑soċjetajiet joffru futur bali ġodda, qrib il‑mira tal-2015 għall‑kisba tal‑Għanijiet liż‑żgħażagħ. ta’ Żvilupp tal‑Millennju (MDGs) u f ’nofs it‑tħejjijiet għall‑Qafas Finanzjarju Multiannwali (MFF) li jmiss - Il‑politika tal‑UE għall‑iżvilupp trid tqis id‑differenzazzjo- l‑UE trid tagħżel it‑taħlita t‑tajba tal‑politiki, tal‑għodod ni miżjuda bejn il‑pajjiżi li qegħdin jiżviluppaw. Riċente- u tar‑riżorsi biex tkun effettiva u effiċjenti‑ fil ġlieda kontra ment, bosta pajjiżi sħab saru donaturi fihom infushom, l‑faqar fil‑kuntest tal‑iżvilupp sostenibbli. Il‑Kummissjo- filwaqt li oħrajn qegħdin jaffaċċjaw fraġilità li qiegħda ni qiegħda tipproponi Aġenda għall‑Bidla biex issaħħaħ tiżdied. L‑UE issa trid tesplora modi ġodda biex taħdem is‑solidarjetà tal‑Ewropa man‑nazzjonijiet tad‑dinja li magħhom u tippromwovi aġenda tal‑iżvilupp internazz- qegħdin jiżviluppaw f ’din il‑ġlieda kontra l‑faqar. jonali aktar inklussiva.

Kif jiddikjara t‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona, l‑appoġġ lill‑isforzi Hemm ukoll potenzjal għall‑UE biex taħdem ak- tal‑pajjiżi li qegħdin jiżviluppaw biex jinqered il‑faqar tar mill‑qrib mas‑settur privat, mal‑fondazzjonijiet, huwa l‑għan ewlieni tal‑politika għall‑iżvilupp u prijor‑ mas‑soċjetà ċivili u mal‑awtoritajiet lokali u reġjonali ità għall‑azzjoni esterna tal‑UE bħala appoġġ għall‑in‑ hekk kif ir‑rwol tagħhom fl‑iżvilupp jikber. teressi tal‑UE għal dinja stabbli u b’aktar ġid. Il‑politika għall‑iżvilupp tgħin ukoll tindirizza sfidi globali oħrajn Fil‑livell tal‑UE, it‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona ankra fis‑sod u tikkontribwixxi għall‑Istrateġija UE-2020. il‑politika għall‑iżvilupp fl‑azzjoni esterna tal‑UE. Il‑ħolqien tal‑kariga ta’ Rappreżentant Għoli/Viċi‑Presi- L‑UE diġà ħadmet ħafna biex tgħin biex jitnaqqas dent (RG/VP), assistita mis‑Servizz Ewropew għall‑Azz- il‑faqar u b’mod partikolari biex tappoġġa l‑kisba joni Esterna (SEAE), toffri opportunitajiet ġodda għal tal‑MDGs. Iżda l‑faqar estrem għadu jippersisti f ’bosta kooperazzjoni għall‑iżvilupp aktar effettiva u tfassil ta’ partijiet tad‑dinja. Serje ta’ xokkijiet globali ħallew bos- politika aktar integrat. ta pajjiżi li qegħdin jiżviluppaw fi stat ta’ vulnerabbiltà. Hekk kif il‑popolazzjoni tad‑dinja qiegħda tkompli tikber, L‑UE mhijiex sempliċiment it-28 donatur Ewropew. tinħtieġ aktar azzjoni biex jiġu indirizzati l‑isfidi globali Filwaqt li l‑Kummissjoni timplimenta 20 % tal‑isforz bħall‑prevenzjoni tal‑kunflitti, is‑sigurtà, il‑protezzjoni kollettiv tal‑għajnuna tal‑UE, hija taġixxi wkoll biex tik- ambjentali, it‑tibdil fil‑klima, u biex jitwasslu beni pubbliċi koordina, tlaqqa’ u tfassal il‑politika. L‑UE hija sieħba globali bħas‑sigurtà tal‑ikel, l‑aċċess għall‑ilma u għas‑san- kummerċjali u ekonomika, u d‑djalogu politiku tagħha, ità, is‑sigurtà tal‑enerġija u l‑migrazzjoni. il‑politika tas‑sigurtà u bosta politiki oħrajn – mill‑kum- merċ, l‑agrikoltura u s‑sajd sal‑ambjent, il‑klima, l‑enerġija Sadanittant, movimenti mmexxija mill‑poplu fl‑Afrika u l‑migrazzjoni - għandhom impatt qawwi fuq il‑pajjiżi ta’ Fuq u fil‑Lvant Nofsani enfasizzaw li progress tajjeb li qegħdin jiżviluppaw. Trid tittraduċi dan ir‑rwol IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

multidimensjonali f ’taħlitiet differenti ta’ politiki adat‑ tati għal kull pajjiż imsieħeb. Biex ikunu għal kollox effet- • importanza msaħħa tad‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem, tivi, l‑UE u l‑Istati Membri tagħha jridu jitkellmu u jaġixxu tad‑demokrazija u tax‑xejriet tal‑governanza tajba bħala entità waħda biex jiksbu riżultati aħjar u biex itejbu fid‑determinazzjoni tat‑taħlita ta’ strumenti u ta’ l‑viżibilità tal‑UE. modalitajiet tal‑għajnuna fuq il‑livell tal‑pajjiż; • appoġġ kontinwu għall‑inklużjoni soċjali Iż‑żminijiet diffiċli ekonomiċi u baġitarji jagħmluha u għall‑iżvilupp tal‑bniedem permezz ta’ mill‑inqas saħansitra aktar kritika li jiġi żgurat li l‑għajnuna tin‑ 20 % tal‑għajnuna tal‑UE; tefaq b’mod effettiv, tagħti l‑aħjar riżultati possibbli u tintuża biex isservi ta’ lieva għal aktar finanzjament • konċentrazzjoni akbar fl‑investiment favur fatturi għall‑iżvilupp. għal tkabbir ekonomiku inklussiv u sostenibbli, li jipprovdu s‑sinsla tal‑isforzi biex jitnaqqas il‑faqar; B’dan il‑kuntest il‑ġdid f ’moħha, fl-2010 ‑l Kummissjoni • sehem ogħla tal‑għajnuna tal‑UE permezz ta’ varat konsultazzjoni dwar il‑politika tal‑UE għall‑iżvi- strumenti finanzjarji innovattivi, inklużi faċilitajiet 62 lupp . Din ikkonfermat ir‑rilevanza tal‑qafas ta’ politika li jgħaqqdu l‑għotjiet u s‑self; eżistenti, filwaqt li qablet dwar il‑ħtieġa li jiżdied l‑impatt. • konċentrazzjoni fuq l‑għajnuna lill‑pajjiżi li Huma meħtieġa tibdiliet f ’għadd ta’ direzzjonijiet. B’mod qegħdin jiżviluppaw biex titnaqqas l‑espożizzjoni partikolari, l‑UE trid tfittex li tiffoka‑ l offerta tagħha tagħhom għax‑xokkijiet globali bħat‑tibdil 516 lill‑pajjiżi sħab fejn jista’ jkollha l‑akbar impatt u għandha fil‑klima, id‑degradazzjoni tal‑ekosistema tikkonċentra l‑kooperazzjoni għall‑iżvilupp tagħha biex u tar‑riżorsi, u prezzijiet volatili u li qegħdin tappoġġa: jogħlew tal‑enerġija u tal‑agrikoltura, permezz ta' konċentrazzjoni fuq l‑investiment fl‑agrikoltura sostenibbli u fl‑enerġija; • id‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem, id‑demokrazija u l‑elementi ewlenin oħrajn ta’ governanza tajba; • indirizzar tal‑isfidi tas‑sigurtà, tal‑fraġilità u tat‑tranżizzjoni; • it‑tkabbir inklussiv u sostenibbli għall‑iżvilupp tal‑bniedem. • strateġiji ta’ reazzjoni konġunti bejn l‑UE u l‑Istati Membri bbażati fuq strateġiji ta' żvilupp proprji Biex jiġi żgurat l‑aħjar valur għall‑flus, din għandha tiġi tal‑imsieħba, bi tqassim settorjali tal‑kompiti; akkumpanjata minn: • qafas komuni tal‑UE għall‑irrappurtar tar‑riżultati; • sħubijiet għall‑iżvilupp differenzjati; • Politika mtejba ta' Koerenza għall‑Iżvilupp, inkluż • azzjoni kkoordinata tal‑UE; permezz tal‑programmi tematiċi ġodda li jibnu sinerġiji bejn l‑interessi globali u l‑qerda tal‑faqar. • koerenza mtejba fost il‑politiki tal‑UE.

Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi Aġenda L‑Aġenda għall‑Bidla proposta ma għandhiex il‑għan li għall‑Bidla li tista’ twassal għal: tikteb mill‑ġdid il‑prinċipji bażiċi tal‑politika. Kif stabbilit fil‑Kunsens Ewropew dwar l‑Iżvilupp63, il‑mira kumplessi‑ va tal‑UE sabiex jinqered il‑faqar fil‑kuntest tal‑iżvilupp • sehem akbar tal‑programmi ta’ kooperazzjoni sostenibbli mhux se tiddgħajjef. L‑impenji tal‑UE dwar tal‑pajjiżi u reġjonali tal‑UE dedikati il‑finanzjament għall‑iżvilupp, il‑kisba tal‑MDG u l‑effet- għall‑prijoritajiet ta’ politika mogħtija fit‑taqsimiet tività tal‑għajnuna tibqa’ soda, kif jibqgħu wkoll l‑ambizz- 2 u 3 hawn taħt; jonijiet tagħha bħala mexxej politiku u donatur ewlieni. • il‑konċentrazzjoni tal‑attivitajiet tal‑UE f ’kull pajjiż fuq massimu ta’ tliet setturi; L‑istrateġiji tal‑iżvilupp immexxija mill‑pajjiż imsieħeb se jkomplu jfasslu l‑kooperazzjoni għall‑iżvilupp tal‑UE • żieda fil‑volum u fis‑sehem tal‑għajnuna mill‑UE skont il‑prinċipji ta’ sjieda u sħubija. L‑UE qiegħda tfit- lill‑pajjiżi l‑aktar fil‑bżonn u fejn l‑UE jista’ jkollha tex involviment reċiproku akbar mal‑pajjiżi sħab tagħha, impatt reali, inkluż stati fraġli; inkluż ir‑responsabbiltà reċiproka għar‑riżultati. Djalogu fuq il‑livell tal‑pajjiż fi ħdan qafas koordinat ta' donatu‑ ri għandu jiddetermina eżattament fejn u kif tintervjeni

62 COM(2010)629 http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/how/ public‑consultations/5241_en.htm 63 2006/C 46/01. Inżidu l‑impatt tal‑Politika tal‑UE għall‑Iżvilupp: Aġenda għall‑Bidla l‑UE.Se tiġi segwita wkoll kollaborazzjoni aktar effettiva fi L‑azzjoni tal‑UE għandha tiffoka fuq: ħdan is‑sistema multilaterali. • Id‑demokrazija, id‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem u l‑istat tad‑dritt. L‑UE għandha tkompli tappoġġa 2. Drittijiet tal‑bniedem, d‑demokratizzazzjoni, l‑elezzjonijiet ħielsa u ġusti, il‑funzjonament tal‑istituzzjonijiet, il‑libertà tal‑midja demokrazija u elementi u l‑aċċess għall‑internet, il‑protezzjoni tal‑minoranzi, ewlenin oħrajn ta' l‑istat tad‑dritt u sistemi ġudizzjarji fil‑pajjiżi msieħba. governanza tajba • L‑ugwaljanza bejn is‑sessi u l‑emanċipazzjoni tan‑nisa bħala atturi għall‑iżvilupp u ħaddiema Governanza tajba, fit‑termini politiċi, ekonomiċi, soċja- għall‑paċi65 se jiġu integrati fil‑politiki u fil‑programmi li u ambjentali tagħha, hija vitali għall‑iżvilupp inklusiv kollha tal‑UE għall‑iżvilupp permezz tal‑Pjan ta’ u sostenibbli. L‑appoġġ tal‑UE għall‑governanza għan‑ Azzjoni tal‑UE dwar is‑Sessi tal-2010. du jidher b’aktar prominenza fis‑sħubijiet kollha, b'mod • Il‑ġestjoni tas‑settur pubbliku għal servizz aħjar speċjali permezz ta’ inċentivi għal riforma orjentata lejn ta’ twettiq. L‑UE għandha tappoġġa programmi ir‑riżultati u enfasi fuq l‑impenji tal‑imsieħba favur id‑drit‑ nazzjonali biex itejbu l‑formulazzjoni tal‑politika, tijiet tal‑bniedem, id‑demokrazija u l‑istat tad‑dritt u li il‑ġestjoni finanzjarja pubblika, inklużi ‑t twaqqif jiġu ssodisfati t‑talbiet u l‑ħtiġijiet tan‑nies tagħhom. u t‑tisħiħ ta’ korpi u miżuri ta' awditjar, kontroll u kontra l‑frodi, u żvilupp istituzzjonali, inkluż 517 Billi l‑progress fit‑tul jista' jitmexxa biss minn forzi interni, l‑immaniġjar tar‑riżorsi umani. Ir‑riforma domestika se jiġi segwit approċċ iċċentrat fuq id‑djalogu politiku u l‑politiki fiskali favur il‑foqra huma vitali. u ta' politika mal‑partijiet interessati kollha. It‑taħlita u l‑livell tal‑għajnuna se jiddependu fuq is‑sitwazzjoni • Il‑politika u l‑amministrazzjoni fiskali.L ‑UE se fil‑pajjiż, inkluża l‑abbiltà tiegħu biex iwettaq riformi. tkompli tippromwovi sistemi fiskali nazzjonali ġusti u trasparenti fil‑programmi tagħha tal‑pajjiż, skont L‑appoġġ għall‑governanza jista' jieħu l‑forma ta’ pro- il‑prinċipji tal‑UE għal governanza tajba fil‑qasam grammi jew interventi msejsa fuq proġetti biex jappoġġaw tat‑taxxa, flimkien ma' inizjattivi internazzjonali l‑atturi u l‑proċessi fuq il‑livell lokali, nazzjonali u set- u rappurtar pajjiż b'pajjiż biex tiżdied it‑trasparenza torjali. Appoġġ baġitarju ġenerali tal‑UE għandu jkun finanzjarja. marbut mas‑sitwazzjoni ta' governanza u mad‑djalogu • Il‑korruzzjoni. L‑UE għandha tgħin lill‑pajjiżi politiku mal‑pajjiż imsieħeb, f ’koordinazzjoni mal‑Istati sħab tagħha biex jindirizzaw il‑korruzzjoni permezz 64 Membri . programmi ta' governanza li jappoġġaw il‑promozzjoni, is‑sensibilizzazzjoni u r‑rappurtar u jżidu l‑kapaċità Jekk pajjiż inaqqas l‑impenn tiegħu lejn id‑drittijiet tal‑korpi tal‑kontroll u tas‑sorveljanza u l‑ġudikatura. tal‑bniedem u d‑demokrazija, l‑UE għandha ssaħħaħ il‑koperazzjoni tagħha mal‑atturi mhux statali u mal‑aw‑ • Is‑soċjetà ċivili u l‑awtoritajiet lokali. Filwaqt li tibni 66 toritajiet lokali u tuża forom ta’ għajnuna li jipprovdu fuq 'Djalogu Strutturat' , l‑UE għandha ssaħħaħ lill‑foqra bl‑appoġġ li jkollhom bżonn. Fl‑istess ħin, l‑UE ir‑rabtiet tagħha mal‑organizzazzjonijiet tas‑soċjetà għandha żżomm djalogu mal‑gvernijiet u mal‑atturi mhux ċivili, mal‑isħab soċjali u mal‑awtoritajiet lokali, statali. F’xi każijiet, kondizzjonalità aktar stretta se tiġi permezz ta’ djalogu regolari u l‑użu tal‑aħjar prattiki. ġġustifikata. Għandha tappoġġa l‑ħolqien ta' soċjetà ċivili lokali organizzata kapaċi taġixxi bħala għassies u sieħeb fi Il‑konċentrazzjoni fuq ir‑riżultati u r‑responsabbiltà djalogu mal‑gvernijiet nazzjonali. L‑UE għandha tqis reċiproka ma tfissirx li ‑l UE se tinjora s‑sitwazzjonijiet modi kif timmobilizza l‑kompetenzi tal‑awtoritajiet fraġli fejn l‑impatt huwa aktar bil‑mod jew aktar diffiċli biex lokali, pereżempju permezz ta' netwerks ta' eċċellenza jitkejjel. L‑UE għandha taħdem biex tgħin lill‑pajjiżi f ’sit- jew eżerċizzji ta' ġemellaġġ. wazzjonijiet ta’ fraġilità biex jistabbilixxu l‑funzjonament • Ir‑riżorsi naturali. L‑UE għandha żżid l‑appoġġ u l‑istituzzjonijiet responsabbli li jagħtu servizzi bażiċi u li tagħha għall‑proċessi u korpi ta' sorveljanza u tkompli jappoġġjaw it‑tnaqqis tal‑faqar. Se jittieħdu deċiżjonijiet tappoġġa riformi ta' governanza li jippromwovu biex jiġi pprovdut appoġġ baġitarju lil tali pajjiżi fuq bażi l‑ġestjoni sostenibbli u trasparenti ta' riżorsi naturali, ta' każ b'każ, li jiżnu l‑benefiċċji, il‑kostijiet u r‑riskji.

65 SEC(2010) 265 finali. 66 http://ec.europa.eu/europeaid/who/partners/civil‑society/ 64 COM(2011) 638. structured‑dialogue_en.htm IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

inklużi materja prima u riżorsi marittimi, u tas‑servizzi L‑UE għandha tiffoka ‑l appoġġ tagħha għal tkabbir ink- tal‑ekosistemi, b'attenzjoni partikolari għad‑dipendenza lussiv u sostenibbli fuq: fuqhom mill‑foqra, b'mod speċjali azjendi agrikoli żgħar. • Ir‑rabta żvilupp‑sigurtà. L‑UE għandha tiżgura li • dawk is‑setturi li jibnu l‑pedamenti għal tkabbir l‑għanijiet tagħha fl‑oqsma tal‑politika għall‑iżvilupp, u jgħinu jiżguraw li jkunu inklussivi, b'mod speċjali l‑ħarsien soċjali, is‑saħħa u l‑edukazzjoni tal‑bini tal‑paċi, tal‑prevenzjoni tal‑kunflitti ; u tas‑sigurtà internazzjonali (inkluż is‑sigurtà • il‑vetturi faċilitattivi għal tkabbir inklussiv ċibernetika) jirrinfurzaw lil xulxin. Għandha tiffinalizza u sostenibbli, b'mod speċjali ambjent aktar b'saħħtu u timplimenta l‑Pjan ta' Azzjoni mitlub dwar is‑sigurtà, tan‑negozju u integrazzjoni reġjonali aktar profonda; il‑fraġilità u l‑iżvilupp67. • dawk is‑setturi li jkollhom impatt multiplikatur qawwi fuq l‑ekonomiji tal‑pajjiżi li qegħdin jiżviluppaw 3. Tkabbir inklussiv u li jikkontribwixxu għall‑ħarsien ambjentali, u sostenibbli għall‑iżvilupp il‑prevenzjoni u l‑adattament fit‑tibdil fil‑klima, b'mod speċjali fl‑agrikoltura sostenibbli u fl‑enerġija. tal‑bniedem 3.1. Il‑protezzjoni soċjali, is‑saħħa, It‑tkabbir ekonomiku inklussiv u sostenibbli huwa kruċja- l‑edukazzjoni u l‑impjiegi li għat‑tnaqqis fit‑tul tal‑faqar u x‑xejriet ta' tkabbir huma 518 importanti daqs ir‑rati ta' tkabbir. Għal dan il‑għan, l‑UE L‑UE għandha tieħu approċċ aktar komprensiv lejn għandha tħeġġeġ aktar tkabbir inklużiv, ikkaratterizzat l‑iżvilupp tal‑bniedem. Dan jinvolvi l‑appoġġ għal poplu mill‑ħila tal‑persuni biex jipparteċipaw fi, u jibbene‑ b’saħħtu u b'edukazzjoni tajba, li jagħti lill‑forza tax‑xog- fikaw minn, ġid u ħolqien tax‑xogħol. Hija vitali l‑pro- ħol il‑ħiliet li twieġeb għall‑ħtiġijiet tas‑suq tax‑xogħol, mozzjoni tax‑xogħol deċenti li tkopri l‑ħolqien tax‑xogħol, tiżviluppa l‑ħarsien soċjali, u jnaqqas l‑inugwaljanza il‑garanzija tad‑drittijiet fuq il‑post tax‑xogħol, il‑ħarsien tal‑opportunità. soċjali u d‑djalogu soċjali. L‑UE għandha tappoġġa riformi fis‑settur li jżidu l‑aċċess L‑iżvilupp mhuwiex sostenibbli jekk dan jagħmel ħsara għal servizzi tas‑saħħa u tal‑edukazzjoni ta' kwalità u js- lill‑ambjent, lill‑bijodiversità u lir‑riżorsi naturali u jżid saħħu l‑kapaċitajiet lokali biex jirreaġixxu għall‑isfidi glo- l‑espożizzjoni/il‑vulnerabbiltà għad‑diżastri naturali. bali. L‑UE għandha tuża l‑firxa tagħha ta' strumenti ta' Il‑politika tal‑UE għall‑iżvilupp għandha tippromwovi għajnuna, b'mod speċjali "kuntratti għar‑riforma tas‑set‑ “ekonomija ekoloġika” li tista’ tiġġenera tkabbir, toħloq tur" bi djalogu politiku intensifikat. ix‑xogħol u tgħin biex jitnaqqas il‑faqar billi tivvaluta u tinvesti fil‑kapital naturali68, inkluż permezz tal‑appoġġ L‑UE għandha tieħu azzjoni biex tiżviluppa u ssaħħaħ għall‑opportunitajiet tas‑suq għal teknoloġiji aktar nod- is‑sistemi tas‑saħħa, tnaqqas l‑inugwaljanzi fl‑aċċess fa, użu effiċjenti tal‑enerġija u tar‑riżorsi, żvilupp b'livell għas‑servizzi tas‑saħħa, tippromwovi l‑koerenza tal‑politi- baxx ta' emissjoni tal‑karbonju filwaqt li tistimola ‑l inno- ka u żżid il‑protezzjoni kontra t‑theddid tas‑saħħa globali vazzjoni, l‑użu tal‑ICT, u tnaqqas l‑użu mhux sostenib- sabiex jitjiebu r‑riżultati tas‑saħħa għall‑kulħadd. bli tar‑riżorsi naturali. Għandha tikkontribwixxi wkoll għat‑titjib tar‑reżiljenza tal‑pajjiżi li qegħdin jiżviluppaw L‑UE għandha ssaħħaħ l‑appoġġ tagħha għal edukazzjo‑ fir‑rigward tal‑konsegwenzi tat‑tibdil fil‑klima. ni ta’ kwalità biex tagħti liż‑żgħażagħ l‑għarfien u l‑ħiliet biex ikunu membri attivi f 'soċjetà li qiegħda dejjem tevol- L‑atturi pubbliċi għandhom joħolqu sħubijiet ma’ kump- vi. Permezz tal‑bini ta' kapaċità u l‑iskambju tal‑għarfien, aniji privati, komunitajiet lokali u soċjetà ċivili. Ir‑re‑ l‑UE għandha tappoġġa t‑taħriġ vokazzjonali għall‑imp‑ sponsabbiltà soċjali korporattiva fil‑livell internazzjonali jegabbiltà u għall‑kapaċità biex twettaq ir‑riċerka u tuża u nazzjonali tista' tgħin biex jiġi evitat li jitnaqqas il‑livell r‑riżultati tagħha. tad‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem, tal‑istandards internazzjonali soċjali u ambjentali u biex ikun hemm promozzjoni ta' L‑UE għandha tappoġġa l‑aġenda tax‑xogħol deċenti, mġiba kummerċjali responsabbli konsistenti ma' strumenti l‑iskemi tal‑protezzjoni soċjali u ta' garanziji minimi rikonoxxuti internazzjonalment. u tinkuraġġixxi politiki li jiffaċilitawil‑mobbiltà reġjonali tax‑xogħol. L‑UE se tappoġġa sforzi mmirati biex tisfrutta b'mod sħiħ l‑interrelazzjoni bejn il‑migrazzjoni, il‑mob- biltà u l‑impjieg. 67 Il‑Konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill 14919/07 u 15118/07. 68 COM(2011) 363 finali. Inżidu l‑impatt tal‑Politika tal‑UE għall‑Iżvilupp: Aġenda għall‑Bidla

3.2. Ambjent tan‑negozju, integrazzjoni bħala parti mill‑Għajnuna għall‑Attivitajiet tal‑Kummerċ reġjonali u swieq globali u tal‑Ftehimiet ta' Sħubija Ekonomika tal‑UE li qegħdin dejjem jikbru u li huma sostanzjali u ftehimiet oħrajn ta' kummerċ ħieles ma' reġjuni li qegħdin jiżviluppaw. It‑tkabbir ekonomiku għandu bżonn ta' ambjent favorevoli għan‑negozju. L‑UE għandha tappoġġa l‑iżvilupp tas‑setturi privati lokali kompettitivi inkluż permezz 3.3. L‑Agrikoltura sostenibbli tal‑bini tal‑kapaċità lokali istituzzjonali u kummerċjali, u l‑enerġija tippromwovi l‑SMEs u l‑kooperattivi, tappoġġa riformi tal‑qafas leġiżlattiv u regolatorju u l‑infurzar tagħhom L‑UE għandha tuża l‑appoġġ tagħha fl‑agrikoltura u fl‑en- (inkluż għall‑użu ta' komunikazzjonijiet elettroniċi bħala erġija biex tgħin tiżola lill‑pajjiżi li qegħdin jiżviluppaw għodda biex tappoġġa t‑tkabbir fis‑setturi kollha), tiffaċil- minn xokkijiet (bħall‑iskarsezza tar‑riżorsi u l‑provvista ita l‑aċċess għal servizzi kummerċjali u finanzjarji u tip- u bħall‑volatilità tal‑prezzijiet) u għalhekk tgħin tipprovdi promwovi l‑politiki agrikoli, industrijali u ta' innovazzjoni. l‑pedamenti għal tkabbir sostenibbli. Għandha tindirizza Dan se jippermetti wkoll lill‑pajjiżi li qegħdin jiżviluppaw, l‑inugwaljanzi, b'mod partikolari biex tagħti lin‑nies foqra b'mod speċjali l‑ifqar pajjiżi, biex jużaw l‑opportunitaji- aċċess aħjar għall‑art, l‑ikel, l‑ilma u l‑enerġija mingħajr ma et offruti mis‑swieq integrati globalment. L‑għajnuna ssir ħsara għall‑ambjent. għall‑Kummerċ u l‑iffaċilitar tal‑kummerċ aħjar u aktar immirati jridu jakkumpanjaw dawn l‑isforzi. Fl‑agrikoltura, l‑UE għandha tappoġġa prattiki sostenibbli, inklużi l‑issalvagwardjar tas‑servizzi tal‑ekosistemi, 519 Bl‑istess mod, l‑attirar u ż‑żamma ta' investiment sostan‑ tagħti prijorità lill‑prattiki żviluppati lokalment u tiffoka zjali privat domestiku u barrani u t‑titjib tal‑infrastrut‑ fuq l‑agrikoltura ta' skala żgħira u l‑għajxien rurali, il‑for- tura huma kruċjali għas‑suċċess tal‑pajjiżi li qegħdin mazzjoni ta' gruppi ta' produtturi, ta' katina għall‑fornitura jiżviluppaw. L‑UE għandha tiżviluppa modi ġodda ta' u għall‑kummerċjalizzazzjoni u l‑isforzi tal‑gvern biex jif- involviment tas‑settur privat, b'mod speċjali bil‑ħsieb li faċilita investiment privat responsabbli. L‑UE se tkompli tistimola attività tas‑settur privat u riżorsi li jipprovdu pro- taħdem biex issaħħaħ l‑istandards nutrittivi, il‑governan- dotti pubbliċi. Għandha tesplora l‑mekkaniżmi tal‑kondi- za tas‑sigurtà tal‑ikel u tnaqqas il‑volatilità tal‑prezzijiet viżjoni tar‑riskju u tagħti finanzjament bil‑quddiem biex tal‑ikel fuq livell internazzjonali. tikkatalizza sħubijiet pubbliċi‑privati u investiment privat. L‑UE għandha tinvesti biss fl‑infrastruttura, fejn is‑settur Fl‑enerġija, l‑UE għandha toffri ‑t teknoloġija u l‑għarfien privat ma jistax jagħmel hekk fuq termini kummerċjali. espert kif ukoll fondi għall‑iżvilupp, u għandha tiffoka fuq tliet sfidi ewlenin: il‑volatilità tal‑prezzijiet u s‑sig- L‑UE se tkompli tiżviluppa mekkaniżmi ta' kooperazzjo- urtà tal‑enerġija; it‑tibdil fil‑klima, inkluż l‑aċċess għal te- ni biex tagħti spinta lir‑riżorsi finanzjarji għall‑iżvilupp, knoloġiji b'livell baxx tal‑emissjoni tal‑karbonju; u aċċess tibni fuq esperjenzi ta’ suċċess bħall‑faċilitajiet Ewropej għal servizzi sikuri, bi prezz raġonevoli, ta' enerġija nadifa għall‑Investiment jew lill‑Fond Fiduċjarju ta' bejn l‑UE u sostenibbli69. u l‑Afrika għall‑infrastruttura. F'setturi u pajjiżi magħżu- la, persentaġġ ogħla tar‑riżorsi tal‑UE għall‑iżvilupp Fiż‑żewġ setturi, l‑UE għandha tappoġġa l‑iżvilupp għandhom jiġu użati permezz ta' strumenti finanzjarji tal‑kapaċità u t‑trasferiment tat‑teknoloġija, inkluż fi eżistenti jew ġodda, bħall‑għaqda tal‑għotjiet u tas‑self strateġiji ta’ adattament u mitigazzjoni tal‑klima. u mekkaniżmi oħrajn tal‑kondiviżjoni tar‑riskju, sabiex jiġu attratti aktar riżorsi u għaldaqstant jiżdied l‑impatt. L‑UE qiegħda tfittex għal sħubijiet fit‑tul ma' pajjiżi li Dan il‑proċess għandu jiġi appoġġat minn pjattaforma qegħdin jiżviluppaw, ibbażati fuq responsabbiltà reċiproka. tal‑UE għall‑Kooperazzjoni u għall‑Iżvilupp li tinkorpora l‑Kummissjoni, l‑Istati Membri u l‑istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji Ewropej.

L‑iżvilupp u l‑integrazzjoni reġjonali jistgħu jistimolaw il‑kummerċ u l‑investiment u jrawmu l‑paċi u l‑istabbiltà. L‑UE għandha tappoġġa l‑isforzi għall‑integrazzjoni reġjonali u kontinentali (inklużi l‑inizjattivi Nofsinhar‑Nofsinhar) permezz tal‑politiki tal‑imsieħba f 'oqsma bħas‑swieq, l‑infrastruttura u l‑kooperazzjoni transkonfinali dwar ‑l ilma, l‑enerġija u s‑sigurtà. Se jiġi of- 69 Filwaqt li jitqiesu l‑inizjattivi li għaddejjin bħalissa bħall‑Grupp frut appoġġ biex jiġu indirizzati l‑lakuni tal‑kompetittività, ta’ Livell Għoli tan‑NU dwar l‑Enerġija Sopstenibbli għal kulħadd. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

4. Sħubijiet differenzjati • L‑impatt potenzjali tal‑UE: ivvalutat permezz żewġ għanijiet trażversali: għall‑izvilupp 1) Iż‑żieda tal‑limitu sa fejn il‑kooperazzjoni tal‑UE L‑UE trid tfittex litiffoka r‑riżorsi tagħha fejn huma tista' tippromwovi u tappoġġa riformi politiċi, meħtieġa l‑aktar biex tindirizza t‑tnaqqis tal‑faqar u fejn ekonomiċi, soċjali u ambjentali fil‑pajjiżi msieħba; jistgħu jkollhom l‑akbar impatt. 2) Iż‑żieda tal‑effett ta' lieva li l‑għajnuna tal‑UE jista' Għajnuna bbażata fuq l‑għoti m'għandhiex tidher fil‑ko- jkollha fuq sorsi oħrajn ta’ finanzjament għall‑iżvi- operazzjoni ġeografika ma' pajjiżi li qegħdin jiżviluppaw lupp, b'mod partikolari l‑investiment privat. aktar avvanzati li diġà qegħdin fuq perkorsi appoġġati ta' tkabbir u/jew kapaċi jiġġeneraw biżżejjed riżorsi proprji. Permezz ta' djalogu komprensiv politiku u ta’ politika Min‑naħa l‑oħra, ħafna pajjiżi oħrajn jibqgħu jiddependu mal‑pajjiżi sħab kollha, l‑UE għandha tiddefinixxi ‑l aktar ħafna fuq appoġġ estern sabiex jipprovdu servizzi bażiċi forma xierqa ta’ kooperazzjoni, li twassal għal deċiżjonijiet lill‑poplu tagħhom. Fiż‑żona intermedja, hemm firxa ta’ infurmati u oġġettivi dwar l‑aktar taħlita ta' politiki effet- sitwazzjonijiet li jeħtieġu taħlitiet ta' politiki u arranġa- tiva, livelli ta' għajnuna, arranġamenti ta' għajnuna u l‑użu menti ta’ kooperazzjoni differenti.Approċċ differenzjat tal‑għodod finanzjarji eżistenti u ġodda, u tibni fuq ‑l espe- tal‑UE għall‑allokazzjoni tal‑għajnuna u għas‑sħubijiet rjenza proprja tal‑UE fil‑ġestjoni tat‑tranżizzjoni. huwa għalhekk essenzjali biex jintlaħaq il‑livell massimu ta' 520 impatt u ta' valur għall‑flus. Għal ċerti pajjiżi dan jista’ jirriżulta f ’inqas jew fl‑ebda għoti ta' għajnuna tal‑UE għall‑iżvilupp u l‑għażla ta' L‑UE għandha tkompli tirrikonoxxi l‑importanza par- relazzjoni ta' żvilupp differenti bbażata fuq self, kooper- tikolari ta' appoġġ għall‑iżvilupp fil‑viċinat70 tagħha stess azzjoni teknika jew appoġġ għall‑kooperazzjoni trilaterali. u fl‑Afrika sub‑Saħarjana71. Għandha, fir‑reġjuni kollha, talloka aktar fondi milli kienet tagħmel fil‑passat lill‑pajjiżi F'sitwazzjonijiet ta' fraġilità, għandhom jiġu defini‑ l‑aktar fil‑bżonn, inkluż stati fraġli. ti forom speċifiċi ta' appoġġ li jippermettu l‑irkupru u r‑reżiljenza, b'mod speċjali permezz ta' koordinazzjoni Aktar preċiżament, l‑assistenza tal‑UE għall‑iżvilupp mill‑qrib mal‑komunità internazzjonali u artikolazzjoni għandha tkun allokata skont: tajba mal‑attivitajiet umanitarji. L‑għan għandu jkun li tiġi massimizzata sjieda nazzjonali kemm fuq il‑livell tal‑istat • Il‑ħtiġijiet tal‑pajjiż: ivvalutati bl‑użu ta’ diversi kif ukoll fuq dak lokali sabiex tiġi żgurata l‑istabbiltà u jiġu sodisfatti l‑ħtiġijiet bażiċi fuq perjodu qasir, filwaqt indikaturi, filwaqt li jitqiesu,inter alia, ix‑xejriet tal‑iżvilupp ekonomiku u soċjali/uman u l‑perkors li fl‑istess ħin tissaħħaħ il‑governanza, il‑kapaċità u t‑tk- tat‑tkabbir u kif ukoll l‑indikaturi ta' vulnerabbiltà abbir ekonomiku, filwaqt li ‑l bini tal‑istat jinżamm bħala u fraġilità. element ċentrali.

• Il‑kapaċitajiet: ivvalutati skont l‑abbiltà tal‑pajjiż li Dan il‑proċess ta' teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet ibbażat fuq jiġġenera biżżejjed riżorsi finanzjarji, b'mod speċjali il‑pajjiż għandu jagħti lill‑UE l‑flessibbiltà biex tirreaġixxi riżorsi domestiċi, u l‑aċċess tiegħu għal sorsi oħrajn ta’ għal avvenimenti mhux mistennija, b'mod speċjali dawk finanzjament bħal swieq internazzjonali, investiment naturali jew ikkaġunati mill‑bniedem. privat jew riżorsi naturali. Għandhom jitqiesu wkoll il‑kapaċitajiet ta’ assorbiment. • L‑impenji u l‑prestazzjoni tal‑pajjiż: għandu jitqies b'mod pożittiv l‑investiment tal‑pajjiż fl‑edukazzjoni, fis‑saħħa u fil‑protezzjoni soċjali, il‑progress tiegħu fuq l‑ambjent, id‑demokrazija u l‑governanza tajba, u s‑solidità tal‑politiki ekonomiċi u fiskali tiegħu, inkluża l‑ġestjoni finanzjarja.

70 COM(2011) 303. 71 Inkluż permezz l‑Istrateġija Konġunta bejn l‑UE u l‑Afrika. Inżidu l‑impatt tal‑Politika tal‑UE għall‑Iżvilupp: Aġenda għall‑Bidla

5. Azzjoni kkoordinata tal‑UE L‑UE għandha tiżviluppa qafas komuni għall‑kejl u għall‑ikkomunikar tar‑riżultati tal‑politika għall‑iżvi- lupp, inkluż għal tkabbir inklussiv u sostenibbli. Skont Il‑frammentazzjoni u l‑proliferazzjoni tal‑għajnuna xor‑ il‑Qafas Operattiv dwar l‑Effettività tal‑Għajnuna73, l‑UE ta għadhom mifruxa u qegħdin anke jiżdiedu, minkejja se taħdem mal‑pajjiżi sħab u donaturi oħrajn fuq strateġi- sforzi reċenti konsiderevoli biex jiġu kkoordinati u armo- ji komprensivi rigward ir‑responsabbiltà domestika nizzati l‑attivitajiet tad‑donaturi. L‑UE għandha tieħu u reċiproka u t‑trasparenza, inkluż permezz tal‑bini ta’ rwol ta' tmexxija aktar attiv, kif awtorizzat mit‑Trattat ta’ kapaċità statistika. Lisbona, u tressaq proposti biex tagħmel l‑għajnuna Ewro- pea aktar effettiva. It‑trasparenza hija l‑qofol ta’ għajnuna effettiva u responsabbli. Il‑Kummissjoni, li adottat l‑istandard tal‑In- L‑ipprogrammar konġunt tal‑għajnuna tal‑UE izjattiva Internazzjonali tat‑Trasparenza tal‑Għajnuna, u tal‑Istati Membri għandu jnaqqas il‑frammentazzjo- diġà hija waħda mill‑aktar donaturi trasparenti. Għandha ni u jżid l‑impatt tiegħu proporzjonalment mal‑livelli ta’ tkompli dan l‑isforz, flimkien mal‑Istati Membri. impenn. L‑għan huwa għal proċess ta' pprogrammar simplifikat u aktar mgħaġġel, li jitwettaq prinċipalment fuq il‑post. 6. Koerenza mtejba fost Fejn il‑pajjiż imsieħeb ikun fassal l‑istrateġija propja tiegħu, il‑politiki tal‑UE. l‑UE għandha tappoġġha billi tiżviluppa, kull fejn ikun 521 possibbli, dokumenti konġunti ta’ programmar multian‑ L‑UE hija fuq quddiemnett tal‑aġenda għall‑Koerenza nwali mal‑Istati Membri. Fejn il‑pajjiż imsieħeb ma jkunx tal‑Politika għall‑Iżvilupp (PCD) u se tkompli tevalwa għamel dan, l‑UE se taħdem biex tiżviluppa strateġija l‑impatt tal‑politiki tagħha fuq l‑għanijiet ta’ żvilupp. Se konġunta mal‑Istati Membri. ssaħħaħ id‑djalogu tagħha fil‑livell tal‑pajjiżi dwar il‑PCD u se tkompli tippromwovi l‑PCD f ’fora globali biex tgħin Dan il‑proċess jista’ jirriżulta f ’dokument ta’ pprogram‑ biex jissawwar ambjent li jappoġġa l‑isforzi tal‑pajjiżi l‑ak- mar konġunt wieħed li għandu jindika t‑tqassim settor‑ tar foqra. jali tax‑xogħol u l‑allokazzjonijiet finanzjarji għal kull settur u donatur. L‑UE u l‑Istati Membri għandhom isegwu L‑MFF futur għandu jsaħħaħ il‑PCD. Il‑programmi d‑dokument meta jfasslu l‑pjanijiet ta’ implimentazzjoni tematiċi huma maħsuba bħala strumenti biex jindiriz- bilaterali tagħhom. Il‑parteċipazzjoni għandha tinfetaħ zaw it‑tħassib globali u se jipproġettaw il‑politiki tal‑UE għal donaturi mhux mill‑UE impenjati għall‑proċess fil‑kooperazzjoni għall‑iżvilupp u jgħinu wkoll biex jin- f ’pajjiż speċifiku. qered il‑faqar.

Biex tissaħħaħ is‑sjieda tal‑pajjiżi, fejn huwa possibbli l‑ip‑ L‑UE trid tintensifika ‑l approċċ konġunt tagħha programmar konġunt għandu jiġi sinkronizzat maċ‑ċikli għas‑sigurtà u għall‑faqar, u fejn ikun meħtieġ tadatta tal‑istrateġija tal‑pajjiżi msieħba. l‑bażijiet u l‑proċeduri legali tagħha. L‑inizjattivi tal‑UE, fil‑qasam tal‑iżvilupp, tal‑politika barranija u tas‑sigurtà F’sens ta’ operat, l‑UE u l‑Istati Membri għandhom għandhom ikunu marbuta biex joħolqu approċċ aktar jużaw il‑modalitajiet tal‑għajnuna li jiffaċilitaw ‑l azzjoni koerenti lejn il‑paċi, il‑bini tal‑istati, it‑tnaqqis tal‑faqar konġunta bħall‑appoġġ baġitarju (taħt ‘kuntratt wieħed u l‑kawżi sottostanti ta’ kunflitti. L‑UE għandha l‑għan tal‑UE’), il‑fondi fiduċjarji tal‑UE u l‑kooperazzjoni li tiżgura tranżizzjoni bla xkiel mill‑għajnuna umanitar‑ ddelegata. ja u mir‑reazzjoni għall‑kriżijiet lejn il‑kooperazzjoni għall‑iżvilupp għat‑tul. Rigward it‑tqassim tax‑xogħol transkonfinali, il‑Kum- missjoni tinkoraġixxi lill‑Istati Membri kollha biex ikunu F’termini tar‑rabta żvilupp‑migrazzjoni, l‑UE għandha aktar trasparenti meta jidħlu jew joħorġu, f ’konformità tgħin lill‑pajjiżi li qegħdin jiżviluppaw fit‑tisħiħ tal‑poli- mal‑Kodiċi ta’ Kondotta tal‑UE dwar t‑Tqassim tax‑Xog- tiki, tal‑kapaċitajiet u tal‑attivitajiet tagħhom fil‑qasam ħol72. Hemm bżonn ta’ approċċ koordinat, inkluż mek‑ tal‑migrazzjoni u tal‑mobbiltà, bil‑għan li timmassimizza kaniżmu ta’ koordinazzjoni għat‑tqassim tax‑xogħol l‑impatt tal‑iżvilupp taż‑żieda tal‑mobbiltà reġjonali u glo- transkonfinali. bali tan‑nies.

72 9558/07. 73 18239/10. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

7. Tħaddin tal‑Aġenda għall‑Bidla

Il‑Kummissjoni ssejjaħ lill‑Kunsill biex japprova l‑Aġenda għall‑Bidla proposta li tfittex li:

• tipprovdi lill‑UE b’politika u prattika tal‑iżvilupp ta’ impatt qawwi għall‑għaxar snin li ġejjin u tagħtiha rwol ewlieni fl‑istabbiliment ta’ aġenda ta’ żvilupp internazzjonali komprensiva sa u lil hinn mill-2015; • tgħin għall‑bidla meħtieġa fil‑pajjiżi sħab biex ikun hemm progress aktar mgħaġġel lejn it‑tnaqqis tal‑faqar u l‑MDGs. Is‑servizzi tal‑Kummissjoni u s‑SEAE se jiżguraw li l‑prinċipji gwida stipulati f ’din il‑Komunikazzjoni huma riflessi progressivament matul il‑bqija taċ‑ċiklu ta’ programmar ta’ bħalissa u fid‑dokumenti ta’ pprogrammar fu- 522 turi, kif ukoll fil‑proposti rigward l‑arkitettura, il‑leġiżlazz- joni u l‑ipprogrammar tal‑istrumenti finanzjarji futuri għal azzjoni esterna.

L‑Istati Membri huma mħeġġa biex jimplimentaw ukoll l‑Aġenda. Azzjoni għall-istabbiltà, għat-tkabbir u għall-impjiegi

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL, LILL‑BANK ĊENTRALI EWROPEW, LILL‑KUMITAT EKONOMIKU U SOĊJALI EWROPEW, LILL‑KUMITAT TAR‑REĠJUNI U LILL‑BANK EWROPEW TAL‑INVESTIMENT BRUSSELL, 30.5.2012 COM(2012) 299

1. Introduzzjoni • Tinbena governanza ekonomika iktar soda u iktar integrata biex l‑iżbilanċi jinqabdu aktar malajr u b’hekk 523 jiġu korretti minn kmieni, waqt li l‑politiki nazzjonali Il‑kriżi, li issa qed tolqot tant partijiet mill‑Ewropa, dgħa- jitpoġġew taħt sorveljanza aktar b’saħħitha fil‑livell jfet il‑fiduċja fil‑kapaċità tas‑sistema politika u ekonomi- tal‑UE biex jirriflettu ‑r realtà li s‑saħħa u l‑prosperità ka Ewropea li jirnexxielha tilħaq l‑ambizzjoni tat‑Trattat ta’ kull Stat Membru huma marbuta ma’ dawk tal‑Istati tal‑UE għal “żvilupp sostenibbli... ibbażat fuq tkabbir Membri l‑oħrajn kollha. ekonomiku bbilanċjat.” Ħafna miċ‑ċittadini tagħna jinsabu rrabjati u skunċertati kif perjodu twil ta’ standards ta’ • Tissaħħaħ is‑sistema bankarja, billi jkun hemm għajxien li qed jogħlew, irriżulta f ’daqshekk qasir żmien, fi insistenza li l‑banek juru l‑firxa tad‑dejn kollu kriżi finanzjarja enormi, f ’nuqqas kbir ta’ impjiegi u fi pros- tagħhom, jittrattaw id‑djun li għandhom mhux petti ta’ livelli għolja ta’ dejn għal ħafna snin oħra. Id‑djun, imħallsa u jirristrutturaw il‑mudelli kummerċjali id‑defiċits u ‑ l iżbilanċi li qed tikkonfronta l‑UE llum tagħhom sabiex fil‑futur ikunu jistgħu jsellfu lil negozji il‑ġurnata, ma nħolqux mil‑lejl għan‑nhar iżda akkumu- u unitajiet domestiċi mingħajr ma jkun hemm bżonn law matul is‑snin u l‑konsegwenzi soċjali tagħhom huma ta’ salvataġġi finanzjarji ffinanzjati mill‑kontribwenti mifruxa ferm. Dan huwa żmien ta’ prova għall‑gvernijiet fuq l‑introjtu. nazzjonali u għall‑UE. Uħud mid‑diffikultajiet attwali tagħna mxew għal ġol‑UE minħabba l‑kriżi finanzjarja. • Jingħata rispons deċiżiv għall‑problemi tal‑Greċja Uħud minnhom nibtu minnha stess. Bħalissa l‑importanti permezz ta’ żewġ pakketti finanzjarji kbar u li jingħata huwa li r‑rispons tagħna jkun ta’ kwalità u li jkun effettiv. appoġġ intensiv għal tkabbir li jkun orjentat lejn programm għall‑irkupru. Il‑kriżi finanzjarja u ekonomika enfasizzat ‑l interdipenden- • Jissaħħu s‑salvagwardji finanzjarji taż‑żona tal‑Euro za bejn l‑ekonomiji kollha tal‑UE, u bejn l‑UE u ekonom- billi jinħolqu modi ġodda ta’ kif jingħata l‑appoġġ iji dinjin oħra. Hija żvelat ukoll lakuni, nuqqasijiet u żbi- lill‑Istati Membri li jkollhom livelli għolja ħafna lanċi sinifikanti fit‑tfassil tal‑politiki f ’livell globali, f ’livell ta’ dejn filwaqt li dawn jistabbilixxu mill‑ġdid tal‑UE kif ukoll f ’livell nazzjonali. Minn meta feġġet il‑kriżi, il‑finanzi pubbliċi tagħhom, billi jsibu bilanċ bejn l‑UE u l‑Istati Membri tagħha bdew jaħdmu bis‑sħiħ biex id‑dħul u l‑infiq tagħhom bil‑għan li fil‑futur jagħmlu bidliet radikali fil‑mudell ekonomiku tal‑UE u biex jaslu li jħallsu għas‑servizzi soċjali, għall‑kura jerġgħu jistabbilixxu l‑kompetittività tagħha. Kif qalet tas‑saħħa, għall‑pensjonijiet, għall‑edukazzjoni il‑Kummissjoni fil‑Pjan Direzzjonali għall‑Istabbiltà u t‑Tk- u għall‑infrastruttura pubblika. abbir tagħha ta’ Ottubru 201174, dan kien ifisser li: Permezz tal‑Pjan Direzzjonali segwenti, għamilna progress sod iżda irregolari. Jidher biċ‑ċar li, wara t‑tnaqqis fir‑ritmu • Isir frontloading tal‑politiki dwar it‑tisħiħ tal‑istabbiltà tal‑attività ekonomika sar ibbilanċjar mill‑ġdid fl‑ekonom- u tat‑tkabbir sabiex jerġa’ jkun hemm tkabbir ija tagħna, kien hemm tnaqqis tad‑defiċits kbar tal‑kon- sostenibbli u livelli għolja ta’ impjiegi fl‑UE. tijiet kurrenti li ilhom jakkulumaw sa mill-2007/8, sar aġġustament fil‑pagi b’tali mod li għolew f ’pajjiżi li għand- 74 COM (2011) 669 hom surplus u li naqsu f ’pajjiżi b’defiċit u ‑fil prezzijiet IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

tad‑djar f ’diversi Stati Membri biex reġgħu laħqu livelli li • Pilastru fil‑livell tal‑Istati Membri bbażat fuq il‑ħruġ jikkonformaw aktar mal‑kundizzjonijiet ekonomiċi sotto- tal‑potenzjal għat‑tkabbir tar‑riformi strutturali stanti. Permezz tal‑appoġġ ipprovdut mis‑sistema l‑ġdida identifikati bħala parti mis‑Semestru Ewropew. tal‑governanza ekonomika tal‑UE, il‑proċess iebes ta’ sta- B’segwitu għal‑laqgħa informali tal‑Kunsill Ewropew fit- bilizzazzjoni u ta’ riforma se jirriżulta f ’ekonomija tal‑UE 23 ta’ Mejju u bi tħejjija għall‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Ġunju, ġdida u aktar b’saħħitha. il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli taħdem fuq l‑elementi kollha possibbli li jistgħu jgħinuha trendi t‑tkabbir u l‑kompetit- Tkabbir dejjiemi u sostenibbli u standards ta’ għajxien ogħ- tività aktar b’saħħithom. la jistgħu biss jinkisbu jekk fil‑bażi tagħhom ikun hemm finanzi pubbliċi stabbli, riforma strutturali profonda u investiment immirat. Iżda l‑isfidi li dawn iġibu magħhom jistgħu jiġu kkonfrontati biss jekk ikun hemm tkabbir suf- 2. Ir‑Rwol tal‑UE f’inizjattiva fiċjenti li jagħti sostenn lil dan il‑proċess. Ma hemm l‑eb- ġdida għat‑tkabbir da kontradizzjoni bejn stabbiltà u tkabbir; huma ż‑żewġt uċuħ tal‑istess munita. Jeħtieġ li l‑Istati Membri jikkon- Fil‑livell tal‑UE, aħna qbilna dwar l‑istrateġija Ewropa frontaw in‑nuqqas ta’ fiduċja li hemm bħalissa ‑fl ekonomi- 202075, li hija mfassla biex twassal l‑istampa ta’ Ewropa ja b’riformi kuraġġużi li jreġġgħu lura t‑tendenza negattiva intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklużiva. Din hija l‑pjatta- fil‑kompetittività tagħna. Jeħtieġ li naġixxu mal‑ewwel forma li fuqha ħa tinbena inizjattiva ġdida għat‑tkabbir. biex innaqqsu l‑lakuni allarmanti li hemm fil‑kompetittiv- L‑Istati Membri kollha qablu fuq il‑miri tal‑istrateġija 524 ità fl‑UE u fiż‑żona tal‑Euro. Minkejja li l‑UE, bħala entità Ewropa 2020 dwar l‑impjiegi, l‑enerġija, l‑edukazzjoni sħiħa, kienet kapaċi żżomm sehemha fil‑kummerċ dinji, u t‑taħriġ, ir‑riċerka u t‑tnaqqis tal‑faqar. Dawn il‑miri jeħtieġ li nindirizzaw ukoll it‑tendenza negattiva fil‑kom- huma indikaturi ta’ kif għandhom jiġu segwiti r‑riformi petittività internazzjonali u t‑telf tas‑sehem fis‑suq, li jidh- fl‑Ewropa. L‑implimentazzjoni tagħhom se tagħti spinta ru ċar mill‑prestazzjoni ta’ għadd ta’ Stati Membri. lill‑kompetittività u se tiffaċilita ‑l konverġenza, u dan se jgħin biex l‑UE tibda miexja lejn tkabbir akbar. Impenn Fuq perjodu ta’ żmien qasir, in‑nies għandhom bżonn li aktar attiv biex nilħqu l‑mira tagħna fir‑R&Ż li ninvestu jkollhom it‑tama u l‑perspettiva ta’ futur aħjar. Mingħa- 3 % mill‑PDG fir‑R&Ż, jista’ joħloq 3,7 miljun impjiegi jr din il‑perspettiva, fit‑twettiq tar‑riformi meħtieġa, se u sal-2020 jista’ jkabbar il‑PDG tal‑UE bi EUR 800 biljun. niffaċċjaw ammont dejjem ikbar ta’ diffikultajiet politiċi Il‑kisba tal‑miri tagħna dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑enerġija u soċjali li min‑naħa tagħhom se jdewmuna fil‑proċess sal-2020, tkun tiġġenera mal-5 miljun impjieg, iżżid is‑sig- tal‑irkupru. Jeħtieġ li nsibu konsensus u li jkollna fiduċja urtà fl‑enerġija tal‑Ewropa u tgħinna nilħqu l‑għanijiet fil‑ħtieġa għall‑bidla u fl‑għażliet li għandhom isiru. Is‑sħab tagħna dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima. Il‑ħelsien ta’ mill‑anqas 20 soċjali se jkollhom irwol importanti f ’dan id‑djalogu. miljun persuna mill‑faqar mhux biss iservi biex itejbilhom ħajjithom, iżda jġib miegħu wkoll benefiċċji ekonomiċi Din hija r‑raġuni għalfejn l‑UE teħtieġ li ssaħħaħ il‑parti għas‑soċjetà kollha. Dawn iċ‑ċifri jindikaw mhux impos- fl‑istrateġija globali tagħha li hija ddedikata għat‑tkabbir. sibbli li noħolqu impjiegi u opportunitajiet ta’ negozju Il‑bażi ta’ din l‑inizjattiva trid tikkombina dak li jistgħu ġodda mal‑UE kollha, speċjalment billi nnaqqsu l‑qgħad jagħmlu l‑Istati Membri f ’livell nazzjonali mal‑azzjonijiet li u noffru futur aħjar u aktar ekoloġiku għaċ‑ċittadini jistgħu jittieħdu f ’livell tal‑UE, filwaqt li tankra dawn ‑l is- tagħna. forzi fl‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020 u fl‑istrutturi l‑ġodda ta’ governanza tagħna. Diġà hemm xi komponenti ewlenin ta’ din 2.1. Nisfruttaw il‑potenzjal ta’ tkabbir l‑inizjattiva għat‑tkabbir - iżda dawn għad iridu jiġu impli- tal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja mentati fis‑sħiħ. Oħrajn, jekk irridu li l‑potenzjal tagħhom joħroġ fid‑deher, se jkollhom bżonn ta’ viżjoni, kuraġġ u sens F’dawn l‑aħħar snin, sar ħafna xogħol biex jiġu adottata’ tmexxija - iżda l‑isfidi li qed tikkonfronta ‑l UE llum ti l‑mekkaniżmi ta’ sorveljanza ekonomika b’saħħitha il‑ġurnata jirrikjedu li tittieħed azzjoni kuraġġuża u effettiva. meħtieġa għall‑appoġġ tal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Mone- tarja. Il‑mod ta’ kif l‑UE u l‑Istati Membri tagħha jimpli- F’din il‑Komunikazzjoni, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi mentaw din is‑sistema l‑ġdida, se jiddetermina l‑effettività għadd ta’ elementi li jistgħu jagħmlu parti minn inizjatti- tal‑politika kif ukoll il‑fiduċja fis‑swieq. Fuq perjodu ta’ va għat‑tkabbir, imsejsa fuq żewġ pilastri li jissaħħu b’mod żmien itwal, jeħtieġ li l‑integrazzjoni ssir iktar profonda reċiproku: biex l‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja tagħna tkun kompluta. UE b’saħħitha teħtieġ munita stabbli. Dan il‑fatt • Pilastru fil‑livell tal‑UE li jiffoka fuq is‑saħħa u s‑sinerġiji li jirriżultaw minn ħidma flimkien fil‑livell tal‑UE. 75 COM (2010) 2020 Azzjoni għall-istabbiltà, għat-tkabbir u għall-impjiegi ikun ta’ ġid għall‑Istati Membri kollha, kemm jekk jagħm- u twaqqfu tliet awtoritajiet superviżorji ġodda lu parti miż‑żona tal‑Euro u kemm jekk le. Il‑kredibbiltà tal‑UE. Barra minn hekk, il‑Bord Ewropew dwar tal‑Euro fis‑swieq internazzjonali tolqot il‑kapaċità tal‑Ew- ir‑Riskju Sistemiku ġie stabbilit bħala s‑superviżur ropa li tissellef il‑fondi b’rati raġonevoli u li tħallashom makroprudenzjali fil‑livell tal‑UE. Għadha tintħass lura minn ekonomija b’saħħitha. il‑ħtieġa li titlesta r‑rikapitalizzazzjoni ta’ ċerti banek, bħala parti mill‑istrateġija li issa qed tiġi kkoordinata • Il‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir imsaħħaħ se jipprovdi mill‑Awtorità Bankarja Ewropea. Minkejja li ċerti lill‑UE bl‑istrumenti ta’ politika b’saħħithom u bbażati banek diġà qed jagħtu lura s‑self pubbliku li rċevew fuq ir‑regoli li teħtieġ biex tiggarantixxi l‑istabbiltà matul il‑kriżi, l‑ispiża għall‑kontribwenti fuq l‑introjtu fil‑finanzi pubbliċi. Għall‑biċċa l‑kbira tal‑Istati kienet enormi. Sabiex jiġi żgurat li s‑settur privat jagħti Membri, bħalissa l‑prijorità hija dik li jikkoreġu sehem xieraq fi kwalunkwe salvataġġi finanzjarji futuri, d‑defiċits eċċessivi. Apparti t-”two pack” propost f ’Ġunju l‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi qafas komuni reċentement, ma hemmx bżonn immedjat li jsir tibdil għall‑irkupru u r‑riżoluzzjoni tal‑banek u tal‑kumpaniji fir‑regoli miftehma reċentement. Ir‑regoli eżistenti tal‑investimenti. Dan se jipprovdi sensiela ta’ jipprovdu lok għall‑ġudizzju u għad‑divrenzjar bejn għodod li jippermettu l‑ġestjoni tar‑riżoluzzjoni ta’ l‑Istati Membri skont l‑ispazju fiskali u l‑kundizzjonijiet istituzzjonijiet sistematikament importanti skont kif makroekonomiċi tagħhom, filwaqt li jiggarantixxu ikun meħtieġ. s‑sostenibbiltà fit‑tul tal‑finanzi pubbliċi. • L‑approfondiment tal‑Unjoni Ekonomika Il‑valutazzjoni tal‑miżuri baġitarji meħuda mill‑Istati u Monetarja: Lil hinn mill‑orizzont immedjat, 525 Membri, partikolarment f ’termini strutturali, tenħtieġ perspettiva aktar fit‑tul lejn il‑futur tal‑unjoni tinsab fil‑qalba tal‑implimentazzjoni tar‑regoli. ekonomika u monetarja tal‑UE. Il‑Kummissjoni se Il‑Kummissjoni se tikkontrolla l‑impatt li għandhom tappoġġja reazzjoni li tkun ambizzjuża u strutturata. ir‑restrizzjonijiet ta’ baġit limitat ħafna fuq it‑titjib Il‑prospetti ta’ tkabbir tal‑UE huma milquta ħafna fit‑tkabbir tan‑nefqa pubblika u fuq l‑investiment min‑nuqqas ta’ fiduċja li hemm bħalissa fiż‑żona pubbliku. Jekk ikun meħtieġ, hija se tipprovdi gwida tal‑euro. Sakemm ma jiġux megħluba ċerti inċertezzi dwar il‑lok għal possibbiltà li tittieħed azzjoni ewlenin, bħal pereżempju is‑sitwazzjoni fil‑Greċja, fil‑konfini tal‑UE u tal‑oqfsa fiskali nazzjonali. Fix‑xhur se nkomplu nitilfu l‑fiduċja, u din hija neċessarja li ġejjin, se toħroġ rapport dwar il‑kwalità tal‑infiq għall‑ħolqien tal‑investimenti u tal‑impjiegi. Sabiex pubbliku, li se jittratta dawn il‑kwistjonijiet. jibni fuq dak li ksibna sa issa, se jkun hemm bżonn • Għamilna progress sinifikanti permezz tat‑tisħiħ ta’ proċess li jfassal il‑passi ewlenin li jwasslu għal tas‑salvagwardji finanzjarji tagħna. Huwa ppjanat li unjoni ekonomika u monetarja sħiħa. Li nuru l‑Mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta’ Stabbiltà se jidħol fis‑seħħ biċ‑ċar id‑determinazzjoni tagħna li nibqgħu fl-1 ta’ Lulju 2012 – sena qabel kien ippjanat – u li se naħdmu u navvanzaw, filwaqt li nuru ‑l impenn jkun il‑mekkaniżmu permanenti li jiffinanzja‑ l ġestjoni politiku tal‑Istati Membri lejn l‑euro, se jagħmlu tal‑kriżi fiż‑żona tal‑Euro. Meta jitqiesu l‑Mekkaniżmu parti mill‑mira li niksbu mill‑ġdid il‑fiduċja fiż‑żona Ewropew ta’ Stabbiltà, il‑Mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta’ tal‑euro u fil‑kapaċità tagħna li negħlbu d‑diffikultajiet Stabbiltà Finanzjarja u mekkaniżmi oħra ta’ ffinanzjar attwali. Dan se jirrikjedi proċess b’firxa wiesgħa li għall‑ġestjoni tal‑kriżi kollha flimkien, it‑total jieħu inkunsiderazzjoni kwistjonijiet ta’ natura legali. tal‑kapaċità ta’ self tagħna issa huwa ta’ EUR 800 Għandu jinkludi proċess politiku li joffri leġittimità biljun. Flimkien maż‑żieda fir‑riżorsi tal‑FMI, li sar u responsabbiltà demokratiċi li jmexxu ‘l quddiem ftehim fuqha reċentement, is‑salvagwardji finanzjarji l‑integrazzjoni. It‑tfassil tal‑komponenti ewlenin jista’ Ewropej jikkontribwixxu b’mod sinifikanti għas‑sistemi jinkludi, fost l‑oħrajn, l‑avviċinament għal unjoni globali ta’ protezzjoni finanzjarja. Iżda ‑l mod kif nużaw bankarja b’superviżjoni finanzjarja integrata u għal is‑salvagwardji tagħna huwa wkoll ta’ importanza skema unika ta’ garanziji tad‑depożiti. Il‑Kummissjoni kruċjali. Għal dawk li jirratifikaw it‑Trattat Fiskali, kienet diġà esprimiet l‑ideat tagħha pubblikament il‑Mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta’ Stabbiltà għandu firxa ta’ fil‑Green Paper76 ta’ Novembru 2011, dwar kif iż‑żona strumenti ġodda li se jippermettu lill‑UE tirreaġixxi tal‑euro tista’ tersaq lejn il‑ħruġ konġunt tad‑dejn. b’mod effettiv għas‑sitwazzjonijiet ta’ kriżi. F’dan Jeħtieġ li jiġu kkalkulati r‑ritmu u s‑sekwenza ta’ dawn ir‑rigward, il‑flessibbiltà u r‑rapidità li biha ssir l‑azzjoni l‑iżviluppi, li għandhom jinkludu pjan direzzjonali kif jkunu ta’ importanza kruċjali. ukoll skeda ta’ żmien, iżda konferma bikrija tal‑passi li għandhom jittieħdu se tenfasizza n‑natura irreversibbli • Settur bankarju tal‑UE aktar b’saħħtu: ġie evitat u solida tal‑euro. kollass finanzjarju u s‑superviżjoni tas‑settur finanzjarju ġiet mibdula radikalment. Il‑banek transkonfinali issa qed jiġu ssorveljati minn kulleġġi ta’ superviżuri 76 COM (2011) 818 IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

2.2. Nisfruttaw il‑potenzjal tas‑Suq tagħhom, u jgħin biex jipprovdi qafas ġenerali għat‑tisħiħ Intern tal‑ġbir ta’ dħul, għall‑ġlieda kontra l‑frodi u għall‑iżgurar ta’ kundizzjonijiet ġusti u sodi għall‑kompetizzjoni. F’dan il‑kuntest, jeħtieġ li tittieħed azzjoni fil‑Kunsill biex tiż- B’mod ġenerali, is‑suq intern għall‑merkanzija qed jiffunz- blokka l‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni dwar it‑tifdil u ta’ dawk jona, iżda ma nistgħux ngħidu l‑istess ħaġa dwar is‑suq in- li jirrigwardaw il‑mandati għall‑kooperazzjoni ma’ pajjiżi tern għas‑servizzi jew dwar is‑suq uniku elettroniku. Il‑fatt terzi. Aktar tard din is‑sena, il‑Kummissjoni se toħroġ Ko- li nippruvaw naħsdu aktar frott mis‑Suq Intern huwa munikazzjoni li tiddeskrivi b’mod ġenerali l‑għażliet biex wieħed mill‑aktar modi effettivi biex tingħata spinta lit‑tk- jiġu ttrattati kwistjonijiet ta’ rifuġju fiskali u ‑ l ippjanar abbir mal‑UE kollha. Il‑kumpaniji innovattivi mal‑ew- aggressiv ta’ taxxi. Il‑Kummissjoni tqis li l‑ippjanar pred- wel jieħdu spinta kieku tgħaddi deċiżjoni biex fl‑aħħar atorju tat‑taxxa u l‑azzjoni kontra l‑frodi għandhom jiġu tiġi adottata privattiva tal‑UE. Wara tant snin, issa wasal indirizzati fl‑istess waqt. Dan jeħtieġ ħidma teknika dettal- iż‑żmien li niddeċiedu. jata u impenn politiku ċar iżda l‑benefiċċji jistgħu jkunu sostanzjali mhux biss f ’termini ta’ żieda fid‑dħul iżda wkoll F’Ġunju, il‑Kummissjoni se tipproponi miżuri li jtejbu ta’ sens ta’ ġustizzja u ta’ kundizzjonijiet kompetittivi aħjar. l‑implimentazzjoni tad‑Direttiva dwar is‑Servizzi. Ħafna mill‑Istati Membri għażlu li jżommu ostakli u restrizz- Il‑qasam tat‑tassazzjoni fuq l‑enerġija huwa eżempju ċar jonijiet li jċaħħdu lilhom kif ukoll lil Stati Membri oħra tar‑relazzjoni pożittiva li hemm bejn l‑azzjonijiet tal‑UE milli jgawdu mill‑benefiċċji kollha tad‑Direttiva f ’termini u dawk meħuda fil‑livell tal‑Istati Membri. Hawnhekk, ta’ kompetittività u ta’ tkabbir. L‑analiżi tal‑Kummissjo- 526 il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni li tirristruttura l‑mod ta’ kif ni tindika illi li kieku jitneħħew ir‑restrizzjonijiet kollha, għandha tiġi ntaxxata l‑enerġija, tkun tappoġġja l‑objet- ikun jista’ jiżdied dħul addizzjonali ta’ massimu ta’ 1,8 % tiv li nersqu lejn ekonomija b’livell baxx ta’ emissjonijiet tal‑PDG mal‑ammont stmat ta’ 0,8 % li diġà ddaħħal per- tal‑karbonju u li tuża l‑enerġija b’mod effikaċi waqt li‑ fl ist- mezz tal‑implimentazzjoni parzjali tad‑Direttiva. Hija tin- ess ħin innaqqsu t‑tfixkil li ġej mill‑fatt li jeżistu tassazz- dika wkoll li t‑tnaqqis jew l‑eliminazzjoni tal‑ostakli jħallu jonijiet differenti fuq prodotti simili li jintużaw għall‑istess effett pożittiv fuq il‑flussi tal‑kummerċ u fuq l‑investiment skop. It‑tisħiħ tan‑newtralità tat‑taxxa u l‑ippremjar ta’ dirett barrani kif ukoll fuq il‑livelli tal‑produttività f ’kull sorsi ta’ enerġija iktar ekoloġiċi jgħinu biex jintlaħqu l‑miri Stat Membru. Dan ikun jikkontribwixxi wkoll għall‑ib- tal‑UE dwar it‑tnaqqis tad‑Diossidu tal‑Karbonju, l‑effiċ- bilanċjar mill‑ġdid bejn il‑pajjiżi li għandhom surplus jenza fl‑enerġija u l‑enerġija rinnovabbli. u dawk li għandhom defiċit.

Aktar tard din is‑sena, hija se tipproponi Att dwar is‑Suq 2.3. Nisfruttaw il‑potenzjal tal‑kapital Uniku II imfassal b’tali mod li jikkompleta s‑Suq Un- uman iku f ’oqsma ewlenin bħalma huma l‑industriji diġitali u tan‑netwerks, fejn bħalissa l‑UE tinsab batuta. Jekk Fil‑pakkett reċenti tagħha dwar l‑impjiegi, il‑Kummis- l‑UE tiġi mgħammra bl‑infrastruttura fiżika u virtwali li sjoni pproponiet sensiela ta’ miżuri konkreti biex ikun teħtieġ biex tindirizza l‑isfidi tas‑seklu 21, ikun jista’ jiġi hemm irkupru rikk fl‑impjiegi mal‑UE kollha. Se tkun sfruttat il‑potenzjal tat‑tkabbir u tal‑impjiegi. Teknoloġi- meħtieġa kooperazzjoni bejn il‑Kummissjoni, l‑Istati ji u netwerks ġodda jistgħu jnaqqsu l‑konġestjoni fl‑ajru Membri, is‑sħab soċjali kif ukoll il‑partijiet interessati pub- u fit‑toroq tal‑Ewropa, jgħinu biex jiġu adottati grilji elet- bliċi u privati, biex jiġu implimentati l‑azzjonijiet speċifiċi triċi intelliġenti li jistgħu jużaw l‑enerġiji rinnovabbli u jfor- proposti bil‑għan li jiġi sfruttat il‑potenzjal tal‑ħolqien nu l‑enerġija lill‑karozzi li jaħdmu bl‑elettriku u jqiegħdu ta’ impjiegi ta’ setturi ewlenija bħal dawk tal‑ICT (it‑te- għad‑dispożizzjoni tan‑negozji kollha teknoloġija li ttejjeb knoloġiji tal‑informazzjoni u tal‑komunikazzjoni), tal‑ku- il‑produttività bi prezz orħos, permezz tal‑cloud comput‑ ra tas‑saħħa u tal‑ekonomija ekoloġika. Il‑monitoraġġ ing. Jeħtieġ li l‑UE tinvesti f ’teknoloġiji ewlenin ta’ ap- imsaħħaħ tal‑pjanijiet nazzjonali għall‑impjiegi permezz poġġ bħalma huma l‑bijoteknoloġija, in‑nanoteknoloġija tal‑valutazzjoni komparattiva u tat‑tabella ta’ valutazzjo- u l‑mikroteknoloġija biex tinżamm il‑kompetittività indus- ni proposti mill‑Kummissjoni, se jsaħħaħ ulterjorment trijali futura tagħha, billi tiżviluppa merkanzija u servizzi l‑impetu għar‑riformi ta’ ħolqien ta’ impjiegi, li għand- ġodda u billi tirristruttura mill‑ġdid il‑proċessi industrijali hom jibbenefikaw ukoll mir‑rabta aktar mill‑qrib li hemm bil‑għan li timmodernizza l‑industrija tagħha. bejn ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi u l‑użu tal‑fondi strutturali, b’mod partikolari l‑Fond Soċjali Ew- Il‑Kummissjoni enfasizzat konsistentement l‑importan- ropew, kif propost mill‑Kummissjoni għall‑perjodu tal‑ip- za li jiġu indirizzati l‑ostakli fiskali transkonfinali fis‑Suq programmar li jmiss (2014-2020). Intern. Il‑progress li jsir fil‑livell tal‑UE jista’ jappoġġja u jiffaċilita ‑l azzjonijiet ta’ Stati Membri individwali biex B’aktar minn tliet miljun post tax‑xogħol vakanti mal‑UE jiksbu l‑objettivi tal‑istrateġija għat‑tkabbir rispettivi kollha, jeħtieġ li jsir investiment ikbar fil‑ħiliet sabiex jiġu Azzjoni għall-istabbiltà, għat-tkabbir u għall-impjiegi indirazzati l‑ispariġġi fil‑ħiliet. Programmi fil‑livell tal‑UE tiffavorixxi ‑t tkabbir, waqt li tħeġġeġ lill‑Istati Membri bħalma huma l‑Erasmus u l‑Leonardo għandhom irwol biex jipproteġu l‑infiq li jsir fuq ir‑riċerka, l‑edukazzjo- importanti biex jgħinu lin‑nies jistudjaw, jitħarrġu u jiks- ni, il‑ġestjoni sostenibbli tar‑riżorsi naturali, l‑enerġija bu esperjenza ta’ xogħol fi Stati Membri oħra. Strumenti u s‑servizzi soċjali. Minkejja li l‑baġit tal‑UE huwa żgħir ġodda fil‑livell tal‑UE, bħalma huma l‑Panorama tal‑Ħi- u jammonta għal 1 % biss mill‑PDG tal‑UE, huwa joffri liet u l‑Passaport tal‑Ħiliet, se jgħinu biex il‑ħiliet miksu- valur miżjud enormi u jista’ jservi ta’ katalizzatur għat‑tk- ba fi Stat Membru wieħed jiġu rikonoxxuti aħjar ‑fl Istati abbir mal‑Ewropa kollha. Membri kollha l‑oħra. Il‑Kummissjoni qed taħdem biex ittejjeb il‑mobbiltà tal‑ħaddiema u biex tiffaċilita ‑t tqabbil • Il‑qafas finanzjarju multiannwali għall‑perjodu tal‑ħaddiema, tal‑ħiliet u tal‑postijiet tax‑xogħol vakanti 2014-2020: il‑Kummissjoni ppreżentat xi proposti li jkunu disponibbli. Ikun jista’ jsir ħafna aktar progress biex jiġi allokat baġit għat‑tkabbir u l‑investimenti kieku jitneħħew l‑ostakli legali u prattiċi li jxekklu l‑mov- tal‑UE għall‑perjodu finanzjarju li jmiss. Il‑proposti iment liberu tal‑ħaddiema, b’mod partikolari fir‑rigward tal‑Kummissjoni jorbtu r‑rakkomandazzjonijiet tal‑portabbiltà tal‑pensjonijiet u tal‑koordinazzjoni speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi ta’ riforma strutturali mal‑appoġġ tad‑dispożizzjonijiet tas‑sigurtà soċjali u kieku jittejjeb tal‑baġit tal‑UE maħsub biex jgħin lill‑Istati Membri it‑tqabbil tal‑postijiet tax‑xogħol ma’ dawk li jkunu qed if- jagħmlu t‑tibdil u l‑investimenti neċessarji. Il‑proposti ittxu xogħol billi l‑EURES isir għodda verament Ewropea jinkludu ideat innovattivi ddedikati għall‑finanzjament ddedikata għas‑sejba tax‑xogħol u għar‑reklutaġġ. tar‑riċerka u tal‑innovazzjoni, għall‑kollegament tal‑Ewropa permezz ta’ rabtiet fl‑oqsma tat‑trasport, 2.4. Nisfruttaw is‑sorsi esterni ta’ tal‑enerġija u tal‑broadband u għall‑imodernizzar 527 tkabbir tal‑politika agrikola u għat‑tisħiħ tal‑iżvilupp rurali. Aktar minn EUR 600 biljun mill‑baġit propost Filwaqt li, inġenerali l‑kummerċ estern tal‑UE huwa bbi- mill‑Kummissjoni jistgħu jmorru biex jiġu ffinanzjati lanċjat, l‑analiżi tal‑Kummissjoni skont il‑pajjiż, turi telf r‑riċerka, in‑netwerks trans‑Ewropej, l‑investiment inkwetanti għal perjodu twil iżżejjed ta’ xi wħud mill‑Istati fil‑kapital uman, il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni u l‑iżvilupp Membri fejn jidħol is‑sehem tagħhom fis‑suq tal‑espor- rurali. Meta dan l‑ammont jiġi kkombinat mal‑effett ta’ tazzjoni. Iżda din tindika wkoll li l‑Istati Membri bl‑aħ- ingranaġġ tal‑kofinanzjament nazzjonali u mal‑użu ta’ jar prestazzjoni użaw it‑tkabbir tagħhom fl‑esportazzjoni strumenti finanzjarji innovattivi, huwa jirrappreżenta baġit ewlieni għal tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli bħala mutur għall‑ekonomiji tagħhom. Barra minn hekk, u inklużiv żewġ terzi mill‑importazzjonijiet tal‑UE huma espor- . bonds tati mill‑ġdid b’valur ogħla, u dan juri li l‑UE tista’ biss Il‑Kummissjoni pproponiet li jintużaw il‑ tal‑proġetti tmur għall‑aħjar jekk iżżid l‑impenn tagħha fil‑kummerċ biex jiġu ffinanzjati ċerti proġetti ta’ u ttejjeb ir‑relazzjonijiet ta’ investiment tagħha mas‑sħab infrastruttura u biex javvanza l‑iffinanzjar tal‑għotjiet ewlenin. Fil‑biċċa l‑kbira tiegħu, it‑tkabbir globali futur mill‑baġit tal‑UE. Il‑bonds tal‑proġetti huma mfassla se jirriżulta mill‑ekonomiji emerġenti li għandhom po- biex jistabbilixxu s‑swieq tal‑obbligazzjonijiet tenzjal kbir ta’ tkabbir. Jeħtieġ li l‑UE tisfrutta dan it‑tk- bħala sors addizzjonali ta’ ffinanzjar għall‑proġetti abbir billi tikkonkludi ftehimiet bilaterali u reġjonali dwar ta’ infrastruttura u biex jistimolaw l‑investiment il‑kummerċ u l‑investiment mas‑sħab ewlenin. Il‑ftehim fl‑infrastruttura strateġika ewlenija tal‑UE fl‑oqsma dwar il‑kummerċ ħieles li sar mal‑Korea u li daħal fis‑seħħ tat‑trasport, tal‑enerġija u tal‑broadband. L‑għan huwa reċentement, diġà qed naħsdu l‑frott minnu b’żieda ta’ li jiġu attirati l‑investituri istituzzjonali lejn l‑iffinanzjar 20 % fl‑esportazzjonijiet tal‑UE matul is‑sena 2011. L‑UE mis‑swieq kapitali ta’ proġetti li jkunu kummerċjalment qed tipparteċipa attivament f ’negozjati li jirrigwardaw vijabbli u li jkollhom flussi ta’ flus stabbli u previdibbli, għadd ta’ ftehimiet dwar il‑kummerċ ħieles u diġà tinsab billi tittejjeb il‑kwalità tal‑kreditu tal‑bonds tal‑proġetti fil‑proċess li tiżviluppa oħrajn. Kieku kellhom jimmater- maħruġa minn kumpaniji privati. Sabiex teżamina jalizzaw il‑benefiċċji kbar li joffru, ikun meħtieġ li nżidu dan l‑approċċ, il‑Kummissjoni pproponiet bonds għal r‑ritmu li bih ikunu għaddejjin in‑negozjati u r‑ratifika. proġett pilota għall‑perjodu 2012-2013. Il‑koleġiżlaturi qed jaġixxu malajr biex din is‑sena, il‑BEI jkun jista’ jippromwovi xi proġetti pilota. 2.5. Nisfruttaw il‑potenzjal tal‑iffinanzjar tal‑UE għat‑tkabbir • Il‑baġit tal‑UE għall-2013: il‑Kummissjoni meħtieġ mill‑Ewropa pproponiet żieda neċessarja ta’ 7 % f ’approprjazzjonijiet għal pagamenti biex tkun tista’ tissodisfa t‑talbiet tal‑Istati Membri għall‑pagament Hemm bżonn ta’ infiq u investimenti pubbliċi mmirati mistenni. Din iż‑żieda għadha taħt il‑limitu massimu anke fi żminijiet ta’ konsolidazzjoni fiskali stretta. ‑Il Kum- għall‑approprjazzjonijiet għal pagamenti miftiehem missjoni kienet qed tinkoraġġixxi l‑konsolidazzjoni li skont il‑qafas finanzjarju attwali tal‑UE. Dawn IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

il‑pagamenti kollha se jmorru biex jagħtu sostenn • Taxxa fuq it‑tranżazzjonijiet finanzjarji: lill‑investiment produttiv, lill‑appoġġ għall‑impjiegi il‑Kummissjoni pproponiet il‑ħolqien ta’ taxxa u t‑taħriġ u lill‑finanzjament għar‑riċerka fl‑Istati fuq it‑tranżazzjonijiet finanzjarji. F’konformità Membri. F’ċerti Stati Membri, il‑fondi tal‑UE mal‑proposta tagħha77, ir‑rikavat minn taxxa bħal jikkofinanzjaw iktar minn 50 % tal‑investiment din (stmat għal madwar EUR 57 biljun) jista’ jintuża pubbliku totali, u għalhekk il‑fatt li wieħed ikun jista’ biex jiffinanzja‑ l investiment li jsaħħaħ it‑tkabbir u/ jonora l‑impenji tal‑UE jirrappreżenta mod importanti jew ir‑rikapitalizzazzjoni tal‑banek. Il‑Kummissjoni ta’ kif jiġi promoss it‑tkabbir. pproponiet li wħud mir‑rikavati li jkunu sejrin għall‑baġit tal‑UE, għandhom jintużaw biex inaqqsu • L‑immirar tal‑Fondi Strutturali lejn it‑tkabbir l‑kontribuzzjonijiet tal‑Istati Membri għall‑baġit tal‑UE. u l‑konverġenza fil‑perjodu 2012-2013: il‑politika ta’ koeżjoni tal‑UE timmobilizza medja ta’ EUR 65 biljun fis‑sena għall‑investimenti li jagħtu sostenn lit‑tkabbir 3. Ir‑Rwol tal‑Istati Membri u lill‑ħolqien tal‑impjiegi. Sabiex jiġu ttrattati aħjar il‑ħtiġijiet li jirriżultaw mill‑kriżi, ġew ipprogrammati f’inizjattiva ġdida mill‑ġdid EUR 17-il biljun, f ’bidla notevoli tal‑fondi għat‑tkabbir favur ir‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni, l‑appoġġ għall‑SMEs u l‑miżuri fis‑suq tax‑xogħol għall‑persuni vulnerabbli, 3.1. Nisfruttaw il‑potenzjal flimkien ma’ investimenti ‑fl infrastruttura u fl‑effiċjenza tas‑Semestru Ewropew 2012 tal‑enerġija. Dawn l‑isforzi se jkomplu għaddejjin. 528 Aktar reċentement, ‘il fuq minn EUR 7 biljun ġew ipprogrammati mill‑ġdid bħala parti mill‑isforz Sabiex navviċinaw l‑għanijiet tal‑istrateġija Ewropa 2020, tal‑grupp tal‑azzjoni pilota tal‑Kummissjoni biex il‑Kummissjoni bagħtet lill‑Kunsill, rakkomandazzjonijiet jiżdiedu l‑appoġġ għall‑ġlieda kontra l‑qgħad fost immirati għal kull Stat Membru, bħala parti mis‑Seme- iż‑żgħażagħ u l‑aċċess tal‑SMEs għall‑finanzjament. stru Ewropew 2012 u mill‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir li ġie msaħħaħ iktar. Dawn ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet issawru • Iż‑żieda fil‑kapital imħallas tal‑Bank Ewropew fuq analiżi fil‑fond tas‑sitwazzjoni ta’ kull Stat Membru, tal‑Investiment (BEI): sabiex ikun konformi ma’ fuq l‑implimentazzjoni tagħhom tar‑rakkomandazzjoni- prassi bankarja soda, il‑BEI jeħtieġ żieda fil‑kapital jiet tas‑Semestru Ewropew 201178 u fuq kif ġiet segwita imħallas tiegħu, jekk irid iżomm il‑livell għoli l‑gwida tal‑Istħarriġ Annwali dwar it‑Tkabbir 201279 tal‑attività annwali ta’ self li għandu bħalissa għal fl‑Istati Membri. Kull Stat Membru għandu l‑partikolar- madwar EUR 65 biljun fis‑sena. Hekk kif kienet itajiet tiegħu u r‑rakkomandazzjonijiet tal‑Kummissjoni ipproponiet il‑Kummissjoni, għandu jkun hemm speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi tfasslu apposta biex ikunu jistgħu qbil bejn il‑partijiet interessati tal‑Istati Membri dwar jqisu s‑saħħiet tagħhom, id‑dgħufijiet tagħhom kif ukoll iż‑żieda ta’ EUR 10 biljun f ’kapital imħallas, bħala il‑kapaċità tagħhom li jindirizzaw l‑isfidi. Madankollu, parti mill‑inizjattiva l‑ġdida tal‑UE għat‑tkabbir. Dan l‑ekonomiji tal‑Istati Membri kollha huma marbuta ferm il‑fattur iżid sostanzjalment is‑self ġenerali b’massimu ma’ xulxin – mhux biss permezz ta’ għażla politika, tal‑ista’ EUR 180 biljun. Is‑self addizzjonali li jkun torja u tal‑ġeografija, iżda wkoll permezz tal‑potenzjal permissibbli ladarba jkun hemm tali żieda fil‑kapital, dinamiku li rriżulta minn teknoloġiji ġodda li jintegraw għandu jinxtered mal‑UE kollha, anke mal‑aktar is‑swieq flimkien aktar malajr bħal qatt qabel. Hija din pajjiżi vulnerabbli. Dan is‑self għandu jkun maħsub l‑akkumulazzjoni tas‑sitwazzjonijiet nazzjonali li tifforma biex jgħin lis‑settur tal‑SMEs, inklużi f ’dawk l‑oqsma d‑direzzjoni ġenerali tal‑UE. L‑azzjonijiet nazzjonali (jew bħall‑effiċjenza‑ fl enerġija u r‑rinovazzjoni residenzjali in‑nuqqas ta’ azzjoni) se jkollhom inevitabbilment kon- li jistgħu jiġġeneraw l‑impjiegi ferm meħtieġa fis‑settur segwenzi pożittivi u negattivi fuq il‑kumplament tal‑UE, tal‑kostruzzjoni li ntlaqat ħażin u jgħin lill‑UE tilħaq u għaldaqstant hemm il‑ħtieġa ta’ sistema ta’ governanza l‑għanijiet tagħha fir‑rigward tal‑klima u tal‑enerġija. ekonomika mifruxa mal‑UE kollha li tiġi implimentata Jekk jinstab qbil dwar din iż‑żieda fil‑kapital, permezz tas‑Semestru Ewropew (ara l‑Anness 1). il‑Kummissjoni se taħdem flimkien mal‑Istati Membri biex tgħinhom jużaw parti mill‑allokazzjonijiet Għall‑ewwel darba, il‑Kummissjoni wettqet ukoll analiżi tal‑fond strutturali tagħhom biex jaqsmu r‑riskju fil‑fond ibbażati fuq il‑proċedura tal‑iżbilanċi makroe- tas‑self tal‑BEI u biex jipprovdu garanziji għas‑self konomiċi80. Din il‑proċedura ġiet imfassla b’tali mod li tif- lill‑SMEs. Din it‑taħlita ta’ strumenti finanzjarji tista’ tagħti spinta lill‑attività ekonomika mas‑setturi u r‑reġjuni kollha u tgħin lill‑SMEs jegħlbu n‑nuqqas 77 COM (2011)594 u COM (2011) 510 78 COM (2011) 400 ta’ aċċess għall‑kreditu li qed ixekkilhom bħalissa. 79 COM (2011) 815 80 Ir‑Regolament (UE) Nru 1176/2011 dwar il‑prevenzjoni u l‑korrezzjoni tal‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi. Azzjoni għall-istabbiltà, għat-tkabbir u għall-impjiegi favorixxi l‑istabbiltà u t‑tkabbir makroekonomiċi ġenerali tkun ta’ sostenn għall‑irkupru u għall‑istandards ta’ għajx- u biex isservi ta’ lieva għal kompetittività ikbar. L‑ewwel ien u biex tiffaċilita ‑l indirizzar tal‑isfidi tat‑tixjiħ. rapport dwar il‑mekkaniżmu ta’ twissija, li ġie ppublikat fi Frar, sar bl‑użu ta’ din il‑proċedura. F’konformità mas‑se- Il‑Kummissjoni tinsab imħassba dwar il‑fatt li l‑livell jbiet li ħarġu minn dan ir‑rapport, saret l‑ewwel sensiela tal‑impenji meħuda mill‑Istati Membri mhux se jipper- ta’ analiżi fil‑fond li jkopru tnax‑il pajjiż (il‑Belġju, il‑Bul- metti lill‑UE tilħaq il‑miri nominali tagħha għall-2020 garija, id‑Danimarka, Spanja, Franza, l‑Italja, Ċipru, l‑Un- f ’oqsma essenzjali bħalma huma r‑rati tal‑impjiegi, gerija, is‑Slovenja, il‑Finlandja, l‑Isvezja u r‑Renju Unit)81. ir‑R&Ż, l‑edukazzjoni u l‑ġlieda kontra l‑faqar. Minkejja Dawn ikkonfermaw l‑eżistenza ta’ xi żbilanċi li minkejja dan, il‑kisba ta’ dawn il‑miri hija fundamentali għall‑futur li mhumiex eċċessivi xorta waħda jirrikjedu attenzjoni tal‑Ewropa. partikolari; inkluż il‑kontinwità tal‑proċess ta’ bbilanċjar mill‑ġdid bejn il‑pajjiżi li għandhom surplus u dawk li X’għandhom jagħmlu l‑Istati Membri biex għandhom defiċit, li għaddej bħalissa. Ir‑rakkomandazz- jilliberaw il‑potenzjal ta’ tkabbir tagħhom jonijiet ta’ prevenzjoni huma inklużi fir‑rakkomandazz- stess? jonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi li jkopru politiki li jappoġġ- jaw il‑kompetittività u l‑aġġustament fis‑suq tax‑xogħol, Fl‑Istħarriġ Annwali dwar it‑Tkabbir 2012, il‑Kummis- il‑proċess ta’ tnaqqis tad‑dejn mis‑setturi privati u pubbliċi sjoni indikat li fl-2012, ‑l isforzi fil‑livell nazzjonali kif kif ukoll l‑iżviluppi stabbli fis‑swieq tal‑assi.. ukoll f ’dak tal‑UE għandhom jikkonċentraw fuq ħames prijoritajiet: 3.2. Il‑valutazzjoni 529 u r‑rakkomandazzjonijiet • Issir ħidma li twassal għal konsolidazzjoni fiskali tal‑Kummissjoni differenzjata li tiffavorixxi‑ t tkabbir. • Jerġa’ jibda jsir self normali lill‑ekonomija. Il‑valutazzjoni ġenerali tal‑Kummissjoni hija li l‑Istati • Jiġu promossi t‑tkabbir u l‑kompetittività għal‑lum Membri qed jieħdu l‑azzjoni neċessarja biex jikkoreġu u għall‑ġejjieni. l‑iżbilanċi fil‑finanzi pubbliċi tagħhom u biex jiżguraw sostenibbiltà fiskali, iżda li dawn ‑l azzjonijiet mhux dejjem • Jiġu indirizzati l‑qgħad u l‑konsegwenzi soċjali tal‑kriżi. qed ikunu orjentati favur it‑tkabbir. Il‑qgħad, b’mod partikolari fost iż‑żgħażagħ, huwa problema serja ħafna li tis- • Tiġi mmodernizzata l‑amministrazzjoni pubblika. ta’ biss tissolva maż‑żmien, iżda jeħtieġ li tittieħed azzjoni Din it‑taqsima tiddeskrivi fil‑qosor is‑sejbiet ewlenin immedjata biex jiżdiedu l‑impjiegi u l‑produttività u biex tal‑analiżi li wettqet il‑Kummissjoni għal kull pajjiż, ib- jiġi pprovdut tqabbil ta’ xogħlijiet u ħiliet aktar b’saħħtu, li bażata fuq il‑programmi ta’ Stabbiltà u ta’ Konverġenza jgħin lin‑nies jerġgħu lura lejn id‑dinja tax‑xogħol fi swieq tal‑Istati Membri, fuq il‑programmi nazzjonali ta’ riforma tax‑xogħol li jiffunzjonaw tajjeb. B’mod aktar ġenerali, u, fejn relevanti, fuq l‑impenji tal‑Patt Euro Plus. Il‑kaxxa għandu jiġi indirizzat l‑impatt soċjali negattiv li rriżulta tat‑test fil‑bidu ta’ kull taqsima tiddeskrivi fil‑qosor ir‑rak- mill‑kriżi, inklużi l‑livelli ta’ faqar. komandazzjonijiet ewlenin speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi u tindika kif l‑implimentazzjoni tagħhom tista’ tikkontribwixxi għal Diversi Stati Membri, partikolarment il‑pajjiżi li għaddejjin prospetti ta’ tkabbir nazzjonali. minn programm ta’ aġġustament strutturali u dawk li huma sottomessi għal skrutinju mill‑qrib tas‑suq tagħhom, qed jagħmlu riformi strutturali kbar, inkluż tas‑swieq tax‑xog- ħol tagħhom. Dawn l‑isforzi huma essenzjali biex isostnu l‑irkupru u t‑tkabbir dejjiemi u biex jikkontribwixxu għat‑tnaqqis ġenerali tal‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi fl‑Ew- ropa. Madankollu, jeħtieġ li tittieħed azzjoni ħafna akbar li tkun mifruxa mal‑UE kollha, biex nilliberaw il‑potenzjal tagħna ta’ tkabbir, biex jinbtu opportunitajiet għall‑iżvi- lupp tan‑negozji, biex nisfruttaw il‑potenzjal ta’ sorsi ġod- da ta’ xogħlijiet, bħal pereżempju fl‑ekonomija ekoloġika, fis‑servizzi, fis‑setturi tal‑enerġija, fit‑turiżmu u fl‑ekonomija diġitali, kif ukoll biex ngħollu l‑livelli tal‑ħiliet u tal‑innovazzjoni. L‑azzjoni hija meħtieġa b’mod urġenti sabiex

81 Il-”pajjiżi tal‑programm” (il‑Greċja, l‑Irlanda, il‑Portugall u r‑Rumanija) ma ġewx inklużi f’dan l‑eżerċizzju. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

li se jilħaq 86 % tal‑PDG fl-2012, u r‑raġuni għal dan hija Issir ħidma li twassal għal r‑rata aktar baxxa fit‑tkabbir. Il‑Kummissjoni tqis li huwa konsolidazzjoni fiskali differenzjata essenzjali li jinżammu l‑iskadenzi miftiehma għall‑korrez‑ zjoni tad‑defiċits eċċessivi u li jsir ċaqliq rapidu li javviċina li tiffavorixxi t‑tkabbir l‑objettivi fiskali ta’ terminu medju speċifikati mill‑Kunsill. Aġġustamenti fiskali bħal dawn għandhom jitwettqu b’tali Ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi dwar mod li jkunu jappoġġjaw tkabbir ekonomiku aktar sos- konsolidazzjoni fiskali li tiffavorixxi‑ t tkabbir għand- tenibbli, hekk kif se jiġi deskritt hawn taħt. Dan it‑tkabbir hom l‑għan li jiżguraw li, maż‑żmien, l‑Istati Membri jikkonforma mal‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir, li jippermetti kollha jimplimentaw politiki fiskali sodi. Dawn li jitħaddmu stabilizzaturi awtomatiċi matul l‑aġġustament huma konformi mal‑istrateġiji fiskali differenzjati li strutturali li jwassal għall‑korrezzjoni ta’ defiċits eċċessivi jieħdu inkunsiderazzjoni l‑partikolaritajiet tal‑Istati u għall‑kisba eventwali tal‑objettivi ta’ terminu medju. Membri, speċjalment ir‑riskji fiskali u makrofinanz- Fl‑istess ħin, huwa jenfasizza l‑ħtieġa li l‑Istati Membri li jarji eżistenti. L‑Istati Membri qed jingħataw il‑parir qed jiffaċċjaw skrutinju tas‑suq mill‑aktar intensi, jaħd- li jippreservaw l‑investiment pubbliku fir‑riċerka mu għal konsolidazzjoni ambizzjuża li saħansitra tisfida u l‑innovazzjoni, fl‑edukazzjoni u fl‑enerġija u li ambjent makroekonomiku agħar milli jkun mistenni. joħolqu sistemi ta’ protezzjoni soċjali li jinkludu Dawk il‑pajjiżi li ħerġin mill‑proċedura ta’ defiċit eċċessiv pensjonijiet aktar sostenibbli u effettivi, billi jnaqqsu qed jiġu rakkomandati jużaw l‑ispazju fiskali disponibbli d‑defiċits tal‑gvern u l‑livelli tad‑dejn. Hemm diversi għall‑investiment li jsaħħaħ it‑tkabbir. Qed jiġu introdotti 530 rakkomandazzjonijiet dwar it‑tassazzjoni, maħsuba oqfsa fiskali nazzjonali msaħħa, kif meħtieġ mil‑leġiżlazz- biex inaqqsu l‑piż minn fuq ix‑xogħol u jitrasferixxuh joni tal‑UE. Madankollu, jeħtieġ li jsiru sforzi speċifiċi biex fuq l‑ambjent u l‑konsum, biex iżidu l‑effiċjenza billi jiġi żgurat li d‑dixxiplina fiskali fil‑livell tal‑gvern ċentrali jitneħħew varji eżenzjonijiet (inklużi r‑rati mnaqqsa) titpatta minn azzjoni effettiva simili li żżomm il‑finanzi kif ukoll biex jiġġieldu kontra l‑evażjoni tat‑taxxa pubbliċi taħt kontroll f ’livelli subnazzjonali wkoll. Dan u l‑ekonomija klandestina. L‑Istati Membri qed jiġu jirrappreżenta sfida partikolari f ’diversi pajjiżi federali jew rakkomandati wkoll li jiggarantixxu dixxiplina baġi- reġjonalizzati. tarja f ’livelli subnazzjonali. Se jkun importanti li jsir titjib fil‑kwalità tal‑finanzi pub- bliċi, billi tiġi prijoritizzata n‑nefqa fil‑miri tal‑Ewropa Skont il‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir, 23 Stat Membru bħal- 2020 u billi jiġi żgurat li tali nefqa tkun kemm jista’ jkun issa huma soġġetti għall‑proċedura ta’ defiċit eċċessiv. Għa- effiċjenti. ‑Il kontroll tal‑UE tal‑għajnuna mill‑Istat jgħin lihom, ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi f ’dan biex jippromwovi l‑infiq ta’ kwalità u biex jimminimizza il‑pakkett, jirriflettu ‑l ħtieġa għall‑osservanza tar‑rakkoman- t‑tfixkil. Reċentement, il‑Kummissjoni nediet proposta dazzjonijiet korrettivi li nħarġu preċedentement mill‑Kun- ambizzjuża ta’ modernizzazzjoni tal‑għajnuna mill‑Istat sill. Fil‑każ tal‑Ġermanja u tal‑Bulgarija, fit-30 ta’ Mejju u l‑Istati Membri se jkollhom bżonn jiżguraw konformità l‑Kummissjoni ddeċidiet separatament li tipproponi t‑tħas- aħjar mar‑regoli u koordinazzjoni interna aħjar tal‑inter- sir tas‑sitwazzjoni tagħhom ta’ defiċit eċċessiv. Barra minn venti ta’ għajnuna mill‑Istat fil‑livell nazzjonali. hekk, b’segwitu għall‑valutazzjoni tal‑azzjoni meħuda mill‑Ungerija u f ’konformità mad‑dispożizzjonijiet tar‑reg- Is‑sistemi tal‑pensjonijiet qed jiġu adattati biex jikkon- olament dwar il‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni tal‑UE, il‑Kummiss- frontaw l‑isfidi tat‑tixjiħ tal‑popolazzjoni, permezz tal‑im- joni adottat ukoll proposta għal deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill biex plimentazzjoni f ’diversi pajjiżi, ta’ riformi kbar li l‑karat- titneħħa s‑sospensjoni tal‑impenji tal‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni teristika komuni tagħhom hija li jtawlu l‑ħajja tax‑xogħol. ta’ Marzu 2012. Għall‑Istati Membri li ma jagħmlux parti Dawn ir‑riformi huma essenzjali biex jitrażżnu l‑ispejjeż mill‑proċedura ta’ defiċit eċċessiv, ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet finanzjarji u biex tiġi żgurata sostenibbiltà finanzjarja speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi jinkoraġġixxu l‑awtoritajiet biex jim- fit‑tul ta’ sistemi xierqa ta’ protezzjoni soċjali. Fl‑istess plimentaw pjanijiet fiskali kemm li jifavorixxu ‑t tkabbir kif waqt, huwa neċessarju li l‑ħaddiema anzjani jiġu attirati ukoll li jkollhom l‑għan li jiksbu u li jżommu pożizzjonijiet lejn l‑impjieg u li jinżammu jaħdmu lil hinn mill‑mudel- baġitarji li jiggarantixxu sostenibbiltà fit‑tul tal‑finanzi pub- li ta’ rtirar attwali, f ’konformità mat‑titjib fl‑istennija bliċi, inklużi l‑ispejjeż tat‑tixjiħ. tal‑għomor, u li jitqies il‑livell tal‑pensjonijiet, biex jiġi evitat li l‑anzjani jispiċċaw vittmi tal‑faqar. Sar inqas pro- L‑analiżi tal‑Kummissjoni tindika li l‑Istati Membri mexjin gress fil‑qasam tas‑sistemi tal‑kura tas‑saħħa, fejn il‑ħtieġa tajjeb bl‑isforzi tagħhom għal konsolidazzjoni fiskali, li qed tal‑aċċess għall‑kura tas‑saħħa u għal kura fit‑tul trid tiġi inaqqsu d‑defiċits tal‑gvern. Dawn id‑defiċits għandhom bbilanċjata mal‑pressjoni finanzjarja illi dejjem tiżdied, li jonqsu minn 4.5 % fl-2011 għal 3.5 % fl-2012. Madankol- tirriżulta mill‑iżviluppi demografiċi. lu, il‑proporzjoni tad‑dejn tal‑gvern għadu qed jogħla, tant Azzjoni għall-istabbiltà, għat-tkabbir u għall-impjiegi

Diversi Stati Membri qed iżidu t‑taxxi biex jappoġġjaw min‑naħa tal‑awtoritajiet pubbliċi biex jinqata’ x‑xogħol il‑konsolidazzjoni fiskali. Il‑Kummissjoni talbet li titneħħa b’lura li kien akkumula fir‑rigward tal‑arretrati. t‑tassazzjoni minn fuq ix‑xogħol biex tiġi ttrasferita fuq prattiki, konsum u proprjetà immobbli li jagħmlu ħsara lill‑ambjent, filwaqt li jiġi żgurat li ‑l piż ma jaqax b’mod Jiġu promossi t‑tkabbir u l‑kom‑ sproporzjonat fuq l‑aktar sezzjonijiet fqar tas‑soċjetà. Waqt li għadd ta’ Stati Membri żiedu b’mod sinifikanti petittività għal‑lum u għall‑ġejjieni t‑taxxi fuq il‑konsum u bdew ireġġgħu lura t‑tendenza negattiva tat‑tassazzjoni ambjentali, ma hemmx evidenza Sabiex jgħinu fil‑promozzjoni tat‑tkabbir u tal‑kom- li kien hemm tnaqqis ġenerali fit‑tassazzjoni fuq ix‑xog- petittività, ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi ħol. Qed isiru xi sforzi u għandu jkun hemm aktar biex għall‑pajjiżi qed jiffukaw fuq ‑l ambjent tan‑negoz- jiġu eliminati l‑eżenzjonijiet mit‑taxxa u s‑sussidji, kif ju, anke billi jitnaqqas il‑piż amministrattiv u billi ukoll ir‑rati mnaqqsa bħal pereżempju għall‑VAT. Qed tit- jiġu estiżi l‑industriji tan‑netwerks bħalma huma tieħed azzjoni biex tittejjeb il‑konformità mat‑taxxa iżda dawk tal‑enerġija, tar‑rotot ferrovjarji u tat‑teleko- għall‑ġlieda kontra l‑ekonomija klandestina, jeħtieġ li munikazzjonijiet għall‑kompetizzjoni biex joffru jkun hemm azzjoni aktar b’saħħitha. servizzi aħjar għan‑negozji u għaċ‑ċittadini. F’ċerti każijiet, huma jirrakkomandaw iktar indipendenza għar‑regolaturi. Huma jindirizzaw l‑implimentazz- Jerġa’ jibda jsir self normali joni tad‑Direttiva dwar is‑Servizzi billi jitneħħew restrizzjonijiet mhux ġustifikati jew sproporzjonati 531 lill‑ekonomija fuq l‑għoti ta’ servizzi, inkluża d‑diskriminazzjoni bbażata fuq in‑nazzjonalità jew ir‑residenza. Jitrattaw Sabiex jerġa’ jibda jsir self normali lill‑ekonomija, ukoll restrizzjonijiet li hemm bħalissa fis‑settur fil‑liv- ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi qed ell tal‑konsumaturi. Rakkomandazzjonijiet oħrajn jiffukaw fuq it‑tlestija tar‑ristrutturar tas‑settur jittrattaw it‑tisħiħ tar‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni, it‑titjib bankarju filwaqt li jiġi evitat proċess ta’ tnaqqis tal‑effiċjenza ‑fir riżorsi, u l‑irbit aktar mill‑qrib eċċessiv tad‑dejn. tal‑edukazzjoni mar‑rekwiżiti tas‑suq tax‑xogħol.

Qed isiru sforzi biex titkompla l‑ħidma fuq ir‑ristrutturar F’ħafna Stati Membri, ċerti servizzi mhumiex aċċessibbli tas‑settur finanzjarju u biex jissaħħaħ il‑qafas superviżor- biżżejjed. Implimentazzjoni aktar ambizzjuża tad‑Diret- ju, f ’konformità mal‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE u mar‑rakko- tiva dwar is‑Servizzi tkun tgħin, hekk kif jgħinu miżuri mandazzjonijiet. Is‑sitwazzjoni ta’ dawk il‑banek li ġew għat‑tisħiħ tal‑kompetizzjoni u tal‑kompetittività fis‑set- esposti l‑aktar għall‑kriżi u li għadhom vulnerabbli għadha tur fil‑livell tal‑konsumaturi, biex jitnaqqsu l‑ostakli sors ta’ tħassib. Dan il‑fatt jispjega għalfejn fir‑rakkoman- għad‑dħul u l‑ħruġ ta’ ditti u biex jiġu eliminati restrizz- dazzjonijiet ta’ ċerti pajjiżi qed jintalab li jittieħdu aktar jonijiet mhux ġustifikati għas‑servizzi ta’ negozju u dawk miżuri ta’ ristrutturar u ta’ prekawzjoni. professjonali, għall‑professjonijiet legali, għall‑konsultazzjoni kontabilistika jew teknika u għas‑settur tas‑saħħa Li jerġa’ jiġi stabbilit livell normali ta’ flussi ta’ kreditu u dak soċjali. L‑espansjoni tas‑swieq ta’ akkwist pubbliku għadu jirrappreżenta sfida f ’ħafna pajjiżi, partikolarment permezz ta’ tiftix attiv għal offerti transkonfinali, tkun -tis għall‑SMEs. Filwaqt li dan huwa parzjalment spjegat timola wkoll opportunitajiet, proċessi u innovazzjonijiet mid‑dgħufija tal‑karti tal‑bilanċ u tal‑prospetti korporat- ġodda. tivi, il‑fatt li kien hemm nuqqas ta’ mezzi xierqa li jilħqu lill‑SMEs ukoll kellu rwol importanti. Għandhom jiġu Jeħtieġ li jsir titjib sostanzjali fil‑prestazzjoni tal‑industriji promossi gruppi ġodda ta’ kapital, inkluż l‑aċċess għal self tan‑netwerks ewlenin - it‑trasport, l‑enerġija u l‑broad- bejn il‑pari, għall‑ekwità privata u għall‑kapital tar‑riskju. band. L‑investiment fl‑infrastrutturi huwa neċessarju F’ċerti Stati Membri, il‑fondi strutturali tal‑UE jista’ jkoll- f ’diversi pajjiżi biex jittejbu l‑interkonnessjonijiet, biex hom rwol importanti f ’dan il‑kuntest billi jiffinanzjaw tiġi estiża l‑fornitura u biex tkun possibbli l‑kompetizz- is‑selfiet u l‑garanziji permezz ta’ strumenti speċifiċi. joni fil‑prezz. Minħabba li l‑opportunitajiet fiskali biex jinbidlu l‑pjanijiet huma limitati, għandhom jintużaw Bosta SMEs qed ibatu minħabba pagamenti tard mill‑aw- forom innovattivi ta’ finanzjament li jikkombinaw sor- toritajiet pubbliċi. Din il‑problema qed tiġi indirizzata si privati u pubbliċi, bħall‑bonds tal‑proġetti tal‑UE. mid‑Direttiva l‑ġdida dwar il‑pagamenti tard, li se tidħol Il‑livelli tal‑kompetizzjoni għadhom baxxi f ’ħafna swieq fis‑seħħ f ’Marzu tal-2013. Qabel id‑dħul fis‑seħħ tad‑Di- u l‑qafas regolatorju mifrux mal‑UE kollha għadu mhux rettiva, jista’ jkun hemm bżonn ta’ sforzi addizzjonali kompletament fis‑seħħ: nofs l‑Istati Membri għadhom ma IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

ttrasponewx id‑Direttivi dwar is‑Suq Intern tal‑Enerġija jew ma rnexxielhomx jittrasponuhom kif suppost. Diversi Jiġu indirizzati l‑qgħad u l‑konseg‑ Stati Membri jeħtieġu kompetizzjoni ikbar bejn il‑fornitu- wenzi soċjali tal‑kriżi ri tal‑enerġija, it‑tneħħija tal‑prezzijiet regolati u iktar indipendenza għar‑regolaturi. Huwa neċessarju li jsiru sforzi Bosta rakkomandazzjonijiet jitrattaw il‑ħolqien ulterjuri fit‑trasport biex jitnaqqsu l‑piż regolatorju u l‑os- ta’ kundizzjonijiet għal‑livelli ogħla ta’ impjiegi, li takli għad‑dħul fis‑settur ferrovjarju fl‑Istati Membri l‑kbar jżidu l‑parteċipazzjoni u jżommu lin‑nies fis‑suq jew f ’dawk ta’ tranżitu. L‑aċċessibbiltà medja tal‑broad- tax‑xogħol. L‑aktar punti enfasizzati huma l‑ġlieda band għadha baxxa u hemm lok konsiderevoli għal titjib kontra l‑qgħad fost iż‑żgħażagħ, it‑tnaqqis tat‑tluq fis‑servizzi u għal sigurtà fl‑użu tal‑kummerċ elettroniku. bikri mill‑iskola u t‑titjib tat‑taħriġ, inkluż it‑taħriġ vokazzjonali u t‑titjib tal‑apprentistati. Diversi It‑titjib fl‑effiċjenza tar‑riżorsi u l‑avviċinament lejn rakkomandazzjonijiet jindirizzaw it‑tnaqqis tal‑faqar ekonomija b’livell baxx ta’ emissjonijiet tal‑karbonju huma u l‑għajnuna għall‑gruppi vulnerabbli. Hemm ukoll essenzjali biex tiġi żviluppata ulterjorment il‑kompetittiv- rakkomandazzjonijiet dwar għoti ta’ appoġġ aktar ità tal‑Ewropa, fid‑dawl tal‑iskarsezza tar‑riżorsi li dejjem b’saħħtu u aktar personalizzat lil dawk li jkunu qed qed tiżdied u tal‑volatilità fil‑prezzijiet, kif ukoll tat‑tibdil ifittxu impjieg u dwar il‑promozzjoni tal‑parteċi- fil‑klima li għaddej bħalissa. L‑użu aktar effiċjenti tar‑riżor- pazzjoni tan‑nisa fuq bażi full‑time. L‑Istati Membri si u ġestjoni aħjar tar‑riżorsi naturali se jiftħu opportunita- huma rakkomandati wkoll jiżguraw li l‑mekkaniżmi jiet ekonomiċi sinifikanti għat‑tkabbir futur u għall‑imp- tagħhom għall‑iffissar tal‑pagi jirriflettu kif xieraq 532 jiegi, u dan se jwassal għal produttività aħjar, għal spejjeż l‑iżviluppi tal‑produttività u jistimulaw il‑ħolqien inqas u għal iktar innovazzjoni. tax‑xogħol.

Huma essenzjali livelli għolja ta’ R&Ż u ta’ innovazzjoni biex tinżamm il‑kompetittività tal‑Ewropa. Anke jekk xi Il‑kriżi wasslet għal żieda sinifikanti fir‑rata tal‑qgħad wħud mill‑Istati Membri tagħha llum il‑ġurnata jinsabu u ggravat konsiderevolment il‑prospetti ta’ xogħol għal fost il‑mexxejja dinjin f ’diversi oqsma, l‑Ewropa inġener- ħafna nies, li qegħdin fir‑riskju li jkollhom jirtiraw mis‑suq ali qed tibda taqa’ lura maż‑żmien. Flok ma ġiet separata tax‑xogħol. Aktarx li l‑livelli għolja ta’ qgħad se jibqgħu jew miżjuda, in‑nefqa pubblika fuq ir‑riċerka ġiet milquta hekk għal ċertu żmien minħabba d‑diskrepanza fiż‑żmien mill‑konsolidazzjoni fiskali f ’ħafna Stati Membri. Jidher li hemm bejn l‑irkupru ekonomiku u t‑titjib fis‑suq biċ‑ċar li hemm bżonn ta’ investiment privat addizzjona- tax‑xogħol. Qed jiġu mobilizzati politiki attivi fis‑suq li fir‑R&Ż u fejn ikun meħtieġ dan għandu jiġi mħeġġeġ tax‑xogħol - bħal taħriġ għall‑qiegħda u gwida mis‑servizzi permezz ta’ inċentivi pubbliċi. Ir‑riżultati tar‑riċerka pubbliċi għall‑impjiegi - iżda ħafna drabi dawn ikunu batu- għandhom jitressqu viċin tas‑suq permezz tal‑akkwist pre- ti minħabba immirar dgħajjef u nuqqas ta’ effettività. kummerċjali. B’mod aktar ġenerali, bla dubju hemm ħtieġa għal aktar sħubiji bejn l‑edukazzjoni u l‑istituzzjonijiet Il‑konsegwenzi soċjali tal‑kriżi qed jintħassu dejjem aktar. iddedikati għat‑tagħlim tul il‑ħajja, l‑entitajiet tar‑riċer- Il‑faqar u r‑riskju tal‑faqar qed jiżdiedu u l‑pressjonijiet ka u n‑negozji, biex isir użu sħiħ tal‑istrumenti tal‑UE li fuq l‑infiq pubbliku qed jirriżultaw f ’kompromessi diffiċli hemm għad‑dispożizzjoni. għall‑għoti ta’ servizzi u ta’ benefiċċji soċjali.

Il‑qgħad fost iż‑żgħażagħ żdied drastikament, fejn iż‑żgħażagħ għandhom ċans doppju li jispiċċaw qiegħda meta mqabbla mal‑popolazzjoni adulta. Mal‑UE kollha, ir‑rata tal‑qgħad fost iż‑żgħażagħ hija ta’ 22 % u f ’ċerti Stati Membri tasal saħansitra sa 50 %. Hemm xi esperjenzi promettenti bil‑garanziji għaż‑żgħażagħ li jistgħu jiġu implimentati mal‑UE kollha, anke bl‑appoġġ mill‑Fond Soċjali Ewropew.

Ma kienx hemm biżżejjed progress fl‑espansjoni ta’ faċil- itajiet tajbin għall‑but ta’ kulħadd li jindukraw lit‑tfal u lill‑persuni dipendenti, fit‑tnaqqis tad‑differenzi fil‑pagi u fit‑titjib tat‑trattament fiskali tat‑tieni sors ta’ dħul, biex tiżdied b’mod sinifikanti ‑l parteċipazzjoni tan‑ni‑ sa fis‑suq tax‑xogħol. Għad ma hemmx biżżejjed enfażi Azzjoni għall-istabbiltà, għat-tkabbir u għall-impjiegi fuq l‑istrateġiji ta’ tixjiħ attiv, inkluż il‑modernizzazzjoni għall‑kompetittività tal‑ekonomija inġenerali, minħabba li tal‑arranġamenti tax‑xogħol u aċċess usa’ għat‑tagħlim l‑UE qed taqa’ lura meta mqabbla mas‑sħab kummerċjali tul il‑ħajja, li huma essenzjali għaż‑żieda fil‑parteċipazz- ewlenin tagħha. Barra minn hekk, il‑bidla demografika qed joni tal‑ħaddiema, partikolarment għall‑ħaddiema aktar toħloq riskji ġodda ta’ tqabbil ħażin tal‑ħiliet u ta’ nuqqa- anzjani. sijiet, li qed iwasslu għal pressjoni addizzjonali biex wieħed idum aktar ix‑xogħol u jkun iktar produttiv. Diversi pajjiżi Ċerti Stati Membri introduċew riformi mifruxa ferm jridu jagħmlu sforzi speċifiċi biex inaqqsu ‑l għadd kbir ta’ tas‑sistemi tagħhom tal‑iffissar u tal‑indiċjar tal‑pagi tfal li qed jitilqu mill‑iskola kmieni, biex itejbu l‑oppor- biex jiżguraw li maż‑żmien l‑iżviluppi fil‑pagi jirriflettu tunitajiet taż‑żgħażagħ fis‑suq tax‑xogħol u biex inaqqsu aħjar il‑produttività. F’pajjiżi oħra fejn il‑funzjonament l‑qgħad fost iż‑żgħażagħ. B’mod aktar ġenerali, jeħtieġ li ta’ ċerti sistemi ta’ indiċjar tal‑pagi ġie identifikat bħala l‑livelli kollha jtejbu l‑prestazzjoni edukattiva tagħhom, theddida possibbli għall‑kompetittività, il‑progress li sar inkluż it‑taħriġ vokazzjonali u l‑livell universitarju. F’ħaf- kien limitat. Dawn il‑pajjiżi se jkollhom bżonn isibu modi na mill‑Istati Membri hemm lok għall‑iżvilupp tal‑iskemi kif fil‑futur, f ’konsultazzjoni ma’ sħab soċjali, inaqqsu dan għall‑apprentistati. Inġenerali, għad hemm ħafna xi jsir l‑iżvantaġġ. Xi bbilanċjar mill‑ġdid li jiffavorixxi ‑d do- biex l‑edukazzjoni u t‑taħriġ jaslu jorbtu mal‑ħtiġijiet futu- manda domestika, inkluż permezz ta’ żieda fil‑pagi, li sar ri tas‑suq tax‑xogħol u biex dawn jantiċipawhom bil‑għan fil‑pajjiżi li bħalissa għandhom surplus fil‑kontijiet, huwa li jiffaċilitaw it‑tranżizzjoni mill‑iskola għax‑xogħol. notevoli u għandu jitkompla. Għandu jinstab bilanċ bejn l‑iżgurar li l‑livelli tal‑pagi ma jkunux tant għoljin li jisko- raġġixxu r‑reklutaġġ taż‑żgħażagħ u ta’ dawk b’ħiliet limi- Tiġi mmodernizzata 533 tati b’mod partikolari, u l‑iżgurar li l‑livelli ma jkunux tant l‑amministrazzjoni pubblika baxxi li jirriskjaw li joħolqu nasbiet ta’ faqar fost dawk li jaħdmu. Ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi dwar l‑amministrazzjoni pubblika jittrattaw is‑serviz- Filwaqt li ċerti Stati Membri taw bidu għal riformi mifruxa zi mogħtija lin‑negozji, jindirizzaw id‑dewmien ferm tal‑leġiżlazzjoni tagħhom dwar ix‑xogħol li jipper- fis‑sistema legali u l‑użu tal‑e‑government (gvern mettu li jkun hemm forom aktar flessibbli ta’ kuntratti u ta’ elettroniku) biex jiġi ffaċilitat il‑kuntatt maċ‑ċittadini arranġamenti ta’ xogħol, f ’każijiet oħra l‑proċess tar‑rifor- u man‑negozji. Diversi rakkomandazzjonijiet ikopru ma jidher li għaddej bil‑mod meta mqabbel mal‑urġenza wkoll il‑kwistjoni tat‑tisħiħ tal‑kapaċità amministrat- tas‑sitwazzjoni u mar‑riskji tas‑segmentazzjoni tas‑suq tiva li tittratta l‑fondi tal‑UE. tax‑xogħol, fejn parti kbira mill‑popolazzjoni għadha tagħmel xogħol prekarju jew tinsab barra mis‑suq tax‑xog- ħol. Arranġamenti ta’ xogħol għal żmien qasir u pratti- Bħalissa l‑amministrazzjonijiet pubbliċi tal‑UE kollha ki interni oħra ta’ flessibbiltà rriżultaw li kienu effettivi jinsabu taħt pressjoni: mhux biss qed jiffaċċjaw tnaqqis f ’diversi pajjiżi biex jiġu ppreservati l‑impjiegi fl‑eqqel fil‑baġits u fil‑livelli tal‑personal iżda qed ikollhom jadat- tal‑kriżi, partikolarment fis‑settur tal‑manifattura. Sabiex taw ukoll għall‑aspettattivi soċjetali u tan‑negozji li qed tgħin fl‑appoġġ għall‑ħolqien tax‑xogħlijiet, il‑Kummissjo- isiru dejjem aktar eżiġenti. Hekk kif l‑integrazzjoni politi- ni għamlet xi proposti biex tinkoraġġixxi lill‑Istati Mem- ka u ekonomika miexja ‘l quddiem, jeħtieġ li jimplimentaw bri jsaħħu l‑politiki dwar l‑impjiegi82 ħalli jkunu jistgħu regoli tal‑UE dejjem aktar sofistikati u eżiġenti. Ammin- jaħtfu l‑opportunitajiet ta’ xogħol fl‑ekonomija ekoloġika, istrazzjonijiet dgħajfa f ’diversi Stati Membri jikkawżaw fis‑settur tal‑kura tas‑saħħa u fl‑ICT fejn tikkalkula li jist- problemi li jvarjaw minn diffikultajiet biex isir negozju għu jinħolqu aktar minn 20 miljun impjieg. Barra minn għal implimentazzjoni fqira tal‑fondi tal‑UE u traspożizz- hekk, mobbiltà mtejba bejn l‑Istati Membri, it‑tqabbil joni fqira tal‑liġi tal‑UE. L‑isfida li jiġu żgurati servizzi pub- tal‑ħiliet u l‑postijiet tax‑xogħol vakanti bejn pajjiż u ieħor bliċi ta’ kwalità għolja tirrikjedi innovazzjoni teknoloġika jistgħu jiġu appoġġjati mill‑EURES, is‑sistema tal‑postijiet u organizzattiva, bħal avviċinament determinat lejn l‑użu tax‑xogħol vakanti. tal‑gvern elettroniku. Għadd ta’ amministrazzjonijiet jist- għu jibbenefikaw minn skambju aktar intensiv tal‑aħjar Jeħtieġ li l‑isforzi li għaddejjin bħalissa biex jiġu indirizza- prassi. Jeħtieġ li tittejjeb l‑effiċjenza tas‑sistemi tal‑ġusti‑ ti l‑livelli għolja ta’ tluq bikri mill‑iskola, inklużi l‑miżuri zzja ċivili f ’ħafna pajjiżi, b’mod partikolari billi jitnaqqas preventivi u r‑riformi fl‑edukazzjoni u fis‑sistemi ta’ taħriġ ix‑xogħol b’lura, billi jitħaffu ‑l proċedimenti ġudizzjarji vokazzjonali inklużi dawk li jagħtu spinta lill‑apprentistati, u billi jiġu introdotti forom alternattivi ta’ riżoluzzjoni isiru aktar malajr. Dan mhux biss huwa essenzjali għall‑im- tat‑tilwim. pjegabbiltà tal‑ġenerazzjonijiet il‑ġodda iżda wkoll

82 COM (2012) 173 IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Minħabba l‑pressjoni li hemm fuq il‑finanzi pubbliċi, lilha nnifisha lejn it‑tkabbir u toħloq l‑impjiegi li jistgħu il‑fondi tal‑UE jikkostitwixxu lieva essenzjali li tistimu- jgħinuha biex tgħolli l‑istandards tal‑għajxien, tnaqqas la l‑ekonomija u li tiffinanzja proġetti konkreti li jrawmu il‑faqar u tiżgura tkabbir iktar sostenibbli għall‑futur. t‑tkabbir f ’ħafna pajjiżi. Hemm bżonn li tissaħħaħ il‑gov- L‑implimentazzjoni ta’ dawn ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet ernanza tal‑istituzzjonijiet pubbliċi billi jiġi professjonal- hija prijorità. Il‑Kummissjoni se tuża l‑istrumenti kollha izzat ulterjorment is‑servizz ċivili, billi tittejjeb il‑ġestjoni tal‑qafas il‑ġdid ta’ governanza biex tikkontrolla u tivvaluta tar‑riżorsi umani, billi jittejbu l‑kapaċitajiet analitiċi u billi l‑progress li se jsir matul is‑sena li ġejja. jiġu żgurati l‑kontinwità u l‑istabbiltà tal‑persunal kompetenti. Ir‑regoli ġew simplifikati fil‑livell tal‑UE u l‑Kum- Fl‑istess ħin, il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli tiffoka bil‑qawwi missjoni qed tassisti lill‑Istati Membri fl‑isforzi tagħhom fuq l‑implimentazzjoni sħiħa tal‑Pjan Direzzjonali ta’ Ot- ta’ pprogrammar mill‑ġdid li jaġġustaw il‑finanzjament tubru 2011 biex tiżgura approċċ ibbilanċjat li jgħin lill‑UE aktar lejn il‑ħtiġijiet ta’ tkabbir. toħroġ mill‑kriżi.

Ħafna mill‑Istati Membri għandhom bżonn iżidu l‑isforzi Il‑Kummissjoni se taħdem b’mod intensiv flimkien tagħhom biex jindirizzaw il‑frodi u l‑evażjoni tat‑taxxa. mal‑Istati Membri u mal‑Istituzzjonijiet Ewropej biex tim- L‑Istati Membri kollha għandhom xi “ekonomiji klandes- plimenta l‑inizjattiva tagħha għat‑tkabbir u biex tiżvilup- tini”, li jinkludu uħud li huma żviluppati sew. Il‑problemi pa l‑komponenti ewlenin u medda ta’ żmien għat‑tlestija kkawżati mill‑frodi u l‑evażjoni tat‑taxxa jridu jiġu indiriz- tal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja. zati f ’livelli differenti permezz ta’: ‑l isforzi tal‑Istati Mem- 534 bri biex irendu s‑sistema tagħhom għall‑ġbir ta’ taxxi aktar effettiva; kooperazzjoni aktar b’saħħitha u effettiva bejn l‑Istati Membri; politika tal‑UE ċara u koerenti fil‑konfront tal‑pajjiżi terzi li tiżgura l‑possibbiltà li jittieħdu miżuri adegwati għal kontra l‑frodi u l‑evażjoni, li jibnu fuq l‑użu ta’ ċerti ġurisdizzjonijiet mhux tal‑UE li ma jap- plikawx standards ekwivalenti; u politika koordinata u effettiva fir‑rigward tal‑pajjiżi terzi.

4. Konklużjonijiet

Il‑kriżi żvelat żbilanċi profondi ħafna u nuqqas milli jitwettqu r‑riformi neċessarji mal‑UE kollha. Bħalma dawn il‑problemi ħadu ż‑żmien biex bdew jinħassu, irid jgħad- di ż‑żmien qabel ma l‑ekonomija tal‑UE terġa’ trabbi bażi soda. L‑analiżi li saret għas‑Semestru Ewropew 2012 turi li l‑governanza ekonomika l‑ġdida tal‑UE qed tibda taħdem, u li din qed tgħin lill‑Istati Membri jiffukaw fuq ir‑riformi essenzjali li se jwasslu għal tkabbir sostenibbli u għall‑impjiegi. Huwa evidenti wkoll li fid‑deċiżjonijiet tagħhom dwar il‑konsolidazzjoni fiskali, ‑l Istati Membri mhux dejjem qed jagħżlu t‑toroq li l‑aktar jifavorixxu t‑tkabbir.

B’mod ġenerali, hemm bżonn li fit‑tnax‑il xahar li ġejjin, il‑miżuri ta’ tkabbir jingħataw prominenza u urġenza ikbar, filwaqt li titkompla ‑l ħidma fuq il‑konsolidazzjoni u l‑istabbilizzazzjoni fiskali tas‑settur finanzjarju. Sabiex il‑miżuri ta’ politika u r‑riformi jiġu sfruttati kemm jista’ jkun possibbli, jeħtieġ li dan il‑proċess isir b’mod koordinat kemm fil‑livell nazzjonali kif ukoll f ’dak tal‑UE.

Permezz tal‑proposti li hawn f ’din il‑Komunikazzjoni u permezz tar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi aktar dettaljati tagħha, il‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi miżuri konkreti li jistgħu jgħinu lill‑UE terġa’ torjenta Pjan Direzzjonali lejn Unjoni Bankarja

KOMUNIKAZZJONI TAL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW U LILL‑KUNSILL BRUSSELS, 12 SEPTEMBER 2012 COM(2012) 510

1. Introduzzjoni Għaldaqstant il‑Kummissjoni talbet84 għall‑unjoni bankarja sabiex is‑settur bankarju jitqiegħed fuq sisien aktar 535 sodi u tiġi rrestawrata l‑fiduċja ‑fl Euro bħala parti minn Matul l‑aħħar erba’ snin, l‑UE wieġbet b’mod deċisiv viżjoni aktar fit‑tul għall‑integrazzjoni ekonomika u fiska- għall‑kriżi ekonomika u finanzjarja. Sar titjib sinifikanti li. It‑trasferiment tas‑superviżjoni tal‑banek għal‑livell fl‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja (UEM), u qed tiġi im- Ewropew huwa parti ewlenija ta’ dan il‑proċess, li susseg- plimentata aġenda sostanzjali ta’ riforma finanzjarja, biex wentement trid tingħaqad ma’ passi oħra bħal sistema ko- tonora l‑impenji meħuda fil‑G20 b’reazzjoni għall‑kriżi fi- muni għall‑protezzjoni tad‑depożiti, u ġestjoni integrata nanzjarja, u biex l‑istituzzjonijiet u s‑swieq finanzjarji isiru tal‑kriżijiet bankarji. Ir‑rapport mill‑Presidenti tal‑Kunsill aktar stabbli, kompetittivi u reżiljenti83. Ewropew, il‑Kummissjoni, il‑Grupp tal‑Euro u l‑Bank Ċen- trali Ewropew (BĊE) tas-26 ta’ Ġunju 201285 approva din It‑tlestija ta’ din ir‑riforma tal‑qafas regolatorju tal‑UE il‑viżjoni. Min‑naħa tiegħu, il‑Parlament Ewropew irrak- hija essenzjali iżda mhux se tkun biżżejjed biex jiġi in- komanda passi fl‑istess direzzjoni, pereżempju fir‑rapport dirizzat b’suċċess it‑theddid għall‑istabbiltà finanzjarja tiegħu minn Lulju 2010 dwar l‑immaniġġjar transkonfinali mal‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja kollha. Jinħtieġu tal‑kriżijiet fis‑settur bankarju86. Dan ġie kkonfermat ukoll passi ulterjuri sabiex jiġu indirizzati r‑riskji speċifċi fi mis‑Summit taż‑Żona tal‑Euro tad-29 ta’ Ġunju 201287. ħdan iż‑Żona tal‑Euro, fejn responsabbiltajiet monetarji kondiviżi xprunaw integrazzjoni ekonomika u finanzjar- Li jiġi żgurat li s‑superviżjoni u r‑riżoluzzjoni bankarja mill‑qrib u żiedu l‑possibbiltà ta’ effetti transfruntieri ja maż‑Żona tal‑Euro kollha jilħqu standards għoljin se mifruxa fl‑eventwalità ta’ kriżi bankarja, u biex tinqasam jserraħ moħħ iċ‑ċittadini u s‑swieq li livell għoli komuni ir‑rabta bejn id‑dejn sovran u d‑dejn bankarju u ċ‑ċirku vizzjuż li wassal sabiex jintużaw aktar minn EUR 4,5 triljun biex jiġu salvati l‑banek fl‑UE. Il‑koordinazzjoni bejn is‑superviżuri hija vitali iżda l‑kriżi wriet li sempliċi koor- 84 http://ec.europa.eu/commission_2010-2014/president/news/ archives/2012/06/20120626_speeches_2_en.htm dinazzjoni mhijiex biżżejjed, partikolarment fil‑kuntest ta’ 85 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ munita unika, u li jinħtieġ teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet komuni. pressdata/MT/ec/131301.pdf Huwa importanti wkoll li jiġi limitat ir‑riskju dejjem ak- 86 Riżoluzzjoni tal‑Parlament Ewropew tas-7 ta’ Lulju 2010 bar ta’ frammentazzjoni tas‑swieq bankarji tal‑UE, li jim- b’rakkomandazzjonijiet lill‑Kummissjoni dwar l‑Immaniġġjar Transkonfinali tal‑Kriżijiet fis‑Settur Bankarju (2010/2006(INI)) mina b’mod sinifikanti s‑suq uniku għas‑swieq finanzjarji 87 “Il‑Kummissjoni dalwaqt ser tippreżenta Proposti abbażi u jxekkel it‑trażmissjoni effettiva tal‑politika monetarja tal‑Artikolu 127(6) għal mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku Aħna għall‑ekonomija reali maż‑Żona tal‑Euro kollha kemm hi. nitolbu lill‑Kunsill jikkunsidra dawn il‑Proposti bħala kwistjoni ta’ urġenza sa tmiem l-2012. Meta jiġi stabbilit mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku effettiv, li jinvolvi lill‑BĊE, għall banek fiż‑żona tal‑euro, il‑MES ikun jista’, wara deċiżjoni regolari, ikollu l‑possibbiltà li jirrikapitalizza lill‑banek direttament Dan jiddependi fuq kondizzjonalità adatta, inkluża l‑konformità mar‑regoli tal‑għajnuna mill‑Istat, li għandhom ikunu speċifiċi skont l‑istituzzjoni, skont is‑settur jew għall‑ekonomija kollha, 83 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/policy/map_ u jiġi formalizzat f’Memorandum ta’ Qbil. http://www.consilium. reform_en.htm europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/pressdata/MT/ec/131373.pdf IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

ta’ regolamentazzjoni prudenzjali qed jiġi applikat b’mod Minbarra dan, fit‑tliet oqsma ta’ rilevanza speċifika konsistenti għall‑banek kollha. Jekk il‑banek jaffrontaw għall‑unjoni bankarja, għandha tiġi aċċelerata din il‑ħid- xi diffikultà ‑fil futur, il‑pubbliku għandu jkollu l‑fiduċja ma u għandu jintlaħaq ftehim bejn il‑koleġiżlaturi dwar li l‑banek f ’diffikultà jiġu rristrutturati jew magħluqa -fil il‑proposti rilevanti sa tmiem l-2012: waqt li jiġu mminimizzati l‑ispejjeż għall‑kontribwenti. Din is‑sistema futura se tgħin sabiex tinbena l‑fiduċja • Ġew proposti rekwiżiti prudenzjali aktar b’saħħithom neċessarja bejn l‑Istati Membri, li hija prekundizzjoni għall‑banek. Bil‑proposti tagħha dwar ir‑rekwiżiti dwar għall‑introduzzjoni ta’ kwalunkwe arranġamenti finanzjar- il‑kapital tal‑banek (“CRD4”)89, il‑Kummissjoni nediet ji komuni sabiex jiġu protetti d‑depożituri u tiġi appoġġata il‑proċess ta’ implimentazzjoni tal‑istandards globali r‑riżoluzzjoni ordnata ta’ banek li qed ifallu. ġodda dwar il‑kapital u l‑likwidità tal‑banek. Il‑ħolqien ta’ mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku ma għandux Din il‑komunikazzjoni takkumpanja żewġ proposti jesiġi tibdiliet sostantivi għar‑regolament u d‑direttiva leġiżlattivi, rispettivament, għat‑twaqqif ta’ mekkaniżmu proposti, għalkemm f ’għadd limitat ta’ oqsma, jista’ superviżorju uniku bil‑konferiment ta’ kompiti speċifiċi jkun meħtieġ xi aġġustament biex jirrefletti din lill‑BĊE li jikkonċernaw politiki relatati mas‑superviżjo- is‑sitwazzjoni ġdida. Matul l‑istadji finali tan‑negozjati ni prudenzjali tal‑istituzzjonijiet ta’ kreditu u għall‑adat- dwar is‑CRD4, il‑Kummissjoni se tkun partikolarment tamenti għar‑Regolament li jistabbilixxi l‑Awtorità attenta li tiżgura li t‑testi miftiehma huma teknikament Bankarja Ewropea (ABE)88. Dawn il‑proposti leġiżlattivi kumpatibbli mar‑Regolament propost dwar jirrappreżentaw l‑ewwel pass importanti li se jwettaq tit- it‑twaqqif ta’ mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku, u se 536 jib kwalitattiv fl‑istabbiltà u l‑fiduċja finanzjarja fiż‑Żona taħdem mal‑Parlament Ewropew u l‑Kunsill f ’dan tal‑Euro b’mod partikolari. Din il‑komunikazzjoni tistab- ir‑rigward. Dan jinkludi b’mod partikolari l‑iżgurar li bilixxi mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku fil‑kuntest dovut d‑dispożizzjonijiet kollha tad‑direttiva proposta dwar u tindika l‑ħidma ulterjuri lejn unjoni bankarja lil hinn is‑CRD4 huma operattivi għall‑applikazzjoni kemm minn dawn l‑ewwel proposti. fuq livell nazzjonali kif ukoll mill‑BĊE. • Il‑kopertura tal‑Iskemi tal‑Garanziji tad‑Depożiti (SGD) nazzjonali diġà żdiedet għal livell armonizzat 2. L‑unjoni bankarja u s‑suq ta’ EUR 100,000 għal kull depożitur, għal kull uniku istituzzjoni, b’effett mill-31 ta’ Diċembru 2010. F’Lulju 2010, il‑Kummissjoni pproponiet90 li jsir aktar, Is‑suq uniku għas‑servizzi finanzjarji huwa bbażat fuq reg- bl‑armonizzazzjoni u s‑simplifikazzjoni tad‑depożiti oli komuni li jiżguraw li l‑banek u istituzzjonijiet finanz- protetti, pagamenti aktar malajr u finanzjament jarji oħra, li skont it‑Trattat jibbenefikaw minn drittijiet ta’ imtejjeb, partikolarment permezz tal‑finanzjament stabbiliment u forniment liberu ta’ servizzi, ikunu soġġetti ex ante tal‑iskemi ta’ garanzija tad‑depożiti mħallsa għal regoli ekwivalenti u superviżjoni adegwata mal‑UE mill‑kontribuzzjonijiet tal‑banek u faċilità obbligatorja kollha. ta’ self bejn l‑iskemi nazzjonali fi ħdan ċerti limiti fissi. • Il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni dwar l‑għodod ta’ rkupru Il‑ħolqien ta’ unjoni bankarja ma għandux jikkomprometti u riżoluzzjoni għall‑banek fi kriżi, adottata fis- l‑unità u l‑integrità tas‑suq uniku li jibqa’ wieħed mill‑ak- 6 ta’ Ġunju 201291, hija l‑aħħar minn sensiela ta’ miżuri bar kisbiet tal‑integrazzjoni Ewropea. Tabilħaqq, l‑unjoni proposti biex jissaħħaħ is‑settur bankarju tal‑Ewropa bankarja tiddependi mit‑tlestija tal‑programm ta’ riforma u jiġu evitati l‑effetti mxerrda ta’ kwalunkwe kriżi regolatorja sostantiva li għaddejja bħalissa għas‑suq uniku finanzjarja futura b’effetti negattivi fuq ‑id depożituri (il-”ġabra unika ta’ regoli”). u l‑kontribwenti. Sabiex jiġi żgurat li tinżamm l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja waqt li ‑l azzjonisti u l‑kredituri Is‑suq uniku u l‑unjoni bankarja huma għalhekk proċes- jġarrbu s‑sehem sħiħ tagħhom tat‑telf tal‑banek si li jsaħħu ‘l xulxin.Il‑ħidma biex jissaħħaħ is‑suq uniku u l‑ispejjeż ta’ rikapitalizzazzjoni, il‑Kummissjoni għandha tkompli fost l‑oqsma eżistenti kollha koperti pproponiet qafas komuni ta’ regoli u setgħat. Dan se mill‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni. jgħin, l‑ewwel, biex l‑Istati Membri jevitaw li jfeġġu l‑kriżijiet bankarji u, f ’każ li dawn il‑kriżijiet bankarji

89 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/bank/regcapital/new_ proposals_en.htm 90 http://eur‑lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=OJ:L:200 9:068:0003:0007:MT:PDF 91 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/bank/crisis_management/ 88 Regolament (UE) Nru 1093/2010 index_en.htm Pjan Direzzjonali lejn Unjoni Bankarja

jfeġġu xorta waħda, dawn jimmaniġġjawhom b’mod L‑impatt u l‑implikazzjonijiet effettivi ta’ mekkaniżmu ordinat u effettiv. L‑Istati Membri jkunu meħtieġa superviżorju uniku fuq il‑funzjonament operattiv tal‑ABE jistabbilixxu fond ta’ riżoluzzjoni ex ante mħallas se jkunu eżaminati ulterjorment fl‑analiżi li ġejja tal‑funz- mill‑kontribuzzjonijiet tal‑banek, u ssir proviżjoni għal jonament tal‑Awtoritajiet Superviżorji Ewropej li għandha faċilità obbligatorja ta’ self bejn l‑iskemi nazzjonali, tiġi ppreżentata mill‑Kummissjoni sat-2 ta’ Jannar 201492. dejjem bil‑kundizzjoni li jkunu soġġetti għal limiti ċari. F’dak il‑kuntest, il‑Kummissjoni se teżamina partikolarment jekk għandux jissaħħaħ ir‑rwol tal‑ABE fir‑rigward Għaldaqstant dawn ir‑regoli se jikkostitwixxu peda- tal‑eżerċiżżji tal‑ittestjar tal‑istress, sabiex jiġi evitat li l‑aw- ment komuni mas‑suq uniku kollu li fuqu jistgħu jissejsu torità tkun wisq dipendenti fuq l‑informazzjoni u l‑kon- l‑proposti għal unjoni bankarja. Din il‑ġabra unika ta’ tribuzzjonijiet mill‑awtoritajiet kompetenti għall‑valutazz- regoli hija meħtieġa għall‑istabbiltà u l‑integrità tas‑suq joni tar‑reżiljenza effettiva tas‑settur bankarju mal‑Unjoni uniku tal‑UE fis‑servizzi finanzjarji. Tipprovdi pedament kollha kemm hi. komuni li jippermetti tranżizzjoni lejn unjoni bankarja mingħajr ebda riskju ta’ frammentazzjoni tas‑suq uniku. Għaldaqstant huwa ta’ prijorità, min‑naħa tal‑koleġiżlaturi Fl‑istess waqt, il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli ssaħħaħ l‑istab- sal‑aħħar tas‑sena, it‑twettiq rapidu tar‑riformi pendenti biltà finanzjarja u tiżgura kundizzjonijiet indaqs fis‑suq dwar ir‑rekwiżiti ta’ kapital, l‑iskemi ta’ garanzija tad‑de- uniku tal‑UE għall‑ibbankjar permezz tal‑kontroll tagħha pożitu, u rriżoluzzjoni bankarja. tal‑għajnuna mill‑istat u l‑kundizzjonalità għall‑għajnuna għall‑aġġustament ekonomiku.

Dawn ir‑regoli għandhom jiġu applikati wkoll bl‑istess 537 mod mal‑Unjoni kollha kemm hi, permezz ta’ superviż- joni koerenti u konverġenti tal‑istituzzjonijiet ta’ kreditu Azzjonijiet Ewlenin minn superviżuri nazzjonali u l‑BĊE. L‑Awtorità Bankar- ja Ewropea (ABE) għandha rwol kruċjali fit‑twettiq ta’ Il‑Kummissjoni titlob lill‑Parlament Ewropew dan l‑għan, partikolarment bis‑sett ta’ strumenti u setgħat u lill‑Kunsill jilħqu ftehim sal‑aħħar tal-2012 dwar: previsti mir‑regolament ta’ twaqqif tagħha (l‑indiriz- 1) il‑proposti dwar is‑CRD4, biex ikunu applikabbli zar ta’ ksur tal‑liġi tal‑Unjoni, il‑medjazzjoni, standards kemm fis‑suq uniku kollu kif ukoll fi ħdan tekniċi vinkolanti, linji gwida, u rakkomandazzjonijiet). il‑kuntest tal‑mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku; Għalhekk huwa kruċjali li l‑ABE twettaq bis‑sħiħ ir‑rwol tagħha li tibni qafas legal komuni u kultura superviżorja 2) il‑proposta għal Direttiva dwar l‑Iskemi mal‑Unjoni kollha kemm hi. ta’ Garanzija tad‑Depożiti kif proposta mill‑Kummissjoni; Minbarra dan, sabiex tiġi evitata xi diverġenza bejn iż‑Żo- 3) il‑proposta għal Direttiva dwar l‑irkupru na tal‑Euro u l‑bqija tal‑UE, il‑ġabra unika ta’ regoli għand- u r‑riżoluzzjoni bankarji. ha tkun imsejsa fuq prattiki superviżorji uniformi. Gwidi u approċċi superviżorji differenti bejn ‑l Istati Membri li jipparteċipaw fil‑mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku u l‑Istati Membri l‑oħra joħolqu riskju ta’ frammentazzjoni tas‑suq uniku, hekk kif il‑banek ikunu jistgħu jisfruttaw id‑differenzi biex jiksbu arbitraġġ regolatorju. L‑ABE għandha tiżviluppa gwida superviżorja unika li tikkomplementa l‑ġabra unika ta’ regoli.

Kwalunkwe miżura adottata mill‑BĊE – pereżempju biex jiġu stipulati dettalji ulterjuri dwar kif għandha titwettaq is‑superviżjoni prudenzjali fil‑kuntest ta’ struttura super- viżorja speċifika maħluqa mill‑mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku – għandha tkun konformi mal‑ġabra unika ta’ regoli inklużi l‑istandards tekniċi stabbiliti mill‑atti delegati adottati mill‑Kummissjoni Ewropea. Fl‑aħħar, għandu jiġi nnutat li l‑proposta ta’ llum iżżomm il‑bilanċ attwali bejn l‑Istati Membri ta’ domiċilju u dawk ospitanti, inkluż fir‑rigward tal‑parteċipazzjoni tal‑kulleġġi superviżorji. 92 Skont l‑Artikolu 81 tar‑Regolamenti li jistabbilixxu l‑Awtoritajiet Superviżorji Ewropej [Regolament (UE) Nru 1093/2010, Regolament (UE) Nru 1094/2010, u Regolament (UE) Nru 1095/2010] IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

3. It‑tlestija tal‑Unjoni Bankarja li jesiġi li l‑banek jieħdu l‑azzjoni meħtieġa ta’ rimedju. Il‑BĊE, fost affarijiet oħra, se jkun ‑l awtorità kompetenti għall‑awtorizzazzjoni tal‑istituzzjonijiet ta’ kreditu, Kif stabbilit mill‑Kummissjoni93 qabel il‑Kunsill Ewropew għall‑valutazzjoni ta’ parteċipazzjonijiet kwalifikattivi, ta’ Ġunju 2012 u fir‑rapport tal‑Presidenti tal‑Kunsill Ew- għall‑iżgurar tal‑konformità mar‑rekwiżiti ta’ kapital min- ropew, il‑Kummissjoni, il‑Grupp tal‑Euro u l‑Bank Ċen- imi, għall‑iżgurar tal‑adegwatezza tal‑kapital intern b’rab- trali Ewropew tas-26 ta’ Ġunju 201294, it‑tlestija ta’ unjoni ta mal‑profil tar‑riskju ta’ istituzzjoni ta’ kreditu (“miżuri bankarja se tesiġi ħidma ulterjuri biex jitwettqu mekka- tal‑Pilastru Nru 2”), għat‑twettiq ta’ superviżjoni fuq bażi niżmu superviżorju uniku, sistema komuni għall‑garan- kkonsolidata u ta’ kompiti superviżorji b’rabta ma’ kon- ziji tad‑depożiti u qafas integrat ta’ ġestjoni tal‑kriżijiet. glomerati finanzjarji. Il‑BĊE se jiżgura wkoll konformità It‑twaqqif ta’ mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku huwa l‑ew- mad‑dispożizzjonijiet dwar l‑ingranaġġ u l‑likwidità, se wel pass kruċjali u sinifikanti. japplika buffers kapitali u se jwettaq, b’koordinazzjoni mal‑awtoritajiet ta’ riżoluzzjoni, miżuri ta’ intervent bikri 3.1. Mekkaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku meta bank jikser, jew ikun se jikser, rekwiżiti regolatorji ta’ kapital. Il‑mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku li l‑Kummissjoni qed tipproponi llum huwa bbażat fuq it‑trasferiment għal‑liv- Il‑BĊE se jingħata s‑setgħat investigatorji u superviżorji ell Ewropew ta’ kompiti superviżorji ewlenin, speċifiċi meħtieġa biex iwettaq il‑kompiti tiegħu. L‑involviment at- għal banek stabbiliti fl‑Istati Membri taż‑Żona tal‑Euro. tiv tas‑superviżuri nazzjonali fi ħdan ‑l MSU huwa previst 538 Filwaqt li jżomm ir‑responabbiltà finali, il‑BĊE iwettaq sabiex jiżgura t‑tħejjija u l‑implimentazzjoni effiċjenti u bla il‑kompiti tiegħu f ’mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku kom- intoppi tad‑deċiżjonijiet superviżorji kif ukoll il‑koordi- post mill‑BĊE u awtoritajiet superviżorji nazzjonali. Din nazzjoni u l‑fluss ta’ informazzjoni meħtieġa fir‑rigward l‑istruttura se tipprovdi superviżjoni b’saħħitha u konsist- ta’ kwistjonijiet kemm ta’ interess lokali kif ukoll dak Ew- enti maż‑żona kollha tal‑Euro, filwaqt li tagħmel ‑l aħjar ropew, sabiex tiġi żgurata l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja mal‑Unjo- użu mill‑għarfien lokali u speċifiku tas‑superviżuri nazz- ni kollha u l‑Istati Membri tagħha. jonali. Dan se jiżgura li s‑superviżjoni tibqa’ ferm konxja tal‑kundizzjonijiet nazzjonali u lokali rilevanti għall‑istab- Il‑kompiti kollha mhux mogħtija b’mod espliċitu lill‑BĊE biltà finanzjarja. Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi wkoll mek- se jibgħu f ’idejn is‑superviżuri nazzjonali. Pereżempju, kaniżmu li se jippermetti lill‑Istati Membri li m’adottawx is‑superviżuri nazzjonali se jibqgħu responsabbli għall‑pro- l‑Euro, iżda li jkunu jixtiequ jipparteċipaw fil‑mekkaniżmu tezzjoni tal‑konsumatur u l‑ġlieda kontra l‑ħasil tal‑flus superviżorju uniku, biex jikkooperaw mill‑qrib mal‑BĊE. u għas‑superviżjoni ta’ istituzzjonijiet ta’ pajjiżi terzi li jistabbilixxu fergħat jew jipprovdu servizzi transfruntieri Taħt il‑mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku, il‑BĊE se jsir re- fi Stat Membru. sponsabbli għas‑superviżjoni tal‑banek kollha fi ħdan ‑l unjoni bankarja, li għalihom se tapplika l‑ġabra unika ta’ reg- Il‑BĊE għandu jkun jista’ jwettaq il‑funzjonijiet super- oli applikabbli mas‑suq uniku kollu. L‑esperjenza riċenti viżorji ġodda tiegħu b’indipendenza sħiħa filwaqt li jkun wriet li d‑diffikultajiet, anke f ’banek relattivament żgħar, kompletament responsabbli għall‑azzjonijiet tiegħu. jistgħu jkollhom impatti negattivi fuq l‑istabbiltà finanz- Il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni se tinkludi salvagwardji ta’ jarja tal‑Istati Membri. Għaldaqstant, mill‑ewwel ġurnata, responsabbiltà b’saħħithom, partikolarment fir‑rigward il‑BĊE se jingħata s‑setgħa li jieħu f ’idejh is‑superviżjoni tal‑Kunsill u tal‑Parlament Ewropew, sabiex tiġi żgurata ta’ kwalunkwe bank fiż‑Żona tal‑Euro jekk jiddeċiedi hekk, l‑leġittimità demokratika. Flimkien ma’ dan, il‑proposta partikolarment jekk il‑bank ikun qed jirċievi appoġġ pub- tistipula għadd ta’ prinċipji organizzativi li jiżguraw sep- bliku. Għall‑banek l‑oħra, is‑superviżjoni mill‑BĊE se tiġi arazzjoni ċara bejn il‑politika u s‑superviżjoni monetarja. introdotta fi stadji b’mod awtomatiku: fl-1 ta’ Lulju 2013 Dan se jtaffi kunflitti potenzjali bejn‑ l għanijiet differenti għall‑banek Ewropej l‑aktar sinifikanti li huma importanti ta’ politika, filwaqt li ‑fl istess ħin jippermetti li jiġu sfrut- mil‑lat sistemiku, u fl-1 ta’ Jannar 2014 għall‑banek l‑oħra. tati bis‑sħiħ is‑sinerġiji. L‑attivitajiet kollha ta’ tħejjija Għaldaqstant, sal-1 ta’ Jannar 2014 il‑banek kollha fiż‑Żo- u ta’ eżekuzzjoni tal‑politika għandhom għalhekk jitwet- na tal‑Euro se jkunu taħt is‑superviżjoni Ewropea. tqu minn korpi u diviżjonijiet amministrattivi separati mill‑funzjonijiet ta’ politika monetarja peremezz ta’ bord Il‑BĊE se jingħata kompiti superviżorji speċifiċi ewlenin li superviżorju stabbilit fi ħdan il‑BĊE għal dan il‑għan huma indispensabbli sabiex tiġi żgurata l‑individwazzjoni speċifiku. ta’ riskji li jheddu l‑vijabbiltà tal‑banek. Se jingħata s‑setgħa Fl‑aħħarnett, l‑emendi proposti għar‑Regolament dwar 93 http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/banking‑union/index_mt.htm l‑ABE se jiżguraw li l‑ABE tkun tista’ tkompli tissodis- 94 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ pressdata/MT/ec/131301.pdf fa l‑missjoni tagħha b’mod effettiv fir‑rigward tal‑Istati Pjan Direzzjonali lejn Unjoni Bankarja

Membri kollha. B’mod partikolari, l‑ABE se teżerċita s‑set- 3.2. Il‑Passi li Jmiss fil‑Ġestjoni għat u l‑kompiti tagħha wkoll fir‑rigward tal‑BĊE. L‑ar- tal‑Kriżijiet Bankarji ranġamenti tal‑votazzjoni fi ħdan ‑l ABE se jiġu adattati sabiex jiġi żgurat li l‑istrutturi tat‑teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet L‑integrazzjoni finanzjarja globali u s‑suq uniku tal‑UE tal‑ABE ikomplu jkunu bilanċati u effettivi biex b’hekk għamlu mod li f ’xi pajjiżi s‑settur bankarju seta’ jkun bosta jirreflettu ‑l pożizzjonijiet tal‑awtoritajiet kompetenti darbiet akbar mill‑PDG, li wassal sabiex ikun hemm istituzz- tal‑Istati Membri li jipparteċipaw fil‑mekkaniżmu super- jonijiet li huma “kbar wisq biex ifallu” u “kbar wisq biex jiġu viżorju uniku kif ukoll dawk li mhumiex, u b’hekk titħares salvati” taħt arranġamenti nazzjonali eżistenti. Min‑naħa bis‑sħiħ l‑integrità tas‑suq uniku. L‑emendi għall‑arranġa- l‑oħra, l‑esperjenza turi li anke l‑falliment ta’ banek relatti- menti tal‑votazzjoni ġew immirati għal dawk l‑oqsma vament żgħar jista’ jikkaġuna ħsara sistemika transfruntiera. fejn l‑ABE tieħu deċiżjonijiet vinkolanti dwar l‑applika- Minbarra dan, l‑assalti bankarji minn fruntiera għall‑oħra zzjoni tal‑ġabra unika ta’ regoli meta jiġu indirizzati ksur jistgħu jdgħajfu kritikament is‑sistemi bankarji nazzjonali, tal‑liġi u nuqqas ta’ ftehim dwar saldu. F’oqsma oħra, jipperikolaw ulterjorment il‑pożizzjoni fiskali tas‑sovran, is‑salvagwardji proċedurali eżistenti jitqiesu bħala suffiċ- u jaċċelleraw il‑problemi ta’ finanzjament għat‑tnejn. jenti biex jiġi żgurat teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet bilanċat u effettiv f ’dawk l‑oqsma. Pereżempju, abbozzi ta’ standards tekniċi jiġu ppreżentati lill‑Kummissjoni għall‑adozzjoni, Is‑superviżjoni msaħħa fi ħdan ‑l unjoni bankarja se tgħin u l‑Kummissjoni tista’ tiddeċiedi li ma tapprovahomx jew biex il‑banek ikunu aktar sodi. Madankollu, f ’każ ta’ kriżi li timmodifikahom, partikolarment, meta ma jkunux kon- jinħtieġ li jiġu żgurati r‑riżoluzzjoni tal‑istituzzjonijiet formi bis‑sħiħ mal‑prinċipji fundamentali tas‑suq intern b’mod ordinat u li d‑depożituri jkollhom moħħhom mis- 539 għas‑servizzi finanzjarji. Finalment, iddaħħlet klawżola trieħ li t‑tfaddil tagħhom huwa sikur. ta’ reviżjoni mmirata fl‑abbozz tar‑Regolament li jemenda 95 r‑Regolament 1093/2010 sabiex jitqies partikolarment F’dan l‑isfond, il‑Kummissjoni enfasizzat li unjoni kwalunkwe żvilupp fl‑għadd ta’ Stati Membri li l‑muni- bankarja għandha tinkludi ġestjoni aktar ċentralizzata ta tagħhom tkun l‑Euro jew li l‑awtoritajiet kompetenti tal‑kriżijiet bankarji. Il‑Parlament Ewropew ukoll talab tagħhom ikunu daħlu f ’kooperazzjoni mill‑qrib u biex li jkun hemm progress f ’dan il‑qasam. Il‑ħtieġa ta’ “mek- jiġi eżaminat jekk fid‑dawl ta’ dawn l‑iżviluppi jkunux kaniżmi komuni għar‑riżoluzzjoni ta’ banek u għall‑ga- meħtieġa aġġustamenti ulterjuri għal dawk id‑dispożizz- ranzija tad‑depożiti tal‑klijenti” kienet imsemmija wkoll jonijiet sabiex jiġi żgurat li d‑deċiżjonijiet tal‑ABE jit- fir‑rapport mill‑Presidenti tal‑Kunsill Ewropew, il‑Kum- tieħdu fl‑interess li jinżamm u jissaħħaħ is‑suq uniku missjoni, il‑Grupp tal‑Euro u l‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew 96 għas‑servizzi finanzjarji. tas-26 ta’ Ġunju 2012 .

Għaldaqstant, il‑Kummissjoni tipprevedi b’mod partikolari Azzjonijiet Ewlenin li tressaq proposta għal mekkaniżmu uniku ta’ riżoluzzjoni li jirregola r‑riżoluzzjoni tal‑banek u jikkoordina, b’mod partikolari, l‑applikazzjoni ta’ għodod ta’ riżoluzzjoni fi ħdan Il‑Kummissjoni titlob: l‑unjoni bankarja. Dan il‑mekkaniżmu jkun aktar effiċjen- 1) lill‑Kunsill biex jikkunsidra u jadotta b’mod ti minn netwerk ta’ awtoritajiet nazzjonali ta’ riżoluzzjoni, urġenti l‑proposta għal Regolament tal‑Kunsill partikolarment fil‑każ ta’ fallimenti transfruntieri, minħab- li jagħti kompiti speċifiċi lill‑BĊE fir‑rigward ba l‑ħtieġa ta’ ħeffa u kredibbiltà ‑fl indirizzar ta’ kriżijiet ta’ politiki relatati mas‑superviżjoni prudenzjali bankarji. Ikun element naturali li jikkomplementa t‑twaq- tal‑istituzzjonijiet ta’ kreditu filwaqt li titqies qif ta’ mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku, u jkun jinkludi l‑opinjoni tal‑Parlament Ewropew; wkoll ekonomiji ta’ skala sinifikanti, u jevita ‑l aspetti esterni negattivi li jistgħu jirriżultaw minn deċiżjonijiet purament 2) lill‑Parlament Ewropew u lill‑Kunsill biex nazzjonali. Dan jieħu d‑deċiżjonijiet tiegħu skont il‑prinċip- jikkunsidraw b’mod urġenti u jadottaw il‑proposta ji ta’ riżoluzzjoni stabbiliti fil‑ġabra unika ta’ regoli li huma li temenda r‑Regolament 1093/2010 li jistabbilixxi konsistenti mal‑aħjar prattika internazzjonali u b’konform- l‑ABE. ità sħiħa mar‑regoli tal‑Unjoni dwar l‑għajnuna mill‑istat. Ftehim fuq dawn iż‑żewġ proposti għandu jintlaħaq B’mod partikolari, l‑azzjonisti u l‑kredituri għandhom iġar- qabel tmiem l-2012. rbu l‑ispejjeż ta’ riżoluzzjoni qabel ma jingħata xi finanzjament estern, u għandhom jinstabu soluzzjonijiet mis‑settur privat minflok jintużaw il‑flus tal‑kontribwenti tat‑taxxi.

95 http://ec.europa.eu/europe2020/banking‑union/index_mt.htm 96 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ pressdata/MT/ec/131301.pdf IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Minbarra dan, u abbażi ta’ valutazzjoni tal‑funzjonament –– il‑konferiment ta’ ċerti kompiti speċifiċi lill‑BĊE tagħha, tali mekkaniżmu uniku ta’ riżoluzzjoni jkun jista’ fir‑rigward tas‑superviżjoni prudenzjali ta’ jiġi fdat wkoll b’kompiti ulterjuri ta’ koordinazzjoni fir‑rig- istituzzjonijiet ta’ kreditu; ward tal‑ġestjoni ta’ sitwazzjonijiet ta’ kriżi u għodod ta’ –– l‑emendar ta’ ċerti dispożizzjonijiet tar‑Regolament riżoluzzjoni fis‑settur bankarju, kif stipulat fir‑rapport dwar l‑ABE. ippreżentat f ’Ġunju 2012 mill‑Presidenti tal‑Kunsill Ew- ropew, il‑Kummissjoni, il‑BĊE u l‑Grupp tal‑Euro. Permezz ta’ din il‑komunikazzjoni u l‑proposti leġiżlat- tivi li jakkumpanjawha, il‑Kummissjoni aġġixxiet malajr u b’mod responsabbli b’reazzjoni għall‑mandat mogħti Azzjonijiet Ewlenin mill‑Kunsill Ewropew u l‑Kapijiet tal‑Istat u tal‑Gvern taż‑żona tal‑Euro fl‑aħħar ta’ Ġunju. L‑istituzzjonijiet Ladarba jintlaħaq ftehim dwar il‑proposti eżistenti l‑oħra issa jridu jagħmlu l‑parti tagħhom biex jiżguraw li dwar l‑SGD u l‑Irkupru u Riżoluzzjoni Bankarji, l‑mekkaniżmu superviżorju uniku jitwaqqaf sal-1 ta’ Jan- il‑Kummissjoni tipprevedi b’mod partikolari li nar 2013. tipproponi mekkaniżmu uniku ta’ riżoluzzjoni għar‑riżoluzzjoni tal‑banek u li jikkoordina l‑applikazzjoni ta’ għodod ta’ riżoluzzjoni għal banek taħt l‑unjoni bankarja.

540

4. Il‑Passi li jmiss

L‑Unjoni Ewropea għandha l‑mezzi biex tindirizza d‑dgħufijiet attwali u tistabbilixxi ‑l unjoni bankarja bħa- la pass essenzjali lejn Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja ġenwina.

Il‑Kummissjoni titlob lill‑Parlament Ewropew u lill‑Kun- sill biex:

• jagħtu l‑appoġġ sħiħ tagħhom lill‑unjoni bankarja u japprovaw l‑orjentazzjonijiet u l‑pjan direzzjonali deskritti f ’din il‑Komunikazzjoni; • jagħtu l‑ogħla prijorità fil‑proċess leġiżlattiv lill‑azzjonijiet meħtieġa għat‑twaqqif tal‑unjoni bankarja; • jiffinalizzaw, kemm jista’ jkun malajr u, fi kwalunkwe każ, qabel tmiem is‑sena, il‑proposti fuq il‑mejda dwar: –– Skemi ta’ Garanzija tad‑Depożiti; –– l‑aċċess għall‑attività ta’ istituzzonijiet ta’ kreditu u s‑superviżjoni prudenzjali ta’ istituzzjonijiet ta’ kreditu u ditti ta’ investiment (CRD - Id‑Direttiva dwar ir‑Rekwiżiti ta’ Kapital) –– rekwiżiti prudenzjali għall‑istituzzjonijiet ta’ kreditu u d‑ditti ta’ investiment (Ir‑Regolament dwar ir‑Rekwiżiti ta’ Kapital); –– qafas għall‑irkupru u r‑riżoluzzjoni ta’ istituzzjonijiet ta’ kreditu u ditti ta’ investiment; Pjan ta’ azzjoni għal unjoni ekonomika u monetarja profonda u ġenwina: It‑tnedija ta’ Dibattitu Ewropew

KOMUNIKAZZJONI TAL‑KUMMISSJONI BRUSSELL, 28.11.12 COM(2012) 777

1. Raġunament, aspirazzjonijiet, ekwu fis‑suq uniku, huwa għodda b’saħħitha għat‑tkabbir. Il‑euro tiffaċilita apertament il‑kummerċ bejn il‑pajjiżi 541 u benefiċċji tal‑UEM taż‑żona tal‑euro u bl‑istess mod tippromwovi investiment fiżiċi u finanzjarji bejn‑ l Istati Membri. L‑istabbiltà Skont it‑Trattati, l‑għan tal‑Unjoni Ewropea hu li tip- tal‑munita għamlet iż‑żona tal‑euro destinazzjoni attraenti promwovi l‑paċi, il‑valuri tagħha u l‑benesseri ta’ niesha. għall‑investiment. Dawn il‑kisbiet fil‑kummerċ u l‑inves- Hi għandha taħdem għall‑iżvilupp sostenibbli ta’ Ew- timent taw spinta lit‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi. Il‑forniment ropa imsejsa fuq tkabbir ekonomiku bilanċjat u stabbiltà ta’ likwidità abbundanti mill‑Eurosistema għen biex jiġu tal‑prezzijiet, ekonomija soċjali tas‑suq kompetittitiva ttrattati l‑problemi fis‑suq interbankarju matul perjodu ħafna, bit‑tir ta’ xogħol għal kulħadd u progress soċjali, ta’ taħwid finanzjarju u inċertezza. Iż‑żona tal‑euro hi ko- u livell għoli ta’ ħarsein u titjib tal‑kwalità tal‑ambjent. Hi struzzjoni dinamika u miftuħa. Minkejja ‑l kriżi, is‑sħubija għandha tippromwovi koeżjoni ekonomika, soċjali u terri- fiż‑żona tal‑euro, li hi kostitwita minn 17-il Stat Membru torjali, u solidarjetà fost l‑Istati Membri. L‑Unjoni Ewro- u hi mistennija tikber fil‑ġejjieni, għadha prospett attraen- pea għandha tistabilixxi Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja ti: Is‑Slovakkja daħlet fil‑munita unika f ’Jannar tal-2009 (UEM) li l‑munita tagħha hija l‑Euro (cf. Art 3 TUE). u l‑Estonja ngħaqdet f ’Jannar tal-2011.

Il‑ħolqien tal‑UEM u l‑introduzzjoni tal‑euro kienu stad- Dgħufijiet fit‑tfassil tal‑bidu tal‑UEM ji importanti tal‑integrazzjoni Ewropea. Dawn jispikkaw u l‑aderenza mar‑regoli fost il‑kisbiet l‑aktar ambizzjużi tal‑UE u l‑euro hija waħda mis‑simboli li jiddefinixxu ‑l Ewropa fil‑kontinent kif ukoll Sa meta faqqgħet il‑kriżi finanzjarja fl-2008 xi Stati Mem- madwar id‑dinja. Il‑fundaturi tal‑UEM segwew aspirazz- bri fiż‑żona tal‑euro kienu akkumulaw djun pubbliċi jonijiet kbar bil‑munita unika, kemm ekonomiċi kif ukoll u privati kbar, telf fil‑kompetittività, u żbilanċi makroe- politiċi. Xi wħud minn dawn l‑aspirazzjonijiet diġà ġew konomiċi. Dawn irrendewhom partikolarment vulner- realizzati, filwaqt li oħrajn għad iridu jinkisbu. abbli meta faqqgħet il‑kriżi, b’effetti kontaġġjużi konsiderevoli madwar iż‑żona tal‑euro ladarba inbidlet u saret Bħala t‑tieni l‑akbar munita ta’ riżerva, il‑euro hija karat- kriżi tad‑dejn sovran. L‑akkumulazzjoni ta’dawn il‑vul- teristika integrali tal‑ekonomija globali. Hija minquxa nerabbiltajiet kienet parzjalment dovuta għan‑nuqqas ta’ fil‑karti tal‑bilanċ madwar id‑dinja. L‑eżistenza tagħha osservanza u rispett ta’ regoli maqbula li jirfdu l‑UEM kif għenet biex tiftaħ is‑suq intern għal aktar minn 330 mil- stabbilit fil‑Patt ta’ Stabbiltà u Tkabbir (PST). Fil‑parti jun ċittadin li jgħixu fiż‑żona tal‑euro, billi tippermetti l‑kbira dawn il‑vulnerabbiltajiet tnisslu minn karatteris- l‑paraguni immedjati tal‑prezzijiet għal oġġetti u serviz- tiċi tal‑istruttura istituzzjonali oriġinali tal‑UEM, b’mod zi bejn il‑pajjiżi. Bl‑eliminazzjoni tar‑riskju tar‑rati partikolari n‑nuqqas ta’ għodda biex tindirizza l‑iżbilanċi tal‑kambju u spejjeż ta’ tranżazzjonijiet barranin, il‑euro makroekonomiċi b’mod sistematiku. tiffaċilita wkoll id‑distribuzzjoni aktar effiċjenti tar‑riżorsi, u tagħmel il‑prezzijiet għal oġġetti u servizzi kompletament L‑UEM hija unika fost l‑unjonijiet monetarji moderni trasparenti madwar il‑pajjiżi. Fid‑dinja tagħna interkon- fil‑fatt li tikkombina politika monetarja ċentralizzata ma’ nessa elettronikament, dan l‑isforz biex ikun hemm livell IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

responsabbiltà deċentralizzata għall‑biċċa l‑kbira tal‑poli- ekonomika nazzjonali ma tatx attenzjoni biżżejjed tiki ekonomiċi, għalkemm soġġetta għal restrizzjonijiet lill‑kuntest Ewropew li fih joperaw ‑l ekonomiji. Għal fir‑rigward tal‑politiki baġitarji nazzjonali. Għad‑differen- dan ikkontribwixxa n‑nuqqas ġeneralizzat ta’ riskji li za ta’ unjonijiet monetarji oħra, ma hemm l‑ebda funzjoni jinbet minn eċċess globali ta’ likwidità ekonomika. politika fiskali ċentralizzata u l‑ebda kapaċità fiskali ċen- tralizzata (baġit federali)97. Deher ċar sa mit‑twelid tal‑eu- (c) Is‑swieq finanzjarji għandhom rwol importanti ro li ż‑żieda fl‑interdipendenza tal‑Istati Membri tagħha fil‑ħolqien ta’ inċentivi għall‑pajjiżi biex imexxu fi- kienet tfisser li ‑l politiki ekonomiċi u baġitarji sodi kienu nanzi pubbliċi sostenibbli, billi jipprezzaw ir‑riskju ta’ ta’ importanza partikolari. Il‑PST98 stabbilixxa r‑regoli li inadempjenza fir‑rata li biha s‑sovrani jistgħu jissellfu jirregolaw il‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politiki baġitarji. Dan ip- l‑flus. Bl‑iffaċilitar globali tal‑pressjoni inflazzjonarja preveda wkoll li tittieħed azzjoni kontra Stati Membri li fl‑aħħar tas‑snin 90, kien hemm espansjoni mgħaġġla ma jkunux konformi mar‑regoli. Ġie maħsub li din il‑koor- u sostnuta tal‑provvista tal‑flus mill‑banek ċentra- dinazzjoni tkun biżżejjed biex tiżgura politiki sodi fil‑liv- li. Flimkien ma’ approċċi ġodda għat‑trasferiment ell nazzjonali. Diġà fl-2008, ir‑rapport tal‑Kummissjoni tar‑riskju fis‑sistema finanzjarja dan irriżulta f ’eċċess tal‑UME@1099 ippreżenta firxa ta’ bidliet possibbli għal globali ta’ likwidità, tfittxija mifruxa għar‑rendiment din l‑istruttura. Il‑kriżi aċċellerat il‑ħtieġa għal bidla. u fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar ipprezzar severament żbaljat tar‑riskju kemm tal‑assi pubbliċi u kemm ta’ dawk Il‑kwistjonijiet li ġejjin kienu fil‑qalba tal‑isfidi li qiegħda privati. B’mod parallel, mal‑introduzzjoni tal‑euro tħabbat wiċċha magħhom iż‑żona tal‑euro sa mill-2008: il‑Bank Ċentrali Ewropew (BĊE) straħ fuq il‑bonds 542 nazzjonali għall‑operazzjonijiet tiegħu tas‑suq (a) Il‑PST ma kienx osservat biżżejjed mill‑Istati Membri miftuħ, u b’hekk ikkonferielhom ‑l istatus tal‑ogħla u ma kellux mekkaniżmi robusti biex jiżgura finanzi kwalità rikjest għall‑kollateral tal‑bank ċentrali. Dan pubbliċi sostenibbli. L‑infurzar tal‑fergħa preventiva wassal għal konverġenza qawwija tar‑rendiment, li tal‑PST, li tirrikjedi li l‑Istati Membri iżommu pożizz- illimitat konsiderevolment id‑dixxiplina tas‑suq, joni baġitarja sottostanti f ’saħħitha, kien dgħajjef minkejja d‑differenzi fil‑prestazzjonijiet baġitarji wisq u l‑Istati Membri ma użawx perjodi ta’ tkabbir nazzjonali. Dan ikkontribwixxa, fost l‑oħrajn, għal stabbli biex isegwu politiki fiskali ambizzjużi. Fl‑istess investimenti sinjifikanti fil‑bonds sovrani li saru waqt, il‑kriterju tad‑dejn fit‑Trattat ma sarx operazz- mill‑banek. L‑ekonomiji taż‑żona tal‑euro f ’espans- jonali fil‑prattika fil‑fergħa korrettiva tal‑PST. Dan joni ċiklika u b’rati relattivament ogħla ta’ inflazzjoni wassal għal laxkezza baġitarja matul żminijiet tajbin, kellhom it‑tendenza li jgawdu minn rati ta’ imgħax u inabbilità li jitbaxxew il‑livelli tad‑dejn ta’ pajjiżi reali baxxi jew saħansitra negattivi. F’xi pajjiżi dan midjuna ħafna. wassal għal espansjoni f ’saħħitha tal‑kreditu li ħeġġet il‑ħolqien ta’ ħafna ‘bżieżaq tas‑sapun’ fil‑qasam (b) Il‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politiki ekonomiċi nazzjonali lil tad‑djar. hinn miż‑żona baġitarja kienet tistrieħ fuq strumenti bla snien – pressjoni mill‑pari u rakkomandazzjoni- (d) Il‑bidu tal‑UEM ra aċċelerazzjoni drastika fil‑pass jiet – u kellha impatt limitat fuq l‑azzjoni tal‑Istati tal‑integrazzjoni finanzjarja. Filwaqt li dan fetaħ Membri individwali taż‑żona tal‑euro. Għalhekk opportunitajiet għad‑diversifikazzjonijiet tal‑porta- l‑istrument kien dgħajjef wisq biex jikkoreġi l‑ftuħ foll, aċċellera wkoll it‑trażmissjoni ta’ xokkijiet bejn progressiv ta’ diskrepanzi fil‑kompetittività u di- il‑fruntieri nazzjonali. Minkejja ż‑żieda fl‑integrazz- verġenzi tat‑tkabbir bejn l‑Istati Membri. Qajla ġew joni tas‑suq, ir‑responsabbiltà għas‑superviżjoni ikkunsidrati l‑effetti mifruxa tal‑miżuri nazzjonali prudenzjali u l‑ġestjoni tal‑kriżijiet baqgħet fil‑biċċa madwar iż‑żona kollha tal‑euro. It‑tfassil tal‑politika l‑kbira fil‑livell nazzjonali. Din l‑asimetrija bejn swieq finanzjarji integrati fuq naħa, u fuq in‑naħa l‑oħra 97 L‑aġġettiv “fiskali” f’dan it‑test huwa użat fis‑sens ta’ arkitettura ta’ stabilità finanzjarja li għadha sseg- “baġitarju”. mentata fil‑livell nazzjonali, wasslet għal koordinaz- 98 Il‑qafas ta’ politika tal‑UEM jinkludi sett ta’ dispożizzjonijiet zjoni inadegwata fost l‑awtoritajiet rilevanti fl‑istadji dettaljati tat‑Trattat, li (a) jistabbilixxu l‑Bank Ċentrali kollha tal‑kriżi attwali. In‑nuqqas ta’ regoli komuni Ewropew (BĊE) bħala awtorità monetarja indipendenti għaż‑żona tal‑euro; (b) jelaboraw dett ta’ regoli li jirregolaw u nuqqas ta’ istituzzjonijiet superviżorji u ta’ riżoluzz- l‑inġiba tal‑politiki baġitarji nazzjonali (bħall‑proċedura joni madwar iż‑żona kollha tal‑euro għas‑settur finan- tad‑defiċit eċċessiv,il‑projbizzjoni tal‑finanzjament monetarju zjarju, kienet problema kbira fir‑reazzjoni għall‑kriżi. u aċċess privileġġjat u l‑hekk imsejħa “klawsola li tippropjbixxi In‑nuqqas ta’ qafas integrat fil‑livell tal‑UE u mekka- s‑salvtaġġ finanzjarju” (“no bail‑out clause”); u (c) tirregola l‑monitoraġġ tal‑politiki ekonomiċi b’mod aktar wiesa’ fl‑Istati niżmu sabiex tiġi mutwalizzata r‑reazzjoni għar‑riskji Membri. fis‑settur bankarju li jaffettwaw lil ħafna Stati Mem- 99 http://ec.europa.eu/economy_finance/publications/publication_ bri jew lil kollha kemm huma, wasslu għal lakuni summary12680_en.htm PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW

negattivi qawwija u ta’ ħsara li feġġew bejn is‑sistema minbarra r‑Repubblika Ċeka u r‑Renju Unit f ’Marzu bankarja u s‑sovrani fil‑pajjiżi vulnerabbli. Dawn tal-2012. Il‑ħolqien ta’ ħajt protettiv finanzjarju (finan- il‑lakuni ħeġġew aktar il‑kriżi tad‑dejn u wasslu biex cial firewall)għaż‑żona tal‑euro u deċiżjonijiet suċċessivi tinqaleb id‑direzzjoni tal‑flussi tal‑kapital. Bħala biex jiżdiedu d‑daqs u l‑flessibbiltà tal‑operazzjonijiet riżultat, xi Stati Membri kienu esklużi mill‑finanzja- tagħha u biex jagħmluha permanenti, tat saħħa sinifikanti ment tas‑suq u kien hemm riskju ta’ effetti kontaġġ- lill‑kapaċità għall‑immaniġġar tal‑kriżijiet. jużi li affettwaw iż‑żona tal‑euro kollha kemm hi. F’dan il‑kuntest, in‑nuqqas ta’ mekkaniżmu effettiv 2.1 Sorveljanza baġitarja biex tiġi pprovduta likwidità lill‑Istati Membri f ’dif- fikultà u b’hekk jiġi mmaniġjat ir‑riskju kontaġġjuż Il‑Kummissjoni ppreżentat strateġija biex tissaħħaħ il‑gov- u biex tiġi ssalvagwardjata l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja ernanza ekonomika fl‑Ewropa fiż‑żewġ Komunikazzjoni- taż‑żona tal‑euro, spiċċa bħala inadegwatezza ċara jiet tagħha fit-12 ta’ Mejju 2010 u t-30 ta’ Ġunju 2010100. fl‑arranġamenti għall‑ġestjoni tal‑kriżi. Dawn il‑Komunikazzjonijiet ġew segwiti minn pakkett ta’ proposti leġiżlattivi adottati mill‑Kummissjoni fid-29 ta’ Filwaqt li l‑UE ħadet azzjoni deċiżiva biex tindirizza dawn Settembru 2010. l‑isfidi kbar, hemm bżonn li ‑l UEM tiġi approfondita aktar. Dan il‑Pjan ta’ Azzjoni għal UEM Profonda u Ġen- Bħala riżultat ta’ kooperazzjoni interistituzzjonali effiċjen- wina jiddeskrivi l‑elementi neċessarji u l‑passi lejn unjoni ti, il‑proċess leġiżlattiv mexa ‘l quddiem malajr u l‑qafas bankarja, ekonomika, fiskali u politika kompleta. Ewropew ta’ sorveljanza ekonomika u baġitarja ġie ristrut- 543 turat f ’Diċembru tal-2011 bl‑adozzjoni ta’ pakkett ta’ sitt proposti leġiżlattivi (magħrufa bħala “six‑pack”) maħsub 2. Il‑miżuri meħuda sa issa: biex jindirizza d‑dgħufijiet żvelati mill‑kriżi ekonomi- reazzjoni għall‑kriżi ka u finanzjarja. Hu jinkludi tliet Regolamenti li jsaħħu l‑qafas tas‑sorveljanza baġitarja Ewropea (il‑PST), żewġ Fil‑konfront tal‑kriżi, il‑Kummissjoni ħadet rwol ewlieni Regolamenti li jintroduċu proċedura ta’ sorveljanza ġdi- biex tħares is‑suq uniku kontra t‑tendenzi protezzjonisti da għall‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi u Direttiva li timponi li kienu qed jixirfu u l‑frammentazzjoni skont il‑fruntieri standards minimi għall‑oqfsa baġitarji nazzjonali tal‑Istati nazzjonali speċjalment fis‑settur bankarju; fir‑reviżjoni Membri. mill‑qiegħ tal‑governanza ekonomika tal‑UEM biex jiġu indirizzati d‑dgħufijiet tas‑sorveljanza ekonomika u biex Il‑pakkett leġiżlattiv saħħaħ drastikament il‑fergħa preven- jiġu ppreżentati proposti leġiżlattivi importanti li jagħtu tiva tal‑PST bl‑introduzzjoni ta’ regola tan‑nefqa li ankrat bidu għar‑riforma tas‑superviżjoni tas‑settur finanzjarju, it‑tkabbir tan‑nefqa għar‑rata ta’ tkabbir tal‑PDG potenz- sabiex tiġi żgurata koordinazzjoni fil‑livell tal‑UE u super- jali fuq medda medja ta’ żmien. Il‑leġiżlazzjoni introduċi- viżjoni tas‑salvataġġ tal‑banek u fit‑tmexxija biex jitwassal et ukoll il‑possibbiltà ta’ sanzjonijiet kmieni fil‑proċess. l‑appoġġ lill‑ekonomija reali taħt il‑Programm Ewropew Il‑pajjiżi issa se jiffaċċjaw il‑fatt li jridu jpoġġu depozitu tal‑Irkurpu Ekonomiku. bl‑imgħax ta’ 0.2% tal‑PDG jekk il‑pożizzjoni baġitar- ja sottostanti tagħhom ma tkunx f ’saħħitha biżżejjed. L‑appoġġ qawwi tal‑Parlament Ewropew kien strumentali Il‑leġiżlazzjoni l‑ġdida tipprovdi wkoll għal azzjoni aktar sabiex ikun possibbli li dawn l‑inizjattivi jagħmlu progress qawwija biex tikkoreġi żbalji tal‑politika fi ħdan il‑fergħa mgħaġġel, u biex il‑proposti leġiżlattivi jiġu malajr fis‑seħħ. korrettiva tal‑PST u regola ġdida kwantifikata li tkun Fl-2010, it‑Task Force stabbilit mill‑President tal‑Kunsill titlob lil dawk l‑Istati Membri li jeċċedu l‑limitu tad‑de- Ewropew għat‑tisħiħ tal‑governanza ekonomika ippermet- jn tat‑Trattat ta’ Maastricht biex inaqqsu l‑eċċess malajr. tiet li jintlaħaq malajr kunsens fost l‑Istati Membri favur It‑tnedija ta’ Proċedura ta’ Defiċit Eċċessiv (PDE) issa ti- il‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni. Laqgħat frekwenti tal‑Kun- sta’ tirriżulta minn żviluppi sfavorevoli tad‑dejn tal‑gvern sill Ewropew wasslu għal impenji importanti u passi sin- kif ukoll minn defiċits għoljin tal‑gvern. L‑introduzzjo- jifikanti mill‑Istati Membri biex jirreaġixxu għall‑kriżi ni tar‑regola ta’ maġġoranza kwalifikata inversa isaħħaħ tal‑Ewropa. b’mod sinifikanti ‑l kelma tal‑Kummissjoni f ’deċiżjonijiet relatati ma’ sanzjonijiet fuq l‑Istati Membri fiż‑żona tal‑euro. Fejn fil‑passat, dawn id‑deċiżjonijiet kienu jirrikjedu L‑Istati Membri kollha fiż‑żona tal‑euro u l‑biċċa l‑kbira tal‑oħrajn impenjaw ruħhom li jinkorporaw ir‑regoli u l‑prinċipji tal‑UE tas‑sorveljanza baġitarja fl‑oqfsa le- 100 Ara l‑komunikazzjonijiet tal‑Kummissjoni tat-12 ta’ Mejju gali nazzjonali tagħhom skont it‑Trattat dwar l‑Istabbiltà, 2010 (COM (2010) 250 final) u t-30 ta’ Ġunju 2010 (COM il‑Koordinazzjoni u l‑Governanza fl‑Unjoni Ekonomika (2010) 367 final), u l‑proposti leġiżlattivi tagħha “ta’ b’sitta” u Monetarja (TSCG) iffirmat mill‑pajjiżi kollha tal‑UE (“six pack”) tad-29 ta’ Settembru 2010 (COM (2010) 522 sa 527 final). IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

l‑appoġġ ta’ maġġoranza kkwalifikata fil‑Kunsill, fil‑futur, ta’ rakkomandazzjonijiet konkreti ta’ politika. Is‑six‑pack il‑maġġoranza kwalifikata tkun meħtieġa biex titwaqqaf introduċa Proċedura ġdida ta’ Żbilanċi Makroekonomiċi sanzjoni proposta mill‑Kummissjoni. (MIP) biex jimla dan il‑vojt: mekkaniżmu ġdid ta’ monito- raġġ li jimmira biex jipprevjeni l‑iżbilanċi makroekonomiċi Is-”six‑pack” kien jinkludi wkoll l‑adozzjoni ta’ Direttiva li u biex jidentifika u jippermetti korrezzjoni f ’waqtha ta’ tiddefinixxi rekwiżiti minimi għal oqfsa baġitarji nazzjon- kwalunkwe diverġenza emerġenti fil‑kompetittività. Huwa ali biex jiġi żgurat li l‑oqfsa fiskali tal‑Istati Membri huma bbażat fuq sistema ta’ twissija bl‑użu ta’ tabella ta’ valutazz- tajbin biex jirrispettaw ir‑regoli tal‑UE. Dan il‑kunċett, li joni b’indikaturi u studji profondi tal‑pajjiż biex jiġu iden- jiġi żgurat li jitwaqqfu l‑proċessi nazzjonali tat‑teħid ta’ tifikati żbilanċi u titnieda Proċedura ta’ Żbilanċ Eċċessiv deċiżjonijiet biex il‑politika jġibuha konformi mar‑rek- (PŻE) ġdida fejn ikun meħtieġ. Il‑proċedura l‑ġdida hija wiżiti Ewropej, huwa wkoll fil‑qalba tat‑Trattat Intergov- appoġġjata minn dispożizzjonijiet ta’ infurzar fil‑forma ta’ ernattiv dwar l‑Istabbiltà, l‑Koordinazzjoni u l‑Governan- sanzjonijiet finanzjarji għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑eu- za fl‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja (TSCG). L‑Istati ro, li ma jikkonformawx mal‑PŻE. Membri firmatarji taż‑żona tal‑euro impenjaw ruħhom li jintegraw il‑prinċipji ċentrali tal‑PST drettament fil‑qafas Il‑komponenti varji tal‑monitoraġġ ekonomiku, baġitarju legali nazzjonali tagħhom permezz ta’ dispożizzjonijiet u strutturali kienu wkoll integrati bis‑sħiħ bħala riżultat vinkolanti u karattru permanenti li se jinkludi mekka- tal‑bidliet introdotti mill‑bidu tal‑kriżi li stabbilixxew niżmu ta’ korrezzjoni nazzjonali sorveljat minn korp ta’ is‑Semestru Ewropew. Filwaqt li dawn il‑komponenti qa- monitoraġġ indipendenti biex tiġi żgurata l‑konformità bel kienu vvalutati separatament, il‑monitoraġġ tagħhom 544 mal‑miri baġitarji fil‑fergħa preventiva tal‑Patt. Għalkemm issa huwa mwettaq b’mod parallel matul l‑ewwel sitt xhur huwa intergovernattiv, it‑TSCG jipprevedi li jinkorpo- ta’ kull sena kalendarja, u jippermetti lill‑Istati Membri ra d‑dispożizzjonijiet tiegħu fil‑liġi tal‑Unjoni fi żmien biex jikkunsidraw il‑gwida speċifika għall‑pajjiż fil‑proċes- 5 snin. Il‑Kummissjoni diġà qed taħdem mal‑Parlament si nazzjonali baġitarji tagħhom matul is‑sitt xhur ta’ wara. Ewropew u l‑Kunsill, biex jintegraw xi elementi tat‑TSCG Jingħata parir ta’ politika lill‑Istati Membri qabel ma jiffi- fil‑liġi tal‑UE applikabbli għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona nalizzaw l‑abbozzi tal‑baġits tagħhom għas‑sena ta’ wara. tal‑euro permezz tal‑proposti leġiżlattivi magħrufa bħa- la l‑pakkett ta’ bi tnejn (two‑pack), li bħalissa qegħdin 2.3 Regolamentazzjoni u superviżjoni fil‑proċess tat‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet tal‑UE. finanzjarja

Il‑pakkett ta’ bi tnejn (“two‑pack”) – li jikkonsisti f ’żewġ Matul l‑aħħar erba’ snin, l‑Unjoni Ewropea ħadet passi Regolamenti – ġie propost mill‑Kummissjoni f ’Novem- deċiżivi fil‑qasam tar‑regolamentazzjoni u s‑superviż- bru tal-2011 u għandu l‑għan li jkompli jsaħħaħ kemm joni finanzjarja u qed tiġi implimentata aġenda ta’ rifor- il‑koordinazzjoni baġitarja kif ukoll s‑sorveljanza baġi- ma finanzjarja ambizzjuża u sostanzjali. L‑għan huwa li tarja, għal prevenzjoni aktar immirata u azzjoni korretti- l‑istituzzjonijiet u s‑swieq finanzjarji, li kienu fil‑qalba va iktar effettiva fil‑każ ta’ devjazzjonijiet minn rekwiżiti tal‑kriżi, ikunu aktar stabbli, aktar kompetittivi u aktar tal‑politika baġitarja li joħorġu mill‑PST. L‑Istati Membri flessibbli. Il‑President tal‑Kummissjoni talab lil Jacques kollha taż‑żona tal‑euro se jippreżentaw qabel l‑adozzjo- de Larosière, l‑ex Direttur Maniġerjali tal‑FMI u l‑Gver- ni parlamentari l‑abbozz tagħhom tal‑pjanijiet baġitarji natur tal- Banque de France, biex jippreżenta rapport għas‑sena li ġejja lill‑Kummissjoni u lill‑imsieħba tagħhom komprensiv dwar il‑miżuri xierqa. Fuq il‑bażi tar‑Rapport taż‑żona tal‑euro skont kalendarju komuni. It‑two‑pack de Larosière, il‑Kummissjoni pproponiet programm kom- isaħħaħ ukoll il‑proċeduri ta’ monitoraġġ u sorveljanza prensiv ta’ riforma regolatorja finanzjarja. għal Stati Membri li jesperjenzaw diffikultajiet serji ‑fir rigward tal‑istabbiltà finanzjarja tagħhom, jew għal dawk li jirċievu għajnuna finanzjarja. Ġew proposti rekwiżiti prudenzjali aktar b’saħħithom għall‑banek taħt ir‑Raba’ Direttiva dwar ir‑Rekwiżiti tal‑Kapital u r‑Regolament dwar ir‑Rekwiżiti tal‑Kapital 2.2 Sorveljanza tal‑politika ekonomika (CRD4/CRR) li qed jiġu diskussi bħalissa. Għall‑ewwel darba, ir‑rekwiżiti tal‑adegwatezza tal‑kapital se jkunu Dgħufija ewlenija tal‑arranġamenti ta’ sorveljanza ta’ qabel stabbiliti f ’Regolament u mhux f ’Direttiva. L‑adozzjoni il‑kriżi kienet in‑nuqqas ta’ sorveljanza sistematika tal‑iż- tar‑Regolament dwar ir‑Rekwiżiti tal‑Kapital se tkun pass bilanċi makroekonomiċi u l‑iżviluppi fil‑kompetittività. sinifikanti ‘l quddiem sabiex jitlesta ‑l ktieb uniku tar‑regoli Filwaqt li dawn l‑iżviluppi kienu analizzati fil‑kuntest għall‑istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji ‑fl Unjoni Ewropea. L‑UE tar‑rapporti tal‑Kummissjoni dwar l‑Istati Membri, inkluż ħadet azzjoni wkoll fil‑qasam tal‑governanza billi intro- opinjonijiet dwar Programmi ta’ Stabbiltà u Konverġenza, duċiet regoli vinkolanti dwar il‑prattiki ta’ rimunerazzjoni u fir‑reviżjonijiet informali tal‑kompetittività taż‑żona biex jiġi evitat it‑teħid ta’ riskju eċċessiv mill‑banek. tal‑euro ta’ kull sentejn, ma kien hemm l‑ebda strument formali għal analiżi u segwitu sistematiku tagħhom permezz PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW

L‑UE ssikkat is‑superviżjoni tas‑swieq finanzjarji billi stab- is‑salvagwardja finanzjarja permanenti taż‑żona tal‑euro, bilixxiet is‑Sistema Ewropea tas‑Superviżuri Finanzjarji il‑Mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta’ Stabbiltà (MES) finalment (SESF) magħmula minn tliet Awtoritajiet Superviżorji ġie inawgurat fit-8 ta’ Ottubru 2012, u issa qed jaħdem Ewropej (ASE) – l‑Awtorità Bankarja Ewropea (ABE), għal kollox wara t‑tlestija tar‑ratifika tat‑Trattat tal‑MES l‑Awtorità Ewropea tal‑Assigurazzjoni u l‑Pensjonijiet mill‑Istati Membri kollha fiż‑żona tal‑euro. Il‑MES hu l‑is- tax‑Xogħol (AEAPX), u l‑Awtorità Ewropea tat‑Titoli tituzzjoni finanzjarja internazzjonali ‑l aktar ikkapitalizza- u s‑Swieq (AETS) – u minn sorveljanza makroprudenz- ta fid‑dinja u l‑akbar ħajt ta’ protezzjoni reġjonali fid‑dinja jali, il‑Bord Ewropew dwar ir‑Riskju Sistemiku (BERS). (€500 bn). Il‑ħolqien tiegħu huwa pass ewlieni biex jiżgura It‑tliet ASE jaħdmu flimkien mal‑awtoritajiet superviżorji li ż‑żona tal‑euro jkollha l‑kapaċità meħtieġa għas‑salvataġġ nazzjonali tal‑Istati Membri biex jiżguraw regoli armoniz- tal‑Istati Membri li jesperjenzaw diffikultajiet finanzjarji zati u l‑implimentazzjoni stretta u koerenti tar‑rekwiżiti mill‑inadempjenza. Fis-27 ta’ Novembru 2012, il‑Qorti l‑ġodda. Il‑BERS jimmonitorja theddidiet għall‑istabbiltà Ewropea tal‑Ġustizzja kkonfermat li t‑Trattat tal‑MES hu tas‑sistema finanzjarja kollha kemm hi u jippermetti li xi konformi mal‑liġi tal‑UE kif inhuma l‑affarijet bħalissa101. dgħufijiet jiġu indirizzati fi żmien xieraq. Il‑BĊE kellu rwol kruċjali fir‑reazzjoni taż‑żona tal‑euro L‑Aġenziji tal‑Klassifikazzjoni tal‑Kreditu, li kellhom rwol għall‑kriżi ekonomika u finanzjarja. L‑ewwel, ir‑rata ta’ ri- importanti biex jikkawżaw il‑kriżi, issa huma kkontrollati finanzjament uffiċjali ġiet imnaqqsa kważi għal żero, hekk mill‑qrib mill‑AETS. Il‑leġiżlazzjoni adottata fl-2012 se kif l‑ekonomija battiet. Barra minn hekk, il‑BĊE ħa firxa ta’ tiżgura li d‑derivattivi barra l‑borża kollha standardizza- miżuri biex jindirizza l‑effetti tal‑kriżi fuq il‑funzjonament ti, jkunu approvati minn korpi ta’ approvazzjoni ċentrali tas‑swieq finanzjarji meta ‑l attività fis‑suq interbankarju 545 tal‑kontraparti, b’hekk jitnaqqas ir‑riskju ta’ inadempjenza kważi waqfet għal kollox. Waħda mill‑effetti ‑l aktar bikrija tal‑kontrapartijiet. Barra minn hekk, id‑derivattivi kollha kienet in‑nixfa ta’ fondi bl‑ingrossa għall‑banek, fost tħas- standardizzati u suffiċjentement likwidi se jiġu nnegozjati sib dwar il‑kwalità tal‑assi fuq il‑karti tal‑bilanċ tagħhom. fuq pjattaformi rregolati ladarba tiġi adotata l‑leġiżlazz- L‑BĊE irreaġixxa għal dan billi espanda l‑aċċess tal‑banek joni proposta mill‑Kummissjoni. Il‑kwistjoni tal‑bejgħ għal operazzjonijiet tal‑politika monetarja permezz ta’ bin‑nieqes diġà ġiet indirizzata, permezz tal‑adozzjoni ta’ llaxkar ta’ regoli kollaterali kemm għall‑operazzjonijiet leġiżlazzjoni li żiedet it‑trasparenza. standard ta’ finanzjament mill‑ġdid kif ukoll għal assistenza ta’ emerġenza ta’ likwidità. F’Mejju tal-2010, il‑Eurosis- 2.4 Mekkaniżmi ta’ riżoluzzjoni tema bdiet il‑Programm tas‑Suq tat‑Titoli (PST) bix‑xiri tal‑kriżijiet tal‑bonds tal‑gvern f ’interventi limitati u sterilizzati. Hekk kif intensifikaw il‑pressjonijiet ta’ finanzjament fit‑tieni nofs tal-2011, u heddew l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja madwar Parti ewlenija ta’ dan l‑approċċ tar‑riżoluzzjoni tal‑kriżijiet iż‑żona tal‑euro, il‑BĊE ipprovda lill‑banek b’aċċess għal kien l‑iżvilupp ta’ mekkaniżmu ta’ riżoluzzjoni tal‑kriżi- operazzjonijiet ta’ finanzjament eċċezzjonalment fit‑tul jiet li jindirizza l‑fraġilità tas‑suq finanzjarju u jimmansa (LTROs) b’maturitajiet sa tliet snin (meta mqabbel ma’ r‑riskju ta’ kontaġju fost l‑Istati Membri. Fuq l‑inizjattiva maturità massima ta’ tliet xhur skont proċeduri normali). tal‑Kummissjoni, f ’Mejju tal-2010 ġew stabbiliti żewġ It‑tliet assenjazzjonijiet ta’ LTRO kellhom impatt b’saħħ- mekkaniżmi ta’ riżoluzzjoni temporanja tal‑kriżijiet: tu fuq is‑sentiment tal‑investituri u taffew sostanzjalment Il‑Mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta’ Stabbilizzazzjoni Finanzjar- il‑pressjoni li kienet qed tinbena fis‑swieq ta’ finanzjament. ja (EFSM) u l‑Faċilità Ewropea ta’ Stabilità Finanzjarja Filwaqt li l‑aċċess għal fondi bl‑ingrossa għadu problemati- (EFSF). L‑EFSM huwa strument ta’ appoġġ finanzjarju ku għal bosta banek, kien hemm evidenza riċenti ta’ rtubija appoġġjat mir‑riżorsi tal‑baġit tal‑UE, disponibbli għas- gradwali f ’dawn is‑swieq speċjalment għal banek akbar. 27 Stat Membru tal‑Unjoni Ewropea, u bbażat fuq il‑qafas tat‑Trattat eżiżtenti. L‑EFSF hija kumpanija proprjetà tal‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro, inkorporata fil‑Lus- Il‑firxa tal‑kriżi fis‑swieq tad‑dejn sovran u l‑iżvilupp ta’ semburgu, li l‑funzjonament tagħha huwa rregolat fi fte- rikorrenzi ta’ reazzjoni negattiva bejn il‑banek u sovrani him intergovernattiv. Il‑kapaċità tas‑self tal‑EFSF hija ap- irriżultaw fi frammentazzjoni usa’ tas‑sistema finanzjarja poġġjata biss mill‑garanziji tal‑Istati Membri parteċipanti, taż‑żona tal‑euro u xiref l‑hekk imsejjaħ “riskju ta’ ride- u hija aċċessibbli biss għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro. nominazzjoni” marbut ma’ beżgħat dwar ir‑riversibbiltà tal‑euro. Il‑BĊE adotta Deċiżjoni bħala bażi biex jintrabtu L‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro, iffaċċjati bil‑profondità ulterjuri tal‑kriżi, għamlu l‑mekkaniżmi ta’ appoġġ eżisten- 101 Is‑sentenza tas-27 ta’ Novembru tal-2012 fil‑kawża -C 370/12 ti aktar robusti u flessibbli; u eventwalment iddeċidew fuq Pringle. Il‑Qorti kkonfermat ukoll il‑validità tad‑Deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill Ewropew 2011/199/UE li temenda l‑Artikolu il‑ħolqien ta’ mekkaniżmu permanenti ta’ riżoluzzjoni 136 TFUE u li l‑Istati Membri kienu ħielsa li jikkonkludu tal‑kriżijiet biex jipproteġu aħjar l‑istabilità finanzjar- u jirratifikaw it‑Trattat tal‑MES qabel id‑dħul fis‑seħħ ta’ dik ja taż‑żona tal‑euro u tal‑Istati Membri tagħha. B’hekk, id‑Deċiżjoni. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Transazzjonijiet Monetarji Definittivi (OMT) fis‑swieq In‑nuqqas ta’ istituzzjonijiet supranazzjonali f ’saħħith- sekondarji tal‑bonds sovrani suġġett għal kundizzjonalità om fil‑livell tal‑UE għas‑superviżjoni tal‑banek għamlu stretta u effettiva102. L‑objettiv hu li tiġi ssalvagwardjata l‑ġestjoni tal‑kriżi ħafna aktar diffiċli u għolja għal dawk t‑trażmissjoni korretta tal‑pożizzjoni tal‑politika tal‑BĊE li jħallsu t‑taxxi milli kieku kienet tkun kieku l‑affarijiet lill‑ekonomija reali fiż‑żona kollha tal‑euro u biex tiġi żgu- kienu xorta oħra. Aktar importanti minn hekk, fin‑nuqqas rata l‑uniċità tal‑politika monetarja. It‑tranżazzjonijiet ta’ istituzzjonijiet bħal dawn, il‑kriżi tal‑fiduċja flimk- se jiġu mwettqa strettament fi ħdan il‑mandat tal‑BĊE li ien man‑nuqqas ta’ governanza xierqa tas‑settur finanz- tinżamm l‑istabbiltà tal‑prezzijiet fuq it‑terminu medju. jarju (arkitettura għal regolamentazzjoni, superviżjoni Kundizzjoni meħtieġa għal Transazzjonijiet Monetarji u riżoluzzjoni) u r‑reazzjoni konsegwenzjali tal‑awtorita- Diretti hi l‑kundizzjonalità stretta u effettiva mehmuża jiet pubbliċi bbażata fuq l‑interess nazzjonali, wasslet għal mal‑programm xieraq tal‑Faċilità Ewropea għall‑Istabbiltà frammentazzjoni mill‑ġdid tas‑swieq finanzjarji, peress li Finanzjarja/Mekkaniżmu Ewropew ta’ Stabilità (l‑EFSF/ l‑ipprezzar tar‑riskju bbażat fuq bonds ta’ referenza nazz- MES). Sakemm il‑programm tal‑kundizzjonalità jiġi ris- jonali wasslu għal kundizzjonijiet ta’ finanzjament differ- pettat bis‑sħiħ, il‑Kunsill Governattiv tal‑BĊE se jikkun- enti b’mod distint għan‑negozji u l‑familji fi Stati Membri sidra t‑Transazzjonijiet Monetarji Diretti sal‑punt li jkunu differenti fiż‑żona tal‑euro, u b’hekk ixxejnu bosta bene- ġġustifikati minn perspettiva politika monetarja. Huma se fiċċji tal‑integrazzjoni finanzjarja Ewropea. jiġu tterminati ladarba jintlaħqu l‑objettivi tagħhom jew meta jkun hemm nonkonformità mal‑aġġustament mak- Dan ħadem bħala piż addizzjonali fuq it‑tkabbir f ’xi Stati roekonomiku jew programm prekawzjonarju. Il‑likwidità Membri, hekk kif il‑kundizzjonijiet tal‑kreditu saru aktar 546 maħluqa permezz tat‑Transazzjonijiet Monetarji Diretti se stretti b’mod partikolari fejn l‑attività kienet diġà battiet, tkun sterilizzata kompletament. It‑tħabbira tal‑programm u aggravaw aktar l‑interazzjonijiet eżistenti ta’ segwitu OMT, li jissostitwixxi l‑Programm tas‑Suq tat‑Titoli li hu bejn il‑banek u s‑sovrani fl‑Istati Membri kkonċernati aktar limitat, reġgħet kellha impatt b’saħħtu fuq is‑senti- u kompliet tiġi llimitata l‑kapaċità tagħhom li jissor- ment tal‑investituri, li wassal għal tnaqqis sinifikanti fi pro- montaw il‑kriżi, b’implikazzjonijiet, fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar, dotti sovrani fl‑Istati Membri vulnerabbli. fuq il‑kapaċità tagħhom li jiffinanzjaw mill‑ġdid lilhom infushom fis‑swieq u l‑ħtieġa potenzjali għal assistenza L‑UEM kienet ristrutturata, iżda l‑ħidma finanzjarja. Min‑naħa l‑oħra, il‑kundizzjonijiet tal‑kreditu għadha mhix kompluta ħfiefu ‑fl Istati Membri fejn l‑attività kienet diġà relattivament qawwija. It‑totalità tal‑miżuri meħuda s’issa tammonta għal reazzjoni b’saħħitha għall‑kriżi, partikolarment meta mqabbla In‑nuqqas ta’ istituzzjonijiet integrati b’mod qawwi fil‑liv- ma’ dak li kien jitqies bħala politikament fattibbli sa ftit ell tal‑UE għalhekk wassal għat‑treġġigħ lura tal‑integrazz- tas‑snin ilu biss. Kellu jgħaddi ż‑żmien biex jiġu fis‑seħħ joni u kkawża ħsara għall‑kundizzjonijiet ekwi għan‑ne- ħafna minn dawn il‑miżuri, bħall‑istrumenti riformulati gozj u l‑familji sempliċiment minħabba l‑post fejn kienu ta’ koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika u baġitarja jew fuq naħa jew oħra tal‑fruntiera bejn żewġ Stati Membri il‑ħajt protettiv finanzjarju permanenti. Ukoll, biex xi taż‑żona tal‑euro. Negozji kważi identiċi b’distanza ta’ ftit wħud minn dawn il‑miżuri jkollhom impatt pożittiv fuq kilometri biss fuq żewġ naħat ta’ fruntiera bħal din jistgħu il‑fiduċja, hemm bżonn li jidhru li jkunu qed jaħdmu tajjeb jaslu f ’sitwazzjni fejn ma jkunux kapaċi jiffinanzjaw‑ l in- għal xi żmien. Din hija raġuni waħda għaliex – minkejja vestimenti skont termini kumparabbli. Fuq naħa waħda tweġiba b’saħħitha – ma kienx possibbli li wieħed jippre- tal‑fruntiera l‑investiment jista’ jieqaf u l‑qgħad jitla’, peress vjeni li l‑kriżijiet ta’ dejn sovran jduru fi kriżi ta’ fiduċja li l‑krediti ma jkunux qed jingħataw b’termini fattibbli. Fuq li thedded li tiżra’ d‑dubju fl‑integrità taż‑żona tal‑Euro in‑naħa l‑oħra, l‑ispejjeż tal‑investiment u l‑qgħad jistgħu nnifisha. jinżlu sa livelli baxxi ħafna fl‑istess ħin. L‑istess japplika għall‑kundizzjonijiet tal‑finanzjament mogħtija lil familji Fattur ieħor wara dan kien id‑distakk bejn l‑aċċelerazzjo- privati. Żviluppi diverġenti bħal dawn li huma maqtgħu- ni drastika tal‑integrazzjoni finanzjarja skont ‑l UEM fuq ha minn prinċipji ekonomiċi fundamentali u l‑bżonniji- naħa, u l‑progress pjuttost kajman tal‑integrazzjoni fil‑liv- et taċ‑ċittadini u n‑negozji jistgħu jfixklu ‑l proġett kollu ell tal‑UE tar‑regolamentazzjoni u s‑superviżjoni finanz- tal‑integrazzjoni Ewropea. jarja min‑naħa l‑oħra. Fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar, iċ‑ċirku vizzjuż ta’ segwitu negattiv bejn is‑sovrani u l‑banek u l‑frammentazzjoni mill‑ġdid assoċjata tas‑swieq finanzjarji tal‑UE wasslu biex xiref risk- 102 Stqarrija għall‑Istampa tal‑BĊE tas-6 ta’ Settembru 2012 ju ta’ ridenominazzjoni, dak li kienu qalu l‑parteċipanti dwar karatteristiċi tekniċi tat‑Tranżazzjonijiet Monetarji fis‑swieq finanzjarji li dan ‑l iżvilupp eventwalment kien se Definittivi:http://www.ecb.int/press/pr/date/2012/html/ jhedded l‑eżistenza tal‑munita unika. pr120906_1.en.html PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW

Anakronistikament, aktar minn 50 sena wara t‑twaqqif u l‑President tal‑BĊE, sabiex jippreżentaw pjan direzzjona- tal‑Unjoni Ewropea l‑kriżi ta’ fiduċja tidher li qed treġġa’ li speċifiku u bi skadenza sabiex isseħħ UEM ġenwina. Rap- lura l‑qawwa tal‑ilġiem tal‑fruntieri nazzjonali, toħloq port interim ġie ppreżentat lill‑Kunsill Ewropew ta’ Ottub- dubji fuq is‑Suq Uniku u thedded il‑kisbiet u l‑aspirazz- ru, u rapport finali huwa mistenni għal Diċembru 2012. jonijiet li s’issa għadhom ma twettqux tal‑Unjoni Ekono- Il‑Parlament Ewropew adotta fl-20 ta’ Novembru ir‑rap- mika u Monetarja. Din hija wkoll theddida għall‑mudell port tiegħu “Lejn Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja Ġenwi- tal‑Unjoni Ewropea ta’ ekonomija soċjali tas‑suq. na”, li jiddelinea l‑preferenzi tal‑Parlament għal UEM wisq aktar integrata. Il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni dwar it‑triq ’l Il‑lezzjonijiet li ttieħdu fil‑kuntest tal‑kriżijiet ekonomiċi, quddiem hija delineata f ’dan il‑pjan ta’ azzjoni. finanzjarji, u tad‑dejn sovran mill-2008 kienu l‑mutur wara reviżjoni maġġuri tal‑governanza ekonomika tal‑Un- Viżjoni komprensiva għal UEM profonda u ġenwina li joni Ekonomika u Monetarja, li wasslet diġà għal passi bla twassal għal arkitettura b’saħħitha u stabbli fl‑oqsma finan- preċedent. Din ir‑reviżjoni radikali għamlet l‑UEM ħafna zjarji, fiskali, ekonomiċi u politiċi, li twieżen ‑l istabbiltà aktar robusta milli kienet fil‑bidu tal‑kriżi. Il‑kriżi wriet u l‑prosperità hija neċessarja. F’UEM profonda u ġen- b’mod ċar kemm l‑interdipendenza tal‑ekonomiji tagħna wina bħal din, l‑għażliet ewlenin ta’ politiki ekonomiċi żdiedet mit‑twaqqif tal‑UEM sal‑lum. Uriet ukoll lil hinn u fiskali ‑fl Istati Membri tagħha għandhom ikunu suġġetti minn kull dubju li s‑suċċess jew il‑falliment tal‑UEM ikun għal koordinazzjoni, approvazzjoni u sorveljanza aktar suċċess jew falliment għal dawk kollha involuti. profondi fil‑livell Ewropew. Dawn il‑politiki għandhom ikopru ukoll it‑tassazzjoni u l‑impjiegi, kif ukoll oqsma It‑theddida li ġġib magħha l‑kriżi ta’ fiduċja madankollu oħra ta’ politiki għall‑funzjonament tal‑UEM Din l‑UEM 547 hi ħafna aktar fundamentali. Għalhekk tirrikjedi reazzjoni għandha tkun ukoll mwieżna b’kapaċità fiskali awtonoma ħafna aktar fundamentali. Dik ir‑reazzjoni trid tkun kapaċi u suffiċenti li tippermetti għażliet ta’ politika li jirriżultaw terġa’ tikseb il‑fiduċja li ‑l kisbiet tas‑Suq Uniku u l‑munita mill‑proċess ikkoordinat li jrid ikun mirfud b’mod effettiv. unika mhux se jisfaxxaw u li l‑kisbiet tagħhom li għad ma Sehem proporzjonat tad‑deċiżjonijiet dwar id‑dħul, l‑infiq ntlaħqux se jiġu realizzati u se jinżammu għaċ‑ċittadini u l‑ħruġ tad‑dejn għandhom ikunu suġġetti għal deċiż- u negozji tal‑ġejjieni. jonijiet meħuda b’mod konġunt u għal implimentazzjoni fil‑livell tal‑UEM Biex tkun effettiva u kredibbli, dik ir‑reazzjoni qabel xen trid tittratta d‑diffikultajiet prattiċi urġenti li ċ‑ċittadini, in‑ne- Huwa ċar li l‑UEM attwali, ma tistax titlesta mil‑lum għal gozji, u l‑Istati Membri qed iħabbtu wiċċhom magħhom għada billi tiġi ttrasformata f ’verżjoni profonda u total- illum. Unjoni bankarja tkun kapaċi ttemm id‑diżintegrazz- ment integrata, b’mod partikolari meta jiġi kkunsidrat joni tas‑suq finanzjarju tal‑UE u tiżgura kundizzjonijiet ta’ it‑trasferiment addizzjonali sinifikanti tal‑poteri politiċi finanzjament raġonevolment ekwi għall‑familji u n‑negozji mil‑livell nazzjonali għal dak Ewropew. Sabiex tintlaħaq madwar l‑UE, tgħin biex jinqatgħu iċ‑ċrieki vizzjużi negat- UEM li tiżgura stabbiltà, sostenibbiltà u benesseri liċ‑ċit- tivi bejn l‑Istati Membri u l‑banek, u tgħin biex tiżgura li tadini tagħha fuq bażi permanenti, diġà huwa l‑waqt d‑diverġenza bejn iċ‑ċikli tan‑negozju madwar iż‑żona biex jitniedu passi deċiżivi fit‑terminu qasir (għas-6 xhur tal‑euro ma jkunux amplifikati artifiċjalment. ‑It tieni, u t-12-il xahar li ġejjin). Tali passi għandhom ikunu segwiti ir‑reazzjoni trid tistabbilixxi l‑viżjoni għal integrazzjoni ak- b’passi oħrajn fit‑terminu medju u twil. Il‑passi li għand- tar approfondita tal‑UEM li għandha tinkiseb fil‑ġejjieni. hom jittieħdu fit‑terminu qasir, medju u twil iridu jibnu U t‑tielet għandha tfassal triq ċara u realistika lejn l‑ambizz- fuq xulxin u jsegwu lil xulxin. joni aħħarija fuq il‑bażi ta’ impenn sod mill‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑UE u l‑Istati Membri tagħha. It‑triq ’l quddiem trid tkun ibbilanċjata bir‑reqqa. Il‑passi lejn aktar responsabbiltà u dixxiplina ekonomika għand- hom ikunu integrati ma’ aktar solidarjetà u għajnuna finan- 3. It‑triq ’l quddiem: l‑ambizzjoni zjarja. Dan il‑bilanċ irid jintlaħaq b’mod parallel u f ’kull fażi tal‑iżvilupp tal‑UEM. L‑integrazzjoni aktar profonda sostanzjali msieħba tar‑regolament finanzjarju, tal‑politiki fiskali u ekonomiċi mas‑sekwenzar xieraq u tal‑istrumenti korrispondenti trid tkun akkumpanjata minn integrazzjoni politika proporzjonata li tiżgura leġit- L‑UEM qed tiffaċċja sfida fundamentali, b’mod partikolari timità u responsabbiltà. rigward iż‑żona tal‑ewro, u għandha bżonn tiġi msaħħa sabiex fil‑futur ikun żgurat il‑benesseri ekonomiku u soċjali. Dan il‑kapitolu jidentifika ‑l passi u l‑azzjonijiet li huma Il‑Kunsill Ewropew f ’Ġunju 2012 stieden lill‑President meħteġa fit‑terminu qasir, medju u twil sabiex isseħħ UEM tal‑Kunsill Ewropew, b’kollaborazzjoni mill‑qrib mal‑Pres- profonda u ġenwina fuq bażi permanenti, mill‑koordinaz- ident tal‑Kummissjoni, il‑President tal‑Grupp tal‑Euro zjoni aktar b’saħħitha ta’ politiki, għall‑kapaċità fiskali, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

għat‑teħid flimkien akbar ta’ deċiżjonijiet dwar id‑dħul qasir b’maturità minn sena sa sentejn. Dawn iż‑żewġ possi- pubbliku, in‑nefqa u l‑ħruġ ta’ dejn. bilitajiet jeħtieġ li jseħħu għalihom emendi fit‑Trattati.

Xi wħud mill‑istrumenti jistgħu jiġu adottati skont il‑lim- Fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar (wara ħames snin), abbażi tal‑kon- iti tat‑Trattati attwali. Oħrajn ikunu jeħtieġu modifiki diviżjoni progressiva tas‑sovranità u għalhekk tar‑refit‑Trattati attwali u kompetenzi ġodda għall‑Unjoni. sponsabbiltà kif ukoll tal‑kompetenzi ta’ solidarjetà fil‑liv- Għalhekk tal‑ewwel jistgħu jitmexxew ’l quddiem fit‑ter- ell Ewropew, għandu jkun possibbli t‑twaqqif ta’ baġit minu qasir u għandhom ikunu lesti l‑aktar tard fit‑terminu awtonomu taż‑żona tal‑euro li jipprovdi għall‑kapaċità medju. Tal‑aħħar jistgħu jinbdew biss fit‑terminu medju fiskali tal‑UEM sabiex jgħin lill‑Istati Membri jassorbu u jitlestew fit‑terminu twil. Madankollu għandu jkun ċar x‑xokkijiet. Barra minn hekk, qafas profondamemnt inte- f ’kull waqt, li l‑kunċett huwa wieħed olistiku fejn kull st- grat għall‑govenanza ekonomika u fiskali jista’ jippermetti adju jibni fuq dak preċedenti. l‑ħruġ komuni tad‑dejn pubbliku, li għandu jsaħħaħ il‑funzjonament tas‑swieq u t‑twettiq tal‑politika monetarja. Fit‑terminu qasir (għal bejn is-6 xhur u t-18-il xahar li Kif stipulat fil‑Green Paper tal‑Kummissjoni tat-2 ta’ No- ġejjin), filwaqt li għandha tingħata prijorità immedjata vembru 2011 dwar il‑fattibilità li jiġu introdotti Bonds ta’ sabiex titnieda bi sħiħ l‑għodda l‑ġdida għall‑governanza Stabbiltà103, il‑ħruġ komuni ta’ bonds jista’ joħloq mezzi ekonomika miġjuba mis-“six‑pack” kif ukoll jiġu adottati ġodda li permezz tagħhom il‑gvernijiet jiffinanzjaw ‑id de- b’mod rapidu l‑proposti attwali tal‑Kummissjoni bħat- jn tagħhom u joffru opportunitajiet għall‑investiment lik- “two‑pack” u l‑Mekkaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku, għad widu u sikur għal dawk li jfaddlu u għall‑istituzzjonijiet fi- 548 hemm x’jista’ jsir permezz ta’ liġi sekondarja, b’mod par- nanzjarji, kif ukoll suq tal‑bonds integrat mifrux maż‑żona tikolari fl‑oqsma tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekono- tal‑euro li jixbah lill‑kontroparti tal‑Istati Uniti bid‑dollari mika u bl‑appoġġ għar‑riformi strutturali meħtieġa sa- bħala kobor u likwidità. biex jiġu megħluba l‑iżbilanċi u titjieb il‑kompetittività. Ladarba tittieħed deċiżjoni dwar il‑Qafas Finanzjarju Din l‑integrazzjoni progressiva ulterjuri taż‑żona tal‑euro Pluriennali għall‑UE, il‑ħolqien ta’ strument finanzjar- lejn unjoni sħiħa bankarja, fiskali u ekonomika teħtieġ pas- ju fi ħdan il‑baġit tal‑UE li jappoġġja ir‑riekwilibriju, si paralleli lejn unjoni politika b’leġittimità u responsab- l‑aġġustament, u allura t‑tkabbir tal‑ekonomiji tal‑UEM, biltà demokratiċi msaħħin. se jservi bħala l‑ewwel fażi biex tinħoloq kapaċita’ fiskali aktar b’saħħitha flimkien ma’ mekkaniżmi profondament Il‑progress f ’termini ta’ integrazzjoni irid ikun ukoll rifless integrati għall‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politiki. Il‑pass li jmiss esternament, b’mod speċjali permezz ta’ passi li jieħdu lejn għall‑koordinazzjoni ta’ politiki fiskali u ekonomiċi u l‑fażi rappreżentazzjoni ekonomika esterna u unita taż‑żona inizjali korrispondenti sabiex tissawwar kapaċità fiskali, tal‑euro. flimkien, jistgħu jieħdu ‑l forma ta’ “strument għall‑kon- verġenza u l‑kompetittività”. Wara l‑adozzjoni ta’ Mekka- niżmu Superviżorju Uniku, se jiġi propost Mekkaniżmu ta’ Kaxxa 1 Il‑prinċipji legali bażiċi Riżoluzzjoni Uniku għall‑banek. Sabiex tkun żgurata s‑sostenibbiltà tal‑munita komuni, Fit‑terminu medju (minn 18-il xahar sa 5 snin) għand- l‑UEM irid ikollha l‑possibilità li tapprofondixxi ruħha hom jiġu stabbiliti, aktar koordinazzjoni baġitarja (ink- b’mod rapidu u sħiħ aktar mill‑UE bħala entità sħiħa, luża l‑possibilità li sseħħ reviżjoni f ’baġit nazzjonali filwaqt li tippreserva ‑l integrità tal‑UE fil‑qofol tagħha. f ’konformità mal‑impenji ewropej), it‑twessigħ ta’ koordinazzjoni aktar profonda tal‑politiki fil‑qasam tat‑tassaz- Dan jista’ jintlaħaq billi jiġu sodisfatti dawn joni u tal‑impjiegi, u l‑ħolqien ta’ kapaċità fiskali proprja il‑prinċipji: għall‑UEM li tappoġġja l‑implimentazzjoni ta’ għażliet ta’ L‑ewwel, l‑approfondiment tal‑UEM għandu jibni politiki li jirriżultaw minn koordinazzjoni aktar profonda. fuq il‑qafas istituzzjonali u legali tat‑Tratti, għal Xi wħud minn dawn l‑elementi jeħtieġ li jseħħu għalihom raġunijiet ta’ leġittimità, ekwita bejn l‑Istati Membri emendi fit‑Trattati. u effiċjenza. Iż‑żona tal‑euro hija prodott tat‑Trattati. It‑tnaqqis, tad‑dejn pubbliku li jeċċedi b’mod sinifikanti il‑kriterju tat‑Trattat, jista’ jkun indirizzat permezz tat‑twaqqif ta’ fond ta’ ammortament. Motivatur li possibbilment jinkoraġġixxi l‑integrazzjoni tas‑swieq finanzjarji taż‑żona tal‑euro u b’mod partikolari li jistabbilizza s‑swieq tad‑dejn volatili tal‑gvernijiet, huwa mod komuni kif l‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro joħorġu mid‑dejn tal‑gvern fit‑terminu 103 COM(2011)818. PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW

L‑approfondiment tagħha għandu jseħħ skont it‑Trat- It‑tielet, il‑mixja lejn UEM ġenwina għandha primar- tati, sabiex tkun evitata l‑frammentazzjoni tal‑qafas jament tkun mibnija bl‑użu tal‑possibilitajiet kollha legali li ddgħajjef l‑Unjoni u tpoġġi f ’dubju l‑impor- offruti mit‑Trattati kif inhuma bħalissa, permezz tanza kruċjali tal‑liġi tal‑UE għad‑dinamika tal‑inte- tal‑adozzjoni ta’ leġiżlazzjoni sekondarja. L‑emendi grazzjoni. Huma r‑regoli tat‑teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet li fit‑Trattati għandhom ikunu maħsubin biss jekk jipprovdu l‑effiċjenza sħiħa, abbażi tal‑maġġoranza l‑azzjoni indispensabbli sabiex jitjieb il‑funzjonament kwalifikata u ta’ qafas demokratiku robust, aktar milli tal‑UEM ma’ tkunx tista’ tinbena fi ħdan il‑qafas fuq il‑ħtiġijiet skomdi tal‑unanimità. attwali. It‑tibdil possibbli għandu jkun ippreparat b’reqqa, sabiex tkun żgurata l‑appartenenza politika Soluzzjonijiet intergovernattivi għandhom u demokratika meħtieġa għall‑proċess ta’ ratifikazzjo- għaldaqstant ikunu ikkunsidrati biss fuq bażi eċċez- ni mingħajr skossi. zjonali u ta’ tranżizzjoni fejn soluzzjoni tal‑UE tkun teħtieġ bidla fit‑Trattat, u sakemm dik il‑bidla fit‑Trat- tat tkun fis‑seħħ. Għandhom ukoll ikunu ppjanati bir‑reqqa sabiex jirrispettaw il‑liġi u l‑governanza 3.1 Fit‑terminu qasir (għas- tal‑UE, u mhux iqajmu problemi ġodda meta jiġi biex 6 xhur u t-18-il xahar li ġejjin): jingħata rendikont. miżuri possibbli skont il‑liġi sekondarja tal‑UE li jwasslu It‑tieni, l‑approfondiment tal‑UEM għandu primarjament jisfrutta bis‑sħiħ il‑potenzjal tal‑istrumenti għall‑unjoni bankarja, jtejbu 549 wiesgħa tal‑UE, mingħajr ħsara għall‑adozzjoni l‑koordinazzjoni bejn il‑politiki ta’ miżuri speċifiċi għaż‑żona tal‑euro. Is‑Semestru kif ukoll jwasslu għal deċiżjoni Ewropew, l‑acquis tas‑suq intern kif ukoll l‑appoġġ dwar il‑QFP li jmiss u joħolqu għall‑kompetittività u l‑koeżjoni permezz tal‑baġit “strument għall‑konverġenza tal‑UE jipprovdu bażi tajba għall‑iżvilupp ta’ qafas u l‑kompetittività” legali u finanzjarju komprensiv għall‑koordinazzjoni ekonomika, għall‑integrazzjoni u għall‑konverġenza L‑approfondimnet tal‑UEM irid jindirizza l‑konseg- reali. Sforzi kontinwi sabiex dawn il‑politiki jkunu wenza ta’ dejn publiku u privat eċċessiv li jakkumula, aktar effettivi permezz ta’ pereżempju ‑l kundizz- u għaldaqstant irid inaqqas l‑iżbilanċi assoċjati li ġew jonalità makroekonomika tal‑fondi strutturali jew iġġenerati fl‑ekonomija Ewropea. Iżda l‑aġġustament qed l‑approċċ il‑ġdid ta’ governanza għas‑suq uniku ukoll ikun kompitu diffiċli u li se jieħu ‑fit tul, li jinvolvi limitazz- se jikkontribwixxu għat‑tisħiħ tal‑UEM. jonijiet fil‑provvista ta’ kreditu, tiġbid fil‑finanzi pubbliċi Fl‑istess waqt, koordinazzjoni finanzjarja, fiskali u tkabbir dgħajjef fis‑settur privat hekk kif azjendi u familji u strutturali addizzjonali jew strumenti ta’ appoġġ jnaddfu l‑karti tal‑bilanċ tagħhom. speċifiċi għaż‑żona tal‑euro għandhom ikunu stabbiliti kull meta hemm bżonn, u għandhom ikunu ppjana- L‑impenn lejn id‑dixxiplina baġitarja huwa salvagwardja ti biex jikkumplimentaw is‑sisien tal‑UE. It‑Trattat essenzjali għall‑istabbiltà fiż‑żona tal‑euro, u pass neċes- ta’ Lisbona ipprovda bażi legali utli (l‑Artikolu 136 sarju lejn qafas baġitarju integrat, sħiħ u matur. Dan se TFUE) sabiex l‑integrazzjoni taż‑żona tal‑euro tap- jiżgura politiki baġitarji sodi fil‑livelli nazzjonali u Ew- profondixxi ruħha. Din il‑bażi legali diġà intużat sew ropej, u għalhekk se jikkontribwixxi għat‑tkabbir sos- fis-“six‑pack” u fit-“two‑pack” suċċessivi. tenibbli u għall‑istabbiltà makroekonomika. L‑implimentazzjoni sħiħa tal‑għodda l‑ġdida għas‑sorveljanza Kull meta legalment possibbli, il‑miżuri taż‑żona baġitarja u ekonomika, u l‑adozzjoni mingħajr telf ta’ tal‑euro għandhom ikunu miftuħin għall‑parteċi- żmien tal‑proposti attwali għandhom ikunu l‑ewwel pri- pazzjoni ta’ Stati Membri oħra. Fil‑fatt, filwaqt li jorità. B’mod parallel, il‑progress lejn unjoni bankarja t‑Trattati jipprevedu li numru ta’ regoli japplikaw għandu jibda permezz tal‑adozzjoni u l‑implimentazzjoni biss għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro, il‑konfig- tal‑proposti magħmula dwar ir‑regolametazzjoni u s‑su- urazzjoni attwali taż‑żona tal‑euro hija biss ta’ natura perviżjoni finanzjarja, b’mod partikolari il‑proposta dwar temporanja, ġaladarba l‑Istati Membri kollha ħlief il‑Mekkaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku (MSU) għaż‑żona għal tnejn (id‑Danimarka u r‑Renju Unit), huma tal‑euro u għal dawk l‑Istati Membri li mhumiex fiż‑żona ddestinati li jsiru membri tal‑UEM skont it‑Trattati. tal‑euro li jixtiequ jissieħbu.

Sabiex ikun żgurat il‑funzjonament bla skossi tal‑UEM, għandu jsir aktar fil‑qasam tal‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politiki ekonomiċi. Il‑piż tal‑isfida għat‑tkabbir u l‑aġġustament IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

fiż‑żona tal‑euro jikkuntrasta man‑nuqqas ta’ forom aħjar tal‑UEM, b’hekk jikkontribwixxi sabiex terġa’ tink- b’saħħithom li jikkoordinaw il‑politiki fil‑qasam tar‑ri- iseb il‑kunfidenza. Dik il‑wegħda issa trid isseħħ permezz formi strutturali. L‑evidenza ta’ esternalitajiet kbar bejn tal‑użu sħiħ u strett tal‑implimentazzjoni tal‑għodda l‑ġdi- il‑pajjiżi titlob ir‑rinforzar tal‑mod kif il‑politika ekono- da li diġà qiegħda fis‑seħħ. mika għandha taħdem fiż‑żona tal‑euro. Il‑funzjonament proprju tal‑UEM jeħtieġ li l‑Istati Membri taż‑żona Sabiex jittieħdu aktar passi lejn il‑possibilità ta’ UEM pro- tal‑euro jaħdmu flimkien lejn politika ekonomika fejn fil- fonda u ġenwina, il‑leġiżlazzjoni proposta tat-“two‑pack” waqt li jibnu fuq il‑mekkaniżmi eżistenti tal‑koordinazz- għandhom jaqblu fuqha il‑koleġiżlaturi mingħajr aktar joni tal‑politiki ekonomiċi, jieħdu l‑azzjonijiet u l‑miżuri dewmien. It-“two‑pack” jħaddan strumenti importanti li neċessarji fl‑oqsma kollha li huma essenzjali għall‑funzjon- jsaħħu s‑sorveljanza baġitarja u jaffronta b’aktar effiċjenza ament proprju taż‑żona tal‑euro. B’mod partikolari, huwa is‑sitwazzjonijiet ta’ instabbiltà finanzjarja ‑fl Istati Mem- neċessarju t‑twaqqif ta’ proċedura għad‑diskussjoni ex ante bri. L‑adozzjoni bla telf ta’ żmien u wara l‑implimentazz- dwar ir‑riformi kollha ewlenin fil‑politika ekonomika. Din joni tiegħu għandhom jgħollu l‑kunfidenza ‑fl impenn għandha tkun imwieżna mill‑fażi inizjali korrispondenti tal‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑UE biex ilestu r‑reviżjoni radikali għall‑bini gradwali ta’ kapaċità fiskali għall‑UEM, u tip- tal‑governanza ekonomika provdi għajnuna finanzjarja mmirata lejn ‑l Istati Membri li qed jiffaċċjaw diffikultajiet ta’ aġġustament. 3.1.2 Ir‑regolamentazzjoni u s‑superviżjoni finanzjarja: ġabra unika ta’ regoli Filwaqt li wieħed għandu jżomm f ’moħħu l‑importanza u proposti għal Mekkaniżmu 550 ta’ finanzi pubbliċi sodi, ir‑riforma strutturali u l‑investi- Superviżorju Uniku ment immirat lejn tkabbir sostenibbli, il‑Kapijiet tal‑Istat jew il‑Gvernijiet iffiramw Patt għat‑Tkabbir u l‑Impjiegi Is‑samit taż‑żona tal‑euro li sar fid-29 ta’ Ġunju 2012 ħalla fit-28 u d-29 ta’ Ġunju 2012, fejn urew id‑determinazzjoni l‑marka tiegħu fl‑approċċ għall‑kriżi. Irrikonoxxa l‑ħtieġa tagħhom sabiex jistimulaw it‑tkabbir li joħloq l‑impjiegi “assoluta” li “jinkiser iċ‑ċirku vizzjuż ta’ bejn il‑banek b’mod parallel mal‑impenn tagħhom għal finanzi pubbliċi u l‑pajjiżi sovrani” li qed idgħajjef il‑finanzi tal‑pajjiżi sodi. Il‑Kummissjoni qed tagħmel wkoll monitoraġġ fuq taż‑żona tal‑euro, sal‑punt li qed jhedded l‑istess eżistenza l‑impatt tal‑limitazzjonijiet stretti baġitarji fuq in‑nefqa tal‑UEM. B’mod partikolari, il‑ftehim li jitwaqqaf Mek- pubblika li tgħin lit‑tkabbir u fuq l‑investiment pubbli- kaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku (MSU) kien imsejjes fuq ku. F’dan il‑kuntest, iż‑żona tal‑euro għandha tiżgura li il‑konvinzjoni li l‑frammentazzjoni finanzjarja għand- l‑investiment jinżamm f ’livell adegwat sabiex jiġu żgurati ha tiġi megħluba, u li hija meħtieġa iċ‑ċentralizzazzjoni l‑kundizzjonijiet ta’ qafas għall‑iżvilupp tal‑kompetittività tas‑superviżjoni bankarja sabiex ikun żgurat li l‑pajjiżi kif ukoll jikkontribwixxi għat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi. taż‑żona tal‑euro jista’ jkollhom il‑kunfidenza kollha f ’su- perviżjoni bankarja ta’ kwalità u imparzjali. L‑inizjattivi kollha ppreżentati f ’din it‑taqsima jistgħu jiġu adottati f ’terminu qasir u skont il‑limiti tat‑Trattati Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja ta’ veru trid fil‑fatt tin- attwali. kludi r‑responsabbiltà kondiviża għas‑sorveljanza tas‑settur bankarju u għall‑intervent f ’każ ta’ kriżi. Dan huwa 3.1.1 L‑implimentazzjoni sħiħa l‑uniku mod li bih effettivamnet jinkiser iċ‑ċirku vizzjuż tas‑Semestru Ewropew u s-“six‑pack”, li jgħaqqad il‑finanzi pubbliċi tal‑Istati Membri u s‑saħħa u l‑ftehim bla telf ta’ żmien tal‑banek tagħhom, u li bih jiġu limitati l‑effetti tar‑riperk- u l‑implimentazzjoni tat-“two‑pack” ussjonijiet transkonfinali.

It‑tlestija tal‑qafas ta’ governanza ekonomika attwali Qafas finanzjarju integrat, li jevolvi tul iż‑żmien f ’unjoni u l‑implimentazzjoni sħiħa tiegħu trid isseħħ l‑ewwel ħaġa. bankarja sħiħa, għandu żgur jgħin billi jipprovdi sett integrat ta’ għodda għall‑monitoraġġ aħjar u li jillimita r‑riskju L‑introduzzjoni tas‑Semestru Ewropew kif ukoll fis‑sistema finanzjarja. Dan għandu jnaqqas il‑frammen- il‑leġiżlazzjoni tas-“six‑pack” indirizzaw it‑tagħlimiet tazzjoni finanzjarja, jnaqqas konsiderevolment il‑ħtieġa ewlenin meħuda fil‑kuntest tal‑kriżi. Inkludew riforma għall‑intervent pubbliku, jibbilanċja mill‑ġdid l‑għajnuna tal‑PST, il‑ħolqien ta’ Proċedura għall‑Iżbilanċi Makroe- u permezz ta’ dan jitjiebu l‑prospettivi tat‑tkabbir. L‑għod- konomiċi, u l‑introduzzjoni ta’ standards minimi għall‑oqs- da hija integrata għax l‑impatt tagħha se jitnaqqas jekk fa fiskali nazzjonali. Jirrappreżentaw qabża ’l quddiem xi komponenti individwali ikunu dgħajfa. Għalkemm xi f ’termini ta’ koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika. Dan partijiet meħtieġa tas‑sistema se jieħdu ż‑żmien biex jiżvi- joffri ‑l implimentazzjoni aktar b’saħħitha tal‑politika luppaw, dan m’għandux jittardja l‑implimentazzjoni bla fil‑livell nazzjonali, b’mod partikolari għall‑Istati Membri telf ta’ żmien ta’ dawk l‑elementi li jistgħu jġibu benefiċċji taż‑żona tal‑euro, u bħala konsegwenza il‑funzjonament immedjati. PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW

Il‑Kummissjoni fissret viżjoni ta’ unjoni bankarja li tkun mhux qegħdin fiż‑żona tal‑euro, li jiddeċiedu li jingħaqdu qed tiżviluppa gradwalment fil‑Komunikazzjoni tagħha mal‑unjoni bankarja. F’dan il‑qafas il‑ġdid, il‑BĊE se tat-12 ta’ Settembru 2012104. Il‑President tal‑Kunsill Ew- jkun responsabbli għas‑superviżjoni tal‑banek kollha fi ropew, il‑Kummissjoni, il‑Grupp tal‑euro u l‑BĊE qablu ħdan l‑unjoni bankarja, li għaliha huwa se japplika l‑ġabra fil‑prinċipju ma’ dik il‑viżjoni105. Il‑Kunsill Ewropew tat- unika tar‑regoli li tapplika fis‑suq uniku kollu. Il‑qafas 18 ta’ Ottubru 2012 ikkonferma “l‑bżonn li nimxu lejn propost mill‑Kummissjoni jiżgura superviżjoni effettiva qafas finanzjarju integrat, miftuħ kemm jista’ jkun possib‑ u konsistenti fl‑Istati Membri kollha parteċipanti, filwaqt bli għall‑Istati Membri kollha li jixtiequ jipparteċipaw.”106 li jiddependi fuq il‑kompetenza speċifika tas‑superviżuri Fir‑rapport “Lejn Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja Ġen- nazzjonali. Huwa ta’ importanza kruċjali li n‑negozjati wina” ta’ Novembru 2011, il‑Parlament Ewropew isejjaħ dwar l‑MSU jitlestew qabel l‑aħħar tas‑sena, u li l‑impli- għall‑adozzjoni tal‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni f ’dan ir‑rig- mentazzjoni tiegħu tibda kmieni fl-2013. Bħala kumple- ward mill‑aktar fis possibbli. ment, l‑Awtorità Bankarja Ewropea (ABE) se tiġi aġġusta- ta għall‑qafas il‑ġdid għas‑superviżjoni bankarja sabiex tiġi L‑ewwel pass kruċjali f ’din it‑triq se jkun il‑Mekkaniżmu żgurata l‑integrità tas‑Suq Uniku. Superviżorju Uniku, li mbagħad għandu jiġi kkumplimentat b’Mekkaniżmu ta’ Riżoluzzjoni Uniku (ara 3.2.1). Dan se jwitti t‑triq lejn l‑użu tal‑MES bħala salvagwardja pubblika sabiex, fejn xieraq, u ladarba jkun intlaħaq Mekkaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku għandu jiżgura l‑kon- ftehim dwar dan ‑l istrument, jiġu kapitalizzati mill‑ġdid diviżjoni sħiħa tal‑informazzjoni bejn is‑superviżuri dwar il‑banek skont il‑konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill Ewropew tad- il‑banek, l‑għodda għall‑prevenzjoni komuni u azzjoni 19 ta’ Ottubru 2012. Dan se jsaħħaħ aktar iż‑żona tal‑eu- 551 komuni għall‑indirizzar tal‑problemi fi stadju ‑l aktar bikri ro, billi jgħin biex jinkiser iċ‑ċirku ta’ reazzjonijiet negattivi possibbli. Sabiex terġa’ tinkiseb il‑fiduċja fost il‑banek, l‑in- bejn il‑banek u s‑sovrani tagħhom. vestituri u l‑awtoritajiet pubbliċi nazzjonali, dan għandu wkoll jippermetti li s‑supervizjoni titwettaq b’mod strett Il‑fiduċja tad‑depożituri u tal‑parteċipanti tas‑suq hija es- u objettiv, bl‑ebda possibbiltà għal tolleranza regolatorja. senzjali fir‑riżoluzzjoni bankarja. Sabiex jinkiseb livell ta’ fiduċja pubblika li tista’ titqabbel mal‑aħjar awtoritajiet ta’ Fit-12 ta’ Settembru 2012, il‑Kummissjoni għamlet riżoluzzjoni madwar id‑dinja, se tkun jeħtieġ li jkunu stab- proposti leġiżlattivi biex toħloq Mekkaniżmu Superviżor- biliti sistema unika ta’ riżoluzzjoni kredibbli u salvagward- ju Uniku magħmul mill‑BĊE u s‑superviżuri nazzjonali107, ja finanzjarja qawwija. Din ir‑responsabbiltà tibqa’ nazz- u biex jiġi emendat ir‑Regolament tal-2010 li jistabbilixxi jonali f ’terminu qasir. Iżda ladarba l‑MSU jiġi stabbilit, l‑Awtorità Bankarja Ewropea sabiex jiġi adattat għall‑ħol- u soġġett għal‑linji gwida rilevanti, l‑MES għandu jitħalla qien tal‑Mekkaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku u jiġi żgurat joffri appoġġ mutwalizzat biex jikapitazza mill‑ġdid diret- bilanċ fl‑istrutturi tagħha għat‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet bejn tament il‑banek li ma jirnexxilhomx jibnu l‑fondi fis‑suq l‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro u dawk li mhumiex qegħ- u li ma jistgħux jiġu salvati mill‑Istat Membru tad‑domiċil- din fiż‑żona tal‑euro108. ju tagħhom mingħajr ma tkun fil‑perikolu s‑sostenibbiltà fiskali tiegħu. Il‑Mekkaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku, kif propost mill‑Kummissjoni huwa bbażat fuq it‑trasferiment Qafas finanzjarju integrat li jinkludi superviżjoni unika għal‑livell Ewropew ta’ kompiti speċifiċi, superviżorji u mbagħad Mekkaniżmu ta’ Riżoluzzjoni Uniku għand- ewlenin għall‑banek stabbiliti fl‑Istati Membri taż‑żo- hom ikunu bbażati fuq ġabra unika tar‑regoli. Għalhekk, na tal‑euro u għall‑banek stabbiliti fl‑Istati Membri, li huwa essenzjali li wieħed jikkonkludi b’mod urġenti n‑negozjati dwar il‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni li jistabbilixxu oqfsa regolatorji ġodda fl‑oqsma tar‑regoli prudenzjali 104 Ara l‑Komunikazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni intitolata “Pjan bankarji, il‑garanziji tad‑depożiti, u l‑irkupru bankarju direzzjonali lejn Unjoni Bankarja” li tiddelinea l‑viżjoni ġenerali u r‑riżoluzzjoni bankarja. tal‑Kummissjoni għall‑implimentazzjoni tal‑unjoni bankarja, u tkopri il‑ġabra unika ta’ regoli, il‑protezzjoni komuni tad‑depożiti u mekkaniżmu uniku ta’ riżoluzzjoni bankarja”, 3.1.3 Mekkaniżmu ta’ Riżoluzzjoni Uniku COM(2012)510, http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/ docs/committees/reform/20120912-com-2012-510_mt.pdf Unjoni bankarja effettiva tirrikjedi mhux biss Mekka- 105 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ niżmu Superviżorju Uniku li jiżgura superviżjoni ta’ kwal- pressdata/en/ec/132809.pdf ità għolja fl‑Istati Membri kollha, iżda wkoll Mekkaniżmu 106 http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/docs/ ta’ Riżoluzzjoni Uniku li jieħu ħsieb il‑banek li għandhom pressdata/en/ec/132986.pdf 107 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/docs/committees/ diffikultajiet. Dan ġie rikonoxxut mill‑Kunsill Ewropew reform/20120912-com-2012-511_mt.pdf fid-19 ta’ Ottubru 2012, li ddikjara li “jinnota l‑ħsieb 108 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/finances/docs/committees/ tal‑Kummissjoni li tipproponi mekkaniżmu ta’ riżoluzzjoni reform/20120912-com-2012-512_mt.pdf IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

uniku għall‑Istati Membri li jipparteċipaw fl‑MRU ladarba għall‑investiment, it‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi fil‑livell tal‑UE. jkunu ġew adottati l‑proposti għal Direttiva dwar l‑Irkupru Tipprevedi wkoll li torbot il‑finanzjament mill‑politika u r‑Riżoluzzjoni u għal Direttiva dwar l‑Iskema ta’ Garan‑ ta’ koeżjoni, l‑iżvilupp rurali u l‑politika Ewropea dwar zija tad‑Depożiti.” l‑Affarijiet Marittimi u s‑Sajd b’mod aktar sistematiku mal‑proċeduri ta’ governanza ekonomika differenti. Wara l‑adozzjoni tal‑Mekkaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku, Il‑Qafas Strateġiku Komuni (li jkopri l-“Fondi QSK” li il‑Kummissjoni għalhekk se tagħmel proposta għal Me- ġejjin: il‑Fond Ewropew għall‑Iżvilupp Reġjonali, il‑Fond kkaniżmu ta’ Riżoluzzjoni Uniku, li jkun responsabbli Soċjali Ewropew, il‑Fond ta’ Koeżjoni, il‑Fond Agrikolu għar‑ristrutturar u r‑riżoluzzjoni tal‑banek ġewwa l‑Istati Ewropew għall‑Iżvilupp Rurali u l‑Fond Ewropew Marit- Membri li qed jipparteċipaw fl‑Unjoni Bankarja. Dan timu u tas‑Sajd) jistabbilixxi rabta soda bejn dawn il‑fon- il‑mekkaniżmu se jkun artikolat madwar Awtorità Ewro- di u l‑programmi ta’ riforma nazzjonali, il‑programmi ta’ pea ta’ Riżoluzzjoni separata, li se tirregola r‑riżoluzzjoni stabbiltà u konverġenza mfassla mill‑Istati Membri, kif tal‑banek u tikoordina b’mod partikolari l‑applikazzjoni ukoll ir‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għal kull pajjiż ad- tal‑għodda tar‑riżoluzzjoni. Dan il‑mekkaniżmu se jkun ottati mill‑Kunsill għal kull Stat Membru. aktar effiċjenti minn netwerk ta’ awtoritajiet nazzjonali ta’ riżoluzzjoni, b’mod partikolari fir‑rigward tal‑gruppi Dan se jiġi implimentat permezz ta’ kuntratti/ftehimiet bankarji transkonfinali li għalihom, fi żminijiet ta’ kriżi, ta’ sħubija bejn l‑Istati Membri u l‑Kummissjoni u l‑appli- il‑veloċità u l‑koordinazzjoni huma kruċjali biex jiġu min- kazzjoni għal kundizzjonalità makroekonomika preċiża. imizzati l‑ispejjeż u biex terġa’ tinkiseb il‑fiduċja. Dan jir- Fil‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni, il‑kundizzjonalità makroe- 552 rikjedi wkoll ekonomiji ta’ skala sinifikanti, u jevita ‑l ester- konomika hija applikata b’żewġ modi: nalitajiet negattivi li jistgħu jirriżultaw minn deċiżjonijiet purament nazzjonali. Kwalunkwe intervent mill‑mekka- 1. Il‑programmar mill‑ġdid: dan jikkonċerna emendi niżmu ta’ riżoluzzjoni uniku se jkollu jkun ibbażat fuq għall‑kuntratti ta’ sħubija u l‑programmi rilevan- il‑prinċipji li ġejjin: ti b’appoġġ għar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet tal‑Kunsill, jew biex jindirizzaw defiċit eċċessiv, żbilanċi mak- • Il‑ħtieġa għar‑riżoluzzjoni għandha titnaqqas sal‑inqas roekonomiċi jew diffikultajiet ekonomiċi jew soċjali possibbli, permezz ta’ regoli prudenzjali komuni stretti, oħra jew biex jiġi massimizzat l‑impatt tat‑tkabbir u koordinazzjoni mtejba tas‑superviżjoni fi ħdan u l‑kompetittività tal‑Fondi QSK għall‑Istati Memr- il‑Mekkaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku. bi li jkun qed jirċievu assitenza finanzjarja mill‑UE. Meta Stat Membru ma jweġibx b’mod sodisfaċenti • Meta jkun meħtieġ l‑intervent tal‑Mekkaniżmu għal tali talba, il‑Kummissjoni tista’ tissospendi parti ta’ Riżoluzzjoni Uniku, l‑azzjonisti u l‑kredituri mill‑ħlasijiet jew il‑ħlasijiet kollha għall‑programmi għandhom iħallsu l‑ispejjeż tar‑riżoluzzjoni qabel kkonċernati. ma jingħata kwalunkwe finanzjament estern, skont il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni dwar l‑Irkupru u r‑Riżoluzzjoni Bankajra. 2. Sospensjoni: meta Stat Membru ma jiħux azzjoni korrettiva fil‑kuntest tal‑proċeduri ta’ governanza • Kwalunkwe riżorsa addizzjonali meħtieġa ekonomika. F’tali każ, il‑Kummissjoni għandha tis- għall‑finanzjament tal‑proċess tar‑ristrutturar sospendi parti mill‑ħlasijiet u l‑impenji jew il‑ħlasijiet għandha tiġi pprovduta minn mekkaniżmi li huma u l‑impenji kollha għall‑programmi kkonċernati. ffinanzjati mis‑settur bankarju, minflok jintużaw il‑flus tal‑kontribwent. Il‑kuntratti ta’ sħubija u l‑programmi operattivi jiżguraw Il‑proposti li ġejjin tal‑Kummissjoni għal mekkaniżmu ta’ li l‑investimenti ppjanati kofinanzjati mill‑fondi QSK riżoluzzjoni uniku se jkunu bbażati fuq dawn il‑prinċipji. jikkontribwixxu b’mod effettiv għall‑indirizzar tal‑isfidi strutturali li jiffaċċaw ‑l Istati Membri. Fil‑każ tar‑rakkomandazzjonijiet tal‑Kunsill fil‑kuntest tal‑Artikoli 121 Il‑Kummissjoni tqis li, l‑istess bħall‑istabbiliment ta’ Me- u 148 tat‑Trattat u l‑għan korrettiv tal‑PŻE, se jinbeda kkaniżmu Superviżorju Uniku effettiv, il‑ħolqien ta’ Me- programmar mill‑ġdid għal dawk ir‑rakkomandazzjoniji- kkaniżmu ta’ Riżoluzzjoni Uniku jista’ jitwettaq permezz et li huma rilevanti għall‑fondi QSK u relatati mal‑isfidi tal‑liġi sekondarja mingħajr ma jirrikjedi emenda tat‑Trat- strutturali li jistgħu jiġu indirizzati permezz ta’ strateġiji ta’ tati attwali. investiment pluriennali. Tali rakkomandazzjonijiet ikopru, fost oħrajn: 3.1.4 Deċiżjoni rapida dwar il‑Qafas Finanzjarju Pluriennali (QFP) li jmiss • Ir‑riformi tas‑suq tax‑xogħol li jtejbu l‑funzjonament Il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni għall‑Qafas Finanzjarju Plu- tas‑suq tax‑xogħol bħal pereżempju l‑indirizzar tal‑fatt riennali 2014-2020 tirrappreżenta l‑motivatur deċiżiv li l‑ħiliet ma jaqblux mad‑domanda. PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW

• Miżuri għat‑tħeġġiġ tal‑kompetittività bħal kif previst fl‑Artikolu 11 tat‑TSCG, jippermettu lill‑Kum- pereżempju t‑titjib tas‑sistemi tal‑edukazzjoni jew missjoni u lill‑Istati Membri jivvalutaw l‑effetti sekond- il‑promozzjoni tar‑Riċerka u l‑Iżvilupp, l‑innovazzjoni arji potenzjali tal‑azzjoni nazzjonali u jikkumentaw dwar u l‑infrastruttura. il‑pjanijiet qabel ma jittieħdu d‑deċiżjonijiet finali f ’livell nazzjonali. Fi proposta li jmiss, il‑Kummissjoni se tippro- • Miżuri għat‑titjib tal‑kwalità tal‑gvern bħal pereżempju poni qafas għall‑koordinazzjoni ex‑ante ta’ riformi strut- t‑titjib tal‑kapaċità amministrattiva u tal‑istatistika. turali ewlenin fil‑kuntest tas‑Semestru Ewropew. Permezz ta’ adozzjoni rapida tal‑QFP u l‑leġiżlazzjoni rilevanti għas‑setturi, b’mod partikolari ir-”Regolament dwar Strument għal Konverġenza u Kompetittività: id‑Dispożizzjonijiet Komuni” għall‑Fondi QSK, l‑inċen- arranġamenti kuntrattwali u appoġġ finanzjarju tivi u l‑appoġġ tar‑riformi strutturali fl‑Istati Membri jis- saħħu malajr. L‑istrument għal konverġenza u kompetittività (SKK) propost ikopri l‑arranġamenti kuntrattwali msaħħa bl‑ap- poġġ finanzjarju. 3.1.5 Koordinazzjoni ex‑ante ta’ riformi ewlenin u l‑ħolqien ta’ “Strument għal L‑implimentazzjoni ta’ riformi strutturali fl‑Istati Membri Konverġenza u Kompetittività” taż‑żona tal‑euro jista’ jiġi ffaċilitat permezz tal‑istabbil- Il‑fatt li l‑politiki ekonomiċi tal‑Istati Membri huma iment ta’ arranġamenti kuntrattwali li għandhom jaqblu kwistjoni ta’ tħassib komuni ġie enfasizzat bl‑esperjen- magħhom l‑Istati Membri u l‑Kummissjoni. Din is‑siste- za tal‑kriżi, speċjalment fiż‑żona tal‑euro. L‑implimen- ma ġdida tibni fuq il‑qafas ta’ sorveljanza eżistenti tal‑UE, 553 tazzjoni bil‑mod jew in‑nuqqas ta’ implimentazzjoni ta’ jiġifieri ‑l proċedura għall‑prevenzjoni u l‑korrezzjoni tal‑iż- riformi strutturali importanti fuq perjodi twal ta’ żmien bilanċi makroekonomiċi (il‑Proċedura ta’ Żbilanċ Eċċes- aggravaw il‑problemi ta’ kompetittività u fixklu ‑l kapaċità siv jew PŻE)109. Tali arranġamenti jkunu nnegozjati bejn ta’ aġġustament tal‑Istati Membri, f ’xi każijiet b’mod sin- l‑Istati Membri individwali u l‑Kummissjoni, jiġu diskus- ifikanti. Dan ikkontribwixxa biex tiżdied il‑vulnerabbiltà si fil‑Grupp tal‑Euro u jiġu konklużi mill‑Kummissjoni tal‑Istati Membri. L‑ispejjeż fuq terminu qasir, ta’ natura mal‑Istat Membru. Dawn ikunu obbligatorji għall‑Istati politika jew ekonomika, ta’ spiss jaġixxu bħala deterrent Membri li mhumiex fiż‑żona tal‑euro soġġetti għal Proċe- għall‑implimentazzjoni tar‑riforma anke meta l‑benefiċċji dura ta’ Żbilanċ Eċċessiv u l‑Pjan ta’ Azzjoni Korrettiva fuq terminu medju jew twil ikunu kbar. L‑effetti sekond- (PAK) li jkollhom iressqu skont din il‑proċedura jkun jik- arji potenzjalment sinifikanti assoċjati mar‑riformi strut- kostitwixxi l‑bażi tal‑arranġamenti li għandhom jiġu nne- turali fiż‑żona tal‑euro jiġġustifikaw ‑l użu ta’ strumenti gozjati mal‑Kummissjoni. Għall‑Istati Membri taż‑żona speċifiċi, kif diġà sar permezz tal‑mekkaniżmi tal‑infurzar tal‑euro soġġetti għal azzjoni preventiva fir‑rigward tal‑iż- introdotti bil‑leġiżlazzjoni six‑pack. Fid‑dawl ta’ dawn bilanċi makroekonomiċi tagħhom, il‑parteċipazzjoni tkun il‑kunsiderazzjonijiet, il‑qafas eżistenti għall‑governan- volontarja u tinvolvi l‑preżentazzjoni ta’ pjan ta’ azzjoni si- za ekonomika taż‑żona tal‑euro għandu jissaħħaħ aktar mili għal dak rikjest skont il‑Proċedura ta’ Żbilanċ Eċċessiv. billi tiġi żgurata koordinazzjoni ex‑ante akbar ta’ proġet- ti ewlenin ta’ riforma u, wara d‑deċiżjoni dwar il‑QFP li L‑arranġamenti għalhekk dejjem ikunu bbażati fuq ir‑rak- jmiss, permezz tal‑ħolqien ta’ “Strument għal Konverġenza komandazzjonijiet speċifiċi għal kull pajjiż li jirriżultaw u Kompetittività” sabiex jiġi pprovdut appoġġ għall‑impli- mill‑PŻE, li tipikament jiffokaw fuq it‑tisħiħ tal‑kapaċità mentazzjoni fil‑ħin tar‑riformi strutturali (ara l‑Anness 1 ta’ aġġustamenti u tal‑kompetittività u jippromwovu għal deskrizzjoni aktar dettaljata tal‑istruttura maħsuba). l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja, jiġifieri fatturi li huma kritiċi Dan l‑istrument jgħaqqad flimkien ‑l integrazzjoni dejjem għall‑funzjonament tajjeb tal‑UEM. Il‑PŻE għalhekk aktar profonda tal‑politika ekonomika mal‑appoġġ finan- tistabbilixxi filtru sensibbli għal riformi ewlenin li huma zjarju, u b’hekk jirrispetta l‑prinċipju li skontu l‑passi lejn eliġibbli li jiġu akkumpanjati minn appoġġ finanzjar- aktar responsabbiltà u dixxiplina ekonomika jingħaqdu ju fid‑dawl tal‑esternalitajiet assoċjati preżenti f ’unjoni flimkien b’aktar solidarjetà. Fi proposta li ġejja, il‑Kum- monetarja. missjoni se tistipula t‑termini preċiżi għal dan l‑istrument. Il‑pjan ta’ azzjoni ppreżentat mill‑Istat Membru mbagħad Koordinazzjoni ex‑ante ta’ riformi ewlenin jiġi vvalutat mill‑Kummissjoni u grupp finali ta’ riformi u miżuri u l‑iskeda ta’ żmien għall‑implimentazzjoni Il‑qafas ta’ sorveljanza ekonomika attwali tal‑UE diġà jip- tagħhom jiġu adottati bħala arranġament. Dan l‑arranġa- provdi bażi għall‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika. ment għalhekk jistipula l‑miżuri aktar dettaljati li l‑Istat Madankollu, dan il‑qafas ma jipprevedix koordinazzjoni Membru jimpenja ruħu li jimplimenta wara li jkun kiseb sistematika ex‑ante fost l‑Istati Membri tal‑pjanijiet nazzjonali għal riformi politiċi ekonomiċi ewlenin. Diskussjoni u koordinazzjoni ex‑ante ta’ pjanijiet ewlenin ta’ riforma, 109 Regolament (UE) Nru 1176/2011 IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

l‑approvazzjoni tal‑parlament nazzjonali tiegħu fejn xi- finanzjarju kif deskritt hawn fuq u għalhekk ikun ibbażat eraq skont il‑proċeduri nazzjonali. Din is‑sistema ta’ ar- fuq l‑Artikolu 136 TFUE. B’mod alternattiv, wieħed jis- ranġamenti nnegozjati ssaħħaħ il‑kwalità tad‑djalogu ta’ jipprevedi li jirrikorri għall‑Artikolu 325 TFUE, jekk bejn il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Istati Membri kif ukoll l‑impenn meħtieġ permezz tal‑kooperazzjoni msaħħa (flimkien tal‑Istati Membri għaliha u s‑sjieda tar‑riformi tagħhom. ma’ deċiżjoni skont l‑Artikolu 332 TFUE dwar il‑fatt li n‑nefqa tiġi inkluża fil‑baġit tal‑UE). Ir‑riformi msemmija fl‑arranġamenti kuntrattwali jkunu appoġġati finanzjarjament, bħala kumplement Il‑kontribuzzjonijiet finanzjarji meħtieġa għall‑istrument għar‑rekwiżiti dixxiplinarji li diġà jkunu ġew introdot- jistgħu jkunu bbażati fuq impenn tal‑Istati Membri fiż‑żo- ti mis‑six‑pack. L‑għand ta’ tali appoġġ ikun li jmexxi na tal‑euro jew obbligu legali għal dan minqux fil‑leġiżlazz- għall‑adozzjoni u l‑implimentazzjoni tar‑riforma fil‑ħin joni tar‑riżorsi proprji tal‑UE. Il‑kontribuzzjonijiet għand- billi jegħleb jew mill‑inqas inaqqas id‑detterenti politiċi hom jiġu inklużi fil‑baġit tal‑UE bħala dħul assenjat. Billi u ekonomiċi għar‑riforma. Bil‑promozzjoni tar‑riformi huwa ffinanzjat permezz tad‑dħul assenjat, l‑istrument ma strutturali li jsaħħu l‑kapaċità ta’ aġġustament ta’ Stat jitqegħidx taħt il‑limiti massimi stabbiliti fir‑Regolament Membru, l‑SKK itejjeb il‑kapaċità tal‑ekonomija li tassor- QFP. L‑Istati Membri li qed jikkontribwixxu biss jistgħu bi x‑xokkijiet assimetriċi permezz tat‑tisħiħ tal‑funzjona- jkunu f ’pożizzjoni li jidħlu f ’arranġament kuntrattwali ment tas‑suq. mal‑Kummissjoni u jibbenefikaw mill‑appoġġ finanzjarju. Appoġġ permezz tal‑SKK ikun koerenti u konsisteni L‑appoġġ finanzjarju jingħata biss għall‑pakketti tar‑ri- mal‑appoġġ mill‑Fondi Strutturali, b’mod partikolari 554 forma li jkunu qablu fuqhom u li jkunu importanti kemm l‑Fond Soċjali Ewropew. Il‑volum tal‑istrument jista’ jibqa’ għall‑Istat Membru kkonċernat kif ukoll għall‑funzjon- limitat fil‑fażi inizjali iżda jista’ jsir akbar f ’terminu medju ament tajjeb tal‑UEM. L‑appoġġ finanzjarju jappoġġa sakemm il‑mekkaniżmu ta’ appoġġ ikun effettiv fil‑pro- l‑isforzi ta’ Stat Membru u b’mod partikolari jagħti ap- mozzjoni tal‑ibbilanċjar mill‑ġdid, l‑aġġustament u b’hekk poġġ f ’każijiet fejn l‑emerġenza ta’ żbilanċi tkun seħħet it‑tkabbir sostenibbli fiż‑żona tal‑euro. minkejja l‑konformità sħiħa mar‑rakomandazzjonijiet preċendenti speċifiċi għal kull pajjiż indirizzati lill‑Istat Fil‑proposti li ġejjin, il‑Kummissjoni se tistabbilixxi t‑ter- Membru kkonċernat. mini preċiżi għal dan l-“istrument għal konverġenza u kompetittività” ibbażati fuq l‑arranġamenti kuntrattwali L‑appoġġ finanzjarju jkollu effett ċar ta’ senjalar li jir- u l‑appoġġ finanzjarju. rikonoxxi kemm il‑kost tar‑riforma għall‑Istat Membru kkonċernat kif ukoll il‑benefiċċju tar‑riformi nazzjonali li 3.1.6 Il‑promozzjoni tal‑investiment fiż‑żona jirriżulta għall‑bqija taż‑żona tal‑euro meta jitqiesu l‑es- tal‑euro ternalitajiet pożittivi transkonfinali (li jistgħu ma jkunux biżżejjed biex iwasslu għal impetu tar‑riforma mill‑Istati Ir‑riformi strutturali appoġġati, l‑ewwel mill‑QFP u, im- Membri). Meta l‑Kummissjoni ssib ex post li Stat Memb- bagħad, mill‑Istrument għal Konverġenza u Kompetittivi- ru ma jkunx ikkonforma bis‑sħiħ mal‑kuntratt, l‑appoġġ tà se jkunu essenzjali għat‑titjib tal‑potenzjal ta’ tkabbir fuq finanzjarju jista’ jitwaqqaf. terminu medju tal‑membri taż‑żona tal‑euro u l‑aġġusta- ment tagħhom għax‑xokkijiet. Il‑kosolidament kredibbli u li jiffavorixxi ‑t tkabbir li jtejjeb l‑effiċjenza tal‑istruttura L‑appoġġ finanzjarju għandu jitfassal bħala allokazzjoni tat‑taxxi kif ukoll il‑kwalità tal‑infiq pubbliku se jikkon- globali li għandha tintuża bħala kontribuzzjoni għall‑fi- tribwixxi biex jiġi stimolat it‑tkabbir. Kif irrakkomandat nazjament ta’ miżuri ta’ sostenn għal riformi diffiċli. fl‑Istħarriġ Annwali dwar it‑Tkabbir tal-2012 u l-2013, Pereżempju, l‑impatt fuq terminu qasir tar‑riformi li jżidu l‑Istati Membri għandhom iħabirku b’mod partikolari biex l‑flessibbiltà fis‑suq tax‑xogħol jista’ jiġi akkumpanjat bi jinżamm pass ta’ konsolidament fiskali xieraq filwaqt li programmi ta’ taħriġ iffinanzjati parzjalment permezz jiġu preservati l‑investimenti bil‑mira li jinkisbu l‑għanijiet tal‑appoġġ ipprovdut taħt l‑SKK. L‑użu ta’ appoġġ finan- tal‑Ewropa 2020 għat‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi. zjarju jkun definit bħala parti mill‑arranġament kuntrattwali konkluż bejn l‑Istat Membru u l‑Kummissjoni. Il‑qafas fiskali tal‑UE joffri lok għall‑bilanċ tar‑rikonoxximent tal‑ħtiġijiet ta’ investiment pubbliku produttiv Sabiex jiġi appoġġat il‑mekkaniżmu tal‑appoġġ finanzjarju, mal‑objettivi tad‑dixxiplina fiskali. jista’ jiġi stabbilit strument finanzjarju speċjali fil‑prinċipju bħala parti mill‑baġit tal‑UE. L‑invesiment pubbliku huwa wieħed mill‑fatturi rilevanti li għandu jitqies meta l‑pożizzjoni fiskali ta’ Stat L‑istrument ikun stabbilit permezz ta’ leġiżlazzjoni se- Membru tkun qed tiġi vvalutata fir‑rapport previst kondarja. Jista’ jiġi interpretat bħala parti essenzjali tal‑PŻE rinfurzat bl‑arranġamenti kuntrattwali u l‑appoġġ PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW fl‑Artikolu 126(3) TFUE li jiġi qabel it‑tnedija ta’ PDE110. Filwaqt li biex tali kundizzjonijiet jiġu operattivi jrid L‑importanza ta’ fatturi rilevanti, bħal pereżempju l‑in- jinħadem qafas sħiħ (l‑aktar f ’termini ta’ informazzjoni/ vestiment pubbliku, għall‑valutazzjoni żdiedet b’mod rekwiżiti ta’ definizzjonijiet), trattament speċifiku ta’ -in konsiderevoli bir‑riforma reċenti tal‑PST. F’ċerti kundizz- vestiment pubbliku jista’ biss iwassal għal devjazzjoni tem- jonijiet, il‑kunsiderazzjoni ta’ fatturi rilevanti tista’ twassal poranja mill‑objettiv baġitarju ta’ terminu medju (OTM) għall‑fatt li Stat Membru ma jitqegħidx f ’PDE111; u l‑fat- jew il‑pjan ta’ aġġustament biex jintlaħaq. Il‑Kummissjoni turi rilevanti għandhom jitqiesu fit‑tfassil tar‑rakkoman- se tippreżenta Komunikazzjoni dwar il‑pjan xieraq biex dazzjonijiet għall‑korrezzjoni tad‑defiċit eċċessiv, inkluż jinlaħaq l‑OTM fir‑Rebbiegħa 2013. il‑pjan għat‑tnaqqis tad‑defiċit. Dispożizzjonijiet speċifiċi għall‑proġetti ta’ investiment Fil‑fergħa preventiva tal‑PST, l‑investiment pubbliku ma għandhomx jitqiesu bħala “regola tad‑deheb”, li tipper- jitqies fil‑valur referenzjarju l‑ġdid tan‑nefqa, li jintuża metti eċċezzjoni permanenti għall‑investiment pubbliku flimkien mal‑bilanċ strutturali biex jiġi vvalutat il‑progress kollu. Tali approċċ mhux diskriminatorju jista’ faċilment lejn l‑objettiv baġitarju fuq terminu medju. B’mod speċi- jipperikola l‑objettiv ewlieni tal‑PST billi jagħmel ħsara fiku, il medja tal‑formazzjoni ġenerali grossa tal‑kapital lis‑sostenibbiltà tad‑dejn tal‑gvern. fiss tal‑gvern titkejjel fuq għadd ta’ snin, sabiex jiġi evitat li l‑Istati Membri jiġu ppenalizzati minħabba l‑livelli massi- 3.1.7 Rappreżentanza esterna taż‑żona mi annwali fl‑investiment112. tal‑euro

Il‑Kummissjoni se teżamina modi ulterjuri fil‑fergħa Il‑bini fuq il‑progress miksub fil‑governanza ekonomika 555 preventiva biex takkomoda programmi ta’ investiment taż‑żona tal‑euro, tisħiħ u konsolidament tar‑rappreżen- fil‑valutazzjoni tal‑Programmi ta’ Stabbiltà u Konverġen- tanza esterna tagħha għandhom jitkomplew. Dan jista’ za. Speċifikament, taħt ċerti kundizzjonijiet, programmi jinkiseb b’mod sħiħ fuq il‑bażi tat‑Trattati attwali (Artiko- mhux rikorrenti ta’ investiment pubbliku b’impatt ippru- lu 17 TUE u Artikolu 138 TFUE). vat fuq is‑sostenibbiltà tal‑finanzi pubbliċi jistgħu jikkwal- ifikaw għal devjazzjoni temporanja mill‑għan baġitarju fuq Tali tisħiħ huwa neċessarju biex jiġi żgurat li ż‑żona terminu ta’ żmien medju jew it‑triq ta’ aġġustament għal- tal‑euro tiġi rrappreżentata b’mod li huwa proporzjonali ih113. Dan jista’ japplika, pereżempju, fil‑każ ta’ proġetti ta’ mal‑piż ekonomiku tagħha, filwaqt li jiġu riflessi‑ l bidli- investiment tal‑gvern li jkunu kkofinanzjati mal‑UE, kon- et li qed isiru fil‑governanza ekonomika interna. Iż‑żona sistentement mal‑qafas tal‑makrokundizzjonalità. tal‑euro għandu jkollha rwol aktar attiv kemm fl‑istituzzjonijiet multilaterali u l‑fora kif ukoll fid‑djalogi bilaterali mas‑sħab strateġiċi. Dan għandu jirriżulta fil‑preżentazzjo- 110 B’mod speċifiku, skont l‑Artikolu 126(3) TFUE: “Ir‑rapport tal‑Kummissjoni għandu jqis ukoll jekk id‑dejn tal‑gvern ikunx ni ta’ messaġġ uniku dwar il‑kwistjonijiet bħal pereżempju jeċċedi n‑nefqa tal‑gvern f’investiment u jqis il‑fatturi l‑oħra l‑kwistjonijiet dwar il‑politika ekonomika u fiskali taż‑żo- kollha rilevanti (…)”. na tal‑euro, is‑sorveljanza makroekonomika, il‑politiki 111 L‑ewwel nett, il‑kunsiderazzjoni ta’ fatturi rilevanti tista’ tar‑rati tal‑kambju u l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja. twassal għall‑fatt li Stat Membru ma jitqegħidx f’PDE minkejja ksur tal‑kriterju tad‑defiċit meta l‑proporzjon tad‑dejn ikun aktar baxx mill‑valur ta’ referenza. It‑tieni nett, ksur tal‑valur Sabiex jintlaħqu dawn l‑objettivi jeħtieġ li jintlaħaq qbil referenzjarju tat‑tnaqqis tad‑dejn għandu jirriżulta fil‑ftuħ ta’ dwar pjan direzzjonali li għandu l‑għan li jtejjeb u, fejn PDE biss wara l‑valutazzjoni tal‑fatturi rilevanti. 112 Barra minn hekk, in‑nefqa fil‑programmi tal‑UE, u għalhekk possibbli, junifika ‑r rappreżentanza esterna taż‑żona in‑nefqa tal‑investiment ukoll, sal‑punt li titqabbel b’mod sħiħ tal‑euro fl‑organizzazzjonijiet u l‑fora ekonomiċi u finan- bid‑dħul tal‑fondi tal‑UE, hija wkoll eskluża min‑nefqa meqjusa zjarji internazzjonali. għall‑valutazzjoni tal‑konformità mal‑valur referenzjarju tan‑nefqa. 113 Il‑PST jinkludi dispożizzjonijiet speċifiċi li jippermettu tali L‑attenzjoni għandha tkun fuq l‑FMI, li permezz tal‑istru- possibbiltà. Ir‑Regolament 1466/97 - Artikolu 5(1): “...Meta menti ta’ self u is‑sorveljanza tiegħu huwa pilastru istituzz- jiġi definit l‑pjan ta’ aġġustament lejn l‑objettiv fuq terminu jonali ewlieni fil‑governanza ekonomika globali. Kif uriet medju għall‑Istati Membri li għandhom ma laħqux dan il‑kriżi, huwa ta’ importanza kbira għaż‑żona tal‑euro li l‑objettiv, u meta tiġi permessa devjazzjoni temporanja minn dan l‑objettiv għall‑Istati Membri li diġà laħquh, sakemm jiġi jkollha leħen wieħed b’mod partikolari dwar il‑programmi, preservat marġni xieraq ta’ sikurezza fir‑rigward tal‑valur l‑arranġamenti ta’ finanzjament u l‑politika ta’ riżoluzzjoni ta’ referenza tad‑defiċit u li l‑pożizzjoni baġitarja hija tal‑kriżi tal‑FMI. Dan se jirrikjedi tisħiħ tal‑arranġamenti mistennija li terġa’ lura għall‑objettiv baġitarju fuq terminu ta’ koordinazzjoni taż‑żona tal‑euro fi Brussell u Washing- medju mal‑perjodu tal‑programm, il‑Kunsill u l‑Kummissjoni għandhom iqisu l‑implimentazzjoni ta’ riformi strutturali ton dwar il‑kwistjonijiet relatati mal‑UEM biex jiġu riflessi ewlenin li għandhom effetti baġitarji pożittivi diretti fuq l‑bidliet fil‑governanza interna tal‑UEM u biex jiġu żgurati terminu twil, inkluż billi jżidu l‑potenzjal għat‑tkabbir l‑konsistenza u l‑effettività tal‑messaġġi pprovduti. sostenibbli, u għalhekk impatt li jista’ jiġi vverifikat fuq is‑sostenibbiltà fuq terminu twil tal‑finanzi pubbliċi...” IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

It‑tisħiħ tar‑rappreżentanza taż‑żona tal‑euro fl‑FMI għan- 3.2.1 It‑tisħiħ tal‑integrazzjoni baġitarja du jsir permezz ta’ proċess b’żewġ stadji: Fl‑ewwel stadju, u ekonomika li teħtieġ bidliet il‑kostitwenzi tal‑pajjiż għandhom jerġgħu jiġu organizza- fit‑Trattati ti sabiex jiġbru mill‑ġdid il‑pajjiżi f ’kostitwenzi taż‑żona tal‑euro li jistgħu wkoll jinkludu Stati Membri taż‑żona It‑tiġdid tal‑governanza baġitarja u ekonomika li ż‑żona tal‑euro tal‑ġejjieni. B’mod parallel, għandu jintalab l‑ista- tal‑euro setgħet għaddiet minnha bl‑adozzjoni tat‑two tus ta’ osservatur fil‑bord eżekuttiv tal‑FMI għaż‑żona pack u d‑disponibbiltà tal‑Istrument għal Konverġen- tal‑euro114. za u Kompetittività jirrappreżenta pass kbir ’il quddiem fl‑iżgurar tad‑dixxiplina baġitarja iżda wkoll tal‑kompetit- Dawn il‑miżuri għandhom iħejju t‑triq għaż‑żona tal‑eu- tività ekonomika. ro li, fit‑tieni stadju, tkun qed tfittex li tikseb siġġu uniku fil‑korpi tal‑FMI (il‑bord eżekuttiv u l‑Kumitat Monetarju Madankollu, il‑moviment lejn aktar mutwalizzazzjoni u Finanzjarju Internazzjonali). Fi żmien debitu il‑Kummis- tar‑riskju finanzjarju jeħtieġ li ‑l koordinazzjoni tal‑politi- sjoni se tressaq proposti formali skont l‑Artikolu 138(2) ka baġitarja timxi pass ’il quddiem billi jiġi żgurat li jkun TFUE biex tistabbilixxi pożizzjoni unifikata biex tikseb hemm kontroll kollettiv fuq il‑politika baġitarja nazzjonali status ta’ osservatur taż‑żona tal‑euro fil‑bord eżekuttiv f ’sitwazzjonijiet definiti. tal‑FMI, u mbagħad għal siġġu uniku. L‑istituzzjoni xierqa biex tirrappreżenta liż‑żona tal‑euro fl‑FMI, skont l‑Ar- B’mod partikolari, l‑innovazzjonijiet li rriżultaw tikolu 138 TFUE, hija l‑Kummissjoni, u l‑BĊE jkun as- mit‑two‑pack u speċjalment il‑possibbiltà ta’ opinjoni 556 soċjat fil‑qasam tal‑politika monetarja. Aktar dettalji dwar tal‑Kummissjoni dwar l‑abbozzi tal‑pjanijiet baġitarji, dan l‑aspett tat‑tisħiħ tal‑UEM jinsabu fl‑Anness 2. u f ’każijiet estremi, il‑possibbiltà li jintalab abbozz ġdid tal‑pjan baġitarju fil‑każ ta’ ksur serju tal‑obbligi tal‑Ista- 3.2 F’terminu medju: Integrazzjoni ti Membri skont il‑PST, qegħdin jilħqu l‑limitu ta’ dak li msaħħa tal‑politika baġitarja huwa possibbli skont it‑Trattati attwali f ’termini ta’ koordinazzjoni u intervent mil‑livell tal‑UE fil‑proċess baġi- u ekonomika u passi lejn kapaċità tarju nazzjonali. Bit‑two‑pack, ladarba jiġi adottat, l‑UE fiskali xierqa se tkun laħqet sew il‑limiti tal‑kompetenza leġiżlattiva tagħha f ’dan ir‑rigward. F’terminu medju, għandhom jiġu stabbiliti koordinazzjoni baġitajra ulterjuri (inkluża l‑possibbiltà li jiġu rik- Il‑progress f ’termini ta’ kontroll tal‑politika baġitarja naz- jesti emendi għall‑baġits nazzjonali jew li jintuża l‑veto), zjonali, pereżempju billi jiġi stabbilit dritt Ewropew biex l‑estensjoni ta’ koordinazzjoni tal‑politika aktar profonda tiġi rikjesta reviżjoni tal‑baġits nazzjonali b’mod konformi għall‑oqsma tat‑tassazzjoni u l‑impjiegi, u l‑ħolqien ta’ mal‑impenji Ewropej, jirrikjedi bidla fit‑Trattati. kapaċità fiskali xierqa u awtonoma għall‑UEM biex tap- poġġa l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑għażliet politiċi li jirriżultaw Jistgħu jitqiesu l‑possibbiltajiet li ġejjin (mhux esklużivi): mill‑koordinazzjoni aktar profonda. Xi wħud minn dawn l‑elementi se jirrikjedu emenda tat‑Trattati. • L‑ewwel nett, obbligu għal Stat Membru li jirrevedi l-(abbozz tal-) baġit nazzjonali tiegħu jekk il‑livell It‑tnaqqis tad‑dejn pubbliku li jeċċedi b’mod sinifikanti tal‑UE jirrikjedi dan fil‑każ ta’ devjazzjoni mill‑obbligi l‑kriterji tal‑PST jista’ jiġi indirizzat permezz tal‑istabbil- tad‑dixxiplina baġitarja stabbilita qabel fil‑livell tal‑UE. iment ta’ fond ta’ tifdija. Motivatur possibbli għat‑tħeġġiġ Dan jinvolvi bidla fin‑natura tal‑opinjoni dwar il‑baġits tal‑integrazzjoni tas‑swieq finanzjarji taż‑żona tal‑euro nazzjonali prevista fit‑two‑pack minn natura mhux u b’mod partikolari biex jiġu stabbilizzati s‑swieq volatili vinkolanti għal waħda vinkolanti. tad‑dejn tal‑gvern huwa l‑ħruġ komuni mill‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro ta’ dejn tal‑gvern ta’ terminu qasir b’ma- • It‑tieni, il‑bini fuq il‑proċess ta’ monitoraġġ turità ta’ bejn sena u sentjen. Dawn iż‑żewġ possibbiltajiet u koordinazzjoni aktar strett stabbilit mit‑two‑pack, jirrikjedu emenda tat‑Trattati115. f ’ċerti sitwazzjonijiet partikolarment serji li għandhom jiġu definiti, id‑dritt li tiġi rikjesta reviżjoni ta’ deċiżjonijiet individwali tal‑implimentazzjoni tal‑baġit b’mod konformi mal‑impenji Ewropej li jista’ jirriżulta f ’devjazzjoni serja mit‑triq tal‑konsolidament baġitarju stabbilit fil‑livell tal‑UE. 114 Jiġifieri, l‑UE li tirrappreżenta l‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro • It‑tielet, kompetenza ċara għal‑livell tal‑UE biex skont it‑Trattati. jiġu armonizzati l‑liġijiet baġitarji nazzjonali (skont 115 Ara s‑Sentenza tas-27 ta’ Novembru 2012 fil‑Kawża -C 370/12 Pringle, il‑punti 137 u 138. it‑Trattat dwar l‑Istabbiltà, il‑Koordinazzjoni PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW

u l‑Governanza fl‑Unjoni Ekonomika u Monetarja116) 3.2.3 Fond ta’ tifdija u biex ikun hemm rikors għall‑Qorti tal‑Ġustizzja fil‑każ ta’ nuqqas ta’ konformità. Qafas ta’ governanza fiskali u ekonomika msaħħa b’mod ċar tista’ tippermetti l‑indirizzar tat‑tnaqqis tad‑dejn pub- Fir‑rigward tal‑politika ekonomika, il‑politika tat‑taxxi bliku li jeċċedi b’mod sinifikanti ‑l kriterji tal‑PST permezz tista’ tappoġġa l‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika tal‑istabbiliment ta’ fond ta’ tifdija soġġett għal kondizjon- u tikkontribwixxi għall‑konsolidament fiskali u t‑tkabbir. alità stretta. Fuq il‑bażi tal‑esperjenza li għandha tinkiseb permezz tad‑diskussjonijiet strutturati dwar il‑kwistjonijiet tal‑poli- Il‑proposta inizjali ta’ Fond Ewropew ta’ Tifdija (FET) tika tat‑taxxi li jiffokaw fuq oqsma fejn jistgħu jiġu previsti bħala għodda immedjata għall‑kriżi ġiet żviluppata attivitajiet aktar ambizzjużi, fil‑ġejjieni wieħed jista’ jik- mill‑Kunsill Ġermaniż ta’ Esperti Ekonomiċi (German kunsidra, fil‑kuntest ta’ bidla fit‑Trattat, li jingħata lok għal Council of Economic Experts - GCEE) bħala parti minn leġiżlazzjoni dwar koordinazzjoni aktar profonda f ’dan strateġija għat‑tnaqqis tad‑dejn madwar iż‑żona tal‑euro il‑qasam fiż‑żona tal‑euro. Qasam ieħor ta’ importanza kollha. simili fejn tali progress jista’ jitqies huwa s‑swieq tax‑xog- ħol, minħabba l‑importanza ta’ swieq tax‑xogħol li jiffun- Sabiex jiġi limitat il‑periklu morali, u biex tiġi żgurata zjonaw tajjeb u b’mod partikolari l‑mobbiltà tax‑xogħol l‑istabbiltà tal‑istruttura kif ukoll it‑tifdija tal‑ħlasijiet, għall‑kapaċità ta’ aġġustament u t‑tkabbir fi ħdan iż‑żona il‑GCEE pproponew bosta strumenti ta’ superviżjoni tal‑euro. u stabbilizzazzjoni, bħal pereżempju: (1) kondizjonalità stretta, simili għar‑regoli miftiehma fi ħdan ‑il programmi 557 Il‑koordinazzjoni u s‑sorveljanza tal‑impjiegi u l‑politi- EFSF/MES; (2) ħlasijiet immedjati tal‑penali fil‑każ ta’ ki soċjali għandhom jissaħħu fil‑governanza tal‑UEM, nuqqas ta’ konformità mar‑regoli; (3) monitoraġġ strett u l‑konverġenza għandha tiġi promossa f ’dawn l‑oqsma. minn istituzzjoni speċjali (pereżempju l‑Qorti tal‑Ġus- Il‑Linji Gwida Ġenerali għall‑Politika Ekonomika u l‑Lin- tizzja tal‑UE); (4) waqfien immedjat tat‑trasferiment ji Gwida dwar l‑Impjiegi jistgħu jissaħħu billi jingħaqdu tad‑dejn lill‑fond matul il‑fażi ta’ bidu fil‑każ ta’ nuqqas flimkien fi strument wieħed. ta’ konformità mar‑regoli; (5) it‑twegħid tar‑riżervi internazzjonali tal‑Istati Membri (riżervi ta’ munita barranija Dawn il‑bidliet jipprovdu l‑bażi għall‑iżvilupp ta’ kapaċità jew tad‑deheb) bħala garanzija għar‑responsabbiltajiet fiskali xierqa għaż‑żona tal‑euro biex tappoġġa r‑riforma tagħhom u/jew l‑allokazzjoni ta’ taxxi (possibbilment li strutturali fuq skala kbira kif ukoll biex tippermetti forom għadhom kif iddaħħlu) biex jiġi kopert is‑servizz tad‑de- ta’ mutwalizzazzjoni tad‑dejn biex tiġi ffaċilitata s‑soluzz- jn (pereżempju id‑dħul tal‑VAT) biex jiġi limitat ir‑riskju joni tal‑problemi ta’ dejn għoli u segmentazzjoni finanzjar- tar‑responsabbiltà. ja li huma parti mill‑effetti tal‑kriżi. Il‑Kummissjoni taqbel li qafas baġitarju u ekonomiku 3.2.2 Kapaċità fiskali xierqa għaż‑żona b’saħħtu huwa rekwiżit meħtieġ minn qabel għal fond tal‑euro ta’ tifdija li jista’ jaħdem sew. Aktar sorveljanza u setgħa ta’ intervent fit‑tfassil u l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑politiki Fuq il‑bażi tal‑esperjenza ta’ koordinazzjoni sistematika fiskali nazzjonali huwa ġustifikat kif diskuss ‑fit taqsima ex‑ante ta’ riformi strutturali ewlenin u l‑SKK, għandha preċedenti. Il‑kredibbiltà tal‑pjanijiet ta’ aġġustament tir- tiġi stabbilita kapaċità fiskali dedikata għaż‑żona tal‑eu- rikjedi li jiġu stabbiliti kundizzjonijiet fiskali xierqa meta ro. Din għandha tkun awtonoma fis‑sens li d‑dħul tagħha Stat Membru jidħol fis‑sistema. Rispett sħiħ tad‑direzzjo- jkun jiddependi biss fuq ir‑riżorsi proprji, u eventwalment ni tal‑aġġustament lejn l‑objettiv fuq terminu medju kif tista’ tirrikorri għas‑self. Għandha tkun effettiva u tipprov- propost mill‑Kummissjoni jirrappreżenta l‑minimu f ’dan di riżorsi suffiċjenti biex tappoġġa riformi strutturali -im ir‑rigward. portanti f ’ekonomija kbira f ’sitwazzjoni ta’ diffikultà. Fond Ewropew ta’ Tifdija taħt kundizzjonalità stretta bħal Il‑kapaċità fiskali xierqa għaż‑żona tal‑euro fil‑bidu tista’ din (ara wkoll l‑Anness 3) għalhekk jista’ jipprovdi sigurtà tiġi żviluppata taħt il‑liġi sekondarja kif spjegat fit‑taqsima għal tnaqqis kredibbli fid‑dejn pubbliku, u b’hekk il‑livell 3.1.3. Madankollu, it‑tisħiħ tagħha jista’ jibbenefika minn tad‑dejn tal‑gvern jerġa’ jaqa’ taħt il‑limitu ta’ 60% kif pre- bażijiet tat‑Trattat ġodda speċifiċi li jkunu meħtieġa jekk vist fit‑Trattat ta’ Maastricht. il‑kapaċità jkollha tkun tista’ tirrikorri għas‑self. L‑introduzzjoni ta’ tali qafas tista’ tagħti sinjal ieħor li l‑Istati Membri fiż‑żona tal‑euro lesti, jistgħu u jieħdu l‑impenn li jnaqqsu l‑livelli tad‑dejn tagħhom. Dan imbagħad 116 Fi kwalunkwe każ, il‑qalba ta’ dak it‑Trattat għandha tiġi jista’ jnaqqas l‑ispejjeż tal‑finanzjament globali tal‑Istati integrata fil‑liġi tal‑Unjoni kif previst fl‑Artikolu 16 tiegħu. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Membri li għandhom dejn eċċessiv. Bl‑iżgurar tal‑finan- u t‑tnaqqis fil‑livell ċentrali ma jsarrafx f ’titjib xieraq zjament tat‑tnaqqis tad-“dejn eċċessiv” b’kost sostenib- tal‑kundizzjonijiet ta’ self fejn ikun l‑aktar ġustifikat. bli, flimkien maż‑żewġ inċentivi u monitoraġġ kontinwu tat‑tnaqqis tiegħu, dan jista’ jagħti lill‑Istati Membri fiż‑żo- Fid‑dawl ta’ din is‑sitwazzjoni, hemm argument sod fa- na tal‑euro l‑possibbiltà biex jagħtu direzzjoni lit‑tnaqqis vur il‑ħolqien ta’ strument sovran ġdid fiż‑żona tal‑eu- tad‑dejn b’mod li jista’ jiffaċilita ‑l investiment f ’miżuri ro. L‑hekk imsejħa eurobills jistgħu jservu ta’ xprun biex li jappoġġaw it‑tkabbir. Barra minn hekk, tali qafas jista’ titrawwem l‑integrazzjoni tas‑swieq finanzjarji fiż‑żona jikkontribwixxi għall‑fatt li t‑tnaqqis tad‑dejn isir fuq bażi tal‑euro u b’mod partikolari biex jiġu stabbilizzati s‑swieq trasparenti u kkoordinata fiż‑żona tal‑euro kollha, u b’hekk instabbli tad‑dejn tal‑gvern. Il‑ħruġ komuni mill‑Istati jikkumplimenta l‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politiki baġitarji. Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro ta’ dejn tal‑gvern fuq perjodu qasir b’maturità ta’ sena sa sentejn, ikun jikkostitwixxi L‑istabbiliment ta’ tali fond ta’ tifdija tad‑dejn jista’ biss għodda b’saħħitha kontra l‑frammentazzjoni attwali, billi jiġi previst fil‑kuntest ta’ reviżjoni tat‑Trattati attwali. Għal jnaqqas iċ‑ċirku ta’ reazzjonijiet negattivi bejn is‑sovrani raġunijiet ta’ responsabbiltà, l‑att li joħloq tali fond ikollu u l‑banek, filwaqt li jillimita ‑l periklu morali. Barra minn jitfassal bi preċiżjoni legali kbira, fir‑rigward tad‑dejn mas- hekk, dan jgħin ukoll biex tinġieb lura t‑trażmissjoni xier- simu li jista’ jiġi ttrasferit, il‑ħin massimu tal‑operazzjoni qa tal‑politika monetarja. Il‑eurobills jistgħu progressiva- u l‑karatteristiċi kollha l‑oħra tal‑fond, biex tiġi garantita ment jieħdu post id‑djun fuq perjodu qasir, u ma jespan- ċ‑ċertezza legali meħtieġa skont il‑liġijiet kostituzzjonali dux l‑ammont globali tad‑dejn nazzjonali fuq perjodu nazzjonali. qasir fiż‑żona tal‑euro. 558 Mudell possibbli li jiżgura r‑responsabbiltà xierqa għal L‑hekk imsejħa eurobills jistgħu jikkontribwixxu fond ta’ tifdija tad‑dejn hekk imfassal jista’ jkun kif għat‑tlestija tas‑swieq finanzjarji Ewropej billi joħolqu suq ġej: bażi legali għat‑Trattati jippermetti l‑istabbiliment kbir u integrat tat‑titoli fuq perjodu qasir fiż‑żona tal‑euro. tal‑fond permezz ta’ deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill, adottata b’una- Minħabba r‑rwol importanti tad‑dokumenti fuq perjodu nimità tal‑membri taż‑żona tal‑euro bil‑kunsens tal‑Parla- qasir għall‑immaniġġar ta’ flus u ż‑żmien qasir tal‑kamb- ment Ewropew u soġġetta għar‑ratifika mill‑Istati Membri jali, dawn it‑titoli normalment għandhom kwalità ta’ skont ir‑rekwiżiti kostituzzjonali tagħhom. Dik id‑deċiżjo- kreditu partikolarment għolja. Fl‑istess waqt, in‑natura ni tistabbilixxi l‑volum massimu, it‑tul u l‑kundizzjonijiet riċiklabbli u ta’ żmien qasir ta’ dawn il‑kambjali tagħmilha tal‑parteċipazzjoni fil‑fond. Entità Ewropea għall‑ġestjoni possibbli li jiġu aġġustati malajr l‑iskemi ta’ finanzjament tad‑dejn fi ħdan il‑Kummissjoni, li trid tagħti kont lill‑Par- skont l‑imġiba fiskali nazzjonali, u b’hekk tistabbilixxi ‑l in- lament Ewropew, imbagħad tamministra l‑fond skont ċentivi għad‑dixxiplina fiskali. ir‑regoli stabbiliti permezz ta’ deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill. Il‑ħruġ komuni jsaħħaħ l‑istabbiltà finanzjarja billi jiżgura 3.2.5 Eurobills provvista fil‑pront ta’ likwidità fuq perjodu qasir għall‑Ista- ti Membri kollha fiż‑żona tal‑euro. Dan joħloq ukoll ġabra Effett importanti tal‑kriżi kien il‑valutazzjoni mill‑ġdid ta’ assi sikura madwar iż‑żona tal‑euro, li tiffaċilita ferm tar‑riskju ta’ kreditu sovran fiż‑żona tal‑euro. Wara aktar l‑immaniġġar tal‑likwidità tal‑istituzzjonijiet finanzjar- minn għaxar snin li matulhom l‑Istati Membri setgħu jissel- ji u b’hekk tnaqqas l‑iżbilanċjar ta’ spiss qawwi, li kien ta’ fu b’kundizzjonijiet kważi identiċi, is‑swieq reġgħu bdew ħsara kbira f ’sitwazzjonijiet ta’ kriżi. Il‑eurobills ikunu jiddistingwu il‑primjums għar‑riskju madwar il‑pajjiżi wkoll ta’ għajnuna kbira għat‑tmexxija tal‑politika monetar- kollha. It‑titoli tal‑gvern maħruġa mill‑aktar Stati Membri ja fiż‑żona tal‑euro, billi jissaħħu u jiġu armonizzati l‑mez- dgħajfin fiż‑żona tal‑euro ġew negozjati b’rendimenti ferm zi tat‑trażmissjoni. B’hekk, il‑eurobills ikunu kompatibbli ogħla, b’konsegwenzi negattivi għas‑sostenibbiltà tal‑fi- u komplementari bis‑sħiħ mal‑kunċett ta’ fond ta’ tifdija. nanzi pubbliċi għas‑sovrani kkonċernati kif ukoll għas‑solvenza tal‑istituzzjonijiet finanzjarji li jżommu dawk it‑titoli Minħabba n‑natura tagħhom bħala strumenti finanzjarji li tal‑gvern bħala assi. Is‑segmentazzjoni tar‑riskju ta’ kreditu jirrikjedu garanziji diversi u konġunti mill‑Istati Membri flimkien mal‑iżbilanċjar li jikkaratterizza l‑istituzzjonijiet parteċipanti, ikun meħtieġ tibdil fit‑Trattati biex dawn l‑is- finanzjarji wriet li hija strument b’saħħtu ta’ frammentazz- trumenti jkunu jistgħu jiġu żviluppati. Il‑eurobills mhum- joni finanzjarja fiż‑żona tal‑euro. Il‑banek li huma esposti iex sostitut għal dixxiplina fiskali u governanza ekonomika wisq għas‑sovranitajiet aktar dgħajfa jsibuha dejjem aktar mtejba. L‑implimentazzjoni ta’ dan l‑istrument ta’ dejn diffiċli li jiffinanzjaw ‑mill ġdid u l‑kundizzjonijiet ta’ kred- komuni tkun tirrikjedi koordinazzjoni mill‑qrib u sorvel- itu għas‑settur privat saru diversifikati ferm skont il‑post janza tal‑immaniġġar tad‑dejn tal‑Istati Membri sabiex jiġu ta’ min jissellef. Fl‑istess waqt, is‑segmentazzjoni tas‑suq żgurati politiki baġitarji nazzjonali sostenibbli u effiċjenti. finanzjarju xxekkel it‑trażmissjoni tal‑politika monetarja Il‑funzjoni ta’ monitoraġġ u mmaniġġar tista’ tiġi pprovduta minn teżorerija tal‑UEM fi ħdan il‑Kummissjoni. PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW

3.3 Viżjoni aktar fit‑tul għall‑UEM permezz tal‑Bonds ta’ Stabbiltà kif stabbilit fil‑Green Pa- per tal‑Kummissjoni tal-2011. Fuq medda itwal ta’ żmien, l‑Unjoni Ewropea għandha tersaq lejn unjoni bankarja sħiħa, unjoni fiskali sħiħa, un- In‑nuqqas ta’ baġit ċentrali b’funzjoni ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni joni ekonomika sħiħa, li kollha jirrikjedu, bħala r‑raba’ ele- kien ilu li ġie identifikat bħala dgħufija potenzjali taż‑żo- ment, il‑leġittimità u r‑responsabbiltà demokratika xierqa na tal‑euro meta mqabbla ma’ unjoni monetarji oħra ta’ tat‑teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet. F’dan il‑proċess se tkun meħtieġa suċċess. riforma kbira fit‑Trattat. Il‑Baġit Ċentrali li jipprevedi kapaċità fiskali 3.3.1 Unjoni bankarja sħiħa b’funzjoni ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni Fuq medda itwal ta’ żmien, huwa fundamentali li wieħed L‑arkitettura attwali tal‑UEM tiddependi fuq il‑politiki jimmira lejn unjoni bankarja sħiħa għall‑banek kollha. fiskali nazzjonali deċentralizzati f ’qafas ibbażat fuq ir‑reg- Is‑sorveljanza diretta mill‑BĊE billi jiġu applikati l‑Ġabra oli. Hu mistenni li l‑funzjoni ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni tal‑poli- Unika tar‑Regoli u l‑istandards żviluppati mill‑ABE tika fiskali f ’dan ‑l ambjent tkun diġà ġiet applikata fil‑liv- tiżgura kwalità għolja konsistenti tas‑sorveljanza madwar ell nazzjonali, fil‑limiti tar‑regoli tat‑Trattat u tal‑PST. iż‑żona tal‑euro. Flimkien mal‑għodod ta’ politika makro- Tabilħaqq, il‑perspettiva tradizzjonali tal‑arranġamenti prudenzjali fil‑livell taż‑żona tal‑euro, se jkun hemm siste- tal‑UEM tassenja lill‑politiki fiskali nazzjonali ‑l kompitu li ma effettiva biex timmonitorja u tillimita ‑r riskji mikro- jirreaġixxu għax‑xokkijiet speċifiċi għall‑pajjiżi, u lill‑poli- prudenzjali kif ukoll dawk makroprudenzjali fis‑sistema tika monetarja il‑kompitu li tiżgura l‑istabbiltà tal‑prezziji- 559 finanzjarja. et u b’hekk tistabbilizza l‑kundizzjonijiet makroekonomiċi mal‑UEM kollha. Barra minn hekk, l‑istabbilizzaturi Dik is‑sistema u sistema komuni għar‑riżoluzzjoni bankar- awtomatiċi nazzjonali għandhom potenzjal sinifikanti ja, flimkien ma’ skemi ta’ garanzija tad‑depożiti effettivi għall‑istabbilizzazzjoni fil‑pajjiżi tal‑UEM, minħabba u solidi fl‑Istati Membri kollha, se jpoġġu b’mod dejjiemi d‑daqs relattivament kbir tal‑istati soċjali. lis‑settur bankarju fuq bażi soda u jikkontribwixxu biex tinżamm il‑fiduċja ‑fl istabbiltà sostenibbli taż‑żona tal‑eu- Filwaqt li tibni fuq il‑kapaċità fiskali, ‑l għodda ta’ stab- ro. Sabiex tiġi mmassimizzata l‑fiduċja pubblika, se jkun bilizzazzjoni fil‑livell tal‑UEM biex tappoġġa l‑aġġusta‑ meħtieġ ukoll mekkaniżmu ta’ salvagwardja finanzjarja ment għax‑xokkijiet asimmetriċi, tiffaċilita ‑l integrazzjo- kredibbli u b’saħħitha. Dan fl‑aħħar mill‑aħħar jista’ jiġi ni u l‑konverġenza ekonomiċi aktar b’saħħithom u tevita ffaċilitat mill‑iżvilupp ta’ assi sikuri fiż‑żona tal‑euro. t‑twaqqif ta’ flussi ta’ trasferimenti fuq perjodu twil, tista’ ssir komponent għal UEM ġenwina. Tali mekkani¿mu Filwaqt li tgħaqqad dawn l‑elementi kollha, unjoni jrid jiġi strettament immirat biex jindirizza l‑asimmetriji bankarja sħiħa hija parti ewlenija ta’ viżjoni fit‑tul għal in- fuq perjodu qasir u l‑i¿viluppi ċikliċi sabiex jiġu evitati tegrazzjoni ekonomika u fiskali117. t‑trasferimenti permanenti tul iċ‑ċiklu. Dan irid jappoġġa r‑riformi strutturali u jkun suġġett għal kondizzjonalità 3.3.2 Unjoni fiskali u ekonomika sħiħa politika stretta sabiex jiġi evitat il‑periklu morali. Il‑ksib ta’ unjoni fiskali u ekonomika sħiħa jkun ‑l aħħar st- Strument komuni maħsub għall‑istabbilizzazzjoni mak- adju fl‑UEM. Bħala destinazzjoni finali, din tkun tinvolvi roekonomika jista’ jipprovdi sistema ta’ assigurazzjoni unjoni politika bi ppuljar adegwat ta’ sovranità b’baġit ċen- li permezz tagħha r‑riskji għax‑xokkijiet ekonomiċi jiġu trali bħala l‑kapaċità fiskali tagħha kif ukoll mezz biex jiġu raggruppati fl‑Istati Membri kollha, u b’hekk jitnaqqas imposti deċiżjonijiet baġitarji u ekonomiċi fuq il‑membri iċ‑ċaqliq fid‑dħul nazzjonali. It‑tieni, dan jista’ jgħin biex tagħha, f ’ċirkustanzi speċifiċi u definiti sewwa. ‑Il kobor ta’ jitjiebu l‑politiki fiskali nazzjonali tul iċ‑ċiklu kollu. B’mod dan il‑baġit ċentrali se jiddependi fuq il‑livell ta’ integrazz- partikolari, jista’ jħeġġeġ it‑tnaqqis fiskali matul it‑tkabbir joni mixtieq u fuq ir‑rieda li jitwettaq it‑tibdil politiku li ekonomiku, filwaqt li jipprovdi lok addizzjonali ta’ manu- jakkumpanjaha. Dan il‑livell profond ta’ integrazzjoni vra għal pożizzjoni fiskali ta’ sostenn fit‑tnaqqis fir‑ritmu kien joħloq il‑kundizzjonijiet għal ħruġ komuni ta’ dejn ekonomiku. B’mod ġenerali, strument konġunt jista’ jwassal għal kisbiet ċari fil‑poter ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni, meta mqabbel mal‑arranġamenti attwali.

117 Ara l‑Komunikazzjon tal‑Kummissjoni msejħa “Pjan Direzzjonali lejn Unjoni Bankarja”, li tfisser il‑viżjoni ġenerali Skont it‑tfassil, il‑mekkaniżmu jista’ jiffoka fuq xokkijiet tal‑Kummissjoni għall‑istabbiliment tal‑unjoni bankarja, li asimmetriċi jew jinkludi wkoll xokkijiet li huma komuni tkopri l‑ġabra unika ta’ regoli, ktieb ta’ regolamenti wieħed, fiż‑żona tal‑euro. Madankollu, it‑tieni approċċ, filwaqt il‑protezzjoni komuni tad‑depożiti u mekkaniżmu uniku ta’ li huwa aktar komprensiv, ikun jirrikjedi salvagwardji riżoluzzjoni bankarja, COM(2012)510, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

b’saħħithom biex tinżamm il‑kredibbiltà fiskali, billi ż‑żie- Il‑kunsiderazzjonijiet istituzzjonali da fil‑poter ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni kontra x‑xokkijiet sfavorevoli komuni setgħet tinkiseb biss billi jiżdied b’mod effettiv L‑emendi tat‑Trattati li jipprovdu l‑bażi legali għal tali il‑fluss tas‑self totali taż‑żona tal‑euro f ’dawn il‑perjodi, kapaċità fiskali b’funzjoni ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni jistgħu,in ‑ u għalhekk ikollu jiġi ffinanzjat minn żbilanċi pożittivi ter alia: ogħla fi żminijiet tajbin. Skont dan ‑l approċċ, il‑baġit ċen- trali x’aktarx li għandu jingħata l‑kapaċità li jsellef u joħroġ • joħolqu bażi legali espliċita ġdida li tippermetti il‑bonds. Barra minn hekk, il‑politika monetarja xorta t‑twaqqif ta’ fond li jservi l‑objettivi definiti b’mod usa’ tibqa’ l‑istrument primarju biex jindirizza x‑xokkijiet milli huwa possibbli attwalment skont l‑Artikolu 136 komuni. tat‑TFUE, inkluż għal finijiet ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni makroekonomiċi. Fl‑aktar formulazzjoni sempliċi tagħha, l‑iskema ta’ stab- • joħolqu proċedura baġitarja apposta u ta’ riżorsi bilizzazzjoni biex tistabbilizza x‑xokkijiet asimmetriċi tista’ proprji, korrispondenti; tirrikjedi l‑pagamenti netti monetarji li huma negattivi fi żminijiet tajbin u pożittivi fi żminijiet ħżiena. Pereżempju, • joħolqu poter ta’ tassazzjoni ġdid fil‑livell tal‑UE, skema sempliċi tiddetermina l‑kontribuzzjonijiet/il‑pa- jew poter biex iżid id‑dħul billi jiddejjen fis‑swieq gamenti netti tal‑pajjiżi bħala funzjoni tad‑diskrepanza (li bħalissa hu pprojbit mill‑Artikoli 310 u 311 tal‑output tagħhom (mqabbla mal‑medja). Ma jkunx tat‑TFUE); hemm aktar rekwiżiti fuq l‑użu tal‑pagameti rċevuti • jipprovdu għal Teżorerija tal‑UEM fi ħdan 560 mill‑fond. il‑Kummissjoni;

Minflok, ‑l iskemi jistgħu jirrikejdu li l‑pagamenti mill‑fond • u, fl‑aħħar nett jekk ikun mixtieq, jippermettu lil Stati ikunu mmirati għal skop definit, b’effetti kontroċikliċi Membri oħra li jagħżlu b’mod ħieles tali kapaċità (pereżempju fis‑sistema tal‑benefiċċji tal‑qgħad tal‑Ista- fiskali, bħala pass lejn it‑tħejjija tas‑sħubija tagħhom ti Uniti fejn fond federali jirrimborża 50 % tal‑benefiċċji maż‑żona tal‑euro. tal‑qgħad li jaqbżu t‑tul ta’ żmien standard sa massimu Il‑kisba ta’ UEM profonda u ġenwina tinvolvi miżuri ink- stabbilit, kondizzjonali fuq il‑qgħad li huwa f ’ċertu livell rementali, li jibnu fuq dak li kieku nkiseb fuq medda qa- u li qed jiżdied). Filwaqt li l‑immirar tat‑trasferimenti jis- sira u medja ta’ żmien u jintroduċu integrazzjoni ulterjuri ta’ jsaħħaħ il‑proprjetajiet ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni, ir‑riskju li fuq bażi ta’ pass wara pass u ta’ politika b’politika. B’dan l‑gvernijiet ipattu għall‑impatt tat‑trasferimenti permezz il‑mod, il‑koordinazzjoni politika ekonomika u baġitarja ta’ miżuri fiskali b’effetti opposti ma jistax jiġi evitat għal aktar profonda akkumpanjata mill‑istrumenti ta’ sostenn kollox. finanzjarju għall‑implimentazzjoni ta’ prijoritajiet politiċi miftiehma b’mod konġunt tista’ eventwalment tiġi segwita L‑iskemi għandhom joperaw b’tali mod li jiġu evitati mill‑emerġenza ta’ baġit ċentrali b’mekkaniżmi ta’ stabbi- t-”trasferimenti permanenti” madwar il‑pajjiżi. Fi kliem lizzazzjoni komuni, mill‑integrazzjoni tal‑MES fil‑qafas ieħor, għandhom jitfasslu b’mod li jiġi evitat li, fuq perjodu tat‑Trattat tal‑UE u mill‑passi lejn il‑mutwalizzazzjoni ta’ żmien twil wisq, xi pajjiż ikun suġġett għal telf jew ksib tal‑ħruġ tad‑dejn sovran bejn l‑Istati Membri. ċar mill‑iskema. Kundizzjoni meħtieġa hija li d‑differenzi bejn pajjiż u ieħor fit‑trasferimenti netti lejn l‑iskema ma Il‑progress lejn UEM profonda u ġenwina jkun jirrikjedi, jiddependux fuq differenzi assoluti fid‑dħul iżda minflok fuq medda medja ta’ żmien, struttura relatata ma’ Teżor fuq id‑differenzi fil‑pożizzjonijiet ċikliċi. Id‑differenzi tal‑UEM fil‑Kummissjoni biex torganizza l‑politiki ko- fil‑livell tad‑dħul jistgħu jippersistu għal għexieren ta’ snin, muni mwettqa bil‑kapaċità fiskali komuni sal‑punt li dawn filwaqt li ‑l pożizzjonijiet ċikliċi relattivi x’aktarx li jbiddlu jimplikaw riżorsi komuni u/jew self komuni. Tali Teżor s‑sinjal matul għaxar snin. Hemm kompromess bejn il‑lim- ikun jinkorpora l‑awtorità baġitarja ġdida u jimmaniġġa itu sa fejn it‑trasferimenti huma obbligati li jkunu tempo- r‑riżorsi konġunti. Dan ikun irid jitmexxa minn membru ranji u l‑livell sa fejn ix‑xokkijiet tad‑domanda asimmetriċi superjuri tal‑Kummissjoni bħall‑Viċi President responsab- li jtulu (eż. it‑tnaqqis fl‑ingranaġġ tal‑ħruġ kapitali) jistgħu 118 bli għall‑Affarijiet Ekonomiċi u Monetarji u għall‑euro, jiġu indirizzati . b’koordinazzjoni xierqa mal‑Kummissarju tal‑Baġit, u ap- poġġat minn strutturi kolleġjali. 118 Ċerti analiżi eżistenti jivvalutaw b’mod ekonometriku l‑kontribuzzjoni tal‑iskemi ta’ trasferiment eżistenti disponibbli Filwaqt li ma tkunx eskluża l‑integrazzjoni tal‑MES fil‑qa- fl‑istati federali fuq l‑assorbiment tax‑xokkijiet asimmetriċi. fas tal‑UE skont it‑Trattati attwali, permezz ta’ deċiżjoni Pereżempju, l‑estimi dwar il‑kapaċità ta’ stabbilizzazzjoni tat‑trasferimenti madwar l‑Istati tal‑Istati Uniti jvarjaw minn skont l‑Artikolu 352 tat‑TFUE u emenda tad‑deċiżjoni 10 % sa 30 % tat‑tpattija tax‑xokkijiet mit‑trasferiment dwar ir‑riżorsi proprji tal‑UE, jidher li, minħabba l‑impor- għall‑Istati Uniti. tanza politika u finanzjarja ta’ dan il‑pass u l‑adattamenti PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW legali meħtieġa, dak l‑approċċ ma jkunx neċessarjament bejn il‑Parlament Ewropew u l‑parlamenti nazzjonali hija inqas ikkumplikat mit‑twettiq ta’ integrazzjoni tal‑MES siewja wkoll: din tibni fuq fehim reċiproku u sjieda ko- permezz ta’ tibdil fit‑Trattati tal‑UE. Dan tal‑aħħar jipper- muni għall‑UEM bħala sistema ta’ governanza b’diversi metti wkoll l‑istabbiliment ta’ proċeduri ta’ teħid ta’ deċiż- livelli; il‑passi konkreti biex tittejjeb aktar, skont il‑Pro- jonijiet imfassla apposta. tokoll Nru 1 tat‑Trattati tal‑UE u l‑Artikolu 13 tat‑TSKG, huma għalhekk apprezzati. Madankollu, il‑kooperazzjo- Il‑passi kollha differenti msemmija hawn fuq jimplikaw ni interparlamentari bħala tali ma tiżgurax il‑leġittimità livell ogħla ta’ trasferiment tas‑sovranità, u għalhekk jir- demokratika għad‑deċiżjonijiet tal‑UE. Din tirrikjedi as- rikjedu responsabbiltà fil‑livell Ewropew Flimkien ma’ semblea parlamentari komposta b’mod rappreżentattiv li dan il‑proċess għandhom jittieħdu passi lejn integrazzjoni fiha jistgħu jittieħdu ‑l voti. Il‑Parlament Ewropew, u huwa politika, sabiex jiġi żgurat it‑tisħiħ tal‑leġittimità, tar‑re- biss, jikkostitwixxi dik l‑assemblea għall‑UE u għalhekk sponsabbiltà u tal‑iskrutinju demokratiċi. għall‑euro.

Il‑prinċipju li jiġi żgurat il‑livell ta’ leġittimità proporzjonat 4. Unjoni Politika: Il‑leġittimità mat‑trasferimenti ta’ sovranità u solidarjetà f ’Unjoni poli- u r‑responsabbiltà tika jwassal għal żewġ kunsiderazzjonijiet ġenerali. demokratika kif ukoll L‑ewwel nett, il‑kwistjoni tar‑responsabbiltà titfaċċa b’modi fundamentalment differenti fir‑rigward tal‑azz- il‑governanza msaħħa f’UEM joni fuq perjodu qasir, li tista’ titwettaq permezz tal‑liġi 561 profonda u ġenwina sekondarja tal‑UE, u l‑istadji ulterjuri li jinvolvu t‑tibdil tat‑Trattat. It‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona pperfezzjona l‑mudell 4.1. Prinċipji ġenerali uniku tal‑UE ta’ demokrazija sovranazzjonali, u bi prinċip- ju stabbilixxa livell xieraq ta’ responsabbiltà demokratika Kwalunkwe ħidma fuq il‑leġittimità demokratika bħala fir‑rigward tal‑kompetenzi tal‑lum tal‑UE. Għaldaqstant, pedament ta’ UEM ġenwina trid tkun imsejsa fuq żewġ sakemm l‑UEM tista’ tiġi żviluppata aktar fuq il‑bażi ta’ prinċipji bażiċi. L‑ewwel nett, fis‑sistemi ta’ governan- dan it‑Trattat, ma jkunx korrett li jingħad li jeżistu prob- za b’diversi livelli, ir‑responsabbiltà għandha tiġi żgurata lemi ta’ responsabbiltà insormontabbli. Għall‑kuntrarju, f ’dak il‑livell fejn tittieħed id‑deċiżjoni eżekuttiva rispet- id‑diskussjonijiet dwar l‑emendi fit‑Trattat fuq medda tiva, filwaqt li jitqies b’mod debitu ‑l livell fejn id‑deċiżjoni medja u twila ta’ żmien kif imbassra fit‑taqsimiet 3.2 u 3.3 għandha impatt. It‑tieni, fl‑iżvilupp tal‑UEM bħal fl‑inte- se jkollhom jinkludu riflessjonijiet dwar ‑l adattamenti grazzjoni Ewropea b’mod ġenerali, il‑livell ta’ leġittimità għall‑mudell ta’ leġittimità demokratika tal‑UE. demokratika dejjem irid ikun proporzjonat mal‑livell ta’ trasferiment ta’ sovranità mill‑Istati Membri għal‑livell It‑tieni, jistgħu madankollu jitfaċċaw kwisjonijiet serji ta’ Ewropew. Dan huwa minnu għal poteri ġodda fuq is‑sor- responsabbiltà u governanza jekk l‑azzjoni intergovernat- veljanza baġitarja u l‑politika ekonomika daqskemm huwa tiva taż‑żona tal‑euro kellha tiġi estiża lil hinn mill‑qagħ- għar‑regoli ġodda tal‑UE dwar is‑solidarjetà bejn l‑Istati da attwali. Dan ikun b’mod partikolari l‑każ jekk tintuża Membri. Fil‑qosor: Aktar mutwalizzazzjoni finanzjarja tir- azzjoni bħal din biex tinfluwenza ‑t twettiq tal‑politiki rikjedi integrazzjoni politika proporzjonata. Din it‑taqsi- ekonomiċi tal‑Istati Membri. Dan l‑approċċ l‑ewwel iqajj- ma tistabbilixxi approċċi preliminari u mhux eżawrjenti em problemi ta’ kompatibbiltà mal‑liġi primarja tal‑UE għal ħidma ulterjuri. f ’dan il‑qasam. Kif ikkonfermat mill‑Qorti tal‑Ġustizzja, it‑Trattat jattribwixxi lill‑Unjoni l‑kompitu ta’ koordi- Mill‑ewwel prinċipju jirriżulta li huwa l‑Parlament Ew- nazzjoni tal‑politiki ekonomiċi tal‑Istati Membri; il‑MES ropew li jeħtieġ primarjament li jiżgura r‑responsab- huwa konformi mat‑Trattati preċiżament minħabba li biltà demokratika għal kwalunkwe deċiżjoni meħuda l‑għan tiegħu mhuwiex li jikseb tali koordinazzjoni iżda fil‑livell tal‑UE, b’mod partikolari mill‑Kummissjoni. li jipprovdi mekkaniżmu ta’ finanzjament u għaliex jin- Għaldaqstant, flimkien mar‑rwol imsaħħaħ aktar tal‑is- kludi espressament dispożizzjonijiet li permezz tagħhom tituzzjonijiet tal‑UE jrid ikun hemm l‑involviment pro- il‑kondizzjonalità prevista mit‑Trattat tal‑MES – li mhu- porzjonat tal‑Parlament Ewropew fil‑proċeduri tal‑UE. wiex strument ta’ koordinazzjoni politika ekonomika – Fl‑istess waqt, ikun xi jkun id‑disinn aħħari tal‑UEM, tiżgura li l‑attivitajiet tal‑MES huma kompatibbli mal‑liġi ir‑rwol tal‑parlamenti nazzjonali se jibqa’ dejjem kruċjali, tal‑UE u mal‑miżuri ta’ koordinazzjoni tal‑UE. Barra minn biex tiġi żgurata l‑leġittimità tal‑azzjoni tal‑Istati Membri hekk, l‑azzjoni intergovernattiva setgħet tafda biss kompiti fil‑Kunsill Ewropew u fil‑Kunsill iżda speċjalment tat‑twet- limitati lill‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑Unjoni, bħall‑Kummissjoni tiq tal‑politiki ekonomiċi u baġitarji nazzjonali anki jekk u l‑BĊE, li jistgħu jkunu kompiti ta’ koordinazzjoni ta’ ikkoordinati aktar mill‑qrib mill‑UE. Il‑kooperazzjoni azzjoni kollettiva jew immaniġġar ta’ għajnuna finanzjarja, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

li jridu jiġu eżerċitati f ’isem l‑Istati Membri u li ma għand- sorveljanza ekonomika tal‑Kummissjoni, bħalma huma homx ibiddlu kompletament il‑funzjonijiet attribwiti lil r‑RSP, għandha tiġi rinforzata fil‑prattika. dawk l‑istituzzjonijiet skont it‑Trattati. 119Fi kwalunkwe każ, wieħed ma jistax jara kif ir‑responsabbiltà parlamenta- F’UEM approfondita, il‑Parlament għandu jkun ukoll ri tista’ tiġi organizzata għal livell Ewropew intergovernat- involut aktar direttament fl‑għażla tal‑prijoritajiet pluri- tiv li jrid jinfluwenza ‑l politiki ekonomiċi tal‑Istati Membri ennali tal‑Unjoni, kif espress mill‑Linji Gwida Integrati individwali taż‑żona tal‑euro. tal‑Kunsill (il‑Linji Gwida Ġenerali għall‑Politika Ekono- mika u l‑Linji Gwida dwar l‑Impjiegi). Sa fejn ikun hemm ħtieġa għal strutturi ta’ governanza msaħħa f ’UEM approfondita, dawn għandhom għalhekk Il‑Parlament Ewropew għandu jiġi regolarment informat jitfasslu, b’effiċjenza u leġittimità, bħala parti mill‑qa- dwar it‑tħejjija u l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑programmi ta’ fas istituzzjonali tal‑Unjoni u b’konformità mal‑metodu aġġustament li jikkonċernaw l‑Istati Membri li jirċievu tal‑Komunità. għajnuna finanzjarja, kif previst fit-”two‑pack”. Għandu jiġi enfasizzat li din il‑kondizzjonalità tal‑politika ekono- 4.2 L‑ottimizzazzjoni tar‑responsabbiltà mika fil‑konfront tal‑Istati Membri kkonċernati hija ink- u l‑governanza fuq perjodu qasir wadrata mill‑koordinazzjoni tal‑politika ekonomika segwita fil‑qafas tal‑UE. Jekk wieħed iżomm f ’moħħu l‑prinċipji msemmija hawn Barra minn hekk, il‑Parlament Ewropew għandu l‑possib- 562 fuq, id‑diskussjoni dwar kif jiġu żgurati r‑responsabbiltà u l‑governanza demokratiċi ottimali mingħajr tibdil biltà li jadatta l‑organizzazzjoni interna tiegħu għal UEM fit‑Trattat għandha tiffoka fuq miżuri prattiċi, b’mod par- aktar b’saħħitha. Pereżempju, jista’ jwaqqaf kumitat speċ- tikolari dawk imfassla biex irawmu d‑dibattitu parlamenta- jali dwar kwistjonijiet tal‑euro, li jkun responsabbli għal ri fis‑Semestru Ewropew. kull skrutinju u teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet li jappartjenu speċ- jalment għaż‑żona tal‑euro. Il‑punt tat‑tluq f ’dan ir‑rigward għandu jkun id‑Djalogu Ekonomiku li dan l‑aħħar ġie stabbilit mis-”six‑pack” u li B’mod simili, jistgħu xorta waħda jittieħdu miżuri prattiċi jipprevedi diskussjonijiet bejn il‑Parlament Ewropew, fuq ulterjuri mingħajr tibdil fit‑Trattat sabiex itejbu l‑funzjon- naħa, u l‑Kunsill, il‑Kummissjoni, il‑Kunsill Ewropew ament tal‑Grupp tal‑Euro u l‑istanza preparatorja tiegħu, u l‑Grupp tal‑euro fuq in‑naħa l‑oħra. Għaldaqstant, b’konformità mad‑dikjarazzjoni tas‑summit taż‑żona wieħed jista’ jipprevedi l‑involviment tal‑Parlament tal‑euro tas-26 ta’ Ottubru 2011. fid‑diskussjonijiet dwar l‑Istħarriġ Annwali tal‑Kummis- sjoni dwar it‑Tkabbir u li, b’mod partikolari, iż‑żewġ di- Fl‑aħħar nett, u dan mingħajr ma jkun punt speċifiku battiti fil‑Parlament isiru f ’mumenti kruċjali tas‑Semestru għall‑UEM, jistgħu jittieħdu għadd ta’ passi ta’ importan- Ewropew, jiġifieri qabel ma ‑l Kunsill Ewropew jiddiskuti za sinifikanti sabiex irawmu ‑l ħolqien ta’ sfera politika Ew- l‑Istħarriġ Annwali tal‑Kummissjoni dwar it‑Tkabbir u qa- ropea ġenwina. Dan jinkludi, fil‑kuntest tal‑elezzjonijiet bel ma l‑Kunsill jadotta r‑rakkomandazzjonijiet speċifiċi Ewropej tal-2014, l‑aktar importanti, il‑ħatra ta’ kandidati għall‑pajjiżi (RSP). Dan jista’ jinkiseb permezz ta’ ftehim għall‑kariga ta’ President tal‑Kummissjoni mill‑partijiet interistituzzjonali bejn il‑Parlament Ewropew, il‑Kun- politiċi, kif ukoll għadd ta’ passi pragmatiċi li huma possib- sill u l‑Kummissjoni. Il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Kunsill jistgħu bli skont il‑liġi elettorali attwali tal‑UE. Barra minn hekk, wkoll ikunu preżenti waqt il‑laqgħat interparlamentari li il‑proposta ppreżentata riċentement mill‑Kummissjoni jridu jsiru bejn ir‑rappreżentanti tal‑Parlament Ewropew għal statut rivedut għall‑partijiet politiċi Ewropej, għand- u tal‑parlamenti nazzjonali matul is‑Semestru Ewropew. ha tiġi adottata malajr. Barra minn hekk, sabiex jiffaċilitaw il‑kompitu tal‑parlamenti nazzjonali, il‑membri tal‑Kummissjoni jistgħu 4.3 Il‑kwistjonijiet għad‑diskussjoni jattendu d‑dibattiti li jsiru f ’dawn il‑parlamenti, fuq talba fil‑każ ta’ emenda tat‑Trattat tagħhom, fuq ir‑RSP tal‑UE. Fil‑kuntest ta’ riforma tat‑Trattat li jikkonferixxi aktar po- L‑applikazzjoni tal‑prinċipju ta’ konformità jew spjegazz- teri sovranazzjonali fil‑livell tal‑UE, għandhom jitqiesu joni, li skontu l‑Kunsill huwa responsabbli pubblikament l‑passi li ġejjin biex tiġi żgurata responsabbiltà demokrati- (fil‑prattika prinċipalment fil‑konfront tal‑Parlament ka proporzjonatament aktar b’saħħitha. Ewropew) għal kull tibdil li jintroduċi fil‑proposti ta’ L‑ewwel nett, għal raġunijiet ta’ viżibbiltà, trasparenza u leġittimità, il‑Linji Gwida Ġenerali għall‑Politika 119 Ara s‑sentenza fil‑Kawża -C 370/12, Pringle, fil‑punti 109 – Ekonomika u l‑Linji Gwida dwar l‑Impjiegi attwali (li 111 u 158 - 162 PJAN TA’ AZZJONI GĦAL UNJONI EKONOMIKA U MONETARJA PROFONDA U ĠENWINA: IT‑TNEDIJA TA’ DIBATTITU EWROPEW bħalissa huma ppreżentati flimkien bħala “linji gwida inte- sabiex jippermettu d‑direzzjoni politika u t‑tisħiħ tar‑re- grati” iżda jissejsu fuq żewġ bażijiet legali distinti) għand- sponsabbiltà demokratika ta’ struttura relatata mat‑Teżor hom jingħaqdu fi strument uniku wieħed li jesprimi ‑l pri- tal‑UEM fil‑Kummissjoni. F’dan il‑kuntest, tista’ tinħoloq joritajiet pluriennali tal‑Unjoni, u b’mod kruċjali, dan relazzjoni speċjali ta’ fiduċja u skrutinju bejn il‑Viċi Pres- l‑istrument għandu jiġi adottat permezz tal‑proċedura ident għall‑Affarijiet Ekonomiċi u Monetarji u “kumitat leġiżlattiva ordinarja li tipprevedi l‑kodeċiżjoni mill‑Parla- tal‑euro” tal‑Parlament Ewropew. Madankollu, il‑format ment Ewropew u mill‑Kunsill. tagħhom għandu jitqies bir‑reqqa. Il‑prinċipju tal‑kulleġ- jalità japplika għal deċiżjonijiet madwar l‑oqsma politiċi It‑tieni, sabiex ikun leġitimizzat kif xieraq, il‑poter ġdid kollha li għalihom il‑Kummissjoni għandha kompetenza, li jirrikjedi reviżjoni tal‑baġit nazzjonali b’konformità mill‑kompetizzjoni għall‑politika ta’ koeżjoni. Dan jirra- mal‑impenji Ewropej, jekk meqjus meħtieġ, għandu jitqies ppreżenta sistema ta’ bilanċi u kontrolli interni kollettivi bħala att leġiżlattiv mill‑kodeċiżjoni. Din is‑soluzzjoni, li li tikkontribwixxi għat‑titjib tal‑leġittimità tal‑azzjoni tiżgura l‑leġittimità demokratika massima, hija ġustifikata tal‑Kummissjoni. billi l‑baġits annwali tal‑Istati Membri jiġu adottati wkoll mill‑parlamenti tagħhom, normalment b’karattru leġiżlat- Xi drabi, issir ukoll talba biex ikompli jissaħħaħ il‑Grupp tiv. Sabiex jiġi żgurat it‑teħid rapidu tad‑deċiżjonijiet, tal‑Euro billi jsir responsabbli għad‑deċiżjonijiet li jik- l‑emenda tat‑Trattat għandha toħloq proċedura leġiżlatti- konċernaw iż‑żona tal‑euro u l‑Istati Membri tagħha. va speċjali ġdida li tikkonsisti f ’qari wieħed biss. Dan jirrikjedi tibdil fit‑Trattat, billi n‑natura purament informali tal‑Grupp tal‑Euro kif stabbilit fil‑Protokoll Permezz tal‑integrazzjoni tal‑MES fil‑qafas tal‑UE, kif Nru 14 timplika sempliċiment forum għad‑diskussjoniji- 563 mitlub f ’dan il‑pjan ta’ azzjoni, din tista’ tkun suġġetta għal et mingħajr poteri ta’ teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet. Madankollu, skrutinju xieraq mill‑Parlament Ewropew. it‑Trattati attwali, fl‑Artikoli 136 u 138 tat‑TFUE, diġà ħolqu l‑mudell tal‑Kunsill li jadotta deċiżjonijiet fejn Jistgħu jitqiesu wkoll l‑adattamenti istituzzjonali: jivvutaw biss il‑membri tiegħu taż‑żona tal‑euro. F’dan il‑pjan ta’ azzjoni, il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi l‑ħolqien “Kumitat tal‑euro” stabbilit fil‑Parlament Ewropew jista’ ta’ aktar bażijiet legali tat‑Trattat li jsegwu dan il‑mudell. wkoll jingħata ċerti poteri speċjali ta’ teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet Id‑differenza prattika ewlenija bejnu, u Grupp tal‑euro lil hinn minn dawk assenjati lil kumitati oħra, eż. impor- mogħni b’poteri ta’ teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet, tkun li, fit‑tieni tanza akbar fl‑istadji parlamentari preparatorji jew anki każ, id‑delegati mill‑Istati Membri li mhumiex fiż‑żona l‑possibbiltà li jwettaq ċerti funzjonijiet jew jieħu ċerti atti tal‑euro jiġu esklużi mhux biss mill‑votazzjoni iżda wkoll minflok is‑sessjoni plenarja. mid‑deliberazzjonijiet u mill‑ħidma preparatorja mwettqa f ’okkażjonijiet wara l‑laqgħat tal‑ministri. Madankollu, dan ma jkunx mixtieq fil‑fehma tal‑Kummissjoni, għaliex Fil‑Kummissjoni, kull pass maħsub biex isaħħaħ, anki 120 fir‑realtà jwassal għall‑iżvilupp ta’ “Kunsill taż‑żona tal‑eu- aktar mil‑lum , il‑pożizzjoni tal‑Viċi President għall‑Af- ro” bħala istituzzjoni separata mingħajr ma titqies b’mod farijiet Ekonomiċi u Monetarji u għall‑euro, jirrikjedi xieraq il‑konverġenza bejn il‑membri eżistenti u dawk fu- adattamenti għall‑prinċipju ta’ kulleġġjalità u, għalhekk, turi taż‑żona tal‑euro. tibdil fit‑trattat. Dawn jistgħu jiġu kkontemplati fit‑tul Barra minn hekk, punt speċifiku li jrid jiġi indirizzat 120 Ta’ min ifakkar li, f’Ottubru u f’Novembru 2011, il‑pożizzjoni tal‑Kummissarju għall‑Affarijiet Ekonomiċi u Monetarji diġà mit‑tibdil fit‑Trattat ikun li tissaħħaħ ir‑responsabbiltà kienet imsaħħa b’mod sinifikanti permezz ta’ diversi atti demokratika fuq il‑BĊE sa fejn dan jaġixxi bħala kon- adottati fil‑limiti stabbiliti mir‑regoli tat‑Trattat attwali, trollur bankarju, b’mod partikolari billi jippermetti l‑kon- sabiex jiggarantixxu l‑indipendenza, l‑oġġettività u l‑effiċjenza troll baġitarju normali mill‑Parlament Ewropew fuq dik fl‑eżerċizzju tar‑responsabbiltajiet tal‑Kummissjoni ta’ koordinazzjoni, sorveljanza u infurzar fil‑qasam tal‑governanza l‑attività. Fl‑istess waqt, l‑Artikolu 127, il‑paragrafu 6 ekonomika tal‑Unjoni u taż‑żona tal‑euro. B’mod partikolari, tat‑TFUE jista’ jiġi emendat biex jagħmel il‑proċedura wara emenda tar‑Regoli ta’ proċedura tal‑Kummissjoni, leġiżlattiva ordinarja applikabbli u biex jelimina xi wħud id‑deċiżjonijiet tal‑Kummissjoni f’dan il‑qasam huma adottati mir‑restrizzjonijiet legali li bħalissa jitpoġġew fuq id‑dis- fuq proposta mill‑Viċi President responsabbli għall‑Affarijiet Ekonomiċi u Monetarji u għall‑euro permezz ta’ proċedura inn tal‑MSU (eż. titħaddan inklużjoni fakultattiva diret- speċjali bil‑miktub li tippermetti teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet aktar ta u irrevokabbli mill‑Istati Membri li mhumiex fiż‑żona oġġettiv u effettiv. Il‑Viċi President għandu wkoll is‑setgħa tal‑euro għall‑MSU, lil hinn mill‑mudell ta’ “kooperazzjo- li jadotta, bi ftehim mal‑President, deċiżjonijiet f’isem ni mill‑qrib”, jagħti lill‑Istati Membri li mhumiex fiż‑żona il‑Kummissjoni f’diversi oqsma marbuta mas-”six‑pack” u b’rabta mal‑programmi ta’ aġġustament ekonomiku tal‑euro li jipparteċipaw fil‑MSU drittijiet kompletament fil‑qafas tal‑EFSM, l‑EFSF u l‑MES. Fl‑aħħar nett, l‑inizjattivi ugwali fit‑teħid ta’ deċiżjonijiet tal‑BĊE, u jmur saħan- kollha tal‑Kummissjoni li għandhom impatt potenzjali fuq sitra lil hinn fis‑separazzjoni interna tat‑teħid ta’ deċiż- it‑tkabbir, il‑kompetittività jew l‑istabbiltà ekonomika jirrikjedu jonijiet dwar il‑politika monetarja u dwar is‑sorveljanza). konsultazzjoni minn qabel mas‑servizzi tal‑Viċi President. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Jista’ jitqies ukoll tibdil fit‑Trattat li joħloq status speċjali ta’ koleġiżlazzjoni dwar tali tassazzjoni awtonoma u jip- għall‑Aġenziji fil‑qasam tar‑regolamentazzjoni finanzjar- provdi l‑iskrutinju demokratiku meħtieġ għad‑deċiżjoni- ja, isaħħaħ il‑karattru sovranazzjonali ta’ dawn l‑Aġenziji, jiet kollha meħuda mill‑eżekuttiv tal‑UE. L‑Istati Membri u r‑responsabbiltà demokratika tagħhom. Dan mhux biss ma jkunux obbligati in solidum għad‑dejn sovran ta’ xulxin isaħħaħ b’mod ferm sinfikanti ‑l effettività tal‑ASE, iżda jif- iżda sempliċiment għal dak tal‑UE. faċilita konsiderevolment it‑twaqqif u t‑tħaddim tal‑Mek- kaniżmu Uniku ta’ Riżoluzzjoni li jrid jinħoloq. Jekk it‑Trattat jitbiddel sabiex jippermetti, bħala pass intermedju, il‑ħruġ ta’ eurobills fuq perjodu qasir, flimk- Mod ulterjuri biex tissaħħaħ il‑leġittimità tal‑UE jkun ien ma’ poteri rinforzati ta’ governanza ekonomika, irid ukoll l‑estensjoni tal‑kompetenzi tal‑Qorti tal‑Ġustizz- jinħoloq mudell ta’ responsabbiltà bbażat kemm fuq il‑liv- ja, jiġifieri billi jitħassar ‑l Artikolu 126, il‑paragrafu 10 elli nazzjonali kif ukoll tal‑UE. Il‑Parlament Ewropew tat‑TFUE u b’hekk jiġu ammessi l‑proċedimenti ta’ ksur ikun jipprovdi r‑responsabbiltà meħtieġa għad‑deċiżjoni- għall‑Istati Membri jew billi jinħolqu proċedimenti, kom- jiet ta’ mmaniġġar tal‑eurobills li jridu jittieħdu mit‑Teżor petenzi u proċeduri speċjali ġodda, għalkemm wieħed ma tal‑UEM fil‑Kummissjoni. Madankollu, għandu jkun għandux jinsa li xi wħud mill‑kwistjonijiet ma jwasslux hemm ukoll deċiżjonijiet tal‑Kunsill, adottati b’mod għal stħarriġ ġudizzjarju sħiħ. unanimu, tal‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro bil‑kunsens tal‑Parlament Ewropew, dwar l‑ewwel stabbiliment u t‑tiġ- Jekk riforma tat‑Trattat testendi lil hinn mill‑kwistjonijiet did perjodiku sussegwenti tal‑iskema tal‑eurobills. L‑Ista- tal‑UEM, din għandha tinkludi l‑objettiv li tiġġeneralizza ti Membri jistgħu jipprovdu, fis‑sistemi kostituzzjonali 564 l‑proċedura leġiżlattiva ordinarja, jiġifieri tagħmel applik- nazzjonali tagħhom, il‑livell ta’ responsabbiltà permezz abbli il‑kodeċiżjoni mill‑Parlament Ewropew u mill‑Kun- tal‑parlamenti nazzjonali tagħhom li jqisu meħtieġ biex sill, il‑votazzjoni b’maġġoranza kwalifikata, minflok‑ l ok- jagħtu l‑kunsens għal dawn id‑deċiżjonijiet ta’ stabbili- każjonijiet li fadal bħalissa fejn japplikaw il‑proċeduri ment u tiġdid. leġiżlattivi speċjali. Il‑proposta għal fond ta’ tifdija tad‑dejn tqajjem kwist- Fl‑aħħar nett, l‑isfidi speċjali biex tiġi żgurata ‑r responsab- jonijiet ta’ responsabbiltà ta’ natura distinta. It‑tfassil ta’ biltà demokratika xierqa jitfaċċaw f ’każ li t‑Trattat jitbid- mudell li jiżgura r‑responsabbiltà xierqa għal fond ta’ tif- del biex jippermetti l‑mutwalizzazzjoni tal‑ħruġ tad‑dejn dija tad‑dejn ikun jippresupponi li l‑bażi legali tiegħu jista’ sovran mirfud minn garanzija in solidum tal‑Istati Membri jiġi inkwadrat bi preċiżjoni legali kbira, fir‑rigward tad‑de- kollha taż‑żona tal‑euro. Il‑problema bażika tar‑responsab- jn massimu trasferibbli, iż‑żmien massimu tal‑operazzjoni biltà hija li tali garanzija in solidum, jekk mitluba mill‑kred- u l‑fatturi l‑oħra kollha, sabiex tiġi garantita ċ‑ċertezza ituri, tista’ tirriżulta f ’piż finanzjarju konsiderevoli għall‑fi- legali meħtieġa skont il‑liġijiet kostituzzjonali nazzjona- nanzi ta’ Stat Membru wieħed individwali, li għalihom li. Jekk dan jista’ jiġi żgurat, allura wieħed jista’ jimmaġi- huwa responsabbli l‑parlament ta’ dak l‑Istat Membru, na bażi legali ġdida għat‑Trattat li tippermetti l‑ħolqien għalkemm il‑piż huwa r‑riżultat tad‑deċiżjonijiet ta’ poli- tal‑fond permezz ta’ deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill, adottata b’una- tika li ttieħdu matul iż‑żmien minn Stat Membru wieħed nimità tal‑Istati Membri taż‑żona tal‑euro bil‑kunsens jew bosta Stati Membri oħra taħt ir‑responsabbiltà tal‑par- tal‑Parlament Ewropew, u suġġetta għal ratifika mill‑Istati lamenti tagħhom. Sakemm il‑livell tal‑UE ma jingħatax Membri skont ir‑rekwiżiti kostituzzjonali tagħhom. Dik poteri mifruxa ħafna biex jiddetermina l‑politika ekono- id‑deċiżjoni tkun tistabbilixxi l‑volum massimu, it‑tul mika fiż‑żona tal‑euro u l‑Parlament Ewropew mhuwiex ta’ żmien u l‑kundizzjonijiet preċiżi tal‑parteċipazzjoni responsabbli għad‑deċiżjonijiet dwar ir‑riżorsi ta’ baġit fil‑fond. Il‑Kummissjoni, responsabbli għall‑Parlament ċentrali sostanzjali, din il‑problema fundamentali tar‑re- Ewropew, imbagħad timmaniġġa l‑fond skont ir‑regoli sponsabbiltà ma tistax tingħeleb sempliċiment billi l‑im- preċiżi stabbiliti mid‑deċiżjoni tal‑Kunsill. maniġġar tad‑dejn sovran mutwalizzat jiġi fdat lil eżeku- ttiv tal‑UE anki jekk huwa responsabbli għall‑Parlament Ewropew.

B’kuntrast, din il‑problem ma titfaċċax aktar f ’unjoni fiskali u ekonomika sħiħa li hi stess tkun tiddisponi minn baġit ċentrali sostanzjali, li r‑riżorsi għalih joriġinaw, parzjalment, minn poter awtonomu u mmirat ta’ tassazzjoni u mill‑possibbiltà li jinħareġ id‑dejn sovran tal‑UE nnfisha, flimkien ma ppuljar fuq skala kbira tas‑sovran- ità fuq it‑twettiq tal‑politika ekonomika fil‑livell tal‑UE. Il‑Parlament Ewropew imbagħad ikollu poteri rinforzati Ħajja diċenti għal kulħadd: Neqirdu l‑faqar u nagħtu lid‑dinja futur sostenibbli

KOMUNIKAZZJONI TAL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL, LILL‑KUMITAT EKONOMIKU U SOĊJALI EWROPEW U LILL‑KUMITAT TAR‑REĠJUNI BRUSSELL, 27.2.2013 COM(2013) 92

1. Introduzzjoni il‑progress permezz tal‑Grupp ta’ Ħidma Miftuħ li kien stabbilit f ’Rio. Dawn l‑inputs kollha għandhom jipprovdu 565 kontribut għall‑iżvilupp ta’ qafas ġenerali wara l-2015. Tnejn mill‑aktar sfidi urġenti li qed tiffaċċja‑ d dinja huma l‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar u l‑iżgurar li l‑prosperità u l‑benesseri huma sostenibbli. Madwar 1.3 biljun persuna għad- Din il‑Komunikazzjoni tipproponi approċċ komuni hom jgħixu f ’faqar estrem fir‑rigward ta’ dħul, u l‑ħtiġijiet tal‑UE lejn dawn il‑kwistjonijiet. Biex isir dan, din l‑ewwel tal‑iżvilupp uman ta’ ħafna aktar għadhom ma ntlaħqux. tidentifika ‑l isfidi u l‑opportunitajiet ewlenin globali. Im- Żewġ terzi tas‑servizzi pprovduti min‑natura – inklużi bagħad iddur għall‑valutazzjoni tas‑suċċess tal‑aġenda glo- l‑art għammiela, l‑arja u l‑ilma nadif – qed jonqsu u t‑tib- bali tal‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar u l‑esperjenza tal‑MDGs, dil fil‑klima u t‑telf tal‑bijodiversità huma qrib il‑limiti li kif ukoll tiddeskrivi fil‑qosor xi passi ewlenin lejn żvilupp jekk jinqabżu hemm effetti irriversibbli fuq is‑soċjetà uma- sostenibbli kif miftiehem f ’Rio+20, u tiddeskrivi azzjoni- na u l‑ambjent naturali. jiet ewlenin. Imbagħad tiddeskrivi l‑isfidi u l‑elementi għal futur qafas li jistgħu jinsiltu mill‑esperjenza tal‑MDGs u x‑xogħol li joħroġ minn Rio+20, b’mod partikolari Dawn l‑isfidi huma universali u marbutin ma’ xulxin l‑elaborazzjoni tal‑Għanijiet ta’ Żvilupp Sostenibbli u jeħtieġu li jiġu indirizzati flimkien mill‑pajjiżi kollha. (SDGs), u tindika kif dawn jistgħu jinġiebu flimkien fi Mhuwiex biżżejjed biex jiġu indirizzati l‑isfidi separata- ħdan il‑proċessi rilevanti tan‑NU. ment – hemm bżonn ta’ qafas ta’ politika unifikata. Tali qafas ta’ politika ġenerali huwa meħtieġ biex jindika triq li twassal mill‑faqar lejn il‑prosperità u l‑benesseri, għall‑per- Fuq il‑bażi ta’ dawn il‑kunsiderazzjonijiet, din tipproponi suni kollha u l‑pajjiżi kollha, bil‑progress li jibqa’ fi ħdan prinċipji għal qafas ġenerali għal wara l-2015 li se jip- l‑limiti tal‑pjaneta. Għandu wkoll jkun relatat mill‑qrib provdu rispons koerenti u komprensiv għall‑isfidi univer- ma’ kwistjonijiet marbuta mal‑governanza, id‑drittiji- sali għall‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar u l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli et tal‑bniedem u kwistjonijiet ta’ paċi u sigurtà, li huma fit‑tliet dimensjonijiet tiegħu, biex b’hekk tkun żgurata l‑kundizzjonijiet li jippermettu progress. Huwa stmat li Ħajja Diċenti għal Kulħadd sal-2030. 1.5 biljun persuna qed jgħixu f ’pajjiżi li qed jesperjenzaw kunflitt politiku sinifikanti, vjolenza ‑bl armi, insigurtà jew fraġilità. 2. Kuntest globali ġdid, sfidi ġodda, opportunitajiet ġodda Fil‑ħarifa tal-2013, avveniment speċjali tan‑NU se jieħu kont tal‑isforzi li qed isiru lejn il‑kisba tal‑Għanijiet ta’ Id‑dinja għaddiet minn bidla enormi fis‑snin riċenti, li Żvilupp tal‑Millenju (MDGs), jiddiskuti mezzi sabiex jinkludu bidliet ewlenin fil‑bilanċ ekonomiku u politi- jitħaffef il‑progress sal-2015 u jibda l‑iskambju dwar x’tista’ ku globali, żieda globali fil‑kummerċ, it‑tibdil fil‑klima tagħmel bħala segwitu wara s‑sena fil‑mira tal‑MDG tal- u t‑tnaqqis tar‑riżorsi naturali, il‑bidla teknoloġika, il‑kriżi 2015. Barra minn hekk, l‑impenji li saru waqt il‑Konfer- ekonomika u dik finanzjarja, konsum akbar u ‑ l volatil- enza Rio+20 f ’Ġunju 2012 iridu jiġu implimentati, inkluż ità tal‑prezzijiet tal‑ikel u l‑konsum tal‑enerġija, bidliet permezz ta’ azzjonijiet lejn ekonomija ekoloġika inklussi- fil‑popolazzjoni u l‑migrazzjoni, il‑vjolenza u l‑kunflitti va. Barra minn hekk, se jkun meħtieġ li jibni aktar fuq dan armati u diżastri naturali u dawk ikkawżati mill‑bniedem, IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

u żieda fl‑inugwaljanzi. Atturi ġodda u oħrajn privati, ink- L‑effetti tad‑degradazzjoni ambjentali u t‑tibdil fil‑klima lużi atturi mhux governattivi, tfaċċaw fix‑xena globali. diġà qed jinħassu u jheddu li jeqirdu ħafna mill‑progress li diġà sar fl‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar, u kif ukoll id‑diżastri Filwaqt li ekonomiji żviluppati u emerġenti huma re- naturali. M’aħniex fit‑triq it‑tajba biex inżommu ż‑żi- sponsabbli għall‑biċċa l‑kbira tal‑PGD globali, dawn diet fit‑temperatura fi ħdan 2°C aktar mit‑temperatura tal‑aħħar issa saru l‑ixpruni ewlenin tat‑tkabbir globali fiż‑żminijiet preindustrijali, il‑limitu li lil hinn minnu u diġà għandhom impatt sinifikanti fuq ‑l ekonomija din- hemm riskju ħafna ogħla li jseħħu impatti katastrofiċi fuq jija. Ix‑xejriet juru li hu mistenni li jkun hemm aktar taqlib ir‑riżorsi naturali, li jippreżentaw riskji lill‑agrikoltura, fil‑bilanċ; sal-2025, it‑tkabbir ekonomiku globali għandu lill‑provvisti tal‑ikel u tal‑ilma u l‑ksib fl‑iżvilupp ta’ dawn fil‑biċċa l‑kbira jiġi ġġenerat f ’ekonomiji emerġenti, b’sitt l‑aħħar snin. Fuq livell globali, l‑isfida se tkun ta’ adatta- pajjiżi mistennija li kollettivament jammontaw għal aktar ment u tnaqqis tal‑impatti, inkluż permezz tat‑tnaqqis minn nofs it‑tkabbir globali kollu. tal‑emissjonijiet ta’ gass serra.

Il‑qgħad jibqa’ sfida madwar id‑dinja kollha. Madwar 200 Diġà llum, it‑tibdil fil‑klima, it‑tnaqqis tar‑riżorsi natura- miljun ruħ huma qiegħda, fosthom 75 miljun żagħżugħ. li u d‑degradazzjoni tal‑ekosistemi qed ikollhom impatt Ir‑rati ta’ parteċipazzjoni tan‑nisa fis‑suq tax‑xogħol spiss sinifikanti fuq ‑l għajxien, pereżempju permezz taż‑żieda jibqgħu baxxi, filwaqt li s‑servizzi soċjali jibqgħu limitati. fin‑numru u l‑intensità tad‑diżastri naturali u t‑tnaqqis Barra minn hekk, madwar 621 miljun żgħażagħ madwar tal‑kapital naturali u l‑infrastruttura. Mill-1992, id‑diżas- id‑dinja mhumiex sejrin l‑iskola jew jitħarrġu, mhumiex tri naturali kkawżaw EUR 750 biljun ta’ ħsara u qatlu 1.3 566 impjegati u mhux qed ifittxu xogħol, u b’hekk jirriskjaw miljun persuna. L‑effetti ta’ xejriet li mhumiex sostenibbli esklużjoni permanenti mis‑suq tax‑xogħol. Xogħol mhux ta’ żvilupp ekonomiku attwali għadhom fil‑biċċa l‑kbira iddikjarat u l‑pedamenti għal xogħol diċenti, inklużi d‑drit- ddeterminati minn pajjiżi żviluppati u dejjem aktar minn tijiet fuq ix‑xogħol u d‑djalogu soċjali, huma problemi ekonomiji emerġenti, filwaqt li pajjiżi ifqar huma spro- f ’ħafna pajjiżi. Il‑biċċa l‑kbira ta’ nies foqra fil‑pajjiżi li qed porzjonalment milquta u għandhom l‑inqas riżorsi biex jiżviluppaw huma involuti f ’biedja fuq skala żgħira jew ilaħħqu b’effetti negattivi121. Dawn il‑pajjiżi huma ta’ spiss jaħdmu għal rashom. Ħafna nies foqra f ’dawn il‑pajjiżi qed partikolarment dipendenti fuq ir‑riżorsi naturali, b’mod jaħdmu f ’kundizzjonijiet perikolużi u mingħajr il‑protezzjo- partikolari għas‑setturi bħall‑agrikoltura, il‑forestrija, l‑enni tad‑drittijiet bażiċi tagħhom. 20% biss tal‑popolazzjoni erġija u t‑turiżmu, u dan jaggrava l‑vulnerabbiltà tagħhom tad‑dinja għandha aċċess għal protezzjoni soċjali adegwata. għal degradazzjoni u tnaqqis.

Fl‑istess ħin, l‑inugwaljanzi fi ħdan il‑pajjiżi żdiedu f ’ħaf- L‑iżvilupp u t‑tkabbir jikkontribwixxu għall‑prosperità na partijiet tad‑dinja. Il‑maġġoranza tal‑fqar issa jgħixu u l‑benesseri tal‑bniedem, iżda wkoll għall‑isfidi ambjen- f ’pajjiżi bi dħul medju, minkejja t‑tkabbir mgħaġġel tali, bħalma huma t‑tnaqqis tar‑riżorsi u t‑tniġġis, li x’ak- tagħhom. Il‑ksib tal‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar f ’dawn tarx li jsiru aktar akuti maż‑żmien. Dawn l‑effetti negat- il‑pajjiżi jidher li huwa wieħed mill‑isfidi ewlenin. tivi jiġu determinati l‑aktar mill-5.7 biljun persuna li ma Madankollu, il‑previżjonijiet fuq żmien itwal jindikaw li jgħixux f ’faqar estrem fir‑rigward ta’ dħul, li jwasslu għal sal-2050 il‑lokus tal‑faqar jista’ jerġa’ jiġi kkonċentrat fl‑if- żieda sinifikanti fid‑domanda globali u l‑konsum, u jpoġġu qar u l‑aktar pajjiżi fraġli. pressjoni addizzjonali fuq ir‑riżorsi naturali. Il‑progress lejn ekonomija ekoloġika inklussiva permezz ta’ xejriet ta’ Aktar minn 1.5 biljun persuna jgħixu f ’pajjiżi affettwati konsum u produzzjoni sostenibbli u l‑effiċjenza tar‑riżorsi, minn kunflitti vjolenti. Vjolenza teqred il‑ħajjiet u l‑għajx- inkluż b’mod partikolari f ’sistemi tal‑enerġija b’emissjoni ien u ta’ spiss taffettwa nisa u persuni f ’sitwazzjonijiet vul- baxxa, huwa għalhekk essenzjali. nerabbli, bħat‑tfal u l‑persuni b’diżabilità. Qed jikber id‑distakk bejn pajjiżi fraġli, affettwati minn vjolenza u pajjiżi Sabiex tiġi sodisfatta d‑domanda dejjem akbar, huwa stmat oħrajn li qed jiżviluppaw. F’April 2011, l‑ebda pajjiż milqut li l‑produzzjoni agrikola globali fl-2050 se jkollha tiżdied minn dħul baxx fraġli jew pajjiż affettwat b’kunflitt ma kien b’60% fuq il‑livelli tal-2005, li tqiegħed iktar pressjoni mil- kiseb MDG u ftit huma mistennija li jissodisfaw kwalunk- li hemm diġà fuq ir‑riżorsi naturali skarsi, partikolarment we mill‑miri sal-2015. Governanza fqira, inkluż in‑nuqqas l‑art, il‑foresti, l‑ilma u l‑oċeani. Fl‑istess ħin, hemm indi- ta’ demokrazija, ir‑regola tal‑liġi u r‑rispett għad‑drittijiet kazzjonijiet li sa nofs il‑produzzjoni globali tal‑ikel hija tal‑bniedem attwalment qed ixekkel l‑isforzi lejn l‑eradika- moħlija. Minħabba l‑urbanizzazzjoni u ż‑żieda fil‑popo- zzjoni tal‑faqar u l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli. lazzjoni, l‑użu tal‑ilma huwa pprojettat li jiżdied b’50%

Barra minn hekk, hemm evidenza xjentifika assoluta u kunsens li l‑użu mhux sostenibbli tar‑riżorsi naturali hija 121 Il‑Pajjiżi l‑Inqas Żviluppati jinkludu aktar minn 880 miljun persuna (madwar 12 fil‑mija tal‑popolazzjoni dinjija) iżda waħda mill‑ikbar theddidiet fuq żmien twil lill‑umanità. jammontaw għal inqas minn 2% tal‑PDG dinji. Ħajja diċenti għal kulħadd: Neqirdu l‑faqar u nagħtu lid‑dinja futur sostenibbli sal-2025, sa liema żmien madwar 5.5 biljun persuna – żewġ sikur inkisbet globalment fl-2010 – bejn l-1990 terzi tal‑popolazzjoni globali projettata – se jgħixu f ’żoni u l-2010 aktar minn żewġ biljun persuna kisbu aċċess. li jiffaċċjaw stress moderat sa sever tal‑ilma. • Globalment, ir‑reġistrazzjoni fl‑iskejjel primarji żdiedet għal medja ta’ 89%, fejn il‑bniet issa x’aktarx li jiġu B’ħarsa ’l quddiem, dawn l‑isfidi għandhom jinqraw rreġistrati bħas‑subien. fil‑kuntest tax‑xejriet demografiċi: huwa projettat li l‑popolazzjoni tad‑dinja ser tilħaq iktar minn 9 biljun • It‑tfal huma sinifikament anqas probabbli li jmutu persuna sal-2050, bil‑popolazzjoni tal‑Afrika sub‑Saħar- minn marda jew malnutrizzjoni. jana mistennija li tiżdied b’aktar mid‑doppju. Flimkien, • L‑infezzjonijiet globali tal‑HIV ikomplew jonqsu l‑Afrika u l‑Asja se jirrappreżentaw kważi 80% tal‑popo- u aċċess għal mediċini antiretrovirali kiber ħafna. lazzjoni tad‑dinja sal-2050. Iż‑żieda dinjija fl‑età medjana hi mistennija li tolqot l‑aktar il‑pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw, Is‑sħubija globali għall‑iżvilupp ikkumplimentat sforzi b’konsegwenzi għas‑servizzi tas‑saħħa u l‑pensjonijiet, kif nazzjonali lejn l‑MDGs. Mill-2000, l‑Għajnuna Uffiċjali ukoll id‑dħul mit‑taxxa. għall‑Iżvilupp (ODA) globali annwali żdiedet bi kważi 70%, għal EUR 96 biljun, u sehem tal‑ODA li jmur Huwa f ’dan il‑kuntest li s‑segwitu sa Rio+20 u l‑avveni- għall‑Pajjiżi l‑Anqas Żviluppati (LDCs) aktar milli rdoppja. ment speċjali tal‑analiżi tal‑MDG se jseħħu. Wieħed irid L‑UE u l‑Istati Membri tagħha flimkien huma ‑l akbar do- iżomm f ’moħħu li l‑isfidi huma interrelatati u jeħtieġu ris- natur, u b’hekk jipprovdu EUR 53 biljun annwali fl‑ODA pons koerenti u komprensiv, bl‑appoġġ ta’ proċessi inter- (2011), jew aktar minn nofs tal‑ODA globali. B’mod par- nazzjonali oħra wkoll, bħalma huma n‑negozjati tal‑klima allel, l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑għajnuna u l‑prinċipji tal‑ef- 567 u l‑bijodiversità. fettività tal‑iżvilupp u l‑miri kkontribwixxiet għal impatt akbar tal‑ODA. It‑tkabbir fenomenali fil‑kummerċ kien fattur ewlieni fil‑progress li sar: bejn l-2000 u l-2009 l‑es- 3. Tkomplija fuq il‑kisbiet portazzjonijiet f ’pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw żdiedu bi 80%, meta mqabbla ma’ 40% għad‑dinja kollha kemm hi. L‑UE tal‑għanijiet tal‑MDGs hija l‑ikbar sieħba kummerċjali għall‑pajjiżi li qed jiżvi- u Rio+20 luppaw u kienet fuq quddiem biex tagħti aċċess bla dazju u bla kwota għall‑prodotti kollha LDC, taħt l‑inizjattiva 3.1. Kunsiderazzjoni tal‑kisbiet “Everything but Arms”. Barra minn hekk, ir‑riċerka ffinanzjata mill‑UE, bħal permezz tas‑Sħubija għall‑Provi Kliniċi tal‑MDG bejn Pajjiżi Ewropej u Pajjiżi li qed Jiżviluppaw, ikkontrib- wixxiet wkoll biex jintlaħqu l‑MDGs. L‑UE tibqa’ impenjata li tagħmel l‑almu tagħha sabiex tgħin biex jintlaħqu l‑MDGs sal-2015, f ’konformità L‑isfidi biex jintlaħqu ‑l MDGs madankollu jibqgħu, mal‑politika tagħha fil‑qafas kif stipulat fl‑Aġenda għal 122 123 b’mod partikolari l‑Afrika sub‑Saħarjana li għadha lura. Bidla u l‑Kunsens Ewropew dwar l‑Iżvilupp . Globalment, 1.3 biljun persuna għadhom jgħixu f ’faqar estrem fir‑rigward ta’ dħul. Aktar minn 850 miljun per- L‑MDGs jinkorporaw ftehim globali fundamentali suna m’għandhomx biżżejjed x’jieklu. Madwar 61 miljun għat‑tmiem tal‑faqar u biex jitkompla l‑iżvilupp uman. tfal għadhom barra mill‑iskola. In‑nisa jkomplu jkunu F’dawn l‑aħħar għaxar snin ipprovaw ikunu għodda siewja s‑suġġett ta’ diskriminazzjoni u jiffaċċjaw riskji serji biex iqajmu għarfien pubbliku, iżidu ‑r rieda politika u jim- għas‑saħħa, b’mod partikolari s‑saħħa materna tagħhom mobilizzaw ir‑riżorsi biex jinqered il‑faqar. Sar progress u d‑drittijiet sesswali u riproduttivi. Il‑vjolenza taffettwa impressjonanti: terz tan‑nisa kollha tul ħajjithom u ddgħajjef l‑isforzi biex tintlaħaq kwalunkwe MDG. Madwar 2.5 biljun persu- • Skont il‑Bank Dinji, il‑proporzjon ta’ nies li jgħixu na huma mingħajr aċċess għal faċilitajiet sanitarji diċenti b’inqas minn USD 1.25 kuljum (prezzijiet tal-2005) u 780 miljun persuna għadhom mingħajr aċċess għal ilma naqas minn 43% fl-1990 għal 22% fl-2008. Huwa tax‑xorb sikur u nadif. Seba’ (7) miljun persuna li għand- probabbli li l‑mira li jitnaqqas bin‑nofs il‑proporzjon hom l‑HIV/AIDS għadhom mingħajr aċċess għal tratta- tan‑nies li jgħixu f ’faqar estrem ntlaħqet fl-2010. ment. Id‑dinja għadha ‘l bogħod milli tilħaq il‑mira ta’ impjieg sħiħ u produttiv, u xogħol diċenti għal kulħadd. 20% • Il‑mira li jitnaqqas bin‑nofs il‑proporzjon biss tal‑popolazzjoni tad‑dinja għandha aċċess għal protez- tal‑popolazzjoni mingħajr aċċess għal ilma tax‑xorb zjoni soċjali adegwata. L‑użu mhux sostenibbli u l‑ġestjoni ta’ riżorsi limitati tad‑dinja tpoġġi fir‑riskju l‑ħajja u l‑benesseri tal‑ġenerazzjonijiet tal‑ġejjieni. 122 COM(2011) 637 final 123 2006/C 46/01 IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Barra minn hekk, is‑suċċess mhuwiex mqassam b’mod ug- ta’ żvilupp sostenibbli se jsiru operattivi permezz ta’ firxa wali mhux biss bejn il‑pajjiżi – b’mod partikolari b’nuqqas ta’ politiki ewlenin li qed jitħejjew, inkluża r‑riforma ta’ progress lejn l‑MDGs fi stati fraġli u affettwati minn tal‑Politika Agrikola Komuni u l‑Politika Komuni tas‑Sajd kunflitti – iżda wkoll fi ħdan pajjiżi - inkluż dawk li diġà u r‑Riċerka u l‑Innovazzjoni, is‑Seba’ Programm ta’ Azz- għandhom il‑mezzi biex jipprovdu ħajjiet aħjar u futuri joni Ambjentali li ġej, l‑Unjoni tal‑Innovazzjoni, Horizon għall‑popolazzjoni tagħhom. 2020 u l‑Pakkett ta’ Investiment Soċjali.

Madankollu l‑istampa ġenerali, speċjalment fid‑dawl L‑UE konsistentement pprovdiet kooperazzjoni tal‑avvanzi teknoloġiċi u l‑progress ekonomiku miksub għall‑iżvilupp sabiex tikkontribwixxi għall‑implimentazz- minn ħafna pajjiżi emerġenti u li qed jiżviluppaw minn joni sħiħa tal‑MDGs. Permezz tal‑azzjoni esterna tagħha mindu ġew żviluppati l‑MDGs, turi li l‑eliminazzjoni u notevolment l‑implimentazzjoni tal‑Aġenda għall‑Bidla, u mhux biss it‑tnaqqis tal‑faqar f ’ġenerazzjoni waħda tista’ l‑UE se tkompli tiffaċilita progress lejn ‑l MDGs u l‑iżvi- tintlaħaq. lupp sostenibbli fil‑pajjiżi li qegħdin jiżviluppaw, b’fowkus speċifiku fuq il‑pajjiżi l‑anqas żviluppati u dawk l‑aktar 3.2. Riżultati u impenji ewlenin ta’ fil‑bżonn. Fl‑istess ħin, numru ta’ azzjonijiet jeħtiġilhom li Rio+20 jiġu mwettqa sabiex jikkontribwixxu għall‑implimentazzjoni tal‑impenji Rio+20. Il‑Konferenza Rio+20 kkonfermat viżjoni globali komuni L‑attivitajiet prinċipali attwali tal‑UE biex jimplimentaw 568 għal futur ekonomikament, soċjalment u ambjentalment sostenibbli għall‑pjaneta u għall‑ġenerazzjonijiet preżenti Rio+20 huma miġjuba flimkien ‑fl Anness I. u futuri u enfasizzat li għad baqa’ ħafna sfidi li għandhom jiġu indirizzati. Rio+20 rikonoxxiet l‑ekonomija ekoloġi- 3.4. Qafas istituzzjonali għall‑iżvilupp ka fil‑kuntest tal‑iżvilupp sostenibbli u l‑eradikazzjoni sostenibbli u l‑mezzi ta’ tal‑faqar bħala mogħdija importanti biex jinkiseb żvilupp implimentazzjoni sostenibbli, bdiet proċess biex tiżviluppa l‑Għanijiet ta’ Żvilupp Sostenibbli universali (SDGs) u qablet li tit- Rio+20 bdiet proċess biex jissaħħaħ il‑qafas istituzzjon- tieħed azzjoni lejn żvilupp sostenibbli. Dawn l‑azzjoni- ali għall‑iżvilupp sostenibbli, inkluż it‑tisħiħ tar‑rwol jiet se jgħinu wkoll biex jinformaw il‑proċess tal‑iżvilupp tal‑Assemblea Ġenerali tan‑NU (UNGA) u l‑ECOSOC. ta’ SDGs u, fuq medda itwal ta’ żmien, jikkontribwixxu Deċiżjoni ewlenija kienet li jiġi stabbilit Forum Politiku wkoll għar‑realizzazzjoni tagħhom. Rio+20 qablet wkoll ta’ Livell Għoli (HLPF) dwar l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli, li se li tirriforma l‑qafas istituzzjonali għal żvilupp sostenibbli, jissostitwixxi dak tal‑Kummissjoni tan‑NU dwar l‑Iżvi- li twettaq netwerk ta’ struttura li tista’ tipprovdi s‑segwitu lupp Sostenibbli. L‑HLPF se jsegwi u jeżamina l‑progress għall‑Konferenza u biex tkompli taħdem fuq il‑mezzi ta’ fl‑implimentazzjoni tar‑riżultati ta’ Rio+20 u ngħata wkoll implimentazzjoni. Huwa importanti li l‑UE issa timpli- il‑mandat li jsaħħaħ l‑interfaċċja tal‑politika tax‑xjenza, menta minnufih ‑l impenji meħuda f ’Rio, tinvolvi ruħha li se tkun kruċjali għall‑implimentazzjoni ta’ SDGs. Dan attivament f ’dawn il‑proċessi u tieħu l‑azzjoni meħtieġa għandu jkun marbut direttament mal‑ECOSOC, li at- kemm fi ħdan ‑l UE kif ukoll internazzjonalment. twalment jinsab taħt riforma, u jaħdem f ’livell politiku ogħla (UNGA) f ’intervalli regolari. Dawn ir‑rabtiet jip- 3.3. Implimentazzjoni:Azzjonijiet provdu opportunità biex titjieb il‑koerenza tax‑xogħol li fil‑livell tal‑UE u internazzjonali attwalment għaddejja dwar ir‑reviżjoni tal‑MDGs u diskussjonijiet dwar l‑iżvilupp wara l-2015. L‑UE se tkompli ssegwi l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli, inkluż bl‑implimentazzjoni tal‑impenji Rio+20 permezz ta’ firxa Riżultat ieħor importanti ta’ Rio+20 kienet id‑deċiżjo- ta’ politiki ġenerali tagħha, b’mod partikolari permezz ni biex jissaħħaħ u jitjieb il‑Programm dwar l‑Ambjent tal‑istrateġija ġenerali għal tkabbir intelliġenti, inklus- tan‑NU (UNEP) u, b’mod partikolari, id‑deċiżjoni dwar siv u sostenibbli - Ewropa 2020. Dan ikopri, fost oħrajn, sħubija universali għal Kunsill Governattiv tiegħu. Dan l‑effiċjenza tar‑riżorsi, ekonomija b’użu baxx tal‑karbonju, issa ġie kkonfermat bid‑deċiżjoni dwar arranġamenti isir‑riċerka u l‑innovazzjoni, l‑impjiegi, l‑inklużjoni soċjali tituzzjonali ġodda għall‑UNEP fil‑Kunsill Governattiv u ż‑żgħażagħ. L‑implimentazzjoni u r‑reviżjoni regolari riċenti tiegħu. Id‑deċiżjoni li tiġi stabbilita Assemblea tal‑Istrateġija Ewropa 2020, li tibni fuq l‑approċċ integrat- Ambjentali tan‑NU hu pass importanti ‘l quddiem, kon- tiv mibdija mill‑istrateġija tal‑UE għall‑Iżvilupp Sostenib- sistenti mal‑ambizzjoni tal‑UE li tittrasformah fuq żmien bli, għandha tikkontribwixxi għal koerenza akbar, l‑inkluż- twil f ’aġenzija tan‑NU. L‑UE se jkollha rwol attiv fl‑impli- joni u l‑integrazzjoni tat‑tliet dimensjonijiet tal‑iżvilupp mentazzjoni ta’ dan il‑qafas istituzzjonali rivedut. Se tkun sostenibbli fil‑politiki tal‑UE b’mod ġenerali. L‑għanijiet Ħajja diċenti għal kulħadd: Neqirdu l‑faqar u nagħtu lid‑dinja futur sostenibbli prijorità li tiżgura l‑parteċipazzjoni xierqa tal‑UE kemm jitħaffef il‑progress sal-2015 u jibda l‑iskambju dwar x’ti- fl‑HLPF u l‑UNEP riformat. sta’ tagħmel bħala segwitu wara s‑sena mira tal‑MDG tal-2015. L‑ewwel sessjoni, f ’Settembru 2013, tal‑Forum Rio+20 ddeċidiet ukoll li tippromwovi teknoloġiji nodfa Politiku ta’ Livell Għoli, stabbilit mill‑Konferenza Rio+20 u favur l‑ambjent u li jkun stabbilit kumitat espert inter- minbarra hekk se tħares lejn is‑segwitu għall‑impenji li governattiv biex iħejji alternattivi għal strateġija ta’ fi- saru f ’Rio+20 f ’Ġunju 2012. Se jkun neċessarju wkoll li nanzjament għal żvilupp sostenibbli. Il‑kumitat jeħtieġ li jsir progress permezz tal‑Grupp ta’ Ħidma Miftuħ dwar jiżgura koerenza u koordinazzjoni, u jevita d‑duplikazzjoni l‑Għanijiet ta’ Żvilupp Sostenibbli (SDGs) li kienu stab- tal‑isforzi fir‑rigward ta’ finanzjament għall‑proċess ta’ żvi- biliti f ’Rio. Dawn l‑inputs kollha se jipprovdu l‑qafas lupp. L‑UE se tipparteċipa f ’dan il‑proċess f ’konformità għall‑Ftehim ta’ Qafas Ġenerali ta’ Wara l-2015. mal‑approċċ globali għall‑finanzjament u mezzi oħra ta’ implimentazzjoni, kif indikat hawn taħt. Sabiex telabora aktar il‑ħsieb dwar l‑għanijiet, l‑UE se tkompli bid‑djalogu miftuħ tagħha mal‑partijiet interes- 3.5. Konsultazzjoni Pubblika sati rilevanti kollha. Dan se jagħti kontribut fl‑input attiv fil‑ħidma tal‑Grupp ta’ Ħidma Miftuħ fuq SDGs, li se Saru għadd ta’ konsultazzjonijiet pubbliċi u djalo- jagħmel rakkomandazzjonijiet għal azzjoni lill‑Assemblea gi mill‑Kummissjoni dwar perspettivi fil‑ġejjieni dwar Ġenerali tan‑NU. l‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar u l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli. Dawn Din it‑taqsima tiddeskrivi l‑lezzjonijiet mgħallma il‑konsultazzjonijiet għenu bħala gwida għal numru ta’ 569 aspetti ta’ proposti li jinsabu f ’din il‑Komunikazzjoni. mill‑analiżi tal‑MDG u x‑xogħol dwar l‑elaborazzjoni ta’ Analiżi ta’ dawn il‑konsultazzjonijiet hi indikata fl‑Anness SDGs u l‑kwalitajiet ta’ elementi ta’ prijorità li jirriżultaw II. Il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli djalogu attiv dwar dawn minn dawn it‑tnejn. Imbagħad jindika fil‑qosor f ’ter- il‑kwistjonijiet mal‑partijiet interessati kollha u s‑soċjetà mini prattiċi kif dawn jistgħu jinġiebu flimkien fi ħdan ċivili. il‑proċessi rilevanti tan‑NU. Wara dan, fuq il‑bażi ta’ dan, xi prinċipji ewlenin ta’ qafas ġenerali jinġiebu flimkien fit‑taqsima finali. 4. integrazzjoni tal‑iżvilupp 4.1. Elementi prijoritarji għall‑qafas sostenibbli u l‑eradikazzjoni ġenerali tal‑faqar f’qafas ġenerali wara l-2015 Bl‑użu ta’ esperjenza tal‑MDG u x‑xogħol li joħroġ minn Rio+20 dwar l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli u meta wieħed iqis ix‑xejriet attwali, l‑UE tqis li għadd ta’ sfidi jistgħu jkunu Fil‑livell internazzjonali u fin‑NU, ħafna mix‑xogħol identifikati għall‑qafas ġenerali ta’ wara l-2015. fuq l‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar u l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli ġie mwettaq f ’fergħat separati fi ħdan komunitajiet differenti – waħda li toriġina mid‑Dikjarazzjoni tal‑Millennju Hemm rabta fundamentali bejn is‑sostenibbiltà ambjentali u l‑oħra mis‑serje ta’ samits tan‑NU dwar l‑iżvilupp sos- globali u l‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar. Mhux se jkun possibbli tenibbli. Fir‑realtà, dawn iż‑żewġ faxxi minn dejjem kell- li telimina l‑faqar u tiżgura ħajja diċenti għal kulħadd min- hom elementi komuni; pereżempju, l‑MDGs jindirizzaw għajr, fl‑istess ħin, l‑indirizzar tas‑sostenibbiltà ambjentali kwistjonijiet ambjentali permezz tal‑MDG7 u l‑iżvilupp globali, u bil‑kontra. It‑tibdil fil‑klima, id‑diżastri naturali, sostenibbli minn dejjem għamel l‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar it‑telf tal‑bijodiversità u d‑degradazzjoni tal‑oċeani, sorsi bħala għan ta’ prijorità. tal‑ilma ħelu, l‑art u l‑ħamrija, għandhom impatt partikolarment negattiv fuq popolazzjonijiet foqra tad‑dinja. Biex tkun kapaċi taġixxi dwar dawn il‑kwistjonijiet, il‑qa- Sabiex jindirizzaw b’mod effettiv ‑l isfidi tal‑eradikazzjoni fas ġenerali jeħtieġ li jaġixxi bħala katalist għal governan- tal‑faqar u l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli, bħala sfida dinjija akbar za tajba, trasparenza, koeżjoni soċjali u l‑għoti tal‑poter u marbuta flimkien, ir‑reviżjoni tal‑MDGs u x‑xogħol fuq lin‑nisa, fil‑pajjiżi kollha u internazzjonalment, li kollha l‑elaborazzjoni ta’ SDGs jeħtiġilhom jinġiebu flimkien lejn huma essenzjali għall‑iżvilupp sostenibbli u l‑eradikazzjo- qafas ġenerali wieħed mal‑isfidi u ‑ l għanijiet prijoritarji ni tal‑faqar. komuni, sabiex tiġi żgurata ħajja diċenti għal kulħadd sal- 2030 u d‑dinja tingħata futur sostenibbli lil hinn minn dan. Kif miftiehem f ’Rio+20 id‑dokument tal‑eżitu, l‑għanijiet ta’ żvilupp sostenibbli (SDGs) għandhom ikunu univer- Fil‑ħarifa tal-2013, avveniment speċjali tan‑NU se jieħu salment applikabbli għall‑pajjiżi kollha, filwaqt li jitqiesu kont tal‑isforzi magħmula lejn il‑kisba tal‑Għanijiet ta’ realtajiet nazzjonali differenti, il‑kapaċitajiet u l‑livelli ta’ Żvilupp tal‑Millenju (MDGs), jiddiskuti mezzi sabiex IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

żvilupp u jirrispettaw politiki u prijoritajiet nazzjonali, l‑protezzjoni soċjali. Medji aggregati ħbew inugwaljanzi għandhom jinkorporaw it‑tliet dimensjonijiet tal‑iżvi- nazzjonali kkawżati minn faqar estrem, lokalità ġeografika lupp sostenibbli u għandhom ikunu orjentati lejn l‑azz- jew marġinalizzazzjoni. Għandna nimxu minn miri pura- joni, b’mod konċiż u faċli biex jikkomunikaw u limitati ment kwantitattivi għall‑indirizzar tal‑kwalità, pereżempju fin‑numru. Il‑proposti tal‑UE li saru fil‑mixja lejn Rio+20, fl‑edukazzjoni u s‑saħħa. Għandu jkun hemm limitu min- indikaw li huma għandhom jiffokaw ukoll fuq riżorsi li jir- imu li taħtu l‑ebda raġel, mara jew wild ma għandu jaqa’ rappreżentaw prodotti pubbliċi u “pilastri tal‑ħajja” bażiċi, taħtu, l‑aktar tard sal-2030: l‑istandards li bihom kull ċit- bħall‑enerġija, l‑ilma, is‑sigurtà tal‑ikel, l‑oċeani, il‑konsum tadin għandu jkun kapaċi li jżomm responsabbli lill‑gvern u l‑produzzjoni sostenibbli, kif ukoll l‑inklużjoni soċja- tiegħu jew tagħha. Għandna nimmiraw li nagħtu l‑poter li u x‑xogħol diċenti. Fl‑istess ħin, l‑iskopijiet għandhom lin‑nies biex ikunu jistgħu joħorġu mill‑faqar. Miri li jis- ikunu wkoll koerenti ma’ ftehimiet internazzjonali eżisten- timulaw azzjoni li twassal l‑istandards ewlenin fl‑edukazz- ti, bħal għanijiet u miri dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑bijodi- joni, in‑nutriment, l‑ilma nadif u l‑arja nadifa għandhom versità, kif ukoll il‑bażi ta’ protezzjoni soċjali. jgħinu biex jinqered il‑ġuħ u tittejjeb is‑sikurezza tal‑ikel, is‑saħħa u l‑benesseri. L‑għanijiet għandhom jistimulaw Huma għandhom jindirizzaw it‑tliet għanijiet ewlenin ukoll azzjoni biex twassal għal impjiegi produttivi u xogħol tal‑iżvilupp sostenibbli: l‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar, it‑tibdil diċenti għal kulħadd, inklużi ż‑żgħażagħ, in‑nisa u l‑per- ta’ mudelli ta’ konsum u l‑produzzjoni mhux sostenibbli suni b’diżabbiltà, skont il‑livelli tal‑iżvilupp tal‑pajjiżi. u l‑ħarsien tal‑bażi tar‑riżorsi naturali u l‑ġestjoni ta’ żvi- Għall‑kuntrarju tal‑MDGs eżistenti, għandhom japplikaw lupp ekonomiku u soċjali. għal kull pajjiż u mhux biss ikunu mira globali mingħajr re- 570 sponsabbiltajiet għal pajjiż individwali. Kull pajjiż għandu L‑għanijiet ta’ wara l-2015 għandhom jestendu lejn il‑fu- r‑responsabbiltà sabiex jiġi żgurat il‑progress lejn għanijiet tur u jimmiraw li jqiegħdu l‑ixpruni biex jinkiseb futur sos- miftiehma internazzjonalment. tenibbli: b’viżjoni komuni għall-2050, l‑għanijiet u l‑miri għandhom jimmiraw għal għażla taż‑żmien tal-2030. 4.1.2. Elementi ta’ xprunar għal tkabbir inklussiv u sostenibbli Minħabba li l‑qafas għandu jkollu kemm l‑eradikazzjoni Il‑konsultazzjoni pubblika tal‑Kummissjoni, kif ukoll l‑es- tal‑faqar u l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli bħala l‑għanijiet globali perjenza minn pajjiżi li rnexxielhom jeqirdu l‑faqar, juru tiegħu, l‑isfidi ta’ prijorità jeħtieġu li jindirizzaw iż‑żewġ r‑rwol vitali ta’ elementi ewlenin ta’ xprunar għal tkabbir perspettivi li jirriżultaw minn ta’ hawn fuq. Ibbażat fuq inklussiv u sostenibbli, b’mod partikolari għall‑provvis- dan ir‑raġunament, il‑qafas jista’ jkun mibni madwar ta ta’ servizzi essenzjali fl‑iżvilupp uman u l‑ħolqien ta’ għadd ta’ elementi ewlenin: l‑iżgurar ta’ standards bażiċi ta’ tkabbir u impjiegi diċenti. Trasformazzjoni strutturali għajxien; il‑promozzjoni tal‑ixpruni għal tkabbir inklus- għandha tiġi mfittxija mill‑pajjiżi kollha fl‑istadji kollha siv u sostenibbli kif ukoll l‑iżgurar ta’ ġestjoni sostenibbli tal‑iżvilupp, li tippermetti ekonomiji favur is‑suq, swieq tar‑riżorsi naturali; filwaqt li jippromwovi ‑l ugwaljanza, miftuħa li jippromwovu tkabbir inklussiv u sostenibbli, l‑ekwità u l‑ġustizzja; u l‑paċi u s‑sigurtà. Barra minn hekk, ittejjeb il‑kapaċitajiet produttivi, tippromwovi l‑iżvilupp filwaqt li ‑l indirizzar tal‑isfida ta’ konfini ambjentali plane- tas‑settur privat, l‑investiment u l‑ħolqien ta’ ġid, tipprom- tarji se jinħtieġ rispons integrat li se jkollu impatt fuq dawn wovi t‑tranżizzjoni lejn ekonomija ekoloġika u inklussiva l‑elementi kollha, u se jkollu jiġi indirizzat f ’xi wħud min- u li tiżgura li l‑benefiċċji huma kondiviżi b’mod wiesa’. nhom, se jirrikjedi wkoll azzjoni speċifika fiha nnifisha. L‑għanijiet għandhom jgħinu biex jistimulaw opportuni- Jista’ għalhekk jitqies ukoll bħala sors addizzjonali ta’ qafas tajiet għal aktar tkabbir inklussiv u sostenibbli, appoġġjati ġenerali ta’ wara l-2015. minn indikaturi li jħarsu lil hinn mill‑PDG. Ħafna pajjiżi se jkunu kapaċi jużaw dawn biex jiffokaw fuq il‑koeżjoni 4.1.1. Standards bażiċi ta’ għajxien soċjali kif ukoll fuq agrikoltura aktar sostenibbli, is‑sajd L‑MDGs pprovdew qafas għall‑iżvilupp tal‑bniedem, u l‑akkwakultura, biex iwasslu nutrizzjoni aħjar, jegħlbu bl‑iffissar ta’ miri bħad‑dħul minimu, il‑libertà mill‑ġuħ, l‑iskarsezza tal‑ilma u jevitaw il‑ħela tal‑ikel. Oħrajn se impjieg sħiħ u produttiv u xogħol diċenti għal kulħadd, jagħtu produzzjoni aktar effiċjenti ‑fil konsum tar‑riżor- l‑aċċess għall‑edukazzjoni primarja, ir‑riżultati tas‑saħħa si, ssir ekonomija fuq l‑ilma u għat‑tnaqqis u r‑riċiklaġġ bażika, l‑aċċess għall‑ilma u għas‑sanità, li kollha kemm tal‑iskart. L‑għan ta’ moviment lejn bliet sostenibbli huma jiffurmaw ‑l istess bażi ta’ ħajja diċenti. u reżiljenti għandu jwassal għal titjib fil‑kwalità tal‑arja, l‑ilma, l‑enerġija, l‑infrastruttura aċċessibbli, l‑akkomodazzjoni u t‑trasport, li jwassal għal soluzzjonijiet li jorbtu Għandna bżonn li ntemmu x‑xogħol li għadu ma spiċċax mal‑impjiegi, is‑saħħa, l‑iżvilupp ekonomiku u jindiriz- tal‑MDGs attwali, billi jimtela l‑vojt u t‑tagħlim tal‑lez- zaw ukoll l‑adattament għat‑tibdil fil‑klima u l‑prevenz- zjonijiet. Pereżempju, jeħtieġ li jiġu indirizzati l‑kwistjoni tad‑diżastri u l‑istat ta’ tħejjija. Elementi oħrajn im- jonijiet usa’ tal‑edukazzjoni u s‑saħħa u tiġi inkluża portanti ta’ xprunar jinkludu l‑enerġija sostenibbli, Ħajja diċenti għal kulħadd: Neqirdu l‑faqar u nagħtu lid‑dinja futur sostenibbli ix‑xjenza u t‑teknoloġija, is‑servizzi tat‑telekomunikazz- u jistabbilixxi strutturi ta’ governanza miftuħa u trasparen- joni, is‑servizzi finanzjarji u tal‑infrastruttura, pereżempju ti, biex jiġi żgurat li r‑riżorsi jintużaw b’mod li minnu jib- l‑iffaċilitar tal‑aċċess għal swieq, kif ukoll il‑migrazzjoni benefikaw iċ‑ċittadini tagħhom b’mod ekwu u sostenibbli. u l‑mobilità. Dawn l‑aspetti kollha jeħtieġu tisħiħ u ambjent stabbli għal suċċess għan‑negozju, l‑intraprenditorija, Dan jitlob li kull pajjiż jiżgura li r‑riżorsi jintużaw b’mod l‑innovazzjoni u l‑impjiegi produttivi. responsabbli għall‑ambjent u, b’rispett ta’ riżorsi bħall‑art, il‑foresti, xmajjar u l‑oċeani, biex b’hekk jibbenefikaw Filwaqt li t‑trasformazzjoni ekonomika hija meħtieġa, hija ukoll ġenerazzjonijiet futuri. Ugwalment, l‑isfruttament wkoll sfida kbira: se jkunu meħtieġa biljuni f ’investiment ta’ riżorsi mhux infiniti, bħal minerali u ilma ta’ taħt ‑l art, ġdid124. Madankollu, esperjenzi f ’pajjiżi li għamlu passi għandu jkun magħmul b’mod inklussiv u responsabbli kbar billi jipprovdu dawn is‑servizzi liċ‑ċittadini tagħhom li jiggarantixxi l‑benefiċċju massimu soċjali, f ’termini u inizjattivi globali riċenti – bħal m’huma l‑Enerġija Sos- tal‑mod kif inhuma kkumerċjalizzati, ir‑rata tat‑tbattil tenibbli għal Kulħadd u l‑Iskalabbiltà dwar in‑Nutri- tagħhom u l‑użu tad‑dħul iġġenerat. L‑eliminazzjoni ment – urew li tali approċċ jista’ jipprovdi riżultati prom- gradwali ta’ sussidji għall‑użu ta’ riżorsi mhux infiniti, bħal ettenti, li jixpruna t‑tkabbir rapidu u l‑investiment. karburanti fossili, hija kontribuzzjoni ewlenija kosteffikaċi, li tippromwovi l‑effiċjenza tar‑riżorsi. L‑Istati għandhom 4.1.3. Ġestjoni sostenibbli ta’ riżorsi naturali ukoll itejbu l‑kooperazzjoni tagħhom biex jamministraw riżorsi komuni, bħal stokkijiet tal‑ħut u l‑bijodiversità Il‑ġestjoni u użu sostenibbli tar‑riżorsi naturali huma tal‑baħar, f ’żoni lil hinn minn kwalunkwe ġurisdizzjoni essenzjali għas‑sostenn tat‑tkabbir ekonomiku u l‑imp- nazzjonali. 571 jiegi, b’mod partikolari f ’setturi ta’ produzzjoni primarja bħall‑agrikoltura, is‑sajd u l‑forestrija jew setturi ta’ serviz- Se jkun neċessarju wkoll li tiġi adottata perspettiva integra- zi bħat‑turiżmu. 70% tal‑fqar fid‑dinja jgħixu f ’żoni rurali ta, sabiex jiġi żgurat li s‑soluzzjonijiet għal nuqqas ta’ riżor- u jiddependu direttament fuq il‑bijodiversità u s‑serviz- si f ’żona waħda ma jqiegħdux restrizzjonijiet addizzjonali zi tal‑ekosistema għall‑għajxien u l‑benesseri tagħhom, fuq oħra. L‑aġenda futura għandha timpenja lill‑pajjiżi li jagħmluhom aktar vulnerabbli għal riskji fil‑klima kollha sabiex jamministraw u jużaw b’mod sostenibbli u l‑iskarsezza. Amministrazzjoni tajba tar‑riżorsi natura- r‑riżorsi naturali tagħhom matul l‑għexieren ta’ snin li li, ibbażata fuq it‑trasparenza, ir‑responsabbiltà u l‑gov- ġejjin, inklużi kwistjonijiet bħal trasparenza, il‑massimiz- ernanza tajba, hija essenzjali għall‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar zazzjoni tad‑dħul, il‑protezzjoni ta’ pussess, ir‑reżiljenza125, u għall‑iżvilupp sostenibbli lejn ekonomija ekoloġika inkluż għal diżastri naturali, u l‑protezzjoni ambjentali. inklussiva. Hija meħtieġa azzjoni għall‑promozzjoni ta’ Il‑komunità globali teħtieġ li tibqa’ magħquda f ’dawn rappurtar sostenibbli korporattiv, li għandha tinkoraġġixxi l‑isforzi. B’mod partikolari, il‑kumpaniji privati u pubbliċi firxa wiesgħa ta’ negozji biex jinvolvu ruħhom fi prattiki għandhom jkunu responsabbli u jaderixxu ma’ standards responsabbli. L‑għanijiet lejn dinja newtrali mid‑degra- għoljin ta’ trasparenza u governanza tajba. Ekonomija dazzjoni tal‑art għandhom jikkontribwixxu għat‑tkab- b’livell baxx ta’ karbonju u effiċjenti ta’ riżorsi se teħtieġ bir ekonomiku, il‑ħarsien tal‑bijodiversità, il‑ġestjoni wkoll azzjonijiet u taħriġ għal settijiet ta’ ħiliet speċifiċi li sostenibbli tal‑foresti, il‑mitigazzjoni u l‑adattament se jinħtieġu. tat‑tibdil fil‑klima u s‑sigurtà alimentari, filwaqt li jtejbu l‑kwalità tal‑ħamrija, inaqqsu l‑erożjoni tal‑ħamrija, jibnu 4.1.4. Ugwaljanza, ekwità u ġustizzja r‑reżistenza għal perikli naturali u jwaqqfu t‑teħid tal‑art. Minħabba l‑importanza globali tal‑oċeani, il‑protezzjoni L‑għanijiet tal‑benesseri tal‑bniedem u d‑dinjità għal u r‑restawr tal‑benesseri tal‑oċeani u l‑ekosistemi tal‑baħar kulħadd huma minquxa fid‑Dikjarazzjoni Universali għal għanijiet ta’ għajxien sostenibbli għandu japplika uni- tad‑Drittijiet tal‑Bniedem u d‑Dikjarazzjoni tal‑Millen- versalment, dan se jgħin jipprovdi stokkijiet sostenibbli nju, li wkoll espliċitament jirrikonoxxu r‑rabtiet bejn tal‑ħut b’ħarsa wkoll lejn is‑sigurtà tal‑ikel, kif ukoll għal id‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem, it‑tmexxija tajba u l‑iżvilupp sos- tnaqqis sinifikanti ta’ perikli bħall‑iskart tal‑baħar. Biex tenibbli. Dan, kif ukoll l‑impenn lejn valuri fundamentali jiġu indirizzati dawn l‑isfidi, kull pajjiż għandu jidderieġi komuni, ġew affermati mill‑ġdid fis‑samit tal‑MDG tal- t‑triq għall‑ġestjoni sostenibbli tar‑riżorsi naturali tiegħu 2010 u l‑Konferenza Rio+20 fl-2012.

124 Pereżempju, l‑Aġenzija Internazzjonali tal‑Enerġija tistma L‑importanza tal‑ġustizzja u l‑ekwità, id‑drittijiet li biex jiġu pprovduti servizzi ta’ enerġija sostenibbli għal tal‑bniedem, id‑demokrazija u aspetti oħra ta’ governan- kulħadd sal-2030, approssimattivament madwar EUR 30 biljun za tajba imorru ferm lil hinn mill‑impatt tagħhom dwar fis‑sena se jkunu meħtieġa li jiġu investiti lil hinn mix‑xenarju ta’ kummerċ tas‑soltu. L‑FAO tistma li iktar minn USD 50 biljun fis‑sena ta’ nefqa pubblika addizzjonali fuq l‑agrikoltura u xbieki ta’ sigurtà se jkunu meħtieġa biex ikun hemm dinja 125 COM(2012)586: L‑Approċċ tal‑UE għar‑Reżiljenza: Nitgħallmu mingħajr ġuħ fl-2025. mill‑Kriżijiet tas‑Sigurtà tal‑Ikel IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

il‑progress lejn il‑miri ta’ żvilupp fuq id‑dħul, l‑edukazz- 5. Lejn qafas ġenerali wara joni, is‑saħħa u l‑ħtiġijiet bażiċi oħra. Dawn huma importanti wkoll bi dritt, fil‑pajjiżi kollha. Il‑movimenti riċenti l-2015 fl‑Afrika ta’ Fuq u fil‑Lvant Nofsani wrew l‑importanza ta’ sistemi politiki inklużivi, il‑ġustizzja u l‑impjiegi, b’mod 5.1. Ġbir tal‑punti biex iwieġbu partikolari għaż‑żgħażagħ, u enfasizzaw li l‑progress fuq għall‑isfidi li ġejjin l‑MDGs huwa essenzjali iżda mhux biżżejjed. Il‑governanza se tibqa’ sfida globali għas‑snin li ġejjin. L‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar u l‑iżgurar li l‑prosperità u l‑benesseri huma sostenibbli jibqgħu l‑akbar sfidi għall‑ġejjieni. Huwa importanti li l‑qafas ġenerali ġdid ta’ wara l-2015 Biex jiġu indirizzati b’suċċess, dawn għandhom jiġu trattati jittratta dawn il‑kwistjonijiet. Ir‑rwol tan‑nisa huwa par- flimkien, b’qafas ġenerali li huwa universali u direttament tikolarment importanti fl‑iżblukkar tal‑ixprunar għal żvi- rilevanti għall‑pajjiżi kollha, filwaqt li jiġi magħruf li pajjiżi lupp sostenibbli, u l‑forom kollha ta’ ostakli għall‑parteċi- differenti huma affettwati fi gradi differenti u ‑ lir reazz- pazzjoni ugwali jridu jitneħħew. Il‑qafas għandu jagħmel jonijiet tagħhom u l‑kontribut lejn l‑għanijiet globali se enfasi partikolari fuq progress lejn approċċ ibbażat fuq jvarjaw. Anki jekk ħafna se jkomplu jikbru ‘l fuq mill‑livell id‑drittijiet lejn l‑iżvilupp, fuq it‑tnaqqis tal‑inugwaljan- ta’ faqar estrem, fowkus iktar b’saħħtu fuq il‑faqar huwa zi, kif ukoll fuq il‑promozzjoni u l‑protezzjoni tad‑drit- meħtieġ biex dan ikun irriversibbli. Xejriet li mhumiex sos- tijiet tan‑nisa u tat‑tfajliet u l‑ugwaljanza bejn is‑sessi, tenibbli ta’ żvilupp ekonomiku attwali, li jkollhom impatt fit‑trasparenza u fil‑ġlieda kontra l‑korruzzjoni. Għandu fuq l‑ambjent u l‑bażi tar‑riżorsi naturali, għadhom dde- 572 wkoll jirrifletti kwistjonijiet fundamentali relatati ma’ ek- terminati prinċipalment minn pajjiżi żviluppati, u dejjem wità. Sabiex tiġi indirizzata din l‑isfida, għanijiet u miri aktar minn ekonomiji emerġenti, filwaqt li ‑l pajjiżi l‑an- għandhom jistimulaw azzjoni meħtieġa biex jiżguraw li qas żviluppati wkoll iħossu l‑impatti. L‑esklużjoni soċjali tiżdied il‑kopertura minn sett bażiku ta’ garanziji soċjali u l‑inugwaljanza, il‑qgħad, l‑impjiegi prekarji u n‑nuqqas u titjib tal‑implimentazzjoni tagħhom. ta’ ħarsien soċjali wkoll ikollhom effett dirett fuq il‑faqar u l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli. 4.1.5. Paċi u sigurtà Fejn hemm inċertezza fiżika, livelli għoljin ta’ inugwaljan- Id‑Dikjarazzjoni tal‑Millennju, li għadha rilevanti għand- za, sfidi ta’ governanza u ftit jew xejn kapaċità istituzzjona- ha tiggwida x‑xogħol fuq l‑iżvilupp tal‑qafas tal‑futur. li, huwa estremament diffiċli li tagħmel progress sostenib- Bħala tkomplija fuq is‑segwitu għal Rio+20, l‑analiżi bli fuq il‑punti ta’ riferiment ewlenin tal‑MDG bħall‑faqar, tal‑MDG u proċessi internazzjonali rilevanti oħrajn, il‑qa- is‑saħħa, l‑edukazzjoni jew is‑sanità. Huwa għalhekk fas ġenerali tal‑futur għandu jistipula t‑triq għall‑eradika- essenzjali biex jiġu indirizzati l‑kawżi ewlenin ta’ dawn zzjoni tal‑faqar u biex jinkisbu l‑prosperità u l‑benesseri il‑kondizzjonijiet u li jieħdu azzjoni biex ma jitħallewx li għal kulħadd, billi jiffoka fuq ‑l ixpruni ewlenin għal tk- jitqajmu. abbir inklussiv u sostenibbli, fi ħdan il‑limiti tal‑pjaneta. Dan il‑qafas għandu għalhekk jiġbor flimkien it‑tliet dimensjonijiet ta’ żvilupp sostenibbli: ekonomiku, soċjali Din l‑aġenda tmur lil hinn minn stati fraġli, madankollu, u ambjentali. Huwa għandu jinkludi r‑responsabbiltajiet billi ħafna pajjiżi oħra wkoll għandhom problemi b’kwist- għall‑pajjiżi kollha. jonijiet relatati mal‑insigurtà u l‑vjolenza. It‑traffikar, it‑terroriżmu, in‑netwerks kriminali transnazzjonali u vjo- lenzi bejn il‑gruppi qed jikkompromettu s‑sigurtà taċ‑ċit- L‑għan fundamentali ta’ dan il‑qafas ġenerali ġdid għandu tadini u jnaqqsu l‑prospetti għal ħajja diċenti, b’nisa u tfal jaspira biex jipprovdi għal kull persuna, sal-2030, “Ħajja affettwati b’mod partikolari. Diċenti għal Kulħadd.” Din għandu jindirizza simultanjament il‑ħtieġa għall‑eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar u l‑viżjoni universali tal‑iżvilupp sostenibbli meħtieġ biex tiġi żgurata Li jiġu indirizzati kwistjonijiet ta’ paċi u sigurtà fil‑kuntest l‑prosperità għall‑ġenerazzjonijiet attwali u tal‑ġejjieni. tal‑qafas ġenerali ta’ wara l-2015 għandu jintuża bħala punt tat‑tluq tax‑xogħol li diġà sar bejn xi stati fraġli u fil‑pajjiżi tal‑OECD, l‑UE, in‑NU u l‑Banek tal‑Iżvilupp f ’Busan It‑taqsimiet hawn fuq jispjegaw fil‑qosor kif proċessi in- f ’Novembru 2011. Dan għandu jibni fuq il‑Ftehim Ġdid terrelatati fil‑livell tan‑NU għandhom jagħtu elementi għal Impenn fi Stati Fraġli li stabbilixxa sett miftiehem ta’ għal qafas ġenerali komuni li huma meħtieġa jekk l‑għan Għanijiet għall‑Bini tal‑Paċi u l‑Bini tal‑Istat (PSG). ta’ Ħajja Diċenti għal Kulħadd għandu jintlaħaq. Ir‑riżul- tat finali għandu jkun ibbażat fuq ir‑riżultati tal‑interazzjonijiet kostruttivi mal‑partijiet interessati kollha u fost l‑imsieħba internazzjonali. Madankollu, l‑UE temmen li hemm għadd ta’ prinċipji ġenerali diġà identifikabbli li għandhom ikunu aċċettabbli minn kulħadd. Ħajja diċenti għal kulħadd: Neqirdu l‑faqar u nagħtu lid‑dinja futur sostenibbli

5.2. Prinċipji għal qafas ġenerali wara 5.2.2. In‑natura u n‑numru ta’ għanijiet l-2015 • L‑għanijiet għandhom ikunu limitati fin‑numru u japplikaw universalment għall‑pajjiżi kollha, iżda Il‑Kummissjoni tipproponi li l‑UE ssegwi l‑prinċipji li għandu jkollhom miri li jirrispettaw kuntesti differenti. ġejjin fid‑diskussjonijiet tagħha dwar il‑qafas ta’ wara Sabiex jassiguraw is‑sjieda u r‑rilevanza, l‑għanijiet l-2015: għandhom tkun imfassla apposta u jsiru operazzjonali fil‑livell nazzjonali. Għandha tingħata konsiderazzjoni 5.2.1. Kamp ta’ applikazzjoni speċjali għall‑ħtiġijiet tal‑istati fraġli. Il‑qafas għandu jkun universali b’aspirazzjoni u kopertura, • L‑għanijiet għandhom ikunu elaborati b'tali mod li tiġi b’għanijiet għall‑pajjiżi kollha, li japplikaw għall‑umanità kkunsidrata l‑bażi ta' evidenza xjentifika u ta’ riċerka kollha, jiffoka fuq ‑l eradikazzjoni tal‑faqar fid‑dimensjoni- u l‑miri relatati u l‑indikaturi għandhom ikunu jistgħu jiet kollha tiegħu, kull fejn jinstab, u t‑tkattir tal‑prosperità jitkejlu. u l‑benesseri għan‑nies kollha, u l‑limiti tal‑pjaneta. 5.2.3. Trasparenza, implimentazzjoni u responsabbiltà • Il‑qafas għandu jintegra t‑tliet dimensjonijiet tal‑iżvilupp sostenibbli – ekonomiku, soċjali, • Ir‑responsabbiltà biex jinkisbu r‑riżultati mixtieqa ambjentali - iqis il‑lezzjonijiet meħuda mill‑analiżi hija l‑ewwel u qabel kollox waħda nazzjonali. tal‑MDGs u l‑bini fuq ix‑xogħol għal elaborazzjoni Il‑mobilizzazzjoni tar‑riżorsi kollha hija meħtieġa, 573 ta’ SDGs, bil‑għan tal‑eradikazzjoni il‑faqar domestika u internazzjonali, privata u pubblika. u għall‑żvilupp sostenibbli. L‑għanijiet għandhom Il‑finanzjament u mezzi oħra ta’ implimentazzjoni jikkostitwixxu minimu ta’ standards tal‑għajxien li għandhom jiġu indirizzati b’mod komprensiv taħthom l‑ebda persuna m’għandha tinżel, sa mhux u integrat, minħabba li s‑sorsi potenzjali aktar tard mill-2030, u jiggwidaw il‑progress lejn tal‑implimentazzjoni ta’ diversi għanijiet globali huma il‑prosperità u l‑benesseri, fi ħdan il‑limiti tal‑pjaneta. l‑istess. • Għandhom jirrikonoxxu li l‑faqar, il‑prosperità • Il‑qafas għandu jiġi żviluppat u implimentat fi sħubija u l‑benesseri ma jistgħux sempliċiment jitqiesu minn mill‑qrib mal‑partijiet interessati tas‑soċjetà ċivili, perspettiva finanzjarja, iżda huma multidimensjonali inkluż is‑settur privat. u jirriflettu ‑l kapaċità ta’ persuni li jikbru u jiżviluppaw. • Għandu jiġi stabbilit limitu ta’ żmien sabiex tittieħed • Il‑qafas għandu jkopri, b’mod integrat: azzjoni fil‑livelli kollha sabiex jintlaħqu l‑għanijiet. Din tista’ tkun viżjoni għall-2050 b'għanijiet u miri –– l‑iżvilupp uman bażiku (ibbażat fuq l‑MDGs għall-2030. eżistenti aġġornati u li jirrifletti wkoll kwistjonijiet bħall‑protezzjoni soċjali), • Il‑qafas għandu jkun ibbażat fuq ir‑responsabbiltà individwali tal‑pajjiżi biex jieħdu azzjoni, flimkien –– elementi ta’ xprunar għat‑tkabbir sostenibbli ma' sħubija bejn il‑pajjiżi u l‑partijiet interessati u inklużiv u żvilupp li huma meħtieġa għal kollha. Il‑miri għandhom jipprovdu inċentivi trasformazzjoni strutturali tal‑ekonomija, meħtieġa għall‑kooperazzjoni u sħubijiet fost il‑gvernijiet, biex jassiguraw il‑ħolqien ta’ kapaċitajiet produttivi is‑soċjetà ċivili, inkluż is‑settur privat, u l‑komunità u l‑impjieg u t‑tranżizzjoni għal ekonomija ekoloġika globali kollha. Il‑pajjiżi kollha għandhom inklużiva li kapaċi tindirizza l‑isfidi tal‑klima, u jikkontribwixxu s‑sehem ġust tagħhom biex –– il‑ġestjoni sostenibbli tar‑riżorsi naturali. jintlaħqu l‑miri. Il‑miri għandhom iwasslu wkoll għal responsabbilità akbar. • Il‑qafas għandu jindirizza wkoll il‑ġustizzja, l‑ugwaljanza u l‑ekwità, li jiġbor kwistjonijiet relatati • L‑iżvilupp tal‑qafas għandu jkun akkumpanjat minn mad‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem, id‑demokrazija u l‑istat sforzi biex tittejjeb il‑koerenza fil‑livell istituzzjonali. tad‑dritt, kif ukoll għat‑tisħiħ tan‑nisa u l‑ugwaljanza • Sabiex jippermettu monitoraġġ xieraq tal‑progress, bejn is‑sessi, li huma vitali għal żvilupp inklussiv il‑bażi statistika għandha tissaħħaħ. u sostenibbli, kif ukoll valuri importanti bi dritt. Għandu jindirizza wkoll il‑paċi u s‑sigurtà, li jibni fuq 5.2.4. Koerenza il‑ħidma eżistenti fuq il‑Bini tal‑Paċi u l‑Għanijiet tal‑Bini tal‑Istat. • Il‑qafas għandu jkun koerenti mal‑għanijiet u l‑miri eżistenti maqbula internazzjonalment, bħal dawk dwar it‑tibdil fil‑klima, il‑bijodiversità, it‑tnaqqis tar‑riskju ta’ diżastru, u l‑bażi tal‑protezzjoni soċjali. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

5.3. Implimentazzjoni tal‑qafas: tal‑investiment fis‑settur privat. Il‑pajjiżi kollha għand- is‑sjieda tal‑pajjiż hom jirrappurtaw il‑progress li jkun qed isir biex jinkisbu u r‑responsabbiltà l‑għanijiet futuri b’mod miftuħ u trasparenti. L‑UE għandha tippromwovi approċċ komprensiv u inte- Ir‑responsabbiltà għall‑implimentazzjoni tal‑qafas futur grat għall‑mezzi tal‑implimentazzjoni, inklużi kwistjoni- hija f 'idejn kull pajjiż, bl‑involviment tal‑partijiet interes- jiet finanzjarji f ’livell globali. Bħalissa, ‑il finanzjament sati rilevanti kollha, inklużi s‑sħab soċjali. L‑ixpruni ew- tad‑diskussjonijiet relatati mal‑klima, il‑bijodiversità, lenin tal‑iżvilupp huma l‑ewwel u qabel kollox domestiċi, l‑iżvilupp u l‑iżvilupp sostenibbli qegħdin iseħħu f ’fora notevolment inklużi l‑governanza demokratika, l‑istat differenti, minkejja li s‑sorsi potenzjali tal‑finanzjament tad‑dritt, l‑istituzzjonijiet politiċi stabbli, il‑politiki sodi, huma l‑istess. Hemm ħtieġa qawwija li jiġu żgurati l‑koer- it‑trasparenza tal‑finanzi pubbliċi u l‑ġlieda kontra l‑frodi enza u l‑koordinazzjoni u li tiġi evitata d‑duplikazzjoni ta’ u l‑korruzzjoni. Il‑mobilizzazzjoni tar‑riżorsi domestiċi, sforzi fir‑rigward tal‑finanzjament tal‑proċess tal‑iżvilupp. ir‑regolamenti legali u fiskali u l‑istituzzjonijiet li jappoġġ- Il‑Kummissjoni qed tippjana li f ’nofs is‑sena 2013 tip- jaw l‑iżvilupp tas‑settur privat, l‑investiment, il‑ħolqien ta’ preżenta Komunikazzjoni li tipproponi approċċ integrat impjiegi deċenti u l‑kompetittività tal‑esportazzjonijiet tal‑UE għall‑finanzjament u mezzi oħra ta’implimentazz- huma essenzjali sabiex l‑ambizzjoni tkun tista’ ssir reali joni relatati mad‑diversi proċessi globali. għall‑pajjiżi kollha. F'dan il‑kuntest, ir‑riformi domestiċi huma kruċjali biex jagħmlu t‑tkabbir ekonomiku sostenibbli u biex jopera b’mod effettiv għall‑eradikazzjoni 574 tal‑faqar, it‑tnaqqis fl‑inugwaljanzi u t‑titjib tal‑benesseri 6. Il‑passi li jmiss għal kulħadd. Dan jgħodd għall‑pajjiżi kollha, fil‑livelli kollha tal‑iżvilupp. Jeħtieġ li l‑UE timpenja ruħha b'mod sħiħ fil‑proċessi internazzjonali li ġejjin, b’kontributi koerenti u kkoordinati Madankollu, l‑UE tirrikonoxxi li xi pajjiżi se jkomplu fin‑NU u f 'fora rilevanti oħra. jeħtieġu appoġġ, inkluża għajnuna għall‑iżvilupp. F'dan il‑kuntest qed jinħolqu metodi aktar effiċjenti u effettivi F'dan ir‑rigward, l‑adozzjoni ta' din il‑Komunikazzjoni ta’ investiment tal‑għajnuna għall‑iżvilupp, li jiżguraw li għandha tkun segwita minn dibattitu mal‑Kunsill u l‑Par- l‑għajnuna taġixxi bħala katalist għall‑iżvilupp u l‑iffaċil- lament fir‑rebbiegħa tal-2013 għall‑iżvilupp ta' approċċ itar tal‑investiment, inkluż permezz ta’ sorsi finanzjarji, komuni tal‑UE għall‑istadji li jmiss tal‑proċessi li huma strumenti u mekkaniżmi innovattivi, bħat‑taħlit. Dan l‑ap- għaddejjin bħalissa, li għandu: proċċ aġġornat ġie adottat fl-“Aġenda għall‑Bidla” tal‑UE. Il‑kooperazzjoni Nofsinhar‑Nofsinhar tista’ tagħti kon- • jiżgura segwitu komprensiv għal Rio+20 u jiggwida tribut sostanzjali li jinfluwenza ‑r riżultati tal‑iżvilupp glo- l‑pożizzjoni tal‑UE fil‑Grupp ta’ Ħidma Miftuħ bali. Il‑prinċipji tas‑Sħubija Globali għal Kooperazzjoni tan‑NU (Open Working Group (OWG)) dwar Effettiva għall‑Iżvilupp, li dwarhom kien hemm qbil waqt l‑SDGs, li jirrapporta regolarment lill‑UNGA; kif il‑Forum f ’Livell Għoli f 'Busan dwar l‑Effettività tal‑Għa- ukoll jnuna fl-2011, għandhom jiġu applikati universalment. • jikkontribwixxi għat‑tħejjija ta' Avveniment Speċjali tal‑Assemblea Ġenerali tan‑NU dwar l‑MDGs fil‑ħarifa Apparti l‑għajnuna, il‑Koerenza Politika għall‑Iżvilupp tal-2013, inkluż ir‑rapport tas‑Segretarju Ġenerali għandha rwol ewlieni fl‑eliminazzjoni tal‑faqar u l‑kisba ta' u l‑Panil ta' Livell Għoli tan‑NU li jittratta x’se jsir wara żvilupp sostenibbli. Għaldaqstant, fil‑qafas futur għandha l-2015, kif ukoll l‑ewwel laqgħa tal‑HLPF. tingħata konsiderazzjoni sostanzjali dovuta għar‑rwol ta' dawn il‑politiki. Pereżempju, f 'ħafna pajjiżi li qed jiżvilup- L‑UE għandha tappoġġja mixja lejn qafas kumplessiv għal paw, l‑introjtu disponibbli mill‑kummerċ żdied bil‑kbir wara l-2015. Id‑diskussjoni fuq il‑bażi tal‑orjentazzjoniji- u jista’ jintuża fil‑ġlieda kontra l‑faqar. Din ix‑xejra misten- et stabbiliti hawn fuq għandha tippermetti lill‑UE li tasal nija tissokta f 'ħafna pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw u hija par- għal pożizzjoni komuni dwar l‑aħjar mod għall‑konverġen- tikolarment importanti fl‑Afrika sub‑Saħarjana. za u l‑integrazzjoni tal‑proċessi ta' reviżjoni tal‑SDGs u tal‑MDGs fi proċess wieħed sabiex jitwaqqaf b’mod aħjar Biex ikun jista’ jinkiseb, il‑qafas kumplessiv għandu jkun qafas komprensiv. F'dan ir‑rigward, l‑UE għandha tfittex akkumpanjat minn sforz biex jiġi żgurat li jiġu mmobiliz- ukoll b’mod attiv djalogu kostruttiv mas‑sħab u l‑partijiet zati r‑riżorsi kollha u valorizzati b’mod effettiv, flimkien interessati kollha, sabiex jibnu bażi komuni, inkluż perma' impenn mill‑pajjiżi kollha li jużaw approċċ komprensiv mezz ta’ djalogi politiċi ma' pajjiżi terzi. għal dawn ir‑riżorsi u politiki koerenti u xierqa. L‑għani- jiet u l‑miri se jikkontribwixxu għall‑istimolazzjoni Lejn settur tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà aktar kompetittiv u effiċjenti

KOMUNIKAZZJONI TAL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL, LILL‑KUMITAT EKONOMIKU U SOĊJALI EWROPEW U LILL‑KUMITAT TAR‑REĠJUNI BRUSSELL, 24.7.2013 COM(2013) 542 “Id‑dinja teħtieġ Ewropa li tkun kapaċi tiskjera missjonijiet militari biex tgħin tistabbiliz‑ za s‑sitwazzjoni f 'żoni ta’ kriżi… Jeħtieġ li nsaħħu l‑Politika Barranija u ta’ Sigurtà Komu‑ ni tagħna u approċċ komuni lejn il‑kwistjonijiet ta’ difiża għaliex flimkien għandna s‑setgħa u l‑iska‑ la li nibdlu d‑dinja f’post aktar ġust, ibbażat fuq ir‑regoli u li jirrispetta d‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem.” Il‑President Barroso, Diskors tal‑Istat tal‑Unjoni Settembru 2012

“Il‑Kunsill itenni s‑sejħa tiegħu sabiex jinżammu u jiġu żviluppati aktar il‑kapaċitajiet militari għas‑sos‑ teniment u t‑titjib tal‑PSDK. Dawn jirfdu l‑kapaċità tal‑UE li taġixxi bħala fornitur tas‑sigurtà, fil‑kuntest ta’ approċċ komprensiv usa’ (u) tal‑ħtieġa ta’ industrija tad‑difiża Ewropea b’saħħitha u ‑ in 575 qas frammentata li ssostni u ttejjeb il‑kapaċitajiet militari tal‑Ewropa u l‑azzjoni awtonoma tal‑UE”. Il‑Kunsill tal‑Affarijiet Barranin, 19 ta’ Novembru 2012, Konklużjonijiet

1. Il‑kontribut tal‑Kummissjoni jiġu żviluppati teknoloġiji ġodda li jġibu magħhom vulnerabbiltajiet ġodda u theddid ġdid, waqt li l‑bidliet amb- Ewropea fit‑tisħiħ tas‑settur jentali u l‑iskarsezza tar‑riżorsi naturali jistgħu jikkawżaw Ewropew tad‑difiża kunflitti politiċi u militari. Fl‑istess waqt, ħafna theddid u riskji jinfirxu faċilment lil hinn mill‑fruntieri nazzjonali u s‑sigurtà u b’hekk iċajpru l‑linja tradizzjonali li tifred is‑sigurtà interna minn dik esterna. Din il‑Komunikazzjoni tibni fuq il‑ħidma tat‑Task Force tad‑Difiża tal‑Kummissjoni, li ġiet stabbilita fl-2011 Dawn l‑isfidi ta’ sigurtà jistgħu jiġu indirizzati biss b’ap- bil‑għan li ssaħħaħ is‑settur tad‑difiża billi timmobilizza proċċ komprensiv li jgħaqqad politiki u strumenti differ- il‑politiki rilevanti kollha tal‑UE. L‑EEAS u l‑EDA ġew enti, u miżuri għal żmien qasir u fit‑tul. Dan l‑approċċ assoċjati kompletament mal‑ħidma tat‑Task Force, u bi għandu jkun sostnut minn firxa wiesgħa ta’ kapaċitajiet tħejjija għal din il‑Komunikazzjoni. ċivili u militari. Huwa dejjem aktar improbabbli li l‑Istati Membri jistgħu jġorru dan il‑piż waħedhom. 1.1. Introduzzjoni Dan huwa l‑każ b’mod partikolari għad‑difiża, fejn tagħmir L‑ambjent strateġiku u ġeopolitiku qiegħed jevolvi b’mod ġdid spiss ikun teknoloġikament kumpless u għali. Illum, mgħaġġel u kostanti. Il‑bilanċ tal‑poter tad‑dinja qed l‑Istati Membri jiltaqgħu ma’ diffikultajiet biex jarmaw jiċċaqlaq hekk kif qegħdin jitfaċċaw ċentri ġodda ta’ gravità il‑forzi armati tagħhom b’mod adegwat. L‑operazzjoni- u l‑Istati Uniti qiegħda tibbilanċja mill‑ġdid l‑attenzjoni jiet riċenti fil‑Libja kixfu nuqqasijiet importanti Ewropej strateġika tagħha lejn l‑Asja. F’din is‑sitwazzjoni, l‑Ewropa f ’kapaċitajiet militari ewlenin. għandha tassumi responsabbiltajiet akbar għas‑sigurtà tagħha fit‑territorju tagħha u lil hinn mill‑fruntieri tagħha. Il‑kriżi fin‑nefqa pubblika twassal għal tnaqqis fil‑baġits Biex turi l‑qawwa tagħha, l‑UE teħtieġ li tiżviluppa PSDK tad‑difiża li taggrava s‑sitwazzjoni, b’mod partikolari, kredibbli. Din l‑evoluzzjoni għandha tkun għal kollox minħabba li la huwa kkoordinat u lanqas implimentat kompatibbli man‑NATO u mal‑prinċipji tagħha. fir‑rigward ta’ għanijiet strateġiċi komuni. Mill-2001 sal- 2010 in‑nefqa tad‑difiża tal‑UE naqset minn €251 bil- L‑isfidi tas‑sigurtà li qegħdin niffaċċjaw illum huma bos- jun għal €194 biljun. Dan it‑tnaqqis fil‑baġit qed ikollu ta, kumplessi, marbuta ma’ xulxin u diffiċli li jiġu mbassra: wkoll impatt serju fuq l‑industriji li jiżviluppaw tagħmir jistgħu jseħħu kriżijiet reġjonali u jsiru vjolenti, jistgħu għall‑forzi armati tagħna bi tnaqqis fil‑programmi eżistenti IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

u dawk ippjanati. Dan jaffettwa b’mod partikolari ‑l inves- intellettwali u ta' produzzjoni barra l‑UE. Dan min‑naħa timent fir‑R&Ż tad‑difiża li huwa kruċjali għall‑iżvilupp tiegħu għandu implikazzjonijiet serji għall‑kompetittività tal‑kapaċitajiet tal‑futur. Bejn l-2005 u l-2010 kien hemm fit‑tul tal‑EDTIB. tnaqqis ta’ 14 % fil‑baġits tar‑R&Ż Ewropej għal EUR 9 biljuni; u l‑Istati Uniti waħedha llum tonfoq seba’ darbiet Il‑problema ta’ baġits imnaqqsa għad‑difiża hija aggrav- aktar fuq ir‑R&Ż tad‑difiża mis-27 Stat Membru tal‑UE ata mill‑frammentazzjoni persistenti tas‑swieq Ewropej kollha f ’daqqa. li twassal għad‑duplikazzjoni bla bżonn tal‑kapaċitaji- et, tal‑organizzazzjonijiet u tan‑nefqa. Il‑kooperazzjoni Il‑baġits tad‑difiża qegħdin jonqsu, u l‑ispejjeż tal‑kapaċita- u l‑kompetizzjoni madwar l‑UE baqgħu eċċezzjoni, b’ak- jiet moderni qegħdin jiżdiedu. Dawn iż‑żidiet fl‑ispejjeż tar minn 80 % tal‑investiment fit‑tagħmir tad‑difiża jin- ġejjin mit‑tendenza fit‑tul li t‑teknoloġija tat‑tagħmir tefaq fil‑pajjiżi stess. B’riżultat ta’ dan, l‑Ewropa qiegħda tad‑difiża dejjem tikkomplika ruħha, u wkoll minħabba fil‑periklu li titlef għarfien u awtonomija essenzjali f ’oqsma t‑tnaqqis ta’ volumi ta’ produzzjoni kkawżat mir‑rior- ewlenin tal‑kapaċità. ganizzazzjoni u mit‑tnaqqis tal‑impjegati tal‑forzi armati Ewropej minn meta ntemmet il‑Gwerra l‑Bierda. Dawn Din is‑sitwazzjoni teħtieġ riorjentazzjoni tal‑prijoritajiet. il‑fatturi sejrin ikomplu jsawru s‑swieq tad‑difiża ‑fl Ewropa Jekk huwa diffiċli li jintefqu aktar flus jeħtieġ li‑ l flus jin- irrispettivament mil‑livelli tal‑baġit. tefqu aħjar. Hemm skop sinifikanti għalfejn dan għandu jsir. Minkejja t‑tnaqqis, fl-2011 ‑l Istati Membri tal‑UE Din is‑sitwazzjoni toħloq riperkussjonijiet għal industrija flimkien xorta waħda nefqu aktar fuq id‑difiża miċ‑Ċina, 576 li taqdi rwol kruċjali fl‑ekonomija Ewropea usa’. B’introjtu ir‑Russja u l‑Ġappun flimkien126. Ir‑restrizzjonijiet fil‑baġit ta’ €96 biljun fl-2012 biss, dan huwa settur industrijali kbir, għaldaqstant għandhom ikunu kkumpensati b’aktar ko- li jiġġenera l‑innovazzjoni u huwa iċċentrat fuq l‑aktar in- operazzjoni u użu aktar effiċjenti tar‑riżorsi. Dan jista’ jsir ġinerija u teknoloġiji sofistikati u ta' livell għoli. Ir‑riċerka permezz ta’ raggruppamenti ta’ appoġġ, speċjalizzazzjoni ewlenija tagħha ħolqot effetti importanti indiretti f ’setturi tar‑rwoli, riċerka u akkwisti konġunti, approċċ ġdid u ak- oħrajn, bħall‑elettronika, l‑avjazzjoni spazjali u ċivili u tip- tar dinamiku lejn is‑sinerġiji ċivili‑militari u aktar inte- provdi tkabbir u eluf ta’ impjiegi ta’ ħiliet għoljin. L‑indus- grazzjoni tas‑swieq. trija tad‑difiża ‑fl Ewropa timpjega b’mod dirett madwar 400,000 persuna u tiġġenera madwar 960,000 impjieg in- 1.2. L‑istrateġija tal‑Kummissjoni dirett ieħor. Għalhekk, dan huwa settur li huwa essenzjali li jinżamm jekk l‑Ewropa sejra tibqa’ ċentru ewlieni tal‑man- Id‑difiża għadha fil‑qalba tas‑sovranità nazzjonali ifattura u l‑innovazzjoni. Huwa għalhekk li l‑azzjoni sabiex u d‑deċiżjonijiet dwar il‑kapaċitajiet militari jibqgħu tissaħħaħ il‑kompetittività tal‑industrija tad‑difiża hija tal‑Istati Membri. Madankollu, l‑UE għandha kontribut parti importanti mill‑Istrateġija għall‑Ewropa 2020 għal sinifikanti x'tagħti. Għandha politiki u strumenti biex tim- tkabbir intelliġenti, sostenibbli u inklussiv. plimenta l‑bidla strutturali u hija l‑aħjar qafas għall‑Istati Membri biex dawn iżommu kollettivament livell xieraq ta' Fl‑istess waqt, l‑importanza ta’ din l‑industrija ma tistax awtonomija strateġika. Minħabba li l‑Istati Membri flimk- titkejjel biss skont l‑impjiegi u d‑dħul. Il‑Bażi Industrijali ien għandhom madwar 1.6 miljun suldat u baġits tad‑di- u Teknoloġika tad‑Difiża Ewropea (EDTIB) tikkostit- fiża annwali ta' EUR 194 biljun, ‑l UE għandha l‑kapaċità li wixxi element ewlieni għall‑kapaċità Ewropea biex tiżgura tkun attur strateġiku fil‑livell internazzjonali, f 'konformità s‑sigurtà taċ‑ċittadini tagħha u tħares il‑valuri u l‑interes- mal‑valuri tagħha. si tagħha. L‑Ewropa għandha tkun kapaċi tassumi r‑responsabbiltajiet tagħha għas‑sigurtà proprja u għall‑paċi Il‑Kunsill Ewropew, fil‑Konklużjonijiet tiegħu tal- internazzjonali u l‑istabilità inġenerali. Dan jeħtieġ ċertu 14 ta’ Diċembru 2012, għaldaqstant talab lir-“Rappreżent‑ grad ta’ awtonomija strateġika: biex tkun sieħeb kredib- ant Għoli, l‑aktar permezz tas‑Servizz Ewropew għall‑Azz‑ bli u affidabbli,‑ l Ewropa għandha tkun kapaċi tiddeċiedi joni Esterna u l‑Aġenzija Ewropea għad‑Difiża, kif ukoll u taġixxi mingħajr ma tiddependi fuq il‑kapaċitajiet ta’ lill‑Kummissjoni, (…) sabiex ikomplu jiżviluppaw proposti partijiet terzi. Is‑sigurtà tal‑provvista, l‑aċċess għal te- u azzjonijiet li jsaħħu l‑PSDK u jtejbu d‑disponibbiltà knoloġiji kruċjali u s‑sovranità operattiva għaldaqstant tal‑kapaċitajiet ċivili u militari meħtieġa...”. huma kruċjali. L‑għan aħħari huwa li tissaħħaħ id‑difiża Ewropea sabiex Attwalment il‑kumpaniji tad‑difiża qegħdin ikampaw jintlaqgħu l‑isfidi tas‑seklu 21. L‑Istati Membri sejrin im- bil‑benefiċċji tal‑investiment R&Ż tal‑passat u rnexxiel- exxu bosta mir‑riformi meħtieġa. L‑Aġenzija Ewropea hom jissostitwixxu b’suċċess it‑tnaqqis fl‑ordnijiet nazzjonali bl‑esportazzjonijiet. Madankollu, dan spiss jirriżulta fi trasferimenti tat‑teknoloġija, ta' drittijiet ta’ proprjetà 126 Dejta tas‑SIPRI Lejn settur tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà aktar kompetittiv u effiċjenti għad‑Difiża (EDA) għandha ‑l inkarigu li tappoġġjahom ta’ dawk l‑Ewropej li jħallsu t‑taxxa. B’mod partikolari fl‑isforz tagħhom li jtejbu l‑kapaċitajiet tad‑difiża tal‑Un- billi: joni għall‑PSDK. Il‑Kummissjoni wkoll tista’ tagħti kon- –– tikkonċentra l‑isforzi tagħha fuq l‑influwenzi tribut importanti, u diġà bdiet tagħmel dan. Kif saħaq reċiproċi bejn ir‑riċerka ċivili u dik militari u l‑użu il‑President Barroso: “Il‑Kummissjoni qiegħda tagħti sehem‑ doppju potenzjali tal‑ispazju; ha: qegħdin naħdmu għal suq waħdieni tad‑difiża. Qegħ‑ din nużaw il‑kompetenzi tagħna pprovduti taħt it‑Trattat –– tgħin lill‑forzi armati jnaqqsu l‑konsum tal‑enerġija bl‑għan li niżviluppaw bażi industrijali Ewropea tad‑difiża.” tagħhom u b’hekk jikkontribwixxu għall‑miri 20/20/20 tal‑Unjoni. B’dawn l‑għanijiet f ’moħħha, il‑Kummissjoni ressqet • Barra minn hekk, il‑Kummissjoni tissuġġerixxi iż‑żewġ Direttivi dwar id‑difiża u ‑ l akkwist sensittiv azzjonijiet li għandhom l‑għan li jesploraw toroq tas‑sigurtà (2009/81) u t‑trasferimenti (2009/43), li llum ġodda, imexxu ’l quddiem id‑dibattitu strateġiku jikkostitwixxu l‑pedament tas‑suq Ewropew tad‑difiża. fl‑Ewropa u jħejju l‑bażi għal aktar kooperazzjoni Barra minn hekk, hija żviluppat politiki industrijali u pro- Ewropea profonda. B’mod partikolari billi: grammi speċifiċi ta’ riċerka u innovazzjoni għas‑sigurtà u għall‑ispazju. Il‑Kummissjoni żviluppat ukoll politiki • Tivvaluta l‑possibbiltà ta’ kapaċitajiet proprji tal‑UE u strumenti li jappoġġjaw kemm is‑sigurtà interna kif ukoll b’użu doppju, li f ’ċerti oqsma ta’ sigurtà jistgħu dik esterna f ’oqsma bħal‑protezzjoni tal‑fruntieri esterni, jikkumplimentaw il‑kapaċitajiet nazzjonali u jsiru is‑sorveljanza marittima, il‑protezzjoni ċivili, jew il‑ġestjo- multiplikaturi tal‑forzi effettivi u kosteffiċjenti; ni tal‑kriżi, li għandhom diversi similaritajiet u rabtiet te- 577 knoloġiċi, industrijali, kunċettwali u operattivi mad‑difiża. • Tikkonsidra li tibda azzjoni preparatorja għar‑riċerka marbuta mal‑PSDK billi tiffoka fuq dawk ‑l oqsma fejn il‑kapaċitajiet tad‑difiża tal‑UE huma l‑aktar meħtieġa. Din il‑Komunikazzjoni tikkonsolida dan l‑acquis u tkompli tiżviluppah fl‑ambitu tal‑kompetenzi tagħha kif definit Il‑Kummissjoni tistieden lill‑Kapijiet tal‑Istati fit‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona. Hija tipprova, b’mod partikolari, tis- u tal‑Gvernijiet sabiex jiddiskutu din il‑Komunikazzjoni frutta s‑sinerġiji possibbli u l‑influwenza reċiproka li jiġu fil‑Kunsill Ewropew f ’Diċembru 2013, flimkien mar‑rap- min‑nuqqas ta’ ċarezza tal‑linja li taqsam id‑difiża mis‑sig- port mħejji mir‑Rappreżentant Għoli tal‑Unjoni għall‑Af- urtà u ċ‑ċivil mill‑militar. farijiet Barranin u l‑Politika tas‑Sigurtà.

Biex tikseb dawn l‑għanijiet, il‑Kummissjoni għandha l‑ħsieb li tieħu azzjoni f ’dawn il‑linji: Pjan ta’ Azzjoni127

• Tapprofondixxi aktar is‑suq intern għad‑difiża u s‑sigurtà. Dan ifisser ‑l ewwel nett li tiżgura 2. It‑Tisħiħ tas‑Suq Intern l‑applikazzjoni sħiħa taż‑żewġ Direttivi eżistenti. Abbażi ta’ dan l‑acquis, il‑Kummissjoni sejra tindirizza għad‑Difiża wkoll id‑distorsjonijiet fis‑suq u tikkontribwixxi għat‑titjib tas‑sigurtà tal‑provvista bejn l‑Istati Membri; 2.1. L‑iżgurar tal‑effiċjenza tas‑suq • Issaħħaħ il‑kompetittività tal‑EDTIB. Għal dan il‑għan, il‑Kummissjoni sejra tiżviluppa politika Hekk kif id‑Direttiva 2009/81 dwar l‑Akkwisti tad‑Difiża industrijali tad‑difiża bbażata fuq żewġ linji ewlenin: u tas‑Sigurtà ġiet trasposta għal kollox fl‑Istati Membri kollha, is‑sinsla regolatorja għal Suq Ewropew tad‑Difiża –– Appoġġ lill‑kompetittività – inkluż l‑iżvilupp ta’ ġiet stabbilita. Għall‑ewwel darba f ’dan is‑settur japplikaw ‘standards ibridi’ li huma ta' benefiċċju għas‑swieq regoli speċifiċi dwar is‑Suq Intern li jtejbu kompetizzjoni tas‑sigurtà u tad‑difiża u l‑eżami tal‑modi kif tiġi ġusta madwar l‑UE kollha. Madankollu, id‑difiża tibqa’ żviluppata sistema ta’ ċertifikazzjoni Ewropea suq speċifiku bi tradizzjoni twila ta’ frammentazzjoni naz- tal‑ajrunavigabbiltà militari. zjonali. Għaldaqstant il‑Kummissjoni sejra tieħu miżuri speċifiċi sabiex tassigura li ‑d Direttiva tiġi applikata tajjeb –– Appoġġ lill‑SMEs – inkluż l‑iżvilupp ta’ Sħubija u tilħaq l‑għan tagħha. ta’ Raggruppamenti Strateġiċi Ewropej li tipprovdi rabtiet ma’ raggruppamenti oħrajn u tappoġġja SMEs marbuta mad‑difiża fil‑kompetizzjoni globali.

• Tisfrutta s‑sinerġiji ċivili u militari safejn ikun l‑aktar 127 Kwalunkwe azzjoni prevista f’dan il‑Pjan ta’ Azzjoni hija possibbli sabiex tiżgura l‑aktar użu effiċjenti tar‑riżorsi koerenti u kompatibbli mal‑istrumenti finanzjarji rilevanti stabbiliti taħt il‑Qafas Finanzjarju Pluriennali. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

2.2 L‑indirizzar tad‑distorsjonijiet Azzjoni: tas‑suq

• Il‑Kummissjoni sejra timmonitorja l‑ftuħ Biex tkompli tiżviluppa s‑Suq Intern għad‑difiża u taħdem tas‑swieq tad‑difiża tal‑Istati Membri u tivvaluta għal kundizzjonijiet ugwali għall‑fornituri Ewropej koll- b’mod regolari permezz tat‑Tenders Electronic ha, il‑Kummissjoni sejra tindirizza prattiki persistenti in- Daily (TED) tal‑UE u sorsi speċjalizzati oħrajn ġusti u diskriminatorji u d‑distorsjonijiet tas‑suq. B’mod kif ir‑regoli l‑ġodda tal‑akkwist qegħdin ikunu partikolari hija sejra timmobilizza l‑politiki tagħha kontra applikati. Hija sejra tikkoordina l‑attivitajiet ta’ t‑tpaċijiet, jiġifieri kumpensi ekonomiċi meħtieġa għax‑xiri monitoraġġ tas‑swieq tagħha ma’ dawk tal‑EDA tad‑difiża mingħand fornituri mhux nazzjonali. Ir‑rekwiżi- sabiex tisfrutta sinerġiji potenzjali u tevita ti ta’ tpaċija huma miżuri diskriminatorji li jmorru kontra d‑duplikazzjoni bla bżonn tal‑isforzi. kemm il‑prinċipji tat‑Trattat tal‑UE kif ukoll il‑metodi effettivi ta’ akkwist. Għaldaqstant ma jistgħux ikunu parti mis‑suq intern għad‑difiża. Fi żminijiet ta’ limitazzjonijiet ta’ baġit, huwa partikolarment importanti li r‑riżorsi finanzjarji jintefqu b’mod effiċ- jenti. Il‑kondiviżjoni tad‑domanda huwa mod effettiv kif Azzjoni: jinkiseb dan l‑għan. Id‑Direttiva tinkludi dispożizzjonijiet speċifiċi dwar il‑korpi ta’ xiri ċentrali li jippermettu lill‑Ista- • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tiżgura t‑tneħħija gradwali 578 ti Membri jużaw ir‑regoli l‑ġodda wkoll għall‑akkwisti u rapida tat‑tpaċijiet. Minn meta adottaw id‑direttiva konġunti, pereżempju permezz tal‑EDA. L‑Istati Membri dwar l‑akkwisti tad‑difiża, ‑l Istati Membri kollha għandhom jużaw din l‑għodda kemm jista’ jkun sabiex jim- rtiraw jew irrevedew il‑leġiżlazzjoni nazzjonali massimizzaw l‑ekonomiji ta’ skala u jibbenefikaw bis‑sħiħ tagħhom dwar it‑tpaċijiet. Il‑Kummissjoni sejra mill‑kooperazzjoni madwar l‑UE. tivverifika li dawn ir‑reviżjonijiet jikkonformaw mal‑liġi tal‑UE. Hija sejra tassigura wkoll li dawn Ċerti kuntratti huma esklużi mill‑ambitu tad‑Direttiva, il‑bidliet fil‑qafas legali jwasslu għal bidla effettiva minħabba li l‑applikazzjoni tar‑regoli tagħha ma jkunux fil‑prattika tal‑akkwisti tal‑Istati Membri. xierqa. Dan huwa l‑każ b’mod partikolari għall‑programmi kooperattivi, li huma mezz effettiv għat‑trawwim tal‑konsolidazzjoni u l‑kompetittività tas‑swieq. Il‑Kummissjoni applikat b’mod estensiv ir‑regoli dwar il‑kontroll tal‑fużjonijiet għas‑settur tad‑difiża. Dawk Madankollu, esklużjonijiet speċifiċi oħrajn, ‑l aktar dawk il‑każijiet ippermettew lill‑Kummissjoni tiggarantixxi konta’ bejgħ minn gvern għal gvern u ta’ għotjiet ta’ kuntrat- troll effettiv tal‑kompetizzjoni, u b’hekk tikkontribwixxi ti rregolati minn regoli internazzjonali, jistgħu jkunu in- għal titjib fil‑funzjonament tas‑suq għad‑difiża. Fir‑rig- terpretati b’mod li jimminaw l‑użu korrett tad‑Direttiva. ward tal‑għajnuna statali, u f ’konformità mal‑Komunika- Dan jista’ jipperikola l‑kundizzjonijiet ugwali fis‑suq in- zzjoni dwar l‑Immodernizzar tal‑politika dwar l‑Għajnu- tern. Il‑Kummissjoni għaldaqstant sejra tassigura li dawn na mill‑Istat, l‑infiq pubbliku għandu jsir aktar effiċjenti l‑esklużjonijiet ikunu interpretati strettament u li ma jsirx u aktar immirat. F’dan ir‑rigward, il‑kontroll tal‑għajnu- abbuż minnhom biex wieħed jaħrab mid‑Direttiva. na mill‑Istat għandu rwol fundamentali x’jaqdi fid‑difiża u t‑tisħiħ tas‑suq intern, anki fis‑settur tad‑difiża.

Azzjoni: L‑Istati Membri għandhom l‑obbligu, taħt it‑Trattat, li jinformaw lill‑Kummissjoni rigward il‑miżuri kollha ta’ • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tiċċara l‑limiti ta’ ċerti għajnuna mill‑Istat, inkluża l‑għajnuna fis‑settur pura- esklużjonijiet. Għal dan il‑għan, hija sejra ment militari. Jistgħu jidderogaw biss minn dan l‑obbligu tipprovdi, f ’konsultazzjoni mal‑Istati Membri, jekk ikunu jistgħu jippruvaw li n‑nuqqas ta’ notifika huwa gwida speċifika, ‑l aktar dwar il‑bejgħ minn gvern meħtieġ għal raġunijiet ta’ interessi ta’ sigurtà essenzjali għal gvern u l‑ftehimiet internazzjonali. taħt l‑Artikolu 346 tat‑TFUE. Għaldaqstant, jekk Stat Membru jkollu l‑intenzjoni li jistrieħ fuq l‑Artikolu 346, dan għandu jkun kapaċi juri li l‑miżuri konkreti fis‑settur militari huma meħtieġa u proporzjonati għall‑ħarsien tal‑interessi ta’ sigurtà essenzjali tiegħu u li ma jmorrux lil hinn minn dak li huwa strettament meħtieġ għal dak il‑għan. L‑obbligu ta’ provi li dawn il‑kundizzjonijiet ikunu ssodisfati jaqa’ fuq l‑Istati Membri. Lejn settur tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà aktar kompetittiv u effiċjenti

iżżomm, fil‑qasam tal‑kapaċità militari, kif ukoll il‑kwistjo- Azzjoni: ni ġenerali tal‑investiment barrani li ġej f ’dak is‑settur. Jista’ jkun meħtieġ approċċ Ewropew biex tintlaħaq din l‑isfida. • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tassigura li l‑kundizzjonijiet kollha meħtieġa jkunu ssodisfati meta l‑Artikolu 346 tat‑TFUE ikun invokat sabiex jiġġustifika Azzjoni: miżuri ta’ għajnuna mill‑Istat. • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra toħroġ Green Paper dwar il‑kontroll tad‑difiża u tal‑kapaċitajiet 2.3. It‑titjib tas‑Sigurtà tal‑Forniment industrijali ta’ sigurtà sensittiva. Hija sejra tikkonsulta mal‑partijiet interessati dwar Is‑sigurtà tal‑forniment hija kruċjali sabiex jiġi żgu- in‑nuqqasijiet possibbli tas‑sistema attwali, inkluża rat il‑funzjonament tas‑suq intern għad‑difiża u sabiex l‑identifikazzjoni possibbli ta’ kapaċitajiet Ewropej, il‑katini ta’ forniment industrijali jingħataw xejra Ewro- u tesplora għażliet għall‑istabbiliment ta’ sistema ta’ pea. Il‑parti l‑kbira tal‑problemi tas‑sigurtà tal‑forniment monitoraġġ madwar l‑UE, li tinkludi mekkaniżmi huma fir‑responsabbiltà tal‑Istati Membri. Madankollu, ta’ notifika u konsultazzjoni bejn ‑l Istati Membri. il‑Kummissjoni tista’ tiżviluppa strumenti li jippermettu lill‑Istati Membri jtejbu s‑sigurtà tal‑forniment bejniethom. Id‑Direttiva 2009/43 dwar it‑trasferimenti intra‑UE 579 hija tali strument, peress li tintroduċi sistema ġdida ta’ 3. Il‑Promozzjoni ta’ industrija liċenzji li tiffaċilita ‑l moviment ta’ oġġetti tad‑difiża fis‑suq tad‑difiża aktar kompetittiva intern. L‑Istati Membri issa għandhom jisfruttaw bis‑sħiħ il‑possibbiltajiet ta’ din id‑Direttiva sabiex itejbu s‑sigurtà Il‑ħolqien ta’ suq intern ġenwin għad‑difiża jeħtieġ mhux tal‑forniment fl‑Unjoni. biss qafas legali b’saħħtu iżda wkoll politika industrijali Ewropea mfassla apposta. Il‑futur tal‑EDTIB jinsab f ’aktar kooperazzjoni u speċjalizzazzjoni reġjonali madwar u bejn Azzjonijiet: in‑netwerks ta’ eċċellenza. Tisħiħ akbar tad‑dimensjoni ċivili‑militari tagħhom, jista’ jrawwem aktar kompetizz- • Il‑Kummissjoni, flimkien mal‑EDA, sejra tniedi joni u jikkontribwixxi għal tkabbir ekonomiku u żvilupp proċess ta’ konsultazzjoni bil‑għan li jinkiseb reġjonali. Barra minn hekk, f ’suq tad‑difiża dejjem aktar impenn politiku mill‑Istati Membri li jassiguraw globalizzat huwa essenzjali li l‑kumpaniji tad‑difiża Ew- b’mod reċiproku l‑forniment ikkuntrattat jew ropej ikollhom ambjent ta’ negozju sod fl‑Ewropa sabiex miftiehem ta’ oġġetti, materjal jew servizzi ta’ difiża itejbu l‑kompetittività tagħhom mad‑dinja kollha. għall‑użu finali mill‑forzi armati tal‑Istati Membri. • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tottimizza s‑sistema 3.1. Standardizzazzjoni – l‑iżvilupp ta’ trasferiment tad‑difiża billi: a) tappoġġja tal‑pedamenti għall‑kooperazzjoni lill‑awtoritajiet nazzjonali fl‑isforzi tagħhom u l‑kompetittività fil‑qasam biex iqajmu l‑kuxjenza dwarha fl‑industrija; b) tad‑difiża tistabbilixxi reġistru ċentrali dwar il‑liċenzji ġenerali u tippromwovi l‑użu tagħhom; Il‑parti l‑kbira tal‑standards użati fid‑difiża tal‑UE huma u c) tippromwovi l‑aħjar prattiki fil‑ġestjoni ċivili. Fejn ikunu meħtieġa standards ta’ difiża speċifiċi tat‑trasferimenti intra‑UE. dawn jiġu żviluppati b’mod nazzjonali, u b’hekk ifixklu l‑kooperazzjoni u jżidu l‑ispejjeż għall‑industrija. Għal- hekk, l‑użu ta’ standards ta’ difiża komuni jtejbu ferm Is‑sigurtà tal‑forniment tiddependi wkoll mill‑kontroll il‑kooperazzjoni u l‑interoperabbiltà bejn l‑armati Ew- tas‑sjieda ta’ assi industrijali u teknoloġiċi kruċjali. Bos- ropej u jtejbu l‑kompetittività tal‑industrija Ewropea f ’te- ta Stati Membri għandhom leġiżlazzjoni nazzjonali knoloġiji emerġenti. għall‑kontroll ta’ investiment barrani fl‑industriji tad‑di- fiża. Madankollu, aktar ma ‑l katini ta’ forniment industri- Dan jenfasizza l‑ħtieġa li jinħolqu inċentivi għall‑Istati jali jsiru internazzjonali, aktar il‑bidla fis‑sjieda ta’ kump- Membri sabiex jiżviluppaw standards ċivili‑militari Ewropej. anija (anki fil‑livelli aktar baxxi) jista’ jkollha impatt fuq Ovvjament, dawn għandhom jibqgħu volontarji u m’għan- is‑sigurtà tal‑forniment tal‑forzi armati u l‑industriji ta’ dux isir xogħol doppju marbut mal‑istandards fir‑rigward Stati Membri oħrajn. Din hija wkoll kwistjoni li taffettwa tan‑NATO u korpi rilevanti oħrajn. Madankollu, jista’ jsir l‑kobor tal‑awtonomija li għandha l‑Ewropa, u li tixtieq IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

ħafna aktar biex jiġu żviluppati standards fejn jiġu identi- B’mod partikolari, fl‑ajrunavigabbiltà militari, skont fikati lakuni u ħtiġijiet komuni. Dan jirrigwarda b’mod par- l‑EDA, dan qed iżid 50 % maż‑żmien tal‑iżvilupp u 20 % tikolari l‑istandards f ’teknoloġiji emerġenti, bħas‑Sistemi mal‑ispejjeż tal‑iżvilupp. Barra minn hekk, li jkun hemm ta’ Ajruplani Ippilotati mill‑Bogħod (RPAS) u f ’oqsma sett ta’ rekwiżiti komuni u armonizzati jnaqqas l‑ispejjeż stabbiliti, bħal fil‑ħarsien tal‑kampijiet, fejn is‑swieq għad- billi jiffaċilita ‑l manutenzjoni tal‑ajruplani jew it‑taħriġ ta’ hom mhumiex żviluppati biżżejjed u hemm il‑potenzjal ta’ persunal tal‑manutenzjoni transnazzjonali. titjib fil‑kompetittività tal‑industrija. Il‑munizzjon huwa eżempju ieħor. In‑nuqqas ta’ ċertifika- zzjoni komuni ta’ munizzjon sparat mill‑art huwa stmat li Azzjonijiet: jiswa lill‑Ewropa EUR 1,5 biljun fis‑sena (minn total ta’ EUR 7,5 biljun li jintefqu fuq il‑munizzjon kull sena). • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tippromwovi l‑iżvilupp ta’ ‘Standards Ibridi’, għall‑prodotti li jistgħu jkollhom kemm applikazzjonijiet militari kif ukoll ċivili. Azzjoni: Hija diġà ħarġet talba ta’ standardizzazzjoni għal tali “standard ibridu” fl-2012 għar‑Radju Definit • Waqt li tibni fuq l‑esperjenza ċivili tal‑EASA, mis‑Softwer. Il‑kandidati li jmiss għat‑talbiet ta’ l‑esperjenza li kisbet miċ‑ċertifikazzjoni standardizzazzjoni jistgħu jkunu jirrigwardaw tal‑Airbus A-400M (fil‑konfigurazzjoni ċivili standards għad‑detezzjoni u l‑ikkampjunar Kimiku tiegħu) u x‑xogħol tal‑EDA f ’dan il‑qasam, 580 Bijoloġiku Radjoloġiku Nukleari u tal‑Isplussivi il‑Kummissjoni, f ’isem l‑Istati Membri, sejra (CBRNE), RPAS, rekwiżiti ta’ ajrunavigabbiltà, tivvaluta l‑għażliet differenti għat‑twettiq standards ta’ qsim ta’ dejta, kodifikazzjoni tal‑kompiti marbuta mal‑ajrunavigabbiltà inizjali u teknoloġiji ta’ informazzjoni u komunikazzjoni ta’ prodotti militari fl‑oqsma speċifikati mill‑EDA. kruċjali oħrajn. • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tesplora l‑għażliet mal‑EDA u Organizzazzjonijiet ta’ Standardizzazzjoni 3.3. Materja Prima – l‑indirizzar Ewropej għall‑istabbiliment ta’ mekkaniżmu ta’ tar‑riskji tal‑forniment tfassil ta’ standards speċifiċi Ewropej għall‑prodotti għall‑industrija tad‑difiża Ewropea u l‑applikazzjonijiet militari wara qbil mal‑Istati Membri. L‑għan ewlieni ta’ dan il‑mekkaniżmu ser Materja prima differenti, bħal elementi metalliċi rari, hija ikun l‑iżvilupp ta’ standards li jissodisfaw il‑ħtiġijiet indispensabbli f ’bosta applikazzjonijiet ta’ difiża, li jvarjaw identifikati filwaqt li jimmaniġġja informazzjoni minn RPAS sa munizzjon iggwidat bi preċiżjoni, mill‑im- sensittiva b’mod xieraq. mirar bil‑lejżer sal‑komunikazzjonijiet bis‑satellita. Għadd • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tesplora flimkien mal‑EDA ta’ materjali bħal dawn huma soġġetti għal riskji dejjem modi ġodda ta’ promozzjoni tal‑għodod eżistenti akbar ta’ forniment, li jfixklu ‑l kompetittività tas‑settur għall‑għażla tal‑istandards tal‑aħjar prattika tad‑difiża. Element ewlieni tal‑istrateġija globali tal‑UE fl‑akkwisti fil‑qasam tad‑difiża. għall‑materja prima jikkonsisti f ’lista ta’ materja prima li hija meqjusa ta’ importanza kbira għall‑ekonomija tal‑UE. Il‑lista attwali ta’ materja prima kritika fil‑livell tal‑UE hija mistennija li tiġi riveduta sal‑aħħar tal-2013. Għalkemm 3.2. Il‑promozzjoni ta’ Approċċ Komuni dawn spiss ikunu l‑istess materjali li huma importanti għaċ‑Ċertifikazzjoni – it‑tnaqqis għall‑finijiet ċivili u ta’ difiża, ikun hemm valur miżjud ċar tal‑ispejjeż u t‑tħaffif tal‑iżvilupp kieku dan ix‑xogħol iqis l‑importanza speċifika ta’ materja prima għas‑settur tad‑difiża tal‑Ewropa. Iċ‑ċertifikazzjoni, bħal fil‑każ tal‑istandards, hija element ewlieni tal‑kompetittività industrijali u tal‑kooperazzjoni fid‑difiża Ewropea. In‑nuqqas ta’ sistema ta’ ċertifikazzjoni Azzjoni: pan‑Ewropea ta’ prodotti tad‑difiża jaġixxi bħala ostaklu kbir li jdewwem it‑tqegħid ta’ prodotti fis‑suq u jżid b’mod • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra teżamina materja prima sostanzjali mal‑ispejjeż tul iċ‑ċiklu tal‑ħajja tal‑prodott. li hija kritika għas‑settur tad‑difiża fil‑kuntest Huma meħtieġa arranġamenti aqwa fil‑qasam taċ‑ċertifi- tal‑istrateġija globali tal‑UE għall‑materja prima kazzjoni biex ċerti kompiti li bħalissa jsiru fil‑livell nazz- u, jekk ikun meħtieġ, tħejji azzjonijiet ta’ politika jonali jitwettqu b’mod komuni. mmirati. Lejn settur tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà aktar kompetittiv u effiċjenti

3.4. L‑SMEs – l‑iżgurar tal‑qalba tal‑innovazzjoni tad‑difiża • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tuża wkoll l‑Enterprise Europe Network (EEN) sabiex tiggwida lill‑SMEs tal‑Ewropa relatati mad‑difiża lejn in‑netwerking u s‑sħubiji, l‑internazzjonalizzazzjoni tal‑attivitajiet tagħhom, Id‑direttivi tad‑difiża dwar ‑l akkwist u t‑trasferimenti joff- it‑trsferimenti tat‑teknoloġiji u l‑finanzjament ru opportunitajiet ġodda għall‑SMEs sabiex jipparteċipaw tal‑opportunitajiet tan‑negozju. fl‑istabbiliment ta’ suq Ewropew tad‑difiża. Dan huwa l‑każ b’mod partikolari għad‑dispożizzjonijiet ta’ sot- • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tippromwovi n‑netwerking tokuntrattar tad‑direttiva dwar l‑akkwisti li ttejjeb l‑aċċess reġjonali bl‑għan li tintegra l‑assi industrijali għall‑katini ta’ forniment ta’ kuntratturi ewlenin mhux u ta’ riċerka tad‑difiża fi strateġiji reġjonali ta’ nazzjonali. Għaldaqstant l‑Istati Membri għandhom jużaw speċjalizzazzjoni intelliġenti b’mod partikolari b’mod attiv dawn id‑dispożizzjonijiet sabiex irawmu l‑op- permezz ta’ netwerk Ewropew ta’ reġjuni marbuta portunitajiet għall‑SMEs. mad‑difiża.

Huma meħtieġa aktar passi, b’mod partikolari fil‑qasam tar‑raggruppamenti. Dawn spiss ikunu mmexxija minn 3.5. Ħiliet – il‑ġestjoni tal‑bidla kumpanija ewlenija li taħdem ma’ kumpaniji iżgħar f ’kati- u l‑iżgurar tal‑futur na ta’ forniment. Barra minn hekk, ir‑raggruppamenti spiss ikunu parti minn netwerks ta’ eċċellenza li jlaqqgħu kun- L‑industrija tad‑difiża għaddejja minn bidla radikali li għa- 581 tratturi, SMEs, istituti ta’ riċerka ewlenin u setturi akka- liha l‑Istati Membri u l‑industrija jridu jadattaw rwieħhom. demiċi oħrajn. Kif iddikjara l‑Kunsill Ewropew f ’Diċembru 2008: “ir‑ristrutturar tal‑bażi teknoloġika u industrijali Ewropea Għaldaqstant ir‑raggruppamenti huma partikolarment tad‑difiża, b’mod partikolari madwar ċentri ta’ eċċellen‑ importanti għall‑SMEs, minħabba li joffrulhom ‑l aċċess za Ewropea, l‑evitar tad‑duplikazzjoni, sabiex niżguraw għal faċilitajiet kondiviżi, niċeċ li fihom jistgħu jispeċ- is‑saħħa u l‑kompetittività tagħha, hija ħtieġa strateġika jalizzaw, u opportunitajiet sabiex jikkooperaw ma’ SMEs u ekonomika” oħrajn. F’raggruppamenti bħal dawn, il‑kumpaniji jist- għu jgħaqqdu l‑qawwiet u r‑riżorsi tagħhom sabiex jid- Il‑proċess ta’ ristrutturar huwa prinċipalment ir‑re- diversifikaw fi, u joħolqu swieq ġodda u istituzzjonijiet sponsabbiltà tal‑industrija iżda hemm rwol kumplimentari tal‑għarfien. Jistgħu jiżviluppaw ukoll prodotti u applika- għall‑Kummissjoni, il‑gvernijiet nazzjonali u l‑awtoritajiet zzjonijiet ċivili ġodda bbażati fuq teknoloġiji u materjali lokali. Il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Istati Membri għandhom firxa inizjalment żviluppati għal għanijiet ta’ difiża (eż. ‑l inter- ta’ għodod Ewropej disponibbli li jrawmu ħiliet ġodda net, il‑GPS) jew viċe versa, li qiegħda ssir tendenza dejjem u jindirizzaw l‑impatti tar‑ristrutturar. Dawn għandhom aktar importanti. jintużaw b’fehim ċar tal‑kapaċitajiet u t‑teknoloġiji essenzjali għall‑industrija. Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tħeġġeġ lill‑Istati Membri biex jużaw skemi ta’ flessibbiltà tax‑xogħol u jap- Azzjonijiet poġġjaw l‑intrapriżi, inkluż il‑fornituri, li jsofru minn waqgħa temporanja fid‑domanda u biex tippromwovi • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tesplora mal‑industrija – billi approċċ antiċipattiv lejn ir‑ristrutturar. F’dan il‑kuntest, tieħu approċċ minn isfel għal fuq - kif tistabbilixxi l‑Istati Membri jistgħu jużaw l‑appoġġ li jista’ jiġi pprovdut Sħubija Ewropea Strateġika ta’ Raggruppamenti mill‑Fond Soċjali Ewropew (ESF) u f ’ċerti każijiet ta’ mfassla sabiex tappoġġja l‑emerġenza ta’ katini ħafna sensji anke mill‑Fond Ewropew ta’ Aġġustament ġodda ta’ valuri u tindirizza l‑ostakoli li jiffaċċjaw għall‑Globalizzazzjoni. Pedament importanti ta’ dan l‑SMEs marbuta mad‑difiża fil‑kompetizzjoni ix‑xogħol ser ikun l‑immappjar tal‑ħiliet eżistenti u l‑iden- globali. F’dan il‑kuntest, il‑Kummissjoni sejra tifikar ta’ ħiliet meħtieġa fil‑ġejjieni, possibbilment fuq tuża għodod imfassla għall‑appoġġ tal‑SMEs, il‑bażi ta’ Kunsill Ewropew tal‑Ħiliet tas‑Settur għad‑Di- inkluż COSME, għall‑ħtiġijiet tal‑SMEs marbuta fiża taħt it‑tmexxija tar‑rappreżentanti tas‑settur. mad‑difiża. Għal dan il‑għan jista’ jiġi kkunsidrat ukoll l‑użu tal‑Fondi Strutturali Ewropej u tal‑Investiment. Dan ix‑xogħol ser jinkludi l‑kjarifika tar‑regoli ta’ eliġibbiltà għall‑proġetti ta’ użu doppju. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

fl‑iżvilupp ta’ applikazzjonijiet b’użu doppju b’dimensjoni Azzjonijiet: ċara ta’ sigurtà jew teknoloġiji b’użu doppju oħrajn bħal, pereżempju, dawk li jappoġġjaw l‑inserzjoni ta’ RPAS ċivi- • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tippromwovi ħiliet li fis‑sistema tal‑avjazzjoni Ewropea li għandu jsir fil‑qafas identifikati bħala essenzjali għall‑futur tal‑Impriża Konġunta SESAR. tal‑industrija inkluż permezz tal‑programmi ta’ “Alleanzi tal‑Ħiliet tas‑Settur” u ta’ “Alleanzi Ir‑riċerka dwar id‑difiża ħolqot riperkussjonijiet importan- tal‑Għarfien” li bħalissa qegħdin jiġu ppruvati. ti f ’setturi oħrajn, bħall‑elettronika, l‑ispazju, l‑avjazzjoni ċivili u l‑isfruttament tal‑baħar fond. Huwa importanti • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tinkoraġġixxi l‑użu li dawn ir‑riperkussjonijiet mid‑difiża għad‑dinja ċivili tal‑FSE għat‑taħriġ u l‑kisba mill‑ġdid tal‑ħiliet jibqgħu jseħħu u li ngħinu lir‑riċerka dwar id‑difiża tkom- tal‑ħaddiema b’mod partikolari għal proġetti li pli tipprovdi għall‑innovazzjoni ċivili. jindirizzaw il‑ħtiġijiet tal‑ħiliet, it‑tqabbil tal‑ħiliet u l‑antiċipazzjoni tal‑bidla. Il‑Kummissjoni tara wkoll il‑benefiċċji potenzjali ta’ pos- • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tqis ukoll il‑potenzjal sibbiltajiet addizzjonali għar‑riċerka marbuta mal‑PSDK tal‑Fondi Strutturali u ta’ Investiment Ewropej barra l‑ambitu tal‑Orizzont 2020. Dan jista’ jieħu s‑sura ta’ li jappoġġjaw lir‑reġjuni affettwati ħażin Azzjoni Preparatorja fuq il‑kapaċitajiet kruċjali għall‑op- mir‑ristrutturar tal‑industrija tad‑difiża, sabiex erazzjonijiet tal‑PSDK li tfittex sinerġiji ma’ programmi ta’ tgħin lill‑ħaddiema jadattaw għas‑sitwazzjoni riċerka nazzjonali. Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tiddefinixxi ‑l kon- 582 l‑ġdida u għall‑promozzjoni tar‑rikonverżjoni tenut u l‑modalitajiet flimkien mal‑Istati Membri, l‑EEAS ekonomika. u l‑EDA. B’mod parallel, l‑Istati Membri għandhom iżom- mu livell xieraq ta’ finanzjament għar‑riċerka dwar id‑di- fiża, u jżidu ‑l attivitajiet ta’ riċerka li jsiru f ’kooperazzjoni. 4. L‑Isfruttar tal‑Potenzjal tal‑Użu Doppju tar‑Riċerka Azzjonijiet: u t‑Tisħiħ tal‑Innovazzjoni • Il‑Kummissjoni beħsiebha tappoġġja skema ta’ akkwist prekummerċjali sabiex takkwista prototipi. Peress li firxa ta’ teknoloġiji jistgħu jkollhom natura dop- L‑ewwel kandidati għal dawn jistgħu jkunu: pja, hemm potenzjal kbir għal sinerġiji bejn ir‑riċerka ċivili id‑detezzjoni CBRNE, l‑RPAS u t‑tagħmir ta’ u militari. F’dan il‑kuntest, hemm koordinazzjoni kontinwa komunikazzjoni bbażat fuq teknoloġija bir‑radju bejn it‑Tema tas‑Sigurtà tas‑Seba’ Programm Qafas dwar definita bis‑softwer. ir‑Riċerka u l‑Iżvilupp Teknoloġiku u l‑attivitajiet ta’ riċerka dwar id‑difiża Ewropea. S’issa ‑x xogħol kien ikkonċentrat • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tqis il‑possibbiltà li tappoġġja fuq is‑CBRNE u dan l‑aħħar indirizza wkoll id‑difiża ċiber- riċerka relatata mal‑PSDK, bħal permezz ta’ netika fil‑kuntest tal‑PSDK u s‑sinerġiji tagħha mas‑sigurtà Azzjoni Preparatorja. L‑attenzjoni tkun fuq dawk ċibernetika. Għadd ta’ attivitajiet f ’dan ir‑rigward huma l‑oqsma fejn il‑kapaċitajiet tad‑difiża tal‑UE mħabbra fl‑Istrateġija tal‑UE għas‑Sigurtà Ċibernetika, im- huma l‑aktar meħtieġa, filwaqt li jinstabu sinerġiji fassla sabiex tagħmel l‑ambjent onlajn tal‑UE l‑aktar wieħed mal‑programmi tar‑riċerka nazzjonali kull fejn ikun sigur fid‑dinja. Barra minn hekk, l‑Impriża Konġunta SES- possibbli. AR nediet attivitajiet ta’ riċerka fuq is‑sigurtà ċibernetika fil‑qasam tal‑Ġestjoni tat‑Traffiku tal‑Ajru.

Fi ħdan Orizzont 2020, l‑oqsma ta’ “Tmexxija fit‑Te- 5. L‑iżvilupp tal‑kapaċitajiet knoloġiji Abilitanti u Industrijali” inklużi “It‑Teknoloġiji Abilitanti Essenzjali” (KETs) u “Soċjetajiet Sikuri” (l‑Is- Il‑Kummissjoni diġà qiegħda taħdem fuq ħtiġijiet ta’ fida Soċjetali), joffru prospetti ta’ avvanzi teknoloġiċi li kapaċità mhux militari li jappoġġjaw lill‑politiki tas‑sig- jistgħu jixprunaw l‑innovazzjoni mhux biss għal applika- urtà interni kif ukoll dawk esterni, bħall‑protezzjoni ċivi- 128 zzjonijiet ċivili, iżda li għandhom ukoll potenzjal ta’ użu li , il‑ġestjoni tal‑kriżi, is‑sigurtà ċibernetika, il‑ħarsien doppju. Waqt li l‑attivitajiet ta’ riċerka u innovazzjoni tal‑fruntieri esterni u s‑sorveljanza marittima. S’issa, dawn mwettqa taħt Orizzont 2020 se jkollhom enfasi esklussi- l‑attivitajiet kienu limitati għall‑kofinanzjar u l‑koordinaz- va fuq l‑applikazzjonijiet ċivili, il‑Kummissjoni sejra tivvaluta kif ir‑riżultati f ’dawn l‑oqsma jistgħu jibbenefikaw 128 Fil‑każ tal‑protezzjoni ċivili l‑iżvilupp tal‑kapaċitajiet il‑kapaċitajiet industrijali tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà. Il‑Kum- huwa stipulat fil‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni għal Deċiżjoni missjoni għandha wkoll l‑intenzjoni li tesplora s‑sinerġiji tal‑Parlament Ewropew u tal‑Kunsill dwar Mekkaniżmu ta’ Protezzjoni Ċivili tal‑Unjoni [COM (2011) 934 finali] Lejn settur tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà aktar kompetittiv u effiċjenti zjoni tal‑kapaċitajiet tal‑Istati Membri. Il‑Kummissjoni 6.1. Il‑ħarsien tal‑infrastrutturi spazjali għandha l‑intenzjoni li timxi pass ieħor sabiex tassigura li l‑Ewropa jkollha l‑firxa sħiħa ta’ kapaċitajiet tas‑sigurtà li Galileo u Copernicus huma infrastrutturi spazjali Ewropej teħtieġ; li jkunu mħaddma bl‑aktar mod kosteffikaċi pos- kbar. Galileo huwa proprjetà tal‑UE, u kemm Galileo kif sibbli; u li l‑interoperabbiltà bejn il‑kapaċitajiet militari ukoll Copernicus jappoġġjaw politiki ewlenin tal‑UE. u mhux militari tkun żgurata fl‑oqsma rilevanti. Dawn l‑infrastrutturi huma kruċjali minħabba li jiffurmaw is‑sinsla għal applikazzjonijiet u servizzi li huma essenzjali għall‑ekonomija tagħna, għall‑benesseri u s‑sigurtà taċ‑ċit- Azzjonijiet: tadini tagħna. Dawn l‑infrastrutturi jeħtieġu li jkunu mħarsa. • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tkompli ttejjeb l‑interoperabbiltà tal‑qsim tas‑servizz Il‑fdalijiet spazjali saru l‑aktar theddida serja għas‑sos- tal‑informazzjoni bejn l‑utenti ċivili u tad‑difiża tenibbiltà tal‑attivitajiet spazjali tagħna. Sabiex innaqqsu kif pilotati mill‑Ambjent Komuni għall‑Qsim r‑riskju tal‑kolliżjonijiet jeħtieġ li nidentifikaw u nim- tal‑Informazzjoni għas‑Sorveljanza Marittima; monitorjaw is‑satelliti u l‑fdalijiet spazjali. Din l‑attività hija magħrufa bħala sorveljanza u traċċar spazjali (SST), • Filwaqt li tibni fuq netwerks eżistenti tal‑UE, u llum hija bbażata l‑aktar fuq sensuri terrestri bħal tele- il‑Kummissjoni sejra tesplora flimkien mal‑Istati skopji u radars. Bħalissa mhemm l‑ebda kapaċità SST Membri l‑istabbiliment ta’ grupp ta’ kooperazzjoni fil‑livell Ewropew; l‑operaturi tas‑satelliti u li jibagħtu ċivili‑militari fl‑oqsma ta’ a) it‑teknoloġiji ta’ 583 l‑apparat fl‑ispazju jiddependu fuq dejta mill‑Istati Uniti detezzjoni, u b) il‑metodi ta’ kontra l‑apparat għat‑twissijiet għal kontra l‑kolliżjonijiet. splussiv improvizzat, sistemi ta’ difiża tal‑ajru li jinġarru mill‑bniedem (MANPADs) u theddid rilevanti ieħor, bħat‑theddid CBRNE; L‑UE hija lesta li tappoġġja t‑tnedija ta’ servizz SST mibni fuq netwerk ta’ assi SST eżistenti proprjetà tal‑Istati Mem- • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra taħdem mal‑EEAS fuq bri, possibbilment f ’perspettiva trans‑Atlantika. Dawn evalwazzjoni konġunta tal‑ħtiġijiet ta’ kapaċità is‑servizzi għandhom ikunu disponibbli għall‑operaturi b’użu doppju għall‑politiki tas‑sigurtà u tad‑difiża u l‑awtoritajiet pubbliċi, kummerċjali, ċivili u militari. Dan tal‑UE. Fuq il‑bażi ta’ din l‑evalwazzjoni, hija sejra ser ikun jeħtieġ l‑impenn ta’ Stati Membri li għandhom tagħmel proposta dwar liema ħtiġijiet ta’ kapaċità, assi rilevanti sabiex jikkooperaw u jipprovdu servizz kon- jekk ikun hemm, jistgħu l‑aktar jiġu ssodisfati tra l‑kolliżjonijiet fil‑livell Ewropew. L‑għan aħħari huwa li permezz ta’ assi mixtrija, posseduti u mħaddma wieħed jiżgura l‑ħarsien tal‑infrastrutturi spazjali Ewropej direttament mill‑Unjoni. b’kapaċità Ewropea.

Azzjoni: 6. L‑Ispazju u d‑Difiża • Il‑Kummissjoni ressqet proposta għal programm ta’ Il‑parti l‑kbira tat‑teknoloġiji spazjali, l‑infrastrutturi spaz- appoġġ għall‑SST tal‑UE fl-2013. Filwaqt li tibni jali u s‑servizzi spazjali jistgħu jservu għanijiet kemm ċivili fuq din il‑proposta, il‑Kummissjoni sejra tevalwa kif ukoll ta’ difiża. Madankollu, kuntrarju għall‑pajjiżi kif tiżgura, fit‑tul, livell għoli ta’effiċjenza fis‑servizz kollha li jivvjaġġaw fl‑ispazju, fl‑UE mhemm l‑ebda rabta tal‑SST. strutturali bejn l‑attivitajiet spazjali ċivili u dawk militari. Din id‑differenza għandha prezz ekonomiku u politiku li l‑Ewropa ma għadhiex tiflaħ għalih. Is‑sitwazzjoni hija 6.2. Il‑Komunikazzjonijiet bis‑Satellita aggravata aktar minħabba li l‑Ewropa tiddependi fuq fornituri minn pajjiżi terzi għal ċerti teknoloġiji essenzjali li L‑atturi tas‑sigurtà militari u ċivili saru jiddependu dejj- spiss huma soġġetti għal restrizzjonijiet tal‑esportazzjoni. em aktar mill‑komunikazzjoni bis‑satellita (SATCOM). Din hija kapaċità unika li tista’ tiżgura komunikazzjonijiet Għalkemm ċerti kapaċitajiet spazjali jkollhom jibqgħu u xandir fuq distanza twila. Hija tiffaċilita ‑l użu ta’ pjat- taħt il‑kontroll esklussiv nazzjonali u/jew militari, jeżistu taformi mobbli jew skjerabbli minflok infrastrutturi ta’ għadd ta’ oqsma fejn aktar sinerġiji bejn l‑attivitajiet ċivili komunikazzjoni terrestri u li jipprovdu għall‑iskambju ta’ u dawk ta’ difiża jnaqqsu ‑l ispejjeż u jtejbu l‑effiċjenza. kwantitajiet kbar ta’ dejta. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Is‑SATCOM kummerċjali hija l‑aktar soluzzjoni affordab- fost l‑Istati Membri għall‑isfruttar tal‑immaġni bis‑satelli- bli u flessibbli li tista’ tissodisfa din il‑ħtieġa li dejjem qiegħ- ta li permezz tagħhom l‑akkwist iseħħ jew fuq is‑suq jew da tikber. Peress li d‑domanda għas‑SATCOM ta’ sigurtà permezz ta’ ftehimiet bilaterali. Dan ‑l approċċ ta’ suċċess hija frammentata wisq il‑ġbir u l‑qsim tal‑akkwist ta’ SAT- u li jgħaqqad ir‑rekwiżiti tal‑utent ċivili u ta’ difiża, għandu COM jistgħu jiġġeneraw iffrankar konsiderevoli tal‑ispejj- jibqa’ jintuża. eż minħabba l‑ekonomiji ta’ skala u titjib fl‑elastiċità. Peress li l‑ħtieġa għall‑immaġni b’riżoluzzjoni għolja Is‑SATCOMs kummerċjali ma jistgħux jissostitwixxu għal qiegħda tkompli tikber, sabiex inħejju l‑ġenerazzjoni li kollox il‑komunikazzjonijiet bis‑satellita governattivi/ jmiss ta’ satelliti ta’ immaġni b’riżoluzzjoni għolja li għand- militari bażiċi (MILSATCOM) li jiġu żviluppati b’mod hom ikunu skjerati madwar l-2025, għadd ta’ teknoloġiji individwali minn ċerti Stati Membri tal‑UE. Madankollu, għandhom ikunu esplorati u żviluppati bħal satelliti ta’ dawn il‑komunikazzjonijiet m’għandhomx il‑kapaċità li riżoluzzjoni għolja iperspettrali f ’orbita ġeostazzjonarja jaqdu l‑ħtiġijiet ta’ entitajiet iżgħar, l‑aktar ajruplani mil- jew satelliti avvanzati b’riżoluzzjoni ultra‑għolja flimkien itari jew Forzi Speċjali fl‑azzjoni. ma’ pjattaformi ta’ sensuri ġodda bħall‑RPAS.

Barra minn hekk, sal‑aħħar ta’ dan id‑deċennju, il‑ħajja operattiva tal‑MILSATCOM attwali tal‑Istati Membri sejra Azzjoni: tintemm. Din il‑kapaċità ewlenija għandha tinżamm. • Il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea flimkien mal‑EEAS 584 u l‑EDA sejra tesplora l‑possibbiltà li tiżviluppa Azzjonijiet: b’mod progressiv kapaċitajiet ġodda ta’ immaġni li jappoġġjaw missjonijiet u operazzjonijiet tal‑PSDK • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra taħdem biex tegħleb u s‑CSDP. Barra minn hekki, il‑Kummissjoni il‑frammentazzjoni tad‑domanda għas‑SATCOM Ewropea sejra tikkontribwixxi għall‑iżvilupp tas‑sigurtà. B’mod partikolari, bil‑bini fuq tat‑teknoloġiji meħtieġa għall‑ġenerazzjonijiet l‑esperjenza tal‑EDA, il‑Kummissjoni sejra futuri ta’ satelliti tal‑immaġni ta’ riżoluzzjoni għolja. tinkoraġġixxi l‑ġbir tad‑domanda Ewropea għas‑SATCOM kummerċjali militari u tas‑sigurtà; • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tesplora l‑possibbiltajiet biex 7. L‑APPLIKAZZJONI TA’ POLITIKI permezz tal‑programmi u l‑faċilitajiet eżistenti tiffaċilita ‑l isforzi tal‑Istati Membri biex jużaw TAL‑ENERĠIJA TAL‑UE tagħbija ta’ telekomunikazzjoni li tkun proprjetà U STRUMENTI TA’ APPOĠĠ tal‑gvern fuq is‑satelliti (inkluża dik kummerċjali) u jiżviluppaw il‑ġenerazzjoni li jmiss ta’ kapaċità FIS‑SETTUR TAD‑DIFIŻA MILSATCOM proprjetà tal‑gvernijiet fil‑livell Ewropew. Il‑forzi armati huma l‑akbar konsumaturi pubbliċi tal‑en- erġija fl‑UE. Skont l‑EDA, in‑nefqa kollettiva annwali tagħhom għall‑elettriku biss tammonta għal stima totali ta’ 6.3. Il‑bini ta’ kapaċità ta’ satellita aktar minn EUR 1 biljun. Barra minn hekk, il‑fjuwils fossili tal‑UE b’riżoluzzjoni għolja jibqgħu l‑akbar sors importanti li jissodisfa dawn il‑ħtiġijiet tal‑enerġija. Għalhekk, biex titjieb is‑sigurtà tal‑provvista u jitnaqqas l‑infiq operattiv, il‑forzi armati għandhom in- L‑immaġni mis‑satellita b’riżoluzzjoni għolja hija dejj- teress qawwi fit‑tnaqqis tal‑impronta tal‑enerġija tagħhom. em aktar importanti għall‑appoġġ ta’ politiki ta’ sigurtà inkluża l‑PSDK u s‑CFSP. L‑aċċess tal‑UE għal dawn il‑kapaċitajiet huwa kruċjali biex tagħti twissija bikrija, Fl‑istess ħin, il‑forzi armati huma wkoll l‑akbar proprjetar- tieħu deċiżjonijiet f ’waqthom, tippjana minn qabel u ttejj- ju pubbliku ta’ art u infrastrutturi liberi, b’total stmat ta’ eb it‑twettiq tal‑azzjonijiet ta’ rispons tal‑UE għall‑kriżijiet 200 miljun metru kwadru ta’ bini u 1 % tat‑total tal‑wiċċ kemm fil‑qasam ċivili kif ukoll dak militari. tal‑art Ewropea. L‑isfruttar ta’ dan il‑potenzjal jippermetti lill‑forzi armati jnaqqsu l‑ħtiġijiet tal‑enerġija tagħhom u jkopru parti konsiderevoli minn dawn il‑ħtiġijiet F’dan il‑qasam qegħdin jiġu żviluppati bosta programmi ta’ mis‑sorsi awtonomi u baxxi fl‑użu tal‑karbonju tagħhom difiża nazzjonali. Ċerti Stati Membri żviluppaw ukoll sis- stess. Dan inaqqas l‑ispejjeż u d‑dipendenzi u jikkontrib- temi doppji ta’ riżoluzzjoni għolja li jikkumplimentaw pro- wixxi fl‑istess waqt għall‑kisba tal‑għanijiet tal‑enerġija grammi nazzjonali ta’ difiża biss. Dawn is‑sistemi doppji tal‑Unjoni. ippermettew li jinħolqu forom ġodda ta’ kollaborazzjoni Lejn settur tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà aktar kompetittiv u effiċjenti

Fil‑qasam tar‑riċerka, il‑Kummissjoni żviluppat il‑Pjan 8. It‑tisħiħ tad‑Dimensjoni tat‑Teknoloġija Enerġetika Strateġika (SET) sabiex tippromwovi teknoloġiji tal‑enerġija innovattivi u b’karbonju Internazzjonali baxx li għandhom effiċjenzi akbar u li huma aktar sostenibbli mit‑teknoloġiji enerġetiċi eżistenti. Minħabba l‑ħtiġi- Hekk kif il‑baġits għad‑difiża jkomplu jonqsu ‑fl Ewropa, jiet kbar tiegħu ta’ enerġija, is‑settur tad‑difiża jista’ jkun l‑esportazzjoni lejn pajjiżi terzi saret aktar importanti fuq quddiem nett fl‑iskjerament tat‑teknoloġiji enerġetiċi għall‑industriji Ewropej sabiex jagħmlu tajjeb għat‑tnaq- emerġenti tal‑Pjan SET. qis fid‑domanda fis‑swieq lokali tagħhom. Dawn l‑esportazzjonijiet għandhom ikunu awtorizzati skont il‑prinċipji politiċi stipulati fil‑Pożizzjoni Komuni 2008/944/CFSP, Azzjonijiet: adottata fit-8 ta’ Diċembru 2008, u skont it‑Trattat dwar il‑Kummerċ tal‑Armi adottat fit-2 ta’ April 2013 mill‑As- • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tistabbilixxi mekkaniżmu semblea Ġenerali tal‑Organizzazzjoni tan‑Nazzjonijiet speċifiku ta’ konsultazzjoni mal‑esperti mill‑Istati Uniti. Fl‑istess waqt, l‑Ewropa għandha interess ekono- Membri mis‑settur tad‑difiża sa nofs l-2014, miku u politiku li tappoġġja lill‑industriji tagħha fis‑swieq ibbażat fuq il‑mudell tal‑Azzjonijiet Miftiehma dinjija. Fl‑aħħar nett l‑Ewropa teħtieġ li tiżgura approċċ dwar is‑sorsi rinnovabbli u l‑effiċjenza tal‑enerġija. koerenti għall‑monitoraġġ tal‑investiment barrani li ġej Dan il‑mekkaniżmu ser jiffoka fuq a) ‑l effiċjenza (kif stipulat fit‑Taqsima 2.3 dwar is‑sjieda u s‑sigurtà enerġetika, b’mod partikolari fis‑settur tal‑bini; tal‑provvista). 585 b) l‑enerġija rinnovabbli u fjuwils alternattivi; c) l‑infrastruttura enerġetika, inkluż l‑użu ta’ 8.1. Il‑kompetittività fi swieq terzi teknoloġiji bi grilji intelliġenti u ser: Filwaqt li n‑nefqa fuq id‑difiża naqset ‑fl Ewropa, din –– Jeżamina l‑applikabbiltà tal‑kunċetti, qiegħda tkompli tiżdied f ’bosta partijiet oħra tad‑dinja. il‑leġiżlazzjoni u l‑għodod ta’ appoġġ eżistenti L‑aċċess għal dawn is‑swieq spiss huwa diffiċli, u jidde- tal‑UE dwar l‑enerġija għas‑settur tad‑difiża. pendi fuq kunsiderazzjonijiet politiċi, ostakoli għall‑aċċess –– Jidentifika għanijiet possibbli u jiffoka oqsma ta’ għas‑suq, eċċ. L‑akbar suq tad‑difiża fid‑dinja, l‑Istati azzjoni fil‑livell tal‑UE għal kunċett komprensiv Uniti, huwa bażikament magħluq għall‑importazzjonijiet tal‑enerġija għall‑forzi armati. mill‑Ewropa. Pajjiżi terzi oħrajn huma aktar miftuħa, iżda spiss ikunu jeżiġu tpaċijiet li jitfgħu piż kbir fuq il‑kump- –– Jiżviluppa rakkomandazzjonijiet għal ktejjeb ta’ aniji tal‑UE. Finalment, fuq bosta swieq terzi, ħafna forni- gwida dwar l‑enerġiji rinnovabbli u l‑effiċjenza turi Ewropej jikkompetu kontra xulxin, li jagħmilha diffiċli enerġetika fis‑settur tad‑difiża, b’attenzjoni li minn perspettiva Ewropea li jingħata appoġġ lil xi fornitur tingħata lill‑implimentazzjoni tal‑leġiżlazzjoni speċifiku Ewropew. eżistenti tal‑UE, l‑iskjerament ta’ teknoloġiji innovattivi u l‑użu ta’ strumenti finanzjarji innovattivi. Azzjoni: –– Jiskambja informazzjoni mal‑Grupp ta’ Tmexxija tal‑Pjan SET fuq bażi regolari. • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tistabbilixxi djalogu mal‑partijiet interessati dwar kif tappoġġja • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tikkunsidra wkoll li tiżviluppa lill‑industrija tad‑difiża Ewropea fis‑swieq terzi. dokument ta’ gwida dwar l‑implimentazzjoni Fir‑rigward tat‑tpaċijiet fis‑swieq terzi, dan tad‑Direttiva 2012/27/UE fis‑settur tad‑difiża. id‑djalogu ser jesplora modi kif jittaffew ‑l impatti • Il‑Kummissjoni sejra tappoġġja il‑proġett ta’ negattivi possibbli ta’ dawn it‑tpaċijiet fuq is‑suq dimostrazzjoni GO GREEN tal‑forzi armati intern u l‑bażi industrijali tad‑difiża Ewropea. Ewropej dwar l‑enerġija fotovoltajka. Wara l‑wirja Hija sejra teżamina wkoll kif l‑istituzzjonijiet b’suċċess tiegħu, il‑Kummissjoni sejra wkoll tgħin tal‑UE jistgħu jippromwovu lill‑fornituri Ewropej biex GO GREEN ikompli jiżviluppa, billi tinvolvi f ’sitwazzjonijiet fejn kumpanija Ewropea waħda aktar Stati Membri u possibbilment tespandih biss tkun qiegħda tikkompeti ma’ fornituri minn għal sorsi ta’ enerġija rinnovabbli oħrajn bħar‑riħ, partijiet oħrajn tad‑dinja. il‑bijomassa u l‑ilma. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

8.2 Il‑Kontrolli tal‑Esportazzjoni b’Użu integrat tal‑linja ta’ diviżjoni bejn iċ‑ċivil u l‑militar, bi Doppju tranżizzjoni bla xkiel matul il‑fażijiet kollha taċ‑ċiklu tal‑ħajja tal‑kapaċitajiet, jiġifieri mid‑definizzjoni tal‑ħtiġi- jiet tal‑kapaċitajiet sal‑użu effettiv tagħhom fuq il‑post. Il‑kontrolli tal‑esportazzjoni b’użu doppju jikkumplimentaw mill‑qrib il‑kontrolli tal‑kummerċ tal‑armi u huma essenzjali għas‑sigurtà tal‑UE kif ukoll għall‑kompetittività ta’ bosta Bħala l‑ewwel pass lejn dan l‑għan, il‑Kummissjoni sejra kumpaniji fis‑setturi tal‑ajruspazju, tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà. tirrevedi l‑mod intern tagħha stess ta’ kif tindirizza l‑kwist- Il‑Kummissjoni tat bidu għal reviżjoni tal‑politika ta’ kon- jonijiet ta’ sigurtà u difiża. Abbażi tal‑esperjenza tat‑Task troll tal‑esportazzjoni tal‑UE u għamlet konsultazzjoni Force tad‑Difiża, hija sejra ttejjeb il‑mekkaniżmi tagħha pubblika wiesgħa, li l‑konklużjonijiet tagħha huma ppreżen- għall‑kooperazzjoni u l‑koordinazzjoni bejn is‑servizzi tati f ’Dokument ta’ Ħidma tal‑Persunal tal‑Kummissjoni proprji u mal‑partijiet interessati. li ħareġ f ’Jannar 2013. Il‑proċess ta’ riforma ser jitkompla bit‑tħejjija ta’ Komunikazzjoni li sejra tindirizza l‑ostakoli 9.2. Sejħa lill‑Istati Membri li fadal għall‑kummerċ li ma jħallux lill‑kumpaniji Ewropej jiksbu l‑benefiċċji kollha fis‑suq intern. Din il‑Komunikazzjoni tistabbilixxi Pjan ta’ Azzjoni għall‑kontribut tal‑Kummissjoni biex issaħħaħ il‑PSDK. Il‑Kummissjoni qiegħda tistieden lill‑Kunsill Ewropew jid- Azzjoni: diskuti dan il‑Pjan ta’ Azzjoni f ’Diċembru 2013 flimkien mar‑rapport imħejji mir‑Rappreżentant Għoli tal‑Unjoni 586 • Bħala parti mill‑analiżi ta’ politika ta’ kontroll għall‑Affarijiet Barranin u l‑Politika tas‑Sigurtà fuq il‑bażi tal‑esportazzjoni li għadha għaddejja, ta’ dawn il‑kunsiderazzjonijiet li ġejjin: il‑Kummissjoni sejra tippreżenta rapport dwar il‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt dwar l‑implimentazzjoni • Id‑deċiżjonijiet dwar l‑investimenti u l‑kapaċitajiet tar‑Regolament (KE) Nru 428/2009 u se għas‑sigurtà u għad‑difiża għandhom ikunu bbażati fuq ssegwih b’Komunikazzjoni li fiha tiddeskrivi fehim komuni tat‑theddid u l‑interess. Għaldaqstant viżjoni fit‑tul għall‑kontrolli tal‑esportazzjoni l‑Ewropa teħtieġ li tiżviluppa approċċ strateġiku strateġika tal‑UE u inizjattivi politiċi konkreti fiż‑żmien dovut, li jkopri l‑aspetti kollha tas‑sigurtà sabiex il‑kontrolli tal‑esportazzjoni jkunu adattati militari u mhux militari. F’dan il‑kuntest, għandu għall‑kundizzjonijiet teknoloġiċi, ekonomiċi jitħejja dibattitu politiku usa’ dwar l‑implimentazzjoni u politiċi li jinbidlu malajr. Din tista’ tinkludi tad‑dispożizzjonijiet rilevanti tat‑Trattat ta’ Lisbona; proposti għal emendi leġiżlattivi għas‑sistema ta’ • Il‑Politika ta’ Sigurtà u ta’ Difiża Komuni hija bżonn. kontroll tal‑esportazzjoni tal‑UE. Biex tkun effettiva, hija għandha tkun imsaħħa permezz ta’ Politika Ewropea Komuni tal‑Kapaċitajiet u tal‑Armamenti kompluta kif imsemmi 9. Konklużjonijiet fl‑Artikolu 42 tat‑TUE; • Biex tassigura l‑koerenza fl‑isforzi, il‑PSDK għandha Iż‑żamma u l‑iżvilupp ta’ kapaċitajiet ta’ difiża li jilqgħu tkun ikkoordinata mill‑qrib ma’ politiki rilevanti għall‑isfidi attwali u futuri minkejja limitazzjonijiet kbar oħrajn tal‑UE. Dan huwa partikolarment importanti ta’ baġit ikunu possibbli biss jekk isiru riformi politiċi sabiex jiġu ġġenerati u sfruttati s‑sinerġiji bejn u strutturali wiesgħa. Wasal iż‑żmien li tittieħed azzjoni l‑iżvilupp u l‑użu ta’ kapaċitajiet ta’ sigurtà għad‑difiża ambizzjuża. u għaċ‑ċivil; • Biex il‑PSDK tkun kredibbli, l‑Ewropa teħtieġ bażi 9.1. Qafas ġdid għall‑iżvilupp ta’ industrijali u teknoloġika tad‑difiża b’saħħitha. Biex kooperazzjoni ċivili / militari jinkiseb dan l‑għan, huwa kruċjali li tiġi żviluppata Strateġija Ewropea Industrijali għad‑Difiża bbażata Il‑kooperazzjoni ċivili / militari hija sfida kkumplikata fuq fehim komuni tal‑grad ta’ awtonomija li l‑Ewropa b’bosta aspetti operattivi, politiċi, teknoloġiċi u indus- tixtieq iżżomm f ’oqsma teknoloġiċi kruċjali; trijali. Dan japplika b’mod partikolari għall‑Ewropa, fejn • Biex tinżamm industrija kompetittiva li tkun kapaċi it‑tqassim tal‑kompetenzi u tax‑xogħol iżid saff ieħor ta’ tipproduċi bi prezzijiet raġonevoli l‑kapaċitajiet li kumplessità. Din il‑Komunikazzjoni tipprovdi pakkett neħtieġu, huwa essenzjali li s‑suq intern għad‑difiża ta’ miżuri li tista’ tgħin biex jintrebħu dawn l‑isfidi u toffri u s‑sigurtà jissaħħaħ u li jinħolqu kundizzjonijiet li inċentivi għall‑kooperazzjoni bejn l‑Istati Membri. F’dan il‑kuntest, l‑għan tagħna huwa li niżviluppaw approċċ Lejn settur tad‑difiża u tas‑sigurtà aktar kompetittiv u effiċjenti

jippermettu lill‑kumpaniji Ewropej joperaw b’mod liberu fl‑Istati Membri kollha; • Iffaċċjati b’limitazzjonijiet kbar ta’ baġit, huwa partikolarment importanti li r‑riżorsi finanzjarji jiġu allokati u jintefqu b’mod effiċjenti. Dan jimplika inter alia tnaqqis fl‑ispejjeż operattivi, ġbir tad‑domanda u armonizzar tar‑rekwiżiti militari. • Biex jintwera l‑valur miżjud reali tal‑qafas tal‑UE, li hu meħtieġ huwa li jiġi identifikat proġett konġunt fil‑qasam tal‑kapaċitajiet tad‑difiża ewlenin, fejn il‑politiki tal‑UE jisgħu jiġu mobilizzati kompletament. 9.3. Il‑Passi li Jmiss

Abbażi tad‑diskussjonijiet mal‑Kapijiet tal‑Istat u tal‑Gvern, u għall‑oqsma definiti f ’din il‑Komunikazz- joni, il‑Kummissjoni sejra tiżviluppa pjan direzzjonali dettaljat b’azzjonijiet u kronoloġiji konkreti. 587 Għat‑tħejjija u l‑implimentazzjoni ta’ dan il‑pjan direzzjonali, il‑Kummissjoni sejra twaqqaf mekkaniżmu ta’ konsultazzjoni speċifiku mal‑awtoritajiet nazzjonali. Il‑mekka- niżmu jista’ jieħu diversi forom, skont il‑qasam ta’ politika diskuss. L‑EDA u s‑Servizz tal‑Azzjoni Esterna se jkunu assoċjati ma’ dan il‑mekkaniżmu ta’ konsultazzjoni.

Qafas ġdid tal‑UE biex jissaħħaħ l‑Istat tad‑Dritt

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW U LILL‑KUNSILL BRUSSELL, 11.3.2014 COM(2014) 158

1. Introduzzjoni u mgħammra biex jipproteġu ċ‑ċittadini kontra kull theddida għall‑istat tad‑dritt. Madankollu, l‑avvenimen- 589 ti riċenti f ’xi Stati Membri wrew li nuqqas ta’ rispett lejn L‑istat tad‑dritt huwa s‑sinsla ta’ kull demokrazija kos- l‑istat tad‑dritt u, bħala konsegwenza, anki lejn il‑valuri tituzzjonali moderna. Huwa wieħed mill‑prinċipji fun- fundamentali li l‑istat tad‑dritt għandu l‑għan li jipproteġi, damentali li jirriżultaw mit‑tradizzjonijiet kostituzzjon- jistgħu jsiru kwistjoni ta’ tħassib serju. Matul dawn l‑av- ali komuni tal‑Istati Membri kollha tal‑UE u wieħed venimenti, kien hemm talba ċara mill‑pubbliku inġenerali mill‑aktar valuri sinifikanti li fuqhom hija bbażata ‑l Un- lill‑UE, u notevolment lill‑Kummissjoni, biex tittieħed joni. Dan jitfakkar bl‑Artikolu 2 tat‑Trattat dwar l‑Un- azzjoni. Riżultati nkisbu. Madankollu, il‑Kummissjoni joni Ewropea (TUE), kif ukoll bil‑Preamboli tat‑Trattat u l‑UE kellhom isibu soluzzjonijiet minħabba li u l‑Karta tad‑Drittijiet Fundamentali tal‑UE. Din hija ad hoc l‑mekkaniżmi u l‑proċeduri attwali tal‑UE mhux dejj- wkoll ir‑raġuni għaliex, skont l‑Artikolu 49 tat‑TUE, em kienu xierqa biżżejjed biex jiżguraw rispons effettiv ir‑rispett għall‑istat tad‑dritt huwa kundizzjoni stabbilita u f ’waqthu għat‑theddid għall‑istat tad‑dritt. minn qabel għas‑sħubija fl‑UE. Flimkien mad‑demokrazija u d‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem, l‑istat tad‑dritt huwa wkoll wieħed mit‑tliet pilastri tal‑Kunsill tal‑Ewropa u huwa Il‑Kummissjoni hija l‑gwardjan tat‑Trattati u għandha approvat fil‑Preambolu għall‑Konvenzjoni Ewropea r‑responsabbiltà li tiżgura r‑rispett tal‑valuri li fuqhom għall‑Protezzjoni tad‑Drittijiet tal‑Bniedem u l‑Libertajiet hija msejsa l‑UE u tipproteġi l‑interess ġenerali tal‑Unjoni. Fundamentali (KEDB)129. Għaldaqstant il‑Kummissjoni jrid ikollha rwol attiv f ’dan ir‑rigward131. F’Settembru 2012, il‑President Barroso, fid‑diskors annwali tiegħu dwar l‑Istat tal‑Unjoni lill‑Parla- Il‑fiduċja reċiproka fost ‑l Istati Membri tal‑UE u s‑sistemi ment Ewropew, qal: “Neħtieġu sett ta’ strumenti żviluppati legali rispettivi tagħhom hija l‑bażi tal‑Unjoni. Il‑mod kif aħjar, mhux biss l‑alternattiva bejn is-’setgħa ta’ persważ- l‑istat tad‑dritt huwa implimentat f ’livell nazzjonali għan- joni’ tal‑persważjoni politika u l-’għażla nukleari” tal‑Ar- du rwol ewlieni f ’dan ir‑rigward. Il‑fiduċja taċ‑ċittadini tikolu 7 tat‑TUE. Fid‑diskors tas‑sena ta’ wara, huwa qal li kollha tal‑UE u tal‑awtoritajiet nazzjonali fil‑funzjona- “l‑esperjenza kkonfermat l‑importanza tar‑rwol tal‑Kum- ment tal‑istat tad‑dritt hija partikolarment essenzjali għall- missjoni bħala arbitru indipendenti u oġġettiv. Għandna iżvilupp fl‑UE bħala “spazju ta’ libertà, sigurtà u ġustizzja nikkonsolidaw din l‑esperjenza permezz ta’ qafas aktar mingħajr fruntieri interni”130. Din il‑fiduċja se tinbena ġenerali […]. Il‑Kummissjoni se tippreżenta komunikazz- u tinżamm biss jekk l‑istat tad‑dritt huwa osservat fl‑Istati joni dwar dan. Nemmen li huwa dibattitu l ta’ importanza Membri kollha. ewlenija għall‑idea tagħna tal‑Ewropa.”132 Il‑kostituzzjonijiet u sistemi ġudizzjarji differenti tal‑Ista- ti Membri tal‑UE huma, fil‑prinċipju, imfassla tajjeb 131 Ara d‑diskors tal‑Viċi President Reding, il‑Kummissarju għall‑Ġustizzja tal‑UE, “The EU and the Rule of Law – What next?”””(http://europa.eu/rapied/press‑release_ 129 Ara l‑Preambolu tal‑KEDB u l‑Artikolu 3 tal‑Istatut tal‑Kunsill SPEECH-13-677_en.htm). tal‑Ewropa (http://conventions.coe.int/Treaty/en/Treaties/ 132 Ara http://europa.eu/rapid/press‑release_SPEECH-12-596_ Html/001.htm). en.htm u http://europa.eu/rapid/press‑release_ 130 Ara l‑Artikoli 3(2) tat‑TUE u 67 tat‑TFUE. SPEECH-13-684_en.htm IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

F’Ġunju 2013, il‑Kunsill tal‑Ġustizzja u l‑Affarijiet Interni tal‑Kummissjoni sabiex jiġu indirizzati sitwazzjonijiet enfasizza li “ir‑rispett lejn l‑istat tad‑dritt huwa prerekwiżit speċifiċi li jaqgħu fil‑kamp ta’ applikazzjoni tal‑liġi tal‑UE għall‑ħarsien tad‑drittijiet fundamentali” u talab lill‑Kum- permezz ta’ proċeduri ta’ ksur skont l‑Artikolu 258 tat‑Trat- missjoni “biex tmexxi ‘l quddiem id‑dibattitu konformi tat dwar il‑Funzjonament tal‑Unjoni Ewropea (TFUE). mat‑Trattati dwar il‑ħtieġa possibbli għal kif ukoll il‑forma ta’ metodu kollaborattiv u sistematiku biex jiġu indiriz- Minn perspettiva Ewropea usa’, il‑qafas huwa maħsub zati dawn il‑kwistjonijiet”. F’April 2013, il‑Kunsill tal‑Af- biex jikkontribwixxi biex jintlaħqu l‑objettivi tal‑Kunsill farijiet Ġenerali organizza diskussjoni komprensiva dwar tal‑Ewropa, inkluż fuq il‑bażi tal‑kompetenza tal‑Kum- is‑suġġett.133 missjoni Ewropea għad‑Demokrazija permezz tad‑Dritt (il‑Kummissjoni ta’ Venezja)137. F’Lulju 2013, il‑Parlament Ewropew talab li “l‑Istati Mem- bri jiġu vvalutati regolarment għall‑konformità kontinwa tagħhom mal‑valuri fundamentali tal‑Unjoni u r‑rekwiżit 2. Għaliex l‑istat tad‑dritt huwa 134 tad‑demokrazija u l‑istat tad‑dritt” . ta’ importanza fundamentali Din il‑Komunikazzjoni hija t‑tweġiba għal dawn it‑talbiet. għall‑UE Fuq il‑bażi tal‑esperjenza tal‑Kummissjoni, id‑dibattitu interistituzzjonali u konsultazzjonijiet wiesgħa135, il‑Komu- Il‑prinċipju tal‑istat tad‑dritt isir kull ma jmur mudell nikazzjoni tistabbilixxi qafas ġdid biex tiżgura protezzjoni organizzattiv dominanti tal‑liġi kostituzzjonali moderna 590 effettiva u koerenti tal‑istat tad‑dritt fl‑Istati Membri koll- u organizzazzjonijiet internazzjonali (inklużi n‑Nazzjoni- ha. Dan huwa qafas li jindirizza u jsolvi sitwazzjoni fejn jiet Uniti u l‑Kunsill tal‑Ewropa) biex jirregola l‑eżerċizz- hemm theddida sistemika għall‑istat tad‑dritt.136 ju tas‑setgħat pubbliċi. Dan jiżgura li s‑setgħat pubbliċi kollha jaġixxu fil‑limiti stabbiliti mil‑liġi, skont il‑valuri Il‑qafas jipprova jsolvi t‑theddidiet futuri għall‑istat tad‑demokrazija u d‑drittijiet fundamentali, u taħt il‑kon- tad‑dritt fl‑Istati Membri qabel jintlaħqu l‑kundizzjoniji- troll ta’ qrati indipendenti u imparzjali. et għall‑attivazzjoni tal‑mekkaniżmi previsti fl‑Artikolu 7 tat‑TUE. Għaldaqstant dan huwa maħsub biex jindirizza Il‑kontenut preċiż tal‑prinċipji u l‑istandards li joriġina nuqqas. Mhuwiex alternattiva għall‑mekkaniżmi tal‑Ar- mill‑istat tad‑dritt jista’ jvarja fil‑livell nazzjonali, skont tikolu 7 tat‑TUE iżda pjuttost jiġi qablu u jikkumplimen- is‑sistema kostituzzjonali ta’ kull Stat Membru. Madankol- tah. Dan huwa wkoll mingħajr preġudizzju għas‑setgħat lu, il‑ġurisprudenza tal‑Qorti tal‑Ġustizzja tal‑Unjoni Ewropea (”il‑Qorti tal‑Ġustizzja”) u l‑Qorti Ewropea 133 F’Marzu 2013, il‑Ministri tal‑Affarijiet Barranin tad‑Danimarka, tad‑Drittijiet tal‑Bniedem, kif ukoll dokumenti mħejji- il‑Finlandja, il‑Ġermanja u l‑Pajjiżi l‑Baxxi talbu għal aktar ja mill‑Kunsill tal‑Ewropa, li jibnu b’mod partikolari fuq salvagwardji Ewropej biex tiġi żgurata l‑konformità mal‑valuri il‑kompetenza tal‑Kummissjoni ta’ Venezja, jipprovdu lista fundamentali tal‑Unjoni fl‑Istati Membri. Dwar id‑diskussjoni fil‑Kunsill Affarijiet Ġenerali arahttp://www.consilium.europa. mhux eżawrjenti ta’ dawn il‑prinċipji u għalhekk jiddefi- eu/uedocs/cms_Data/docs/pressdata/EN/genaff/136915.pdf. nixxu t‑tifsira ewlieni tal‑istat tad‑dritt bħala valur komuni Fuq il‑konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill tal‑Ġustizzja u l‑Affarijiet tal‑UE f ’konformità mal‑Artikolu 2 tat‑TUE. Interni ara http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/cms_data/ docs/pressdata/en/jha/137404.pdf 134 Ara r‑riżoluzzjonijiet tal‑PE li jistabbilixxu għadd ta’ Dawn il‑prinċipji jinkludu l‑legalità, li tfisser proċess rakkomandazzjonijiet għall‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑UE dwar kif trasparenti, responsabbli, demokratiku u pluralista tista’ tissaħħaħ il‑protezzjoni tal‑Artikolu 2 tat‑TUE (ir‑Rapport għall‑promulgazzjoni tal‑liġijiet; ċertezza tad‑dritt; pro‑ ta’ Rui Tavares tal-2013, ir‑Rapporti ta’ Louis Michel u Kinga jbizzjoni tal‑arbitrarjetà tas‑setgħat eżekuttivi; qrati Göncz tal-2014 - http://www.europarl.europa.eu/committees/ mt/libe/reports.html). indipendenti u imparzjali; stħarriġ ġudizzjarju indip‑ 135 F’Novembru 2013, fl‑Assises de la Justice, li hija konferenza endenti u effettiv, li jinkludi r‑rispett għad‑drittijiet fun‑ ta’ livell għoli dwar il‑futur tal‑ġustizzja fl‑UE li attendew damentali; u ugwaljanza quddiem il‑liġi138. għaliha aktar minn 600 parti interessata, sessjoni waħda ġiet iddedikata speċifikament għas‑suġġett „Lejn mekkaniżmu ġdid ta’ stat tad‑dritt”. Ġiet organizzata sejħa għal rispons kemm Kemm il‑Qorti tal‑Ġustizzja kif ukoll l‑Qorti Ewropea qabel il‑konferenza kif ukoll wara li rriżultat f’għadd kbir ta’ tad‑Drittijiet tal‑Bniedem kkonfermaw li dawn il‑prinċipji kontribuzzjonijiet bil‑miktub (ara http://ec.europa.eu/justice/ events/assises‑justice-2013/contributions_en.htm). 136 Kif enfasizza l‑President Barroso fid‑diskors tiegħu dwar l‑Istat 137 Il‑Kummissjoni ta’ Venezja, msejħa uffiċjalment il‑Kummissjoni tal‑Unjoni ta’ Settembru 2013, il‑qafas „għandu jkun ibbażat Ewropea għad‑Demokrazija permezz tad‑Dritt, hija korp fuq il‑prinċipju ta’ ugwaljanza bejn l‑Istati Membri u użat konsultattiv tal‑Kunsill tal‑Ewropa dwar kwistjonijiet biss f’sitwazzjonijiet fejn ikun hemm riskju serju u sistemiku kostituzzjonali (ara http://www.venice.coe.int/WebForms/ għall‑istat tad‑dritt, u li nħoloq minħabba referenzi predefiniti” pages/?p=01_Presentation). (see http://europa.eu/rapid/press‑release_SPEECH-13-684_ 138 Għal ħarsa ġenerali tal‑ġurisprudenza rilevanti dwar l‑istat mt.htm). tad‑dritt u l‑prinċipji li l‑istat tad‑dritt jinvolvi ara Anness I. Qafas ġdid tal‑UE biex jissaħħaħ l‑Istat tad‑Dritt mhumiex purament formali u rekwiżiti proċedurali. Dawn 3. Għaliex Qafas ġdid tal‑UE huma l‑mezz biex jiġu żgurati kemm konformità kif ukoll rispett lejn id‑demokrazija u d‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem. biex jissaħħaħ l‑istat L‑istat tad‑dritt huwa għalhekk prinċipju kostituzzjonali tad‑dritt b’komponenti formali kif ukoll sostantivi139. F’każijiet fejn il‑mekkaniżmi stabbiliti fuq livell nazzjon- Dan ifisser li ‑r rispett għall‑istat tad‑dritt huwa marbut ali biex jiġi żgurat l‑istat tad‑dritt ma jkunux qed jaħd- mad‑demokrazija u d‑drittijiet fundamentali: ma jistax mu b’mod effettiv, hemm theddida sistemika għall‑istat ikun hemm demokrazija u rispett għad‑drittijiet funda- tad‑dritt u, b’hekk, għall‑funzjonament tal‑UE bħala spaz- mentali mingħajr rispett lejn l‑istat tad‑dritt u vice versa. ju ta’ libertà, sigurtà u ġustizzja mingħajr fruntieri interni. Id‑drittijiet fundamentali huma effettivi biss jekk ikunu F’sitwazzjonijiet bħal dawn, l‑UE teħtieġ li taġixxi biex ġustizzjabbli. Id‑demokrazija hija protetta jekk ir‑rwol tipproteġi l‑istat tad‑dritt bħala valur komuni tal‑Unjoni. fundamentali tal‑ġudikatura, inklużi l‑qrati kostituzzjonali jistgħu jiżguraw il‑libertà tal‑espressjoni, il‑libertà Madankollu, l‑esperjenza wriet li theddida sistemi- tal‑għaqda u r‑rispett tar‑regoli li jirregolaw il‑proċess poli- ka għall‑istat tad‑dritt fl‑Istati Membri ma tistax, tiku u elettorali. fiċ‑ċirkostanzi kollha, tiġi indirizzata b’mod effettiv permezz tal‑istrumenti li jeżistu bħalissa fil‑livell tal‑Unjoni. Fl‑UE, l‑istat tad‑dritt huwa ta’ importanza partikolari. Il‑konformità mal‑istat tad‑dritt hija prerekwiżit għall‑pro- L‑azzjoni li ttieħdet mill‑Kummissjoni biex jitnedew 591 tezzjoni tal‑valuri fundamentali kollha elenkati fl‑Artiko- proċeduri ta’ ksur, ibbażati fuq l‑Artikolu 258 tat‑TFEU, lu 2 tat‑TUE. Din hija wkoll prerekwiżit għaż‑żamma kienet strument importanti biex jiġi indirizzat ċertu tħassib tad‑drittijiet u l‑obbligi kollha li joriġinaw mit‑Trattati tal‑istat tad‑dritt141. Iżda l‑proċeduri ta’ ksur jistgħu jitned- u mil‑liġi internazzjonali. Il‑fiduċja taċ‑ċittadini kollha ew mill‑Kummissjoni biss fejn dan it‑tħassib jikkostitwixxi, tal‑UE u tal‑awtoritajiet nazzjonali fis‑sistemi ġudizzjarji fl‑istess ħin, ksur ta’ dispożizzjoni speċifika tal‑liġi tal‑UE142. tal‑Istati Membri l‑oħra kollha hija essenzjali għall‑funzjonament tal‑UE kollha bħala ”spazju ta’ libertà, sigurtà Hemm sitwazzjonijiet ta’ tħassib li jaqgħu barra mill‑ambi- u ġustizzja mingħajr fruntieri interni”. Illum, sentenza fi tu tal‑liġi tal‑UE u għalhekk ma jistgħux jitqiesu bħala ksur kwistjonijiet ċivili u kummerċjali ta’ qorti nazzjonali trid tal‑obbligi skont it‑Trattati iżda xorta jkunu ta’ theddida tiġi rikonoxxuta awtomatikament u infurzata fi Stat Mem- sistemika għall‑istat tad‑dritt. Għal dawn is‑sitwazzjoni- bru ieħor u Mandat ta’ Arrest Ewropew kontra allegat jiet jistgħu japplikaw mekkaniżmi ta’ prevenzjoni u ta’ kriminal maħruġ fi Stat Membru wieħed irid jiġi infurzat sanzjoni previsti fl‑Artikolu 7 tat‑TUE.Il‑Kummissjoni bl‑istess mod fi Stat Membru ieħor140. Dawn huma eżemp- hija fost l‑atturi li għandhom is‑setgħa permezz tat‑Trattat ji ċari ta’ għaliex l‑Istati Membri kollha jeħtieġu li jieħdu dan f ’kunsiderazzjoni jekk il‑prinċipju tal‑istat tad‑dritt ma jkunx rispettat b’mod sħiħ fi Stat Membru wieħed. Din 141 Ara, pereżempju, il‑Kawża C-286/12 Il‑Kummissjoni vs l‑Ungerija, li għadha ma ġietx ippubblikata (trattament ugwali hija r‑raġuni għaliex l‑UE għandha interess qawwi fis‑sal- fir‑rigward tal‑irtirar obbligatorju ta’ mħallfin u prosekuturi vagwardja u t‑tisħiħ tal‑istat tad‑dritt madwar l‑Unjoni. pubbliċi); C-518/07 Il‑Kummissjoni vs Il‑Ġermanja [2010] Ġabra I-01885 u C-614/10 Il‑Kummissjoni vs l‑Awstrija, li għadha ma ġietx ippubblikata (indipendenza tal‑awtoritajiet 139 Il‑Qorti tal‑Ġustizzja ma tagħmilx referenza għall‑istat tal‑protezzjoni tad‑dejta). tad‑dritt bħala sempliċement rekwiżit formali u proċedurali, 142 L‑azzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni biex tiġi żgurata konformità iżda tenfasizza wkoll il‑valur sostantiv tiegħu billi mal‑Karta tad‑Drittijiet Fundamentali turi din il‑limitazzjoni tispeċifika li „Unjoni bbażata fuq l‑istat tad‑dritt” tfisser ġuridika li tirriżulta mit‑Trattat innifsu. Kif spjegat li l‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑UE huma soġġetti għal stħarriġ fil‑Komunikazzjoni tagħha „Strategy for the effective ġudizzjarju tal‑kompatibbilità tal‑azzjonijiet tagħhom mhux implementation of the Charter of Fundamental rights” tad- biss mat‑Trattat iżda „mal‑prinċipji ġenerali tal‑liġi li jinkludu 19 ta’ Ottubru 2010 (COM(2010) 573 final), il‑Kummissjoni d‑drittijiet fundamentali” (ara ex pluribus, l‑Kawża C-50/00 P, hija determinata li tuża l‑mezzi kollha disponibbli sabiex tiżgura Unión de Pequeños Agricultores [2002] Ġabra I-06677, li l‑Karta tiġi rispettata b’mod sħiħ mill‑Istati Membri. Dan paragrafi 38 u 39; Il‑Kawżi Magħquda C-402/05 P jikkonċerna b’mod partikolari l‑Artikolu 47 tal‑Karta li jipprovdi u C-415/05 P, Kadi, [2008], Ġabra I-06351, paragrafu 316). li kull persuna li d‑drittijiet tagħha garantiti mil‑liġi tal‑UE jiġu Dan ġie kkonfermat ukoll mill‑Qorti Ewropea tad‑Drittijiet miksura għandha d‑dritt għal rimedju effettiv quddiem tribunal tal‑Bniedem li tagħti l‑istat tad‑dritt natura sostantiva indipendenti. Madankollu, dan jista’ jsir mill‑Kummissjoni billi tistabbilixxi li huwa kunċett inerenti fl‑Artikoli kollha vis‑à‑vis l‑Istati Membri „meta jkunu qed jimplimentaw il‑liġi tal‑KEDB (ara pereżempju QEDB Stafford vs ir‑Renju tal‑Unjoni biss”, kif stipulat b’mod espliċitu fl‑Artikolu 51 Unit, 28 ta’ Mejju 2001, paragrafu 63). Irid jiġi enfasizzat tal‑Karta. Ara pereżempju l‑Kawża C-87/12, Kreshnik Ymeraga li fil‑verżjoni Franċiża l‑Qorti ma tużax biss it‑termini u Oħrajn vs Ministre du Travail, de l’Emploi et de l’Immigration, „pre‑eminence du droit” (preċedenza tal‑liġi), iżda wkoll „Etat li għadha ma ġietx ippubblikata, C-370/12 Thomas Pringle vs de Droit” (l‑istat tad‑dritt). il‑Gvern tal‑Irlanda, l‑Irlanda u lill‑Avukat Ġenerali, li għadha 140 Ara l‑Kawża C-168/13, Jeremy F vs Premier Ministre, li għadha ma ġietx ippubblikata u C-617/10, Åklagaren vs Hans Åkerberg ma ġietx ippubblikata, paragrafi 35 u 36. Fransson, li għadha ma ġietx ippubblikata. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

li joħorġu proposta motivata sabiex dawn il‑mekkaniżmi Bit‑twaqqif ta’ Qafas ġdid biex jissaħħaħ l‑Istat tad‑Dritt jintużaw. L‑Artikolu 7 tat‑TUE għandu l‑għan li jiżgura li il‑Kummissjoni tkun qed tipprovdi ċarezza u ttejjeb l‑Istati Membri kollha jirrispettaw il‑valuri komuni tal‑UE, il‑prevedibbilità rigward l‑azzjonijiet li jista’ jkollha tieħu inkluż l‑istat tad‑dritt. L‑ambitu tiegħu ma għandux ikun fil‑ġejjieni, filwaqt li tiżgura li ‑l Istati Membri kollha jiġu limitat għal oqsma koperti mil‑liġi tal‑UE, iżda jagħti s‑set- trattati b’mod ugwali. Abbażi ta’ din il‑Komunikazzjoni, għa lill‑UE biex tintervjeni bil‑għan li tipproteġi l‑istat il‑Kummissjoni hija lesta li tidħol f ’aktar diskussjonijiet tad‑dritt anki f ’oqsma fejn l‑Istati Membri jaġixxu b’mod mal‑Istati Membri, il‑Kunsill u l‑Parlament Ewropew dwar awtonomu. Kif spjegat fil‑Komunikazzjoni tal‑Kummis- dawn il‑kwistjonijiet. sjoni dwar l‑Artikolu 7 tat‑TUE, dan huwa ġġustifikat mill‑fatt li ”jekk Stat Membru jikser il‑valuri fundamentali b’mod pjuttost serju li jaqa’ taħt l‑Artikolu 7, dan x’aktarx 4. Kif se jaħdem il‑Qafas il‑ġdid li jnaqqas l‑istess bażi tal‑UE u l‑fiduċja bejn il‑membri tagħha, ikun xi jkun il‑qasam li fih il‑ksur ikun seħħ”143. tal‑Istat tad‑Dritt tal‑UE

Madankollu, il‑mekkaniżmu ta’ prevenzjoni tal‑Artiko- L‑iskop tal‑Qafas huwa li jippermetti lill‑Kummissjoni lu 7(1) tat‑TUE jista’ jintuża biss f ’każ ta’ ”riskju ċar ta’ biex issib soluzzjoni mal‑Istat Membru kkonċernat sa- ksur serju” u l‑mekkaniżmu ta’ sanzjoni tal‑Artikolu 7(2) biex jiġi evitat li tinħoloq theddida sistemika għall‑istat tat‑TUE f ’każ biss ta’ ”ksur serju u persistenti minn Stat tad‑dritt f ’dak l‑Istat Membru li tista’ twassal għal ”riskju Membru” tal‑valuri stabbiliti fl‑Artikolu 2 tat‑TUE. Il‑liv- ċar ta’ ksur serju” skont it‑tifsira tal‑Artikolu 7 tat‑TUE, 592 elli limiti biex jintużaw iż‑żewġ mekkaniżmi tal‑Artikolu 7 li jkun jeħtieġ li l‑mekkaniżmi pprovduti f ’dak l‑Artikolu tat‑TUE huma għoljin ħafna u jenfasizzaw in‑natura ta’ jitniedu. dawn il‑mekkaniżmi bħala l‑aħħar għażla. Sabiex tiġi żgurata l‑ugwaljanza tal‑Istati Membri, il‑Qafas L‑iżviluppi riċenti f ’xi Stati Membri wrew li dawn il‑mek- se japplika bl‑istess mod għall‑Istati Membri kollha u se kaniżmi mhux dejjem ikunu adattati biex jirrispondu ma- jopera fuq il‑bażi tal‑istess punti ta’ referenza fir‑rigward lajr għat‑theddid għall‑istat tad‑dritt fi Stat Membru. ta’ dak li huwa ta’ theddida sistemika għall‑Istat tad‑dritt.

Għaldaqstant hemm sitwazzjonijiet fejn it‑theddid re- 4.1. x’se jagħti bidu għall‑Qafas il‑ġdid latat mal‑istat tad‑dritt ma jistax jiġi indirizzat b’mod effettiv mill‑istrumenti eżistenti144. Qafas ġdid tal‑UE Il‑Qafas se jintuża f ’sitwazzjonijiet fejn l‑awtoritajiet ta’ biex jissaħħaħ l‑Istat tad‑Dritt bħala valur komuni ew- Stat Membru qed jieħdu miżuri jew qed jaċċettaw sitwazz- lieni tal‑UE huwa meħtieġ flimkien ma’ proċeduri ta’ ksur jonijiet li x’aktarx jaffettwaw b’mod sistematiku u negattiv u l‑mekkaniżmi tal‑Artikolu 7 tat‑TUE. Il‑Qafas se jkun l‑integrità, l‑istabbiltà jew il‑funzjonament xieraq tal‑is- komplementari għall‑mekkaniżmi eżistenti kollha diġà tituzzjonijiet u tal‑mekkaniżmi ta’ salvagwardja stabbiliti fis‑seħħ fil‑livell tal‑Kunsill tal‑Ewropa biex jiġi protett fuq livell nazzjonali biex l‑istat tad‑dritt jiġi protett. l‑istat tad‑dritt145. Dan jirrifletti kemm ‑l objettivi tal‑UE biex jiġu protetti l‑valuri fundamentali tagħha u li jintlaħaq Il‑Qafas il‑ġdid tal‑Istat tad‑Dritt tal‑UE mhuwiex imfassal livell ogħla ta’ fiduċja reċiproka u integrazzjoni ‑fl ispazju b’tali mod li jingħata bidu għalih minħabba ksur tad‑dritta’ libertà, sigurtà u ġustizzja mingħajr fruntieri interni. tijiet fundamentali individwali jew amministrazzjoni ħażi- na tal‑ġustizzja. Dawn il‑każijiet jistgħu u għandhom jiġu ttrattati mis‑sistemi ġudizzjarji nazzjonali, u fil‑kuntest 143 Komunikazzjoni mill‑Kummissjoni tal-15 ta’ Ottubru 2003: tal‑mekkaniżmi ta’ kontroll stabbiliti taħt il‑Konvenzjoni Respect for and promotion of the values on which the Union is Ewropea dwar id‑Drittijiet tal‑Bniedem li l‑Istati Membri based, COM(2003) 606 final. 144 F’xi każijiet, nuqqasijiet sistemiċi marbutin mal‑istat kollha tal‑UE jagħmlu parti minnha. tad‑dritt jistgħu jiġu trattati bl‑użu ta’ Mekkaniżmi ta’ Kooperazzjoni u Verifika (CVM) bbażati fuq l‑Atti ta’ Adeżjoni L‑iskop ewlieni tal‑Qafas huwa li jindirizza t‑theddid għar‑Rumanija u l‑Bulgarija. Madankollu, dawn il‑mekkaniżmi, li l‑bażi tagħhom tinsab direttament fil‑liġi primarja tal‑UE, tal‑istat tad‑dritt (kif definit fit‑tieni Taqsima) li huwa jindirizzaw sitwazzjonijiet relatati li seħħew qabel l‑adeżjoni u għalhekk huma tranżitorji. Għalhekk dawn mhumiex adattati għall‑indirizzar ta’ theddida għall‑istat tad‑dritt fl‑Istati Membri kollha tal‑UE. 145 L‑Artikolu 8 tal‑Istatut tal‑Kunsill tal‑Ewropa jipprovdi li Stat Membru li jkun “kiser b’mod serju” il‑prinċipji tas‑supremazija tad‑dritt u d‑drittijiet tal‑bniedem jista’ jiġi sospiż mid‑drittijiet tiegħu ta’ rappreżentanza u saħansitra jitkeċċa mill‑Kunsill tal‑Ewropa. Bħall‑mekkaniżmi stabbiliti fl‑Artikolu 7 tat‑TUE, dan il‑mekkaniżmu qatt ma ntuża. Qafas ġdid tal‑UE biex jissaħħaħ l‑Istat tad‑Dritt ta’ natura sistemika146. L‑ordni politika, istituzzjonali u/ Il‑valutazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni jew ġudizzjarja ta’ Stat Membru, l‑istruttura kostituzzjonali tiegħu, is‑separazzjoni tas‑setgħat, l‑indipendenza Il‑Kummissjoni tiġbor u teżamina l‑informazzjoni rilevan- jew l‑imparzjalità tal‑ġudikatura, jew is‑sistema tiegħu ta’ ti kollha u tivvaluta jekk hemmx indikazzjonijiet ċari ta’ rieżami ġudizzjarju inkluż ġustizzja kostituzzjonali fejn theddida sistemika għall‑istat tad‑dritt kif deskritt hawn din teżisti, iridu jkunu mhedda - pereżempju bħala riżultat fuq. Din il‑valutazzjoni tista’ tkun ibbażata fuq l‑indikazz- tal‑adozzjoni ta’ miżuri ġodda jew ta’ prattiki mifruxa sew jonijiet mogħtija minn sorsi disponibbli u istituzzjonijiet tal‑awtoritajiet pubbliċi u n‑nuqqas ta’ rimedju domesti- rikonoxxuti, inklużi b’mod partikolari l‑korpi tal‑Kunsill ku. Il‑Qafas se jibda jintuża meta s-”salvagwardji tal‑istat tal‑Ewropa u l‑Aġenzija tal‑Unjoni Ewropea għad‑Dritti- 148 tad‑dritt” nazzjonali ma jkunux jistgħu jindirizzaw dan jiet Fundamentali . it‑theddid b’mod effettiv. Jekk, bħala riżultat ta’ din il‑valutazzjoni preliminari, Il‑Qafas ma jwaqqafx lill‑Kummissjoni milli tuża s‑setgħat il‑Kummissjoni hija tal‑opinjoni li hemm tabilħaqq sitwa- tagħha skont l‑Artikolu 258 tat‑TFUE f ’sitwazzjonijiet zzjoni ta’ theddida sistemika għall‑istat tad‑dritt, tibda dja- li jaqgħu fl‑ambitu tal‑liġi tal‑UE. U lanqas jipprevjeni li logu mal‑Istat Membru kkonċernat, billi tibgħat “opinjoni l‑mekkaniżmi stabbiliti fl‑Artikolu 7 tat‑TUE jibdew jin- dwar l‑istat tad‑dritt” u ssostni t‑tħassib tagħha, u tagħti tużaw direttament, jekk id‑deterjorament f ’daqqa fi Stat lill‑Istat Membru kkonċernat il‑possibiltà li jwieġeb. L‑op- Membru jkun jeħtieġ reazzjoni msaħħa mill‑UE147. injoni tista’ tkun ir‑riżultat ta’ skambju ta’ korrispondenza u laqgħat mal‑awtoritajiet rilevanti u, fejn xieraq,tkun segwita b’aktar skambji. 4.2. Il‑Qafas bħala proċess fi tliet stadji 593 Il‑Kummissjoni tistenna li l‑Istat Membru kkonċernat Fejn hemm indikazzjonijiet ċari ta’ theddida sistemika jikkoopera matul il‑proċess u jibqa’ lura milli jadotta kull għall‑istat tad‑dritt fi Stat Membru, il‑Kummissjoni se miżura irriversibbli fir‑rigward tal‑kwistjonijiet ta’ tħassib tagħti bidu għal skambju strutturat ma’ dan l‑Istat Memb- imqajma mill‑Kummissjoni, fl‑istennija tal‑valutazzjoni ru. Il‑proċess huwa bbażat fuq il‑prinċipji li ġejjin: tal‑aħħar, skont id‑dmir ta’ kooperazzjoni leali stabbilit fl‑Artikolu 4(3) tat‑TUE. Jekk Stat Membru jonqos mil- • enfażi fuq sejbien ta’ soluzzjoni permezz ta’ djalogu li jikkoopera f ’dan il‑proċess, jew saħansitra jfixklu, ikun mal‑Istat Membru kkonċernat; element li għandu jitqies meta tiġi vvalutata s‑serjetà • żgurar ta’ valutazzjoni oġġettiva u dettaljata tat‑theddida. tas‑sitwazzjoni inkwistjoni; F’dan l‑istadju tal‑proċess, filwaqt li ‑t tnedija tal‑valutazz- • rispett tal‑prinċipju ta’ trattament ugwali tal‑Istati joni tal‑Kummissjoni u t‑twassil ta’ din l‑opinjoni se jiġu Membri; ppubblikati mill‑Kummissjoni, il‑kontenut tal‑iskambji • indikazzjoni tal‑azzjonijiet rapidi u konkreti li jistgħu mal‑Istat Membru kkonċernat, bħala regola, jinżamm kun- jittieħdu biex jiġi indirizzat it‑theddid sistemiku u jiġi fidenzjali, sabiex jiġi ffaċilitat li tinstab soluzzjoni malajr. evitat l‑użu tal‑mekkaniżmi tal‑Artikolu 7 tat‑TUE. Ir‑Rakkomandazjoni tal‑Kummissjoni Il‑proċess huwa magħmul, bħala regola, minn tliet stadji, valutazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni, rakkomandazzjoni Fit‑tieni stadju, sakemm il‑kwistjoni ma tkunx sadanit- mill‑Kummissjoni u segwitu għar‑rakkomandazzjoni. tant ġiet diġà solvuta b’mod sodisfaċenti, il‑Kummissjoni toħroġ “rakkomandazzjoni dwar l‑istat tad‑dritt” indirizzata lill‑Istat Membru kkonċernat, jekk issib li hemm provi oġġettivi ta’ theddida sistemika u li l‑awtoritajiet ta’ dan 146 Fir‑rigward tal‑kunċett ta’ “nuqqasijiet sistemiċi” fil‑konformità l‑Istat Membru ma jkunux qed jieħdu azzjoni xierqa biex mad‑drittijiet fundamentali meta wieħed jaġixxi fl‑ambitu tal‑liġi tal‑UE, ara, pereżempju, il‑Kawżi Magħquda C-411/10 jirrimedjaw dan. u 493/10, N.S., li għadhom ma ġewx ippubblikati, paragrafi 94 u 106; u l‑Kawża C-4/11, Il‑Ġermanja vs Kaveh Puid, li għadha Fir‑rakkomandazzjoni tagħha l‑Kummissjoni tindika ma ġietx ippubblikata, paragrafu 36. Rigward il‑kunċett b’mod ċar ir‑raġunijiet għat‑tħassib tagħha u tirrakkoman- ta’ “sistemika” jew “strutturali” fil‑kuntest tal‑Konvenzjoni Ewropea tad‑Drittijiet tal‑Bniedem, ara wkoll ir‑rwol tal‑Qorti da li l‑Istat Membru jsolvi l‑problemi identifikati fil‑limitu Ewropea tad‑Drittijiet tal‑Bniedem fl‑identifikazzjoni ta’ ta’ żmien fiss u tinforma lill‑Kummissjoni bil‑passi meħuda problemi sistemiċi sottostanti, kif definiti fir‑Riżoluzzjoni għal dan il‑għan. Fejn xieraq, ir‑rakkomandazzjoni tista’ Res(2004)3 tal‑Kumitat tal‑Ministri tat-12 ta’ Mejju 2004, dwar Judgments Revealing an Underlying Systemic Problem, (https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=743257&Lang=fr). 148 Ara b’mod partikolari l‑Artikolu 4(1)(a) tar‑Regolament 147 Ara wkoll il‑Komunikazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni tal- tal‑Kunsill (KE) Nru 168/2007 li jistabbilixxi Aġenzija tal‑Unjoni 15 ta’ Ottubru 2003 (nota 15 f’qiegħ il‑paġna). Ewropea għad‑Drittijiet Fundamentali, (ĠU L 53, p. 1). IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

tinkludi indikazzjonijiet speċifiċi dwar modi u miżuri biex Skont is‑sitwazzjoni, il‑Kummissjoni tista’ tiddeċiedi tissolva s‑sitwazzjoni. li tfittex parir u għajnuna minn membri tan‑netwerks ġudizzjarji fl‑UE, bħan‑netwerks tal‑Presidenti ta’ Qrati Il‑valutazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni u l‑konklużjonijiet jkunu Supremi tal‑UE151, l‑Assoċjazzjoni tal‑Kunsilli tal‑Istat ibbażati fuq ir‑riżultati tad‑djalogu mal‑Istat Membru u tal‑Ġurisdizzjonijiet Amministrattivi Supremi tal‑UE152 kkonċernat kif ukoll fuq kull evidenza addizzjonali li l‑Istat jew il‑Kunsilli Ġudizzjarji153. Il‑Kummissjoni teżamina, Membru jkun jeħtieġ ukoll li juri minn qabel. flimkien ma’ dawn in‑netwerks, kif din l‑għajnuna tista’ tiġi pprovduta malajr fejn xieraq, u jekk humiex meħtieġa It‑twassil tar‑rakkomandazzjoni tagħha u l‑kontenut ew- arranġamenti partikolari għal dan il‑għan. lieni tagħha jiġu ppubblikati mill‑Kummissjoni. Il‑Kummissjoni, bħala regola u f ’każijiet xierqa, tfittex Segwitu għar‑Rakkomandazzjoni il‑parir tal‑Kunsill tal‑Ewropa u/jew tal‑Kummissjoni ta’ tal‑Kummissjoni Venezja tagħha, u tikkoordina l‑analiżi tagħha magħhom fil‑każijiet kollha fejn il‑kwistjoni hija wkoll taħt il‑kunsid- Fit‑tielet stadju, il‑Kummissjoni se tissorvelja s‑segwitu erazzjoni u l‑analiżi tagħhom. mogħti mill‑Istat Membru kkonċernat għar‑rakkomandazzjoni li ngħatat lilu. Din is‑sorveljanza tista’ tkun ib- bażata fuq aktar skambji mal‑Istat Membru kkonċernat 5. Konklużjoni u tista’, pereżempju, tiffoka dwar għadhomx iseħħu ċerti 594 prattiki li jqajmu tħassib,jew dwar kif l‑Istat Membru jim- Din il‑Komunikazzjoni tistabbilixxi Qafas ġdid tal‑UE plimenta l‑impenji li għamel sadanittant sabiex isib soluzz- għall‑Istat tad‑Dritt bħala l‑kontribut tal‑Kummissjoni joni għas‑sitwazzjoni. biex issaħħaħ il‑kapaċità tal‑UE u tiżgura protezzjoni effettiva u ugwali tal‑istat tad‑dritt fl‑Istati Membri kollha. Jekk ma jkunx hemm segwitu sodisfaċenti għar‑rakkoman- B’hekk tirrispondi għat‑talbiet mill‑Parlament Ewropew dazzjoni mill‑Istat Membru kkonċernat fiż‑żmien stipulat, u l‑Kunsill. Filwaqt li ma jiġux esklużi żviluppi futuri il‑Kummissjoni tivvaluta l‑possibbiltà li tibda tuża wieħed tat‑Trattati f ’dan il‑qasam – li jridu jiġu diskussi bħala par- 149 mill‑mekkaniżmi stabbiliti fl‑Artikolu 7 tat‑TUE. ti mir‑riflessjonijiet usa’ dwar il‑ġejjieni tal‑Ewropa –,huwa bbażat fuq il‑kompetenzi tal‑Kummissjoni kif previst Interazzjoni istituzzjonali fit‑Trattati eżistenti. Minbarra l‑azzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni, ir‑rwol tal‑Parlament Ewropew u tal‑Kunsill se jkun es- Il‑Parlament Ewropew u l‑Kunsill, jinżammu infurmati senzjali fit‑tisħiħ tad‑determinazzjoni tal‑UE biex tħares regolarment u mill‑qrib dwar il‑progress li jkun sar f ’kull l‑istat tad‑dritt. wieħed minn dawn l‑istadji.

Benefiċċji minn kompetenza ta’ parti terza Sabiex tikseb għarfien espert dwar kwistjonijiet partikolari marbutin mal‑istat tad‑dritt fl‑Istati Membri, il‑Kummiss- joni tista’, b’mod partikolari matul il‑fażi ta’ valutazzjoni, tfittex kompetenza esterna, inkluż mill‑Aġenzija tal‑UE għad‑Drittijiet Fundamentali150. Kompetenza esterna bħal din, tista’ tgħin b’mod partikolari biex tipprovdi analiżi komparattiva dwar ir‑regoli u l‑prattiki eżistenti fi Stati Membri oħra sabiex ikun żgurat trattament ugwali tal‑Ista- ti Membri, fuq il‑bażi ta’ fehim komuni tal‑istat tad‑dritt fl‑UE.

151 In‑Netwerk tal‑Presidenti tal‑Qrati Ġudizzjarji Supremi 149 Ara wkoll il‑Komunikazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni tal- tal‑Unjoni Ewropea (ara http://www.networkpresidents.eu/). 15 ta’ Ottubru 2003 (nota 15 f’qiegħ il‑paġna). 152 L‑Assoċjazzjoni tal‑Kunsilli ta’ l‑Istati u l‑Amministrazzjonijiet 150 L‑Aġenzija tal‑Unjoni Ewropea għad‑Drittijiet Fundamentali Supremi tal‑Ġurisdizzjoni ta’ l‑Unjoni Ewropea (ara http://www. (FRA) tista’ tagħti pariri fl‑ambitu tal‑kompiti tagħha kif definit aca‑europe.eu/index.php/en/). mir‑Regolament tal‑Kunsill (KE) Nru 168/2007 (ara n‑nota 20 153 In‑Netwerk Ewropew tal‑Kunsilli tal‑Ġudikatura (ara http:// ta’ qiegħ il‑paġna). www.encj.eu). Programm dwar l‑Idoneità u l‑Prestazzjoni tar‑Regolamentazzjoni (REFIT): Is‑Sitwazzjoni Attwali u l‑Perspettivi

KOMUNIKAZZJONI MILL‑KUMMISSJONI LILL‑PARLAMENT EWROPEW, LILL‑KUNSILL, LILL‑KUMITAT EKONOMIKU U SOĊJALI EWROPEW U LILL‑KUMITAT TAR‑REĠJUNI BRUSSELL, 18.6.2014 COM(2014) 368

I. Introduzzjoni oqsma fejn l‑inizjattivi previsti ma jitkomplux. Hija rti- rat numru ta’ proposti li kienu għal żmien twil imwaħħla 595 fil‑leġiżlatura u ħassret numru ta’ biċċiet ta’ leġiżlazzjoni. Ir‑regolamentazzjoni tal‑Unjoni Ewropea għandha rwol B’kollox, aktar minn 100 azzjoni ġew identifikati, li nof- ewlieni li jirfed it‑tkabbir u l‑impjiegi. In‑negozji għand- shom kienu proposti ġodda mmirati biex jissimplifikaw hom bżonn l‑UE biex tiżgura kundizzjonijiet ekwivalenti u jnaqqsu l‑piż regolatorju fil‑leġiżlazzjoni eżistenti. L‑azz- ta’ kompetizzjoni u tiffaċilita ‑l kompetittività. Il‑pubbli- jonijiet l‑oħra huma Kontrolli tal‑Idoneità u valutazzjoniji- ku jistenna mingħand il‑livell Ewropew biex l‑interessi et imfassla biex jivvalutaw l‑effiċjenza u l‑effikaċja tar‑rego- tagħhom jiġu protetti, kemm fir‑rigward tas‑saħħa u s‑sig- lamentazzjoni tal‑UE u jippreparaw inizjattivi għat‑tnaqqis urtà, il‑kwalità tal‑ambjent, id‑dritt għall‑privatezza, eċċ. tal‑piżijiet futuri. Regola waħda komuni li tapplika fl‑Istati Membri kollha tista’ tkun ħafna iktar faċli u iktar effiċjenti minn firxa kumplessa ta’ regoli differenti fuq ‑l istess suġġett f ’livell nazzjona- Il‑Kummissjoni wasslet dawn l‑impenji. Din il‑Komuni- li u reġjonali. L‑isfida hija biex din il‑leġiżlazzjoni tinżamm kazzjoni tirrapporta dwar is‑sitwazzjoni attwali tal‑impli- sempliċi - li ma tmurx lil hinn minn dak li huwa stretta- mentazzjoni tal‑programm REFIT u tidentifika azzjonijiet ment meħtieġ biex jintlaħqu l‑għanijiet tal‑politika u biex ġodda. Hija tindika kif il‑Kummissjoni qiegħda ssaħħaħ tiġi evitata d‑duplikazzjoni ta’ saffi tar‑regolamentazzjoni. aktar l‑għodod regolatorji orizzontali tagħha - il‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt, l‑evalwazzjoni u l‑konsultazzjonijiet mal‑partijiet interessati. Hija tagħti ħarsa wkoll lejn Il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea qed taffaċċja din ‑l isfida per- kif l‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑UE, l‑Istati Membri u l‑partijiet mezz tal‑Programm dwar l‑Idoneità u l‑Prestazzjoni interessati fis‑soċjetà tan‑negozju u ċivili qed jagħtu se- tar‑Regolamentazzjoni (REFIT) li jimpenja ruħu għal hemhom fl‑eżerċizzju ta’ din ir‑responsabbiltà kondiviża qafas regolatorju sempliċi, ċar u prevedibbli.154 Dan il‑pro- għall‑idoneità regolatorja. Azzjonijiet ta’ REFIT - tħassir, gramm jimmira li jaqta’ l‑burokrazija żejda, ineħħi l‑piżi- emendi u revoki - isaħħaħ il‑benefiċċji usa’ li ‑r regolam- jiet regolatorji, jissimplifika u jtejjeb id‑disinn u l‑kwalità entazzjoni fil‑livell tal‑UE tista’ twassal billi jissostitwixxi tal‑leġiżlazzjoni biex jintlaħqu l‑għanijiet tal‑politika 28 miżura nazzjonali differenti permezz ta’ miżura waħda u l‑benefiċċji tal‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE jitgawdew bl‑iktar tal‑UE, biex iwassal għal ambjent regolatorju aktar sem- spejjeż baxxiu bl‑inqas piż amministrattiv, b’rispett sħiħ pliċi għan‑negozji u ċ‑ċittadini madwar l‑Ewropa. għat‑Trattati, b’mod partikolari għas‑sussidjarjetà u l‑pro- porzjonalità. B’REFIT, il‑Kummissjoni qed tiskrinja l‑istokk kollu tal‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE fuq bażi kontinwa u sis- Din il‑Komunikazzjoni hija akkumpanjata minn tabella ta’ tematika sabiex jiġu identifikati ‑l piżijiet, l‑inkonsistenzi valutazzjoni dettaljata li tistabbilixxi l‑istat attwali fl‑impli- u l‑miżuri mhux effettivi u identifikat azzjonijiet korrettivi. mentazzjoni ta’ kull inizjattiva REFIT individwali u indikazzjoni ta’ azzjoni ulterjuri. Il‑ambitu għal azzjoni ġdida huwa influwenzat miż‑żmien ta’ dan ir‑rapport. Impenji Fil‑Komunikazzjoni ta’ Ottubru 2013 dwar REFIT155, ġodda se jitkomplew fil‑mandat li jmiss u ġew ikkunsidrati il‑Kummissjoni stipulat aġenda ambizzjuża. Hija identifikat bir‑reqqa f ’dan il‑kuntest.

154 SWD(2013) 401finali tal-1 ta’ Awwissu 2013 155 COM(2013) 685final 2 tat-2 ta’ Ottubru 2013. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

2. Implimentazzjoni Beda x‑xogħol fuq Kontrolli tal‑Idoneità fl‑oqsma leġiżlat- tivi tal‑iskart, il‑protezzjoni tal‑għasafar u l‑abitats (Natura tal‑Programm dwar 2000), is‑sigurtà tal‑vapuri tal‑passiġġieri u l‑Liġi Ġenerali l‑Idoneità u l‑Prestazzjoni dwar l‑Ikel. Huma se jipprovdu l‑bażi għal aktar inizjattivi għas‑simplifikazzjoni u t‑tnaqqis tal‑piż regolatorju fl‑oqs- tar‑Regolamentazzjoni ma rispettivi, inkluż it‑tnaqqis u s‑simplifikazzjoni tal‑ob- (REFIT) bligi ta’ rapportar.

L‑implimentazzjoni rapida u bir‑reqqa ta’ REFIT hija Kontrolli tal‑Idoneità dwar il‑Liġi Ġenerali prijorità għall‑Kummissjoni u sar progress konsiderevoli tal‑Ikel fit‑tħejjija ta’ proposti, l‑adozzjoni tagħhom mill‑Par- lament Ewropew u mill‑Kunsill u l‑implimentazzjoni Il‑Kontroll tal‑Indoneità (KI) se jeżamina l‑prinċipji tagħhom mill‑Istati Membri. Dan li ġej jagħti rendikont ewlenin tar‑regolamentazzjoni qafas kif ukoll l‑impli- ta’ dawn l‑azzjonijiet. mentazzjoni tagħha permezz ta’ regolamenti u azzjoni amministrattiva sussegwenti. Huwa se jiffoka fuq Azzjoni meħuda mill‑Kummissjoni ir‑rilevanza, il‑valur miżjud tal‑UE, l‑effettività, l‑effiċjenza u l‑koerenza. Aspetti tas‑sigurtà tal‑ikel Il‑maġġoranza tal‑proposti leġiżlattivi għas‑simplifikazz- se jkunu koperti wkoll. Il‑Kontroll tal‑Idoneità huwa joni u t‑tnaqqis tal‑piż identifikati fil‑Komunikazzjoni ta’ eżempju ta’ valutazzjoni tax‑xogħol konġunta bejn 596 REFIT f ’Ottubru li għadda huma ppjanati għall‑adozzjo- il‑Kummissjoni u l‑Istati Membri.163 ni din is‑sena.156 Proposti ta’ simplifikazzjoni importanti għan‑negozju, bħall‑introduzzjoni ta’ dikjarazzjoni standard tal‑VAT tal‑UE157 u t‑titjib tal‑proċedura Ewropea għal Il‑Kummissjoni tapplika l‑prinċipju “Aħseb l‑Ewwel talbiet żgħar158 diġà ġew imressqa mill‑Kummissjoni u qed fiż‑Żgħir”164 u ħadet azzjoni wkoll biex tapplika reġimi jistennew id‑deċiżjoni tal‑leġiżlatur. eħfef għall‑SMEs u eżenzjonijiet għall‑mikrokumpaniji kull fejn huwa xieraq. Sbatax‑il azzjoni ta’ REFIT fuq it‑ta- Il‑Kummissjoni formalment approvat 53 irtirar ta’ propos- bella ta’ valutazzjoni fihom eżenzjonijiet għal mikrokump- ti pendenti wara konsultazzjoni tal‑Parlament u l‑Kun- aniji u reġimi eħfef għall‑SMEs. Barra minn hekk, il‑miżati sill, inklużi d‑disa’ inizjattivi REFIT, inklużi dawk dwar għal mikrokumpaniji għar‑reġistrazzjoni u l‑awtorizzazz- is‑simplifikazzjoni tal‑obbligazzjonijiet tal‑VAT, l‑istatut 159 joni ġew imnaqqsa fl‑oqsma tal‑kimiċi, is‑saħħa u l‑protez- ta’ kumpanija privata Ewropea u dwar il‑protezzjoni zjoni tal‑konsumatur. tal‑ħamrija.160 Il‑Kummissjoni ddeċidiet li ma tippreżen- tax għadd ta’ proposti matul il‑mandat attwali tagħha li Il‑Komunikazzjoni tar‑REFIT ta’ Ottubru 2013 irrikon- hija kienet qed taħdem fuqhom161 u qed tħejji tħassir kif oxxiet li, minħabba t‑tul tal‑proċess leġiżlattiv, għandhom previst162. isiru l‑isforzi kollha biex jiġi pprovdut serħan tal‑piż fil‑qafas regolatorju eżistenti, b’attenzjoni partikolari fuq l‑ap- poġġ tal‑SMEs Dan qed isir fil‑qasam tal‑informazzjoni 156 Minn total ta’ 23 proposta l‑Kummissjoni impenjat ruħha li 165 tagħmel sabiex jiġi ssimplifikat u jitnaqqas il‑piż regolatorju, tal‑ikel lill‑konsumaturi , pereżempju, fejn l‑operaturi tnejn ġew adottati fl-2013 u 15 aktar huma ppjanati tan‑negozju tal‑ikel u b’mod partikolari l‑SMEs għandhom għall‑adozzjoni fl-2014. diffikulatjiet biex jidentifkaw liem regoli (tal‑UE u/jew 157 COM(2013) 721 nazzjonali; ġenerali jew speċifiċi għall‑kategorija tal‑ikel) 158 COM(2013) 794 finali. 159 Il‑proposta għal Kumpanija b’membru uniku adottata fid- japplikaw għas‑sitwazzjoni partikolari tagħhom. Il‑Kum- 9 ta’ April 2014 tieħu elementi sostanzjali ta’ din il‑proposta missjoni ppubblikat dokumenti gwida u qed taħdem ta’ qabel. fuq bażi tad‑dejta fuq ħtiġijiet ta’ tikkettjar tal‑UE jew 160 Proposti oħra mħassra taħt REFIT inklużi proposti dwar informazzjoni lill‑pubbliku ġenerali dwar prodotti mediċinali, għal regolament dwar l‑istatistika Ewropea dwar is‑sigurtà mill‑kriminalità, dwar il‑protezzjoni legali ta’ disinji, il‑privattiva tal‑UE (proposta kkonvertita f’kooperazzjoni msaħħa) u dwar 163 Dan ix‑xogħol huwa segwit permezz tal‑Grupp ta’ Livell Għoli liċenzji tas‑sewqan mal‑funzjonalità ta’ kard tas‑sewwieqa. dwar ir‑Regolamentazzjoni Aħjar li fih esperti regolatorji 161 Dan ikkonċerna l‑oqsma tas‑sigurtà u s‑saħħa okkupazzjonali nazzjonali. Dan il‑grupp jaħdem mal‑Kummissjoni sabiex għall‑parrukkiera, il‑mard muskoloskeletali, id‑duħħan jirrieżamina u jiżviluppa l‑aġenda tar‑Regolamentazzjoni ambjentali mit‑tabakk u l‑karċinoġeni u l‑mutaġeni. Intelliġenti fil‑livell tal‑UE u dak nazzjonali. 162 Dan jinkludi leġiżlazzjoni dwar il‑klassifikazzjoni, l‑imballaġġ 164 http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/policies/sme/small‑business‑act/ u l‑ittikkettjar ta’ preparazzjonijiet perikolużi, il‑kooperazzjoni think‑small‑first/ xjentifika fuq kwistjonijiet dwar l‑ikel, l‑istatistika dwar l‑azzar, 165 Ir‑Regolament 1169/2011 fis‑seħħ minn Diċembru 2014 il‑kooperazzjoni bejn l‑Unitajiet tal‑Intelligence Finanzjarja bl‑eċċezzjoni ta’ tikkettjar ta’ nutriment obbligatorju li se jibda u l‑immuntar fuq wara ta’ mirja fuq vetturi tal‑merkanzija tqila. japplika minn Diċembru 2016. PROGRAMM DWAR L‑IDONEITÀ U L‑PRESTAZZJONI TAR‑REGOLAMENTAZZJONI (REFIT): IS‑SITWAZZJONI ATTWALI U L‑PERSPETTIVI nazzjonali.166 Dan għandu jgħin l‑operaturi tan‑negozju Dawn il‑proposti għandhom iwasslu għal iffrankar ‑fl ispejj- tal‑ikel biex jidentifikaw malajr liem ħtiġijiet huma applik- eż sostanzjali lill‑SMEs. Ir‑Regolament dwar is‑simpli- abbli għalihom. fikazzjoni tal‑prospett u l‑ħtiġijiet tal‑iżvelar fir‑rigward tas‑Suq Intern tat‑titoli170, pereżempju jiffranka 20 % jew Qed jittieħdu inizjattivi addizzjonali biex l‑internet jin- bejn 20 000 u 60 000 EUR kull prospett. Il‑leġiżlazzjoni tuża aħjar biex tiġi ssimplifikata u mtejba ‑l implimentazz- dwar it‑takografu diġitali171 tfisser tnaqqis ‑fl ispejjeż ta’ joni ta’ ħtiġijiet regolatorji għall‑benefiċċju tal‑ammin- 20 % jew EUR415 miljun b’kollox. istrazzjonijiet, in‑negozji kif ukoll il‑konsumaturi. Billi wieħed jibni fuq l‑esperjenza bit‑tikkettjar tal‑enerġija li issa huwa b’mod uniformi ppreżentat fuq bejgħ onlajn Akkwist Pubbliku qed jiġi esplorat approċċ simili fil‑qasam tal‑informazzjoni Direttivi ġodda dwar l‑akkwist pubbliku ġew dwar l‑ikel lill‑konsumaturi, pereżempju. adottati fi Frar ta’ din is‑sena u jidħlu fis‑seħħ minn April 2016. Huma jħeġġu iktar użu tal‑akkwist Fl‑aħħar nett, il‑leġiżlazzjoni dwar l‑informazzjoni dwar elettroniku u miżuri ulterjuri biex jitnaqqas il‑piż l‑ikel lill‑konsumaturi tinkludi eżenzjonijiet, reġimi eħfef regolatorju u jiġi ssimplifikat ‑l aċċess tal‑SMEs 167 għal kwantitajiet żgħar u l‑bejjiegħa bl‑imnut u dis- permezz ta’ ħtiġijiet mnaqqsa għall‑provvista ta’ do- pożizzjonijiet ta’ flessibilità li jippermettu lill‑Istati Mem- kumenti awtentiċi u l‑promozzjoni ta’ pakketti iżgħar bri jadattaw dispożizzjonijiet ta’ tikkettjar għall‑ħtiġijiet tal‑akkwist. Pereżempju, il‑Kummissjoni tikkalkula li speċifiċi tal‑SMEs.168 Il‑leġiżlazzjoni tipprevedi wkoll data ż‑żieda fl‑użu ta’ ċertifikazzjoni proprja tista’ tnaqqas 597 ta’ applikazzjoni standard waħda għall‑miżuri ġodda f ’kull il‑piż amministrattiv fuq id‑ditti b’EUR 169 mil- sena kalendarja u miżuri tranżitorji ġenerużi. Dawn l‑isfor- jun172, it‑tfaddil globali permezz tal‑akkwist elettron- zi kollha għandhom jiffaċilitaw ‑l implimentazzjoni mtejba iku jista’ jammonta għal bejn 5 % u 20 % tal‑ispejjeż fi ħdan il‑qafas ġuridiku eżistenti. tal‑akkwist.173

Azzjoni meħuda mil‑Leġiżlatur Minn Ottubru 2013, il‑leġiżlatur (il‑Parlament u l‑Kun- Fl‑istess ħin, hemm ukoll każijiet fejn it‑tfaddil tal‑ispejj- sill) adottaw numru ta’ proposti importanti għas‑sim- eż mistennija fl‑istadju tal‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt ma plifikazzjoni u ‑ t tnaqqis tal‑piżijiet: Id‑Direttiva emen- setgħax jitwassal minħabba emendi fil‑proċess leġiżlat- data dwar ir‑rikonoxximent ta’ kwalifiki professjonali se tiv, bħal fir‑rigward tar‑reġistrazzjoni tal‑produtturi 174 tissimplifika ‑l proċedura ta’ rikonoxximent u tiffaċilita fil‑kuntest ta’ skart ta’ tagħmir elettriku u elettroniku. l‑aċċess għall‑informazzjoni169; il‑qafas ġuridiku ġdid Simplifikazzjonijiet fi proposti tal‑ambjent dwar il‑vjaġġi għall‑akkwist pubbliku jinkludi miżuri biex l‑akkwist isir tal‑iskart u l‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt ambjentali ma kinux eħfef u inqas ta’ piż mil‑lat amministrattiv u jippromwovi l‑akkwist elettroniku. Ir‑regolament il‑ġdid dwar it‑takografi jnaqqas il‑piż amministrattiv u jtejjeb l‑infurzar 170 Ir‑Regolament Delegat tal‑Kummissjoni 862/2012 permezz tal‑introduzzjoni ta’ “takografi diġitali” konnes- 171 Ir‑Regolament (UE) Nru 165/2014 tal‑Parlament Ewropew si ma’ sistemi ta’ navigazzjoni bis‑satellita u awtoritajiet u tal‑Kunsill tal-4 ta’ Frar 2014 dwar takografi fit‑trasport tal‑kontroll. Biex jakkomodaw is‑sitwazzjoni speċifika ta’ bit‑triq, li jħassar ir‑Regolament tal‑Kunsill (KE) Nru 3821/85 dwar apparat ta’ reġistrazzjoni għat‑trasport bit‑triq u li persuni tas‑sengħa, vetturi ta’ inqas minn 7,5 tunnellati jemenda r‑Regolament (KE) Nru 561/2006 tal‑Parlament b’firxa limitata ta’ 100 km mill‑bażi tal‑attività tal‑persuna Ewropew u tal‑Kunsill dwar l‑armonizzazzjoni ta’ ċerta tas‑sengħa kienu meħuda barra mill‑ambitu tar‑regoli soċ- leġiżlazzjoni soċjali li għandha x’taqsam mat‑trasport bit‑triq. jali u tat‑takografu. 172 Id‑Direttivi 2014/24/UE u 2014/25/UE: L‑adozzjoni ta’ awtodikjarazzjonijiet bħala evidenza preliminarja u l‑approċċ tal-’offerent rebbieħ’ għal evidenza dokumentarja jnaqqsu l‑piżijiet amministrattivi assoċjati ma’ offerti pubbliċi bi 80 %. 166 http://ec.europa.eu/food/food/labellingnutrition/foodlabelling/ Ara wkoll il‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt: http://eur‑lex.europa.eu/ proposed_legislation_en.htm legal‑content/EN/TXT/PDF/?uri=CELEX:52011SC1585&from=EN. 167 L‑eżenzjonijiet ikopru, jiġifieri, ikel mibjugħ direttament 173 Awtoritajiet u entitajiet kontraenti li diġà għamlu t‑tranżizzjoni mir‑razzett jew minn bejjiegħa bl‑imnut lokali żgħar. Ir‑reġimi għall‑akkwist elettroniku normalment jirrapportaw tfaddil eħfef jiġu applikati f’każijiet oħra ta’ rilevanza għall‑SMEs, ta’ bejn 5 u 20 %; l‑esperjenza turi wkoll li l‑ispejjeż jiġifieri l‑informazzjoni dwar in‑nutrizzjoni tista’ tiġi bbażata tal‑investiment jistgħu jiġu rkuprati malajr. Meta wieħed iqis fuq il‑kalkolu minn dejta ġeneralment stabbilita u aċċettata id‑daqs totali tas‑suq tal‑akkwisti fl‑UE, kull 5 % mfaddla biex b’hekk jiġu evitati spejjeż għolja tal‑analiżi fil‑laboratorju. jistgħu jrendu madwar EUR 100 biljun għall‑fondi pubbliċi. 168 Dawn id‑dispożizzjonijiet pereżempju jippermettu lill‑Istati (L‑Istrateġija tal‑akkwist pubbliku – COM(2012) 179 finali) Membri li jeħtieġu li l‑informazzjoni dwar allerġeni jew 174 Id‑Direttiva 2012/19/UE: L‑interoperabbiltà u t‑trasferiment intolleranzi fl‑ikel mhux ippakkjat u fir‑ristoranti tingħata biss tad‑dejta proposti bejn reġistri nazzjonali tal‑produtturi kienu bil‑fomm jew wara talba. mistennija li jwasslu għal tfaddil fl‑ispejjeż lill‑produtturi ta’ 169 Id‑Direttiva 2013/55/UE ippubblikata fit-28 ta’ Diċembru 2013 madwar EUR 66 miljun fis‑sena.Dan l‑aspett tal‑proposta (ĠU‑L354). tal‑Kummissjoni ma ġiex adottat mil‑leġiżlatur. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

appoġġati mil‑leġiżlatur.175 Il‑ġlieda kontra pagamenti tard fi tranżazzjonijiet kummerċjali, il‑ħtiġijiet tal‑kontabilità Eżempju ta’ varjazzjonijiet sinifikanti fil‑prattika tal‑kumpaniji, il‑ġbir tal‑istatistika176, il‑koordinazzjoni tal‑Istati Membri huwa fil‑qasam tal‑akkwist pub- dwar il‑VAT u s‑simplifikazzjoni tal‑obbligi tal‑VAT huma bliku fejn evalwazzjoni riċenti sabet li d‑dewmien wkoll oqsma fejn l‑Istati Membri sabuha bi tqila li jnaqqsu tipiku ta’ proċedura tal‑akkwist ivarja bejn 11 u 34 l‑piżijiet, billi kkwotaw s‑sussidjarjetà jew ġustifikazzjoni- ġimgħa, filwaqt li ‑l ispiża medja f ’persuni ta’ jiem ta’ jiet ta’ politika nazzjonali addizzjonali. xogħol varjat b’fattur ta’ erbgħa bejn Stati Membri differenti.179 Eżempju ieħor jikkonċerna l‑proċess ta’ Barra minn hekk, numru ta’ proposti ta’ simplifikazzjo- valutazzjoni tal‑impatt ambjentali, fejn id‑dewmien ni importanti bi tfaddil sinifikanti għadhom pendenti medju tal‑proċess fl‑Istati Membri jvarja bejn inqas għall‑adozzjoni mil‑leġiżlatur: pereżempju l‑propos- minn ħamsa u 27 xahar, u l‑medja tal‑ispiża diretta ta tal‑Kumissjoni għal sett komuni ta’ regoli biex tiġi għall‑iżviluppaturi tvarja bejn inqas minn EUR 4 000 kkalkolata l‑bażi tat‑taxxa li tnaqqas b’mod konsiderevoli u 200 000 għal kull proġett. l‑ispejjeż tal‑konformità mat‑taxxa ta’ negozji li joperaw fis‑Suq Uniku.177 Hemm ukoll każijiet oħra fejn d‑diskussjoni attwali fil‑proċess leġiżlattiv tista’ tirriżulta fi tnaqqis tat‑tfaddil stmat. Pereżempju, tfaddil għan‑negożju stmat Bosta proposti ta’ simplifikazzjoni ‑fl oqsma tal‑infurzar għal EUR 15-il biljun fis‑sena, inkluża l‑proposta tal‑Kum- doganali tad‑drittijiet tal‑proprjetà intellettwali (IPR) missjoni għal riskju ta’ tnaqqis sostanzjali tad‑dikjarazzjoni u t‑teħid lura ta’ skart elettroniku (WEEE) daħlu fis‑seħħ 180 598 tal‑VAT standard tal‑UE jekk ċerti kambjamenti diskussi kmieni fl-2014. Ir‑Regolament tal‑IPR se jnaqqas il‑piżi- fil‑Kunsill jiġu adottati. jiet u l‑ispejjeż amministrattivi, jippermetti ġestjoni aħjar tar‑riskju u jtejjeb l‑infurzar tad‑drittijiet tal‑proprjetà 181 Azzjoni meħuda mill‑Istati Membri intellettwali. Id‑Direttiva WEEE tipprovdi eżenzjoni tal‑bejjiegħa bl‑imnut żgħar mill‑obbligu tat‑teħid lura L‑Istati Membri għandhom ir‑responsabbiltà importan- għal skart elettriku u elettroniku. Huwa importanti li ti tal‑implimentazzjoni f ’waqtha u l‑applikazzjoni sħiħa l‑Istati Membri kollha jimplimentaw bis‑sħiħ u jieħdu van- tal‑liġi tal‑UE. F’dak ir‑rigward, huwa f ’idejn l‑awtoritajiet taġġ mis‑simplifikazzjoni u d‑dispożizzjonijiet ta’ tnaqqis tal‑Istati Membri li jużaw l‑għażliet ta’ simplifikazzjoni of- tal‑piż f ’dawn il‑proposti. fruti mil‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE u jiżguraw li l‑liġijiet tal‑UE jiġu applikati fuq livell nazzjonali, reġjonali u lokali kemm Madankollu hemm eżempji sinifikanti fejn ‑l Istati Mem- jista’ jkun b’effikaċja u b’effiċjenza. Huwa stmat li sa terz bri ma jużawx l‑għażliet ta’ simplifikazzjoni offruti tal‑piż amministrattiv marbut mal‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE mil‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE jew il‑piż huwa miżjud permezz ta’ 178 jirriżulta minn miżuri ta’ implimentazzjoni nazzjonali. regolamentazzjoni nazzjonali f ’oqsma mhux direttament koperti mir‑regoli tal‑UE. Dan huwa l‑każ, pereżempju, fil‑qasam tas‑sigurtà tal‑ikel, fejn reġimi eħfef fakultattivi għal stabbilimenti żgħar mhux dejjem jiġu ntużati,182 fil‑qasam tat‑trasport tal‑merkanzija bit‑triq, fejn ċerti ħtiġijiet nazzjonali għall‑irreġistrar tal‑ħin tas‑sewqan għal vetturi kummerċjali ħfief f ’żoni mhux koperti mil‑liġi tal‑UE jżidu piż regolatorju għal kumpaniji żgħar,183 u fi ħtiġijiet tal‑kontabilità tal‑kumpaniji184. Benefiċċji sinifikanti jistgħu wkoll jinġiebu għall‑SMEs permezz tal‑użu 175 One stop shop mandatorju biex jiġu kkoordinati u integrati sħiħ mill‑Istati Membri tal‑flessibbiltà permessa skont proċeduri ta’ valutazzjoni u miżuri li jħaffu t‑teħid tad‑deċiżjonijiet– skont id‑Direttiva dwar il‑Valutazzjoni tal‑Impatt Ambjentali (2011/92/UE) kienu opponuti 179 http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/publicprocurement/docs/ mil‑leġiżlatur biex b’hekk ġew illimitati l‑benefiċċji ta’ modernising_rules/executive‑summary_en.pdf effiċjenza għan‑negozju. Skambju ta’ dejta elettroniku 180 Ir‑Regolament 608/2013. obbligatorju fil‑qasam tal‑vjaġġi tal‑iskart bi tfaddil annwali 181 Id‑Direttiva 2012/19/UE. għan‑negozju stmat għal EUR 44 miljun ġie opponut bl‑istess 182 Il‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE dwar is‑Sigurtà tal‑Ikel tippermetti mod mil‑leġiżlatur. lill‑awtoritajiet tal‑Istati Membri biex jadottaw reġimi eħfef 176 Ara t‑Taqsima III hawn taħt: Arkitettura ġdida għall‑istatistika dwar ċerti investimenti għan‑negozji ż‑żgħar fis‑settur tan‑negozju tal‑UE. tal‑ipproċessar tal‑laħam. 177 Il‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni għal Bażi tat‑Taxxa Korporattiva 183 Il‑liġi tal‑UE titlob ir‑reġistrazzjoni tal‑ħin tas‑sewqan għal Magħquda Komuni (CCTB) – COM(2011) 121 – ilha pendenti vetturi kummerċjali ħfief minn 3,5 tunnellati u teżenta fil‑proċedura leġiżlattiva minn Marzu 2011 l‑persuni tas‑sengħa fuq vjaġġi lokali f’vetturi sa 7,5 tunnellati 178 COM(2009) 544: ”Programm ta’ Azzjoni għat‑tnaqqis filwaqt li ċerti regoli nazzjonali jirrikjedu reġistrazzjoni tal‑ħin tal‑Piżijiet Amministrattivi fl‑Unjoni Ewropea – Pjanijiet tas‑sewqan minn 2,8 tunnellata ’l fuq. għat‑Tnaqqis Settorjali u azzjonijiet tal-2009” 184 Id‑Direttiva 2006/46/KE. PROGRAMM DWAR L‑IDONEITÀ U L‑PRESTAZZJONI TAR‑REGOLAMENTAZZJONI (REFIT): IS‑SITWAZZJONI ATTWALI U L‑PERSPETTIVI ir‑regolament dwar kif l‑informazzjoni dwar l‑ikel tingħata qis stmat f ’piżijiet amministrattivi nkisibx fil‑prattika. lill‑konsumaturi. Il‑Kummissjoni se tissorvelja l‑prattika Ir‑riżultati inizjali jindikaw li stimi ta’ tfaddil jistgħu jiġu tal‑implimentazzjoni mill‑Istati Membri u l‑azzjonijiet kkonfermati f ’ċerti Stati Membri fl‑oqsma tal‑Intrastat, REFIT l‑oħra kollha u tinkludi l‑istat attwali fl‑edizz- l‑istħarriġ tal‑Produzzjoni Industrijali u tat‑Takografu joni li jmiss tat‑tabella ta’ valutazzjoni tagħha ppjanata Diġitali. Madankollu, instabu diffikultajiet ‑fil kisba ta’ għall-2015.185 dejta u statistika kwantitattiva suffiċjenti u konsistenti, u ġew riċevuti relattivament ftit eżempji tal‑aħjar prattiki Filwaqt li l‑Kummissjoni taħdem mill‑qrib mal‑Istati fl‑implimentazzjoni u opportunitajiet għal simplifikazzjo- Membri dwar l‑implimentazzjoni fis‑setturi kollha tal‑ac- ni ulterjuri fil‑livell nazzjonali. Ġie espress appoġġ qawwi quis, il‑monitoraġġ ta’ impatti regolatorji orizzontali żvi- fil‑Grupp ta’ Esperti Regolatorji Nazzjonali ta’ Livell Għo- luppa flimkien mal‑iffukar li qed jiżdied fuq ‑l idoneità li għal dan is‑segwitu kollaborattiv bejn il‑Kummissjoni regolatorja. Hija bdiet, pereżempju, skont il‑Programm u l‑Istati Membri dwar l‑impatt prattiku tar‑regolamenta- għat‑Tnaqqis tal‑Piżijiet Amministrattivi (ABR+) li bih zzjoni tal‑UE fil‑prattika. Il‑Kummissjoni tkompli taħdem il‑Kummissjoni qed issegwi l‑għażliet ta’ implimentazz- mal‑Istati Membri u l‑partijiet interessati biex tipproduċi joni tal‑Istati Membri dwar it-12-il miżura ta’ prijorità aktar tagħrif tajjeb dwar l‑impatti tar‑regolamentazzjo- l‑aktar avvanzati186 meħuda fi ħdan il‑Programm għat‑Tn- ni tal‑UE. Ir‑riżultati ta’ din il‑ħidma se jikkontribwixxu aqqis tal‑Piżijiet Amministrattivi bejn l-2007 u l-2012.187 għat‑tabella ta’ valutazzjoni ta’ REFIT li jmiss. L‑għan ta’ dan l‑eżerċizzju huwa li tiġi kondiviża l‑aħjar prattika fl‑implimentazzjoni u li jivverifika jekk it‑tnaq- 3. Inizjattivi futuri ta’ REFIT 599

185 L‑ewwel edizzjoni tat‑tabella ta’ valutazzjoni ta’ REFIT Li l‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE tinżamm “adatta għall‑għan” ippreżentata flimkien ma’ din il‑Komunikazzjoni għadha ma jeħtieġ sforzi kontinwi. Għal din ir‑raġuni, il‑Kummissjoni tinkludix tagħrif dwar it‑twettiq mill‑Istati Membri. 186 (1) Jiġu permessi aktar SMEs biex jibbenefikaw minn timplimenta REFIT bħala programm kontinwu u riċente- reġimi ta’ kontabilità/awditjar simplifikati - id- Direttiva ment aġġornat l‑eżerċizzju ta’ skrinjar tal‑istokk leġiżlattiv 2006/46/KE tal-14 ta’ Ġunju 2006; (2) Jiġu permessi tal‑UE li twettaq l‑ewwel darba b’REFIT fl-2013. Il‑kum- l‑Istati Membri li jeżentaw mikrointrapriżi minn ċerti menti u s‑suġġerimenti minn varji partijiet interessati dispożizzjonijiet tad‑direttivi tal‑kontabilità - id‑Direttiva 2012/6/UE tal-14 ta’ Marzu 2012; (3) Tiġi simplifikata għall‑aġenda ta’ REFIT tal‑Kummissjoni riċevuti minn 188 s‑sistema ta’ notifika għall‑vjaġġi tal‑iskart - l‑ittra ta’ Ottubru 2013 ukoll ġew ikkonsidrati. rakkomandazzjoni tal‑Kummissjoni lill‑Istati Membri ta’ Lulju 2010; (4) L‑intrapriża rebbieħa biss ikollha bżonn tippreżenta d‑dokumenti li juru l‑idoneità bħala offerent fi Fuq il‑bażi ta’ din l‑analiżi, il‑Kummissjoni tqis li inizjatti- proċedura ta’ akkwist – COM(2011) 896; (5) Jiġi mnaqqas vi ġodda għas‑simplifikazzjoni u t‑tnaqqis tal‑piżijiet huma in‑numru ta’ nies li jwieġbu meta tinġabar statistika dwar ġġustifikati f ’diversi oqsma. Dawn ‑l inizjattivi jinkludu il‑kummerċ ġewwa l‑UE - ir‑Regolament 638/2004 tal- s‑simplifikazzjoni tal‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE dwar dokumen- 31 ta’ Marzu 2004; (6) Jiġu mnaqqsa l‑ħtiġijiet dwar il‑produzzjoni industrijali fl‑UE – ir‑Regolament tal‑Kunsill ti tal‑identità u tal‑ivvjaġġar ta’ arkitettura komprensiva 3924/91 tad-19 ta’ Diċembru 1991 u r‑Regolament ġdida għal statistiċi tan‑negozju (ara hawn taħt), l‑estens- tal‑Kummissjoni 36/2009 tal-11 ta’ Lulju 2008; (7) Jiġu joni tal‑one stop shop fil‑qasam tal‑VAT għan‑negozji mrażżna ħtiġijiet addizzjonali fuq fatturi u jiġi permess użu kollha għal provvisti tal‑konsumatur189 flimkien mal‑iżvi- usa’ ta’ fatturazzjoni elettronika - id‑Direttiva tal‑Kunsill 2010/45/UE tat-13 ta’ Lulju 2010; (8) Jiġi mrażżan l‑obbligu lupp ta’ Web portal tal‑UE biex in‑negozji jiġu informati fil‑proċedura ta’ rifużjoni tal‑VAT li jimtlew karti tal‑formoli dwar regoli tal‑VAT tal‑UE u nazzjonali u l‑kodifikazzjoni fil‑lingwa tal‑Istat Membru tar‑rifużjoni – id‑Direttiva ta’ leġiżlazzjoni fuq elenkar ta’ pajjiżi terzi għal ħtiġijiet tal‑Kunsill 2008/9/KE tat-12 ta’ Frar 2008; (9) It‑Takografu tal‑visa190. Diġitali (b’mod partikolari l‑introduzzjoni ta’ takografi diġitali u s‑simplifikazzjoni tal‑użu tat‑takografi diġitali, filwaqt li wieħed iżomm f’moħħu li t‑twessigħ futur tal‑eżenzjoni 188 Il‑Kummissjoni rċeviet kummenti u suġġerimenti minn tan‑negozji żgħar tas‑sengħa minn ħtiġijiet tat‑takografu awtoritajiet tal‑Istati Membri (FI, DE, NL, UK) minn partijiet u simplifikazzjoniijet ulterjuri - ir‑Regolament 3821/85 tad- interessati tan‑negozju, trejdjunjins u organizzazzjonijiet oħra 19 ta’ Lulju 2011; (10) It‑tneħħija tan‑notifika ta’ tariffi tas‑soċjetà ċivili. Is‑sottomissjonijiet jistgħu jiġu kkonsultati fuq tat‑trasport/it‑taffija tal‑obbligu biex evidenza dokumentarja il‑Websajt tar‑Regolamentazzjoni Intelliġenti tal‑Kummissjoni: tinżamm fuq it‑tabella – ir‑Regolament tal‑Kunsill 569/2008 http://ec.europa.eu/smart‑regulation/refit/index_en.htm (li jemenda r‑Regolament 11/60) tat-12 ta’ Lulju 2008; (11) 189 L‑għan tal‑inizjattiva huwa li tnaqqas l‑ostakoli għall‑kummerċ Jiġu ssimplifikati l‑obbligi għat‑trasport tal‑merkanzija bit‑triq transfruntieri u tissalvagwardja d‑dħul mill‑VAT tal‑Istati u t‑trasport tal‑passiġġieri bit‑triq - ir‑Regolament 1070/2009 Membri billi tagħmel is‑sistema tal‑VAT tal‑UE aktar sempliċi, tal-21/10/2009 u r‑Regolament 1072/2009 tal-21/10/2009 newtrali u aktar robusta. u (12) Jiġi ssimplifikat l‑ittikkettjar tal‑bajd – ir‑Regolament 190 Inizjattivi oħra jinkludu r‑rieżami tal‑leġiżlazzjoni dwar (UE) Nru 1308/2013 tal‑Parlament Ewropew u tal‑Kunsill tas- kwistjonijiet nukleari, proposta fil‑qasam ta’ dokumenti 17 ta’ Diċembru 2013. tal‑ivvjaġġar provviżorji u r‑rieżami ta’ Regolamenti dwar 187 Ara r‑Rapport finali tal‑Programm għat‑Tnaqqis tal‑Piżijiet l‑importazzjoni ta’ prodotti tat‑tessuti u ta’ oġġetti b’użu Amministrattivi (ABR) f’SWD(2012) 423 finali. doppju. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Minħabba kunsiderazzjonijiet ta’ ħin relattivi għal‑leġiżlat- Arkitettura ġdida għall‑Istatistiċi tan‑Negozju ura l‑ġdida, il‑Kummissjoni attwali se tiffoka fuq elemen- tal‑UE ti prinċipali fl-2014. Il‑Kummissjoni eżaminat l‑aġenda Il‑Kummissjoni qed taħdem biex tissimplifika tal‑ippjanar tagħha u ddeċidiet li żżomm biss l‑aktar ele- l‑qafas ta’ referenza u tissimplifika ‑l ġbir tad‑dejta menti essenzjali. għall‑istatistiċi tan‑negozju. Bħala tweġiba għaIl‑il- menti tan‑negozju, ġie mniedi proġett fuq statistiċi Fl‑aħħar nett, il‑Kummissjoni tippjana li tniedi matul tal‑kummerċ fl‑UE(SIMSTAT) Dan se jittestja it‑terminu medju numru ta’ evalwazzjonijiet ġodda u Kon- tekniki ta’ ġbir tad‑dejta ġodda li għandhom jiffaċil- trolli tal‑Idoneità tal‑prestazzjoni ta’ regolamenti tal‑UE itaw użu aħjar tad‑dejta statistika li tkun inġabret, eżistenti u l‑applikazzjoni tal‑liġi tat‑Trattati, inkluża u b’hekk jissimplifika u jnaqqas ‑l obbligi ta’ rapportar fuq protezzjoni tal‑konsumatur fuq timeshares, ħlasijiet għan‑negozji. Dan il‑metodu kosteffikaċi għandu tard, il‑qafas legali għall‑ippakkjar minn qabel, is‑sistema l‑potenzjal li jiġi implimentat f ’oqsma oħra tal‑istatis- tad‑disinn fl‑UE, id‑Direttivi dwar il‑Prospett, l‑applika- tika (pereż. l‑istatistika dwar multinazzjonali, il‑kum- zzjoni tal‑prinċipju ta’ rikonoxximent reċiproku bil‑ħsieb 196 merċ internazzjonali fis‑servizzi u l‑investiment dirett li jittejjeb il‑funzjonament tiegħu fis‑suq intern , il‑ġbir barrani) u se jkun introdott, jekk it‑testijiet huma u l‑ħżin tal‑karbonju u emissjonijiet tal‑karbonju ta’ vetturi pożittivi fi ħdan ‑l usa’ Regolament Qafas li Jintegra kummerċjali u karozzi tal‑passiġġieri, it‑telekomunikazzjo- l‑Istatistika tan‑Negozju (FRIBS). ni, u l‑leġiżlazzjoni fuq dħul, tranżitu u residenza mhux awtorizzati197. 600 Il‑Kummissjoni se tipprepara tħassir ta’ leġiżlazzjoni f ’ik- F’oqsma prinċipali oħra fejn qed jitħejjew rieżaminazz- tar oqsma: l‑ittikkettjar tal‑enerġija,191 ir‑rati u l‑kundiz- jonijiet ta’ politika usa’ bħas‑Suq Uniku Diġitali, se jkun zjonijiet tat‑trasport,192 il‑Politika Agrikola Komuni importanti li wieħed jidentifika ‑l ostakoli li fadal u jivval- u f ’dak li għandu x’jaqsam ma’ rapportar standardizzat uta l‑qafas regolatorju għal spejjeż u l‑potenzjali tassempli- 198 fil‑qasam tal‑ambjent. Barra minn hekk, il‑Kummissjoni fikazzjoni. Hemm aspett ċar ta’ REFIT għal dawn it‑tipi qiegħda teżamina wkoll l‑acquis fir‑rigward tal‑kooper- ta’ eżerċizzji. azzjoni tal‑pulizija u l‑kooperazzjoni ġudizzjarja fi kwistjonijiet kriminali biex tidentifika atti li jistgħu jitħassru L‑inizjattivi l‑ġodda kollha huma stabbiliti b’mod indikat- fil‑kuntest tal‑iskadenza tal‑perjodu tranżitorju stabbilit tiv fid‑Dokument ta’ Ħidma tal‑Persunal u huma suġġetti fit‑Trattati.193 għal konferma fil‑Programm ta’ Ħidma tal‑Kummissjoni għall-2015. Il‑Kummissjoni tikkonsidra ġestjoni leġiżlattiva tajba li tħassar proposti li ma javvanzawx fil‑proċess leġiżlattiv, sabiex tippermetti bidu ġdid għal modijiet alternattivi biex tikseb l‑iskop leġiżlattiv maħsub. Skrutinju mill‑qrib tal‑proposti pendenti kollha qabel il‑leġiżlatur irriżulta fl‑identifikazzjoni ta’ proposti ulterjuri li huma jew skaduti 196 Wara stedina mill‑Kunsill f’Diċembru 2013 biex tirrapporta jew mingħajr appoġġ mil‑leġiżlatur u għandhom għalhekk dwar l‑applikazzjoni tal‑prinċipju tar‑rikonoxximent reċiproku ikunu ssuġġeriti għal tħassir. Dan jinkludi proposti dwar sa nofs l-2015 (ara: http://www.consilium.europa.eu/uedocs/ skemi ta’ kumpens tal‑investitur, miżati tas‑sigurtà tal‑av- cms_data/docs/pressdata/en/intm/139846.pdf). jazzjoni, ħaddiema tqal194, fond ta’ kumpens għal ħsara 197 Oqsma oħra jinkludu standards ta’ kummerċjalizzazzjoni għall‑vitella, regoli tal‑ittikkettjar taċ‑ċanga, programm minn tniġġis biż‑żejt u l‑eżenzjoni ta’ mikrokumpaniji għar‑reġjuni l‑aktar imbiegħda, id‑Direttiva dwar il‑Kwalità minn ċerti dispożizzjonijiet tal‑iġjene tal‑ikel, anki jekk tal‑Fjuwil (ladarba tiġi trasposta u implimentata bis‑sħiħ), tal‑aħħar kieku kienet tippermetti benefiċċji sinifikanti ħażniet taż‑żejt, ir‑Regolament tal‑Kontroll tas‑Sajd, sigurtà għal negozji iżgħar.195 nukleari, standardizzazzjoni, tniġġis tal‑asbestos, ittestjar fuq l‑annimali, valutazzjoni ambjentali strateġika, riskji tal‑għargħar, komposti organiċi volatili, assigurazzjoni (ladarba tinkiseb biżżejjed esperjenza bl‑implimentazzjoni), 191 It‑tikkettjar tal‑enerġija tal‑friġġijiet (id‑Direttiva 2003/66), taħriġ, kwalifiki u liċenzji fit‑trasport bit‑triq, trasport il‑magni tal‑ħasil tal‑platti domestiċi (id‑Direttiva 1999/9) u sigurtà marittimi, akkoljenza fil‑portijiet ta’ skart iġġenerat u magni tal‑ħasil tal‑ħwejjeġ (id‑Direttiva 1995/12) wara mill‑bastimenti, fatturazzjoni elettronika tal‑VAT u l‑one l‑adozzjoni ta’ miżuri ta’ implimentazzjoni ġodda. stop shop żgħir kif ukoll is‑setturi industrijali tal‑kostruzzjoni 192 Ir‑Regolament tal‑Kunsill Nru 11 dwar it‑tneħħija u l‑ħġieġ u ċ‑ċeramika. tad‑diskriminazzjoni fir‑rati u l‑kundizzjonijiet tat‑trasport, 198 Dan se jinkludi l‑eżami tal‑leġiżlazzjoni dwar servizzi onlajn fl‑implimentazzjoni tal‑Artikolu 79 (3) tat‑Trattat li jistabbilixxi - id‑Direttiva 98/84/EC dwar il‑protezzjoni legali ta’ servizzi l‑Komunità Ekonomika Ewropea tas-16 ta’ Awwissu 1960. bbażati fuq, jew li jikkonsistu minn, aċċess kondizzjonali 193 Il‑Protokoll 36 dwar dispożizzjonijiet tranżitorji, l‑Artikolu 10 u d‑Direttiva 2000/31/KE dwar ċerti aspetti legali tas‑servizzi 194 COM(2008) 600/4 minn soċjetà tal‑informazzjoni, partikolarment il‑kummerċ 195 COM(2007) 90 finali elettroniku, fis‑Suq Intern. PROGRAMM DWAR L‑IDONEITÀ U L‑PRESTAZZJONI TAR‑REGOLAMENTAZZJONI (REFIT): IS‑SITWAZZJONI ATTWALI U L‑PERSPETTIVI

Leġiżlazzjoni dwar il‑Kimiċi Pakkett ta’ inizjattivi li jkopru l‑idoneità regolatorja tas‑settur kimiku se jkun imniedi fl-2014, inkluża Il‑Kummissjoni tqis li hemm bżonn ta’ sforz kontinwu Valutazzjoni tal‑Ispejjeż Kumulattivi u kontroll fil‑livell ta’ Stat Membru tal‑UE u fil‑livelli tal‑partijiet tal‑idoneità tal‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑kimiċi rilevanti appar- interessati biex tiġi ffaċilitata aktar ‑l implimentazzjoni ti REACH. tal‑leġiżlazzjoni dwar il‑kimiċi, b’mod partikolari REACH, u biex jiġi rifless fuq oqsma speċifiċi fejn Il‑konklużjonijiet tad‑diversi aspetti ta’ din il‑ħidma ir‑regoli jistgħu jiġu ssimplifikati u l‑piżijiet imnaqqsa. inklużi l‑evalwazzjoni kontinwa tal‑leġiżlazzjoni Dan għandu bżonn isir b’tali mod biex jinkiseb livell tas‑saħħa u s‑sigurtà okkupazzjonali u r‑riżultati għoli ta’ protezzjoni tas‑saħħa u l‑ambjent, filwaqt tar‑Rieżami ta’ REACH preċedenti se jipprovdu li fl‑istess ħin tinżamm il‑kompetittività u l‑inno- stampa kompluta u prospettiva fuq kwalunkwe vazzjoni fuq l‑industrija Ewropea f ’dan il‑qasam, kif possibbiltajiet ulterjuri għat‑titjib tal‑idoneità ukoll ċ‑ċirkolazzjoni libera ta’ oġġetti fis‑Suq Intern. regolatorja f ’dan il‑qasam. Il‑Kummissjoni tistieden Ir‑rieżami tal‑Kummissjoni ta’ REACH199 fl-2013 lill‑partijiet interessati u lill‑Istati Membri biex jidħlu identifika ċerti ħtiġijiet għal aġġustamenti, iżda f ’riflessjoni konġunta dwar dawn il‑kwistjonijiet u jik- kkonkludiet b’mod pożittiv dwar il‑funzjonament kontribwixxu għal rapport ta’ evalwazzjoni previst ta’ din il‑leġiżlazzjoni u li ma għandhiex bżonn tiġi għall-2016. emendata f ’dan il‑punt. Madankollu, il‑Kummissjoni tirrikonoxxi l‑bżonn li tnaqqas il‑piż finanzjarju u amministrattiv ta’ REACH fuq l‑SMEs u biex ittejjeb 601 l‑implimentazzjoni tagħha fuq kull livell. 4. Azzjonijiet orizzontali Numru ta’ azzjonijiet korrettivi diġà ġew implimentati għal dan l‑iskop inkluż tnaqqis sostanzjali ta’ REFIT huwa parti mill‑politika ta’ regolamentazzjoni in- miżati. Qed jittieħdu miżuri ġodda fl-2014: assistenza telliġenti usa’ tal‑Kummissjoni li tinkludi wkoll l‑għodod speċifika għall‑SMEs biex jilħqu l‑iskadenza tar‑reġis- regolatorji tal‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt, il‑konsultazzjoni trazzjoni tal-2018 għal volumi ta’ produzzjoni żgħar; mal‑partijiet interessati u l‑evalwazzjoni. Il‑Kummissjoni identifikazzjoni ta’ modi iktar effiċjenti biex jiġu hija impenjata biex issaħħaħ iktar dawn l‑istrumenti u azz- ġestiti s‑sustanzi ta’ tħassib għoli ħafna u biex jiġu jonijiet oħra orizzontali, inkluża enfasi iktar qawwija fuq identifikati alternattivi għal kimiċi perikolużi; it‑titjib il‑valutazzjoni tal‑ispejjeż u l‑benefiċċji tar‑regolamentazz- tal‑komunikazzjoni mal‑SMEs; u analiżi tal‑impatti joni u t‑tnaqqis tal‑obbligi amministrattivi, bħar‑rapportar 201 ta’ REACH fuq l‑SMEs u fuq il‑kompetittività u l‑in- tal‑ħtiġijiet. novazzjoni. Fit‑terminu medju, miżuri oħra qed jiġu kkunsidrati sabiex jitjieb il‑proċess ta’ awtorizzazz- Valutazzjoni tal‑Impatt joni ta’ sustanzi kimiċi sabiex isir iktar prevedibbli Is‑sistema tal‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt tal‑Kummissjoni (IA) għan‑negozju. Dawn il‑miżuri jinkludu pereżempju, taħdem fi stadju bikri taċ‑ċiklu tal‑politika, meta propos- it‑tnaqqis tal‑frekwenza ta’ emendi tal‑lista ta’ sustanzi ti ġodda jkunu qed jiġu żviluppati biex tiġi stabbilita bażi soġġetti għal awtorizzazzjoni, biex jiġi simplifikat tal‑evidenza għal tfassil tal‑politika infurmat u biex tiżgura il‑proċess ta’ awtorizzazzjoni għal ċerti każijiet ta’ li l‑proposti tal‑Kummissjoni jkunu konformi mal‑prinċipji riskju baxx speċifiċi u kunsiderazzjoni iktar qawwija tas‑sussidjarjetà u l‑proporzjonalità. Is‑sistema għaddiet minn ta’ impatti soċjoekonomiċi meta jiġu inklużi sustanzi tisħiħ u titjib kontinwu minn meta ġiet stabbilita fl-2002 ġodda fil‑lista ta’ awtorizzazzjoni.200 bħall‑pubblikazzjoni ta’ linji gwida riveduti fl-2009 u l‑gwi- Huwa importanti li l‑industrija u l‑Istati Membri da komplementari f ’varji oqsma (kompetittività u mikroin- jilagħbu r‑rwoli attivi tagħhom fl‑implimentazzjoni trapriżi, drittijiet fundamentali, impatti soċjali u teritorjali). ta’ REACH. Dan jista’ jinkludi, pereżempju, iż‑żieda Il‑bażi tal‑evidenza – pariri tad‑dejta u xjentifiċi aħjar – qed tal‑kapaċità ta’ helpdesks nazzjonali u/jew kmamar tkun kontinwament imsaħħa fil‑proċess tal‑IA. Biex tiġi tal‑kummerċ li jagħtu pariri dwar l‑implimentazzjoni ffaċilitata ‑l identifikazzjoni rapida tar‑riżultati tal‑IA, ink- ta’ REACH kif ukoll biex jiġi żgurat livell aħjar ta’ lużi l‑benefiċċji u l‑ispejjeż, il‑Kummissjoni introduċiet karta koordinazzjoni bejn u fl‑Istati Membri. sommarju standard ta’ żewġ paġni fir‑rapporti ta’ valutazzjoni tal‑impatt tagħha fl-2013. Abbażi tal‑esperjenza miksuba (aktar minn 350 valutazzjoni tal‑impatt mill-2010), il‑Kum- missjoni impenjat ruħha li taġġorna l‑linji gwida tal‑IA u se tfittex ‑l opinjonijiet tal‑partijiet interessati permezz ta’ konsultazzjoni pubblika li se tiġi mnedija f ’Ġunju 2014. 199 COM(2013) 49 flimkien ma’ SWD(2013) 25. 200 Ara d‑Dokumenti ta’ Ħidma tal‑Persunal li jakkumpanjaw għal aktar dettalji. 201 Ara COM(2012) 746 IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Evalwazzjoni Ex‑Post Sabiex tkompli ssaħħaħ il‑kwalità, il‑kamp ta’ applikazzjoni u l‑immirar tal‑konsultazzjonijiet, il‑Kummissjoni Evalwazzjoni ex post sistematika tar‑regolamentazzjoni se tkompli ttejjeb l‑ippjanar tagħha tal‑konsultazzjonijiet tal‑UE tivverifika jekk ir‑riżultati mistennija u l‑impatti permezz tat‑tħejjija ta’ strateġiji ta’ konsultazzjoni fl‑istadju tar‑regolamentazzjoni tal‑UE ikunux intlaħqu. L‑ippja- tat‑tħejjija ta’ politika u l‑pubblikazzjoni kontinwa tal‑ip- nar tal‑evalwazzjonijiet ġie mtejjeb bil‑pubblikazzjoni 202 pjanar ta’ evalwazzjoni tagħha. Hija se toħroġ linji gwida tal‑ippjanar tal‑evalwazzjonijiet fuq Europa. Sabiex interni biex jagħtu parir u appoġġ lill‑persunal tal‑Kum- tkompli tissaħħaħ il‑politika u l‑prattika ta’ evalwazzjoni, missjoni li jwettaq konsultazzjonijiet mal‑partijiet inter- il‑Kummissjoni wettqet konsultazzjoni pubblika tal‑linji essati barra l‑istituzzjonijiet tal‑UE bil‑ħsieb li tissaħħaħ gwida ta’ evalwazzjoni ġodda tagħha bejn Novembru 2013 il‑kwalità tal‑konsultazzjonijiet. Dawn il‑linji gwida se jiġu u Frar 2014. Ir‑riżultati se jikkontribwixxu għar‑rieżami 203 ppreżentati għal konsultazzjoni pubblika qabel ma jiġu ad- li ġej tal‑linji gwida ta’ evalwazzjoni. Dawn se jinkludu ottati mill‑Kummissjoni. Il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli wkoll referenza għall‑Kontrolli tal‑Idoneità li ġew introdotti l‑isforzi tagħha biex testendi l‑firxa tal‑konsultazzjoniijiet fl-2010 bħala evalwazzjonijiet tal‑politika komprensi- tagħha permezz ta’ aċċessibbiltà usa’ tal‑lingwa, fil‑limiti vi li jivvalutaw il‑koerenza u l‑konsistenza bejn u fi ħdan baġitarji. Il‑Kummissjoni se ssaħħaħ l‑użu ta’ konsultazz- oqsma regolatorji u jekk qafas regolatorju akbar għal set- jonijiet f ’evalwazzjonijiet u Kontrolli tal‑Idoneità billi tap- tur tal‑politika sħiħ huwa adattat għall‑iskop. Minn dak plika standards minimi ta’ konsultazzjoni kif qed isir bħal- iż‑żmien tlestew Kontrolli ta’ Idoneità f ’diversi oqsma issa għall‑valutazzjonijiet tal‑impatt.207 Il‑Kummissjoni se ta’ politika bħalma huma l‑ambjent (il‑Politika tal‑Ilma tirrakkomanda li l‑aġenziji japplikaw l‑istandards minimi Ħelu tal‑UE), l‑impjieg u l‑politika soċjali (l‑Informazz- 602 meta jkunu għaddejjin il‑konsultazzjonijiet. Il‑Kummis- joni u l‑Konsultazzjoni tal‑Ħaddiema), il‑politika indus- sjoni qed tikkunsidra wkoll kif ittejjeb konsultazzjonijiet trijali (Approvazzjoni skont it‑tip ta’ Vetturi bil‑Mutur) pubbliċi dwar l‑atti ta’ implimentazzjoni u delegati. u t‑trasport (is‑Suq Intern tal‑Avjazzjoni)204 u jista’ jwassal għat‑tħejjija ta’ diversi proposti leġiżlattivi għas‑simplifika- Il‑Kummissjoni se tieħu passi biex jitjieb ir‑rispons. zzjoni u t‑tnaqqis tal‑piżijiet.205 Il‑partijiet interessati diġà jistgħu jagħtu reazzjonijiet kemm fuq l‑ippjanar tal‑konsultazzjoni dwar “Il‑Vuċi Konsultazzjoni mal‑partijiet interessati Tiegħek fl‑Ewropa” (Your Voice in Europe)208 kif ukoll fuq Djalogu maċ‑ċittadini, l‑imsieħba soċjali u l‑partijiet inter- pjanijiet direzzjonali li huma ppubblikati mill‑Kummis- essati oħrajn fin‑negozju u fis‑soċjetà ċivili jgħin biex tiżgura sjoni bħala indikazzjonijiet bikrija dwar l‑intenzjonijiet li l‑liġi tal‑UE tkun trasparenti, immirata tajjeb u koerenti. leġiżlattiva tagħha. Riċentement ġiet introdotta sistema Il‑konsultazzjoni tal‑imsieħba soċjali u l‑partijiet interes- ta’ twissija elettronika.209 Se jsiru sforzi biex jitjiebu s‑siti sati oħrajn hija mnaqqxa fit‑Trattati u hija partikolarment tal‑internet biex jiffaċilitaw dawk il‑kummenti u r‑reazz- importanti fir‑rigward tal‑identifikazzjoni ta’ kwistjonijiet jonijiet. Risposti individwali riċevuti mill‑partijiet inter- ta’ proporzjonalità u sussidjarjetà.206 Il‑Kummissjoni twet- essati normalment jiġu ppubblikati fi żmien 15 -il jum taq konsultazzjonijiet f ’kull stadju taċ‑ċiklu ta’ politika. ta’ xogħol mill‑għeluq tal‑konsultazzjoni u rapport sommarju jkun ippubblikat bl‑aħħar adozzjoni tal‑proposta mill‑Kummissjoni. Ċerti Stati Membri qed ukoll jiġbru 202 Ara l‑Websajt tar‑Regolamentazzjoni Intelliġenti tal‑Kummissjoni: http://ec.europa.eu/smart‑regulation/ sistematikament kummenti u suġġerimenti minn partijiet evaluation/index_mt.htm interessati li jistgħu jipprovdu kontribuzzjonijiet ta’ valur 203 Ġew riċevuti 53 tweġiba minn awtoritajiet pubbliċi, partijiet lill‑isforzi tal‑Kummissjoni għal idoneità regolatorja fuq interessati u ċittadini fil‑kuntest ta’ din il‑konsultazzjoni livell Ewropew. pubblika. Dawn se jiġu ppubblikati flimkien ma’ rapport sommarju dwar il‑websajt tar‑Regolamentazzjoni Intelliġenti tal‑Kummissjoni: http://ec.europa.eu/smart‑regulation/index_ Il‑Kummissjoni tippjana wkoll li tressaq suġġerimenti biex mt.htm testendi l‑firxa tagħha lil imsieħba soċjali u partijiet inter- 204 Rapporti finali jinsab fuqhttp://ec.europa.eu/smart‑regulation/ evaluation/documents_mt.htm essati, b’mod partikolari l‑intrapriżi żgħar u medji (SMEs) 205 Jiġifieri l‑Kontroll tal‑Idoneità dwar l‑informazzjoni permezz ta’ kuntatt dirett f ’konferenzi fl‑Istati Membri, u l‑konsultazzjoni tal‑ħaddiema jista’ jwassal u permezz ta’ konsultazzjoni permezz ta’ assoċjazzjonijiet għall‑konsolidazzjoni ta’ tliet Direttivi, filwaqt li jitqiesu tal‑SMEs Ewropej u nazzjonali u n‑Netwerk Enterprise r‑riżultati tal‑konsultazzjoni tal‑Imsieħba Soċjali, il‑Kontroll tal‑Idoneità fuq it‑tip ta’ approvazzjoni ta’ vetturi bil‑mutur se Europe. jiġi segwit minn rieżami tad‑Direttiva Qafas 2007/46/KE, ara l‑indikazzjonijiet kompluti mit‑tabella ta’ valutazzjoni ta’ REFIT. 206 Il‑konsultazzjoni hija stabbilita fl‑Artikolu 11 / TUE 207 Oqfsa ta’ konsultazzjoni speċifika li huma stabbiliti fit‑Trattati, u fil‑Protokoll Nru 2 dwar l‑applikazzjoni tal‑prinċipji leġiżlazzjoni oħra tal‑UE jew ftehimiet internazzjonali (pereż. ta’ sussidjarjetà u proporzjonalità. Il‑konsultazzjoni konsultazzjonijiet tal‑imsieħba soċjali) huma esklużi. tal‑imsieħba soċjali fil‑kuntest tal‑politika soċjali hija 208 http://ec.europa.eu/yourvoice/index_mt.htm stabbilita fl‑Artikoli 153, 154, u 155 TFUE li jipprovdu wkoll 209 Abbonamenti jistgħu jsiru fuq: https://webgate.ec.europa.eu/ opportunitajiet għall‑involviment tagħhom f’REFIT. notifications/homePage.do?locale=mt PROGRAMM DWAR L‑IDONEITÀ U L‑PRESTAZZJONI TAR‑REGOLAMENTAZZJONI (REFIT): IS‑SITWAZZJONI ATTWALI U L‑PERSPETTIVI

Kejl ta’ Spejjeż u Benefiċċji Regolatorji sopravvalutati kif jistgħu jkun it‑tfaddil tal‑ispejjeż.213 Fil‑ħidma ta’ evalwazzjoni ex post tagħha l‑Kummissjoni Il‑kejl ta’ spejjeż u benefiċċji huwa aspett importan- qed tinvestiga dejjem iktar sa liema punt l‑ispejjeż u l‑bene- ti tar‑Regolamentazzjoni Intelliġenti. Il‑Kummissjoni fiċċji reali jaqblu mal‑istimi magħmula f ’valutazzjonijiet riċentement ippubblikat ir‑riżultati ta’ studju estern dwar tal‑impatt preċedenti. metodi ta’ valutazzjoni tal- ispejjeż u l‑benefiċċji tar‑regolamentazzjoni li se jikkontribwixxi għall‑aġġornament Ħtiġijiet ta’ rapportar tal‑linji gwida ta’ valutazzjoni tal‑impatt.210 Il‑kejl ta’ spejj- eż u benefiċċji regolatorji huwa enfasi wkoll f ’kontrolli It‑tnaqqis tal‑piż regolatorju jista’ jintlaħaq billi jittejbu tal‑idoneità u evalwazzjonijiet ex post. l‑effiċjenza, ‑il koerenza u l‑kunsistenza kif ukoll billi jitnaqqsu l‑ħtiġijiet ta’ rapportar.214 Meta tagħmel proposti Sabiex tevalwa l‑varjetà tal‑ispejjeż regolatorji kkawżati ġodda, il‑Kummissjoni tirsisti biex tnaqqas il‑ħtiġijiet minn setturi industrijali speċifiċi, il‑Kummissjoni timpli- ta’ rapportar u tfittex allinjament ta’ ħtiġijiet differenti. menta Valutazzjonijiet tal‑Ispejjeż Kumulattivi (CAAs). Azzjonijiet biex jissimplifikaw u jikkonsolidaw il‑ħtiġijiet Żewġ CCAs fuq l‑industriji tal‑azzar u l‑aluminju diġà ta’ rapportar għandhom jimpenjaw il‑kooperazzjoni bejn ġew kompluti,211 CCA fuq l‑industrija kimika bdiet u iktar il‑Parlament u l‑Kunsill, peress li ħtiġijiet ta’ rapportar xogħol huwa ppjanat għall‑industriji bbażati fuq il‑foresti, huma spiss miżjuda fil‑proċess leġiżlattiv.215 Għandhom l‑industrija taċ‑ċeramika u l‑ħġieġ u s‑settur tal‑kostruzz- ukoll jitwettqu rieżaminazzjonjiet fil‑livelli nazzjonali, joni. Is‑CCAs jipprovdu valutazzjonijiet tal‑industrijakoll- reġjonali u lokali sabiex jidentifikaw obbligi li jeċċedu ha fuq varjetà ta’ fatturi ta’ spejjeż prinċipali. Minħabba l‑ħtiġijiet stabbiliti fil‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE. 603 l‑kamp ta’ applikazzjoni limitat tagħhom u l‑enfasi fuq spejjeż regolatorji aktar milli benefiċċji, is‑CAAs ma jist- Fir‑rigward ir‑rapportar lill- u mill‑Kummissjoni, il‑Kum- għux ikunu l‑unika bażi għal rakkomandazzjonijiet ta’ missjoni wettqet rieżaminazzjonjiet fl‑oqsma tal‑amb- politika. Ir‑riżultati tagħhom jikkontribwixxu f ’evalwazz- jent216 u tas‑saħħa u s‑sigurtà fuq ix‑xogħol.217 Oqsma fejn jonijiet, Kontrolli tal‑Idoneità u valutazzjonijiet tal‑impatt. il‑ħtiġijiet ta’ rapportar ġew simplifikati jinkludu ‑l politika

Il‑kejl ta’ spejjeż regolatorji fil‑livell tal‑UE jippreżenta sfidi partikolari minħabba li ‑l ispejjeż stmati ta’ proposti leġiżlattivi mill‑Kummissjoni huma ħafna drabi modi- 213 L‑ispejjeż reali stabbilixxew li stimi ex post jistgħu jvarjaw minn stimi ex ante minħabba l‑avvanz teknoloġiku fikati permezz ta’ emendi fil‑proċess leġiżlattiv u jiddepen- u l‑innovazzjoni u l‑effiċjenza tan‑negozju. Fil‑qasam tal‑azzar, du fuq għażliet ta’ implimentazzjoni mill‑Istati Membri. pereżempju, l‑ispejjeż tal‑ħarsien ambjentali għal kull Dan jimplika li l‑valutazzjoni tal‑ispejjeż u l‑benefiċċji tunnellata ta’ prodott baqgħu stabbli jew naqsu matul l‑aħħar għandha tiġi aġġornata mill‑Parlament u l‑Kunsill jekk tin- 20 sena minkejja t‑titjib fil‑prestazzjoni ambjentali tas‑settur. 212 (Valutazzjoni tal‑Ispejjeż Kumulattivi għall‑Industrija tal‑Azzar: bidel fiċ‑ċiklu leġiżlattiv. Barra minn hekk, l‑eżattezza http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/sectors/metals‑minerals/files/ tal‑kejl tal‑ispejjeż u l‑benefiċċji fil‑valutazzjonijiet tal‑im- steel‑cum‑cost‑imp_en.pdf) patt u l‑evalwazzjonijiet ex post tiddependi fuq il‑kwalità 214 Il‑ħtiġijiet ta’ rapportar huma spiss marbuta, sabiex tad‑dejta pprovduta mill‑Istati Membri, l‑imsieħba soċjali pereżempju ħtieġa għall‑Kummissjoni biex tirrapporta lill‑Kunsill jew lill‑Parlament tkun tista’ twassal għal obbligi u l‑partijiet interessati. ta’ rapportar addizzjonali lill‑awtoritajiet tal‑Istati Membri, il‑partijiet interessati u n‑negozji. Il‑valutazzjoni ex post tal‑ispejjeż reali tista’ turi varjazzjo- 215 Ir‑Regolament dwar id‑Dispożizzjonijiet Komuni għal Politika ni sinifikanti mill‑istima . L‑ispejjeż jistgħu jkunu ta’ Koeżjoni jelenka 28 ħtieġa ta’ rapportar individwali fi 11-il ex ante qasam; sitta minnhom jeħtieġu rapportar regolari. Id‑Direttiva finali dwar l‑infurzar dwar l‑istazzjonar tal‑ħaddiema tinkludi ħtiġijiet ta’ rapportar addizzjonali għall‑Istati Membri miżjuda fil‑proċess leġiżlattiv (ara t‑tabella ta’ valutazzjoni ta’ REFIT). 210 Ikkonsulta l‑istudju “Assessing the costs and benefits of 216 Sar progress sinifikanti fis‑simplifikazzjoni ta’ flussi ta’ regulation” fuq http://ec.europa.eu/smart‑regulation/impact/ rapportar mhux konness minn qabel fil‑qasam tal‑ilma (bejn commission_guidelines/docs/131210_cba_study_sg_final.pdf id‑Direttiva dwar l‑Istrateġija Marittima, id‑Direttiva Qafas 211 Ara: http://ec.europa.eu/enterprise/sectors/metals‑minerals/ dwar l‑Ilma u d‑Direttivi dwar il‑Ħabitats u l‑Għasafar), tant files/steel‑cum‑cost‑imp_en.pdf u: http://ec.europa. li d‑dejta u l‑informazzjoni jeħtieġu biss li jiġu rrappurtati eu/enterprise/newsroom/cf/itemdetail.cfm?item_ darba biex jissodisfaw il‑ħtiġijiet stabbiliti skont Direttivi varji, id=7124&lang=en&title=Final‑report biex b’hekk jitnaqqas b’mod sinifikanti l‑piż amministrattiv. 212 Eżempju wieħed fejn dan jista’ jiġi ġġustifikat huma r‑regoli Ir‑riżultati ta’ eżerċizzju pilota separat għat‑tnaqqis tal‑ħtiġijiet għall‑importazzjoni ta’ pjanti u prodotti tal‑pjanti fl‑UE ta’ rapportar fil‑qasam tal‑ilma urban mormi se jwasslu għal fejn emendi għall‑proposta tal‑Kummissjoni li bħalissa ħtiġijiet ta’ rapportar aktar sempliċi u aktar effettivi. qed tiġi diskussa fi proċedura leġiżlattiva jirriskjaw li jżidu 217 Sa mill-2007, l‑Istati Membri jissottomettu rapport l‑ispejjeż għan‑negozju (COM(2013) 267 — il‑Proposta uniku lill‑Kummissjoni minflok rapporti separati dwar tal‑Kummissjoni għal Regolament dwar il‑miżuri protettivi l‑implimentazzjoni prattika ta’ 24 Direttiva fil‑qasam kontra l‑pesti tal‑pjanti, ara wkoll it‑tabella ta’ valutazzjoni ta’ tas‑saħħa u s‑sigurtà fuq il‑post tax‑xogħol (id‑Direttiva akkumpanjament). 2007/30/KE li temenda d‑Direttiva Qafas 89/391/KEE). IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

ta’ koeżjoni u l‑enerġija218. Dan ix‑xogħol jista’ jiġi estiż għandhom jivvalutaw l‑impatti tal‑għażliet ta’ politika f ’oqsma oħra fl-2015. tagħhom jew fl‑istadju ta’ tħejjija jew fil‑proċess leġiżlat- tiv. Il‑kooperazzjoni mal‑Istati Membri hija essenzjali biex tinġabar id‑dejta u jiġi evalwat jekk il‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE 5. Idoneità Regolatorja: Għan kellhiex l‑effetti mistennija. Il‑Parlamenti Nazzjonali wkoll għandhom l‑irwol tagħhom biex jipprovdu kontribut komuni lill‑Kummissjoni fi stadju bikri taċ‑ċiklu tat‑tfassil tal‑politika u fl‑iskrutinju tal‑proposti tal‑Kumissjoni skont il‑me- Il‑Kummissjoni tilqa’ l‑interess f ’REFIT mill‑Istati Mem- kkaniżmu ta’ kontroll tas‑sussidjarjetà.222 Il‑kontribut min- bri u l‑partijiet interessati u b’mod partikolari l‑appoġġ għand l‑imsieħba soċjali, il‑partijiet interessati, l‑NGOs mill‑Kunsill Ewropew u l‑Parlament Ewropew.219 u l‑pubbliku ġenerali huwa wkoll essenzjali biex jinżamm il‑momentum fuq ir‑Regolamentazzjoni Intelliġenti. Sa mill‑pubblikazzjoni tal‑aġenda ta’ REFIT tal‑Kum- missjoni f ’Ottubru li għadda, numru kbir ta’ kummenti, Dan l‑isforz konġunt ġie appoġġat matul dawn l‑aħħar suġġerimenti u kontribuzzjonijiet ġew riċevuti mill‑Ista- snin minn kontribuzzjonijiet lill‑aġenda tar‑Regolamen- ti Membri220 u mill‑partijiet interessati. Dawn ġew ik- tazzjoni Intelliġenti minn żewġ Gruppi ta’ Livell Għoli kunsidrati matul l‑aġġornament ta’ skrining regolatorju dwar Regolamentazzjoni Aħjar u Piżijiet Amministrattivi. mwettaq skont REFIT fl-2014 u huma ppubblikati fuq Il‑Kummissjoni tqis li dawn l‑appoġġ u għarfien espert jist- il‑websajt tar‑regolamentazzjoni intelliġenti tal‑Kummiss- għu b’mod utli jiġu magħquda fi grupp uniku, b’mandat 604 joni biex jinfurmaw aktar riflessjoni, diskussjoni u azzjoni rivedut biex jiġi vvalutat l‑impatt tar‑regolamentazzjoni konġunti.221 tal‑UE fil‑prattika fl‑Istati Membri, li jikkontribwixxi għar‑riżultati mħabbra kull sena permezz tat‑tabella ta’ Il‑Kummissjoni tilqa’ wkoll konferma mill‑partijiet inter- valutazzjoni ta’ REFIT. Dan ix‑xogħol jista’ jikkontrib- essati fin‑negozju u s‑soċjetà ċivili li l‑idoneità regolatorja wixxi wkoll għall‑identifikazzjoni ta’ oqsma ta’ regolam- hija meħtieġa u importanti. Bħala reazzjoni għat‑tħassib entazzjoni li waslilhom iż‑żmien għal evalwazzjoni, kif espress minn ċerti partijiet interessati, il‑Kummissjoni ukoll għall‑kontribuzzjoni għal evalwazzjonijiet u kon- tikkonferma mill‑ġdid li REFIT ma jiddubitax għaniji- trolli ta’ idoneità fuq ċerti kwistjonijiet ewlenin. Proposta et ta’ politika stabbiliti jew isir għad‑detriment tas‑saħħa għall‑ħolqien ta’ grupp ta’ Livell Għoli ġdid biex jakkump- u s‑sigurta taċ‑ċittadini, il‑konsumaturi, il‑ħaddiema jew anja xogħol futur se ssir fix‑xhur li ġejjin. l‑ambjent. Huwa importanti li titqajjem kuxjenza sabiex il‑partijiet interessati kollha jkunu jistgħu jaraw il‑bene- fiċċji minn REFIT, jiġifieri li‑ l Kummissjoni qed tipprova 6. Konklużjonijiet u Prospettivi tiżgura li l‑azzjoni leġiżlattiva tal‑UE tittieħed b’mod effettiv u effiċjenti u fil‑livell it‑tajjeb, b’valur miżjud tal‑UE għall‑ġejjieni muri b’mod ċar. Il‑Kummissjoni ilha tieħu azzjoni fuq l‑impenji ta’ Idoneità L‑esperjenza fl‑implimentazzjoni ta’ REFIT uriet li Regolatorja tagħha minn Diċembru 2012. Din il‑Komu- l‑idoneità regolatorja tista’ tinkiseb biss b’mod konġunt nikazzjoni turi r‑riżultati miksuba skont REFIT u tindika mill‑Istituzzjonijiet Ewropej, l‑Istati Membri (fil‑livell l‑oqsma fejn għandhom jiġu kkonċentrati l‑isforzi futuri. nazzjonali, reġjonali u lokali) u l‑partijiet interessati involuti fin‑negozju u s‑soċjetà ċivili. L‑idoneità regolatorja Bosta tagħlimiet jistgħu jinsiltu mill‑esperjenza fl‑impli- għandha tingħata prijorità u l‑istituzzjonijiet kollha tal‑UE mentazzjoni ta’ REFIT sa issa.

L‑ewwel nett, ir‑regolamentazzjoni intelliġenti u l‑idonei- 218 Fl-2013, il‑Kummissjoni wettqet eżami analitiku dwar obbligi ta’ rappurtar fl‑oqsma tal‑enerġija u tal‑politika ta’ koeżjoni tà regolatorja jeħtieġu li jkun hemm impenn politiku bil‑għan li jiġu simplifikati l‑ħtiġijiet. Fil‑qasam tal‑enerġija sod u aġġustament ta’ politiki u proċessi relatat fil‑livel- waħdu, dan l‑eżami ppermetta 43 obbligu ta’ rappurtar jiġu li kollha - fi ħdan il‑Kummissjoni, bejn l‑istituzzjonijiet amalgamati f’14. Ewropej u fi ħdan ‑l Istati Membri. L‑idoneità regolatorja 219 Ara l‑konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill Ewropew tal-24 u l-25 ta’ Ottubru 2013, il‑Konklużjonijiet tal‑Kunsill mhijiex soluzzjoni ta’ malajr ta’ darba, jew eżerċizzju fejn tal‑Kompetittività ta’ Diċembru 2013 u r‑Riżoluzzjoni jiġu mmarkati l‑kaxxi Hija titlob li l‑amministrazzjoniji- tal‑Parlament Ewropew tas-17 ta’ April 2014 dwar l‑ikbar et jingħataw il‑mandat u jkunu mgħammra biex iwasslu għaxar proċessi ta’ konsultazzjoni u t‑tħaffif tal‑piż tfassil ta’ politika msejjes fuq l‑evidenza, bl‑involviment tar‑regolamentazzjoni tal‑UE dwar l‑SMEs. 220 B’mod partikolari ġew riċevuti kontribuzzjonijiet mill‑Finlandja, attiv tal‑imsieħba soċjali u l‑partijiet interessati fl‑istadji il‑Ġermanja, il‑Pajjiżi l‑Baxxi u r‑Renju Unit. 221 http://ec.europa.eu/smart‑regulation/refit/index_en.htm (għandu jiġi vverifikat) 222 Previst minn Protokoll nru 2 tat‑trattati. PROGRAMM DWAR L‑IDONEITÀ U L‑PRESTAZZJONI TAR‑REGOLAMENTAZZJONI (REFIT): IS‑SITWAZZJONI ATTWALI U L‑PERSPETTIVI kollha taċ‑ċiklu ta’ politika – mill‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt Il‑ħames nett, l‑iskoperta ta’ piż bla bżonn u l‑ispiża minn għall‑evalwazzjoni ex post. dawk affettwati direttament mil‑leġiżlazzjoni jistgħu jkunu komplement importanti għall‑valutazzjoni kwantitattiva. It‑tieni nett, hemm bżonn għal skrutinju tal‑proċessi regola- Il‑konsultazzjoni u d‑dibattitu huma għalhekk essenzjali. torji. Il‑Bord tal‑Valutazzjoni tal‑Impatt ipprovda funzjoni ta’ kontroll tal‑kwalità essenzjali. Din ġiet appoġġata b’reg- Filwaqt li tqis dawn l‑osservazzjonijiet, u tħares lejn il‑fu- oli proċedurali li żguraw li dawk il‑proposti akkumpanjati tur, il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli tagħti prijorità lil u żomm minn valutazzjoni tal‑impatt soda biss jistgħu jitressqu il‑momentum fuq l‑idoneità regolatorja. Ser tkompli tiffo- għal konsiderazzjoni mill‑Kulleġġ. Il‑Parlament Ewropew ka fuq oqsma ta’ valur miżjud tal‑UE sinifikanti filwaqt li u dejjem iktar il‑Kunsill jipprovdu livell ieħor ta’ skrutinju, tirrispetta l‑prinċipji ta’ sussidjarjetà u proporzjonalità. Hija li jivvaluta s‑sodezza tal‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt tal‑Kum- se tlesti l‑preparamenti għar‑rieżami tal‑linji gwida tagħha missjoni. Din hija sitwazzjoni unika – ftit regolaturi jew fuq il‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt, il‑konsultazzjoni tal‑partijiet amministrazzjonijiet japplikaw huma stess jew huma interesstai u l‑evalwazzjoni fix‑xhur li ġejjin. Hija se tankra suġġetti għall‑istess livell ta’ kontroll tal‑kwalità u skrutin- REFIT sew fil‑proċeduri u l‑prattiki tal‑Kummissjoni. ju daqs il‑Kummissjoni Ewropea. Uħud jissuġġerixxu li għandha tiġi stabbilita entità ta’ kontroll tal‑kwalità esterna Il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli taħdem mill‑qrib mal‑Parla- addizzjonali. Il‑Kummissjoni ma tappoġġax din l‑idea per- ment u l‑Kunsill biex tiżgura li l‑benefiċċji fis‑simplifika- ess li tinterferixxi mat‑tfassil tal‑politika u l‑irwol leġiżlattiv zzjoni u t‑tnaqqis tal‑piżijiet jiġu kkonfermati fil‑proċess tagħha – biex il‑Kummissjoni tagħmel proposti tajba u bi- leġiżlattiv u titlob mil‑leġiżlatur u mill‑Istati Membri kollha lanċjati sew, hija għandha twettaq il‑valutazzjonijiet tal‑im- biex jiżviluppaw kapaċità suffiċjenti biex jikkontribwixxu 605 patt tagħha stess. Ladarba l‑Kummissjoni tkun ippubblikat għal dawn l‑isforzi fl‑oqsma rispettivi tagħhom u biex iwet- l‑valutazzjonijiet tagħha huma jkunu disponibbli għal skru- tqu valutazzjonijiet tal‑impatt ex ante ta’ emendi sinifikanti tinju u kummenti pubbliċi sħaħ. lil proposti tal‑Kummissjoni fil‑proċess leġiżlattiv.223

It‑tielet nett, l‑esperjenza turi li l‑kwantifikazzjoni – meta Il‑Kummissjoni se tkompli taħdem ukoll mal‑Istati Mem- wieħed iħares lejn l‑ispejjeż u l‑benefiċċji - hija parti neċes- bri u l‑partijiet interessati, b’mod notevoli fi ħdan il‑Pro- sarja tal‑valutazzjoni regolatorja. Madankollu, il‑limiti gramm ABR+, biex tikkonferma tfaddil tal‑ispejjeż stmati, tal‑kwantifikazzjoni għandhom ukoll jiġu rikonoxxu- bix tidentifika ‑l aħjar prattika fl‑implimentazzjoni u biex ti. Il‑Kummissjoni teżamina sistematikament l‑ispejjeż ittejjeb il‑kwalità u l‑ġbir tad‑dejta fuq spejjeż u benefiċċji u l‑benefiċċji fil‑valutazzjonijiet tal‑impatt tagħha li jkop- regolatorji meħtieġa għall‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatti tar‑reg- ru impatti ekonomiċi, soċjali u ambjentali b’mod integrat. olamentazzjoni tal‑UE fil‑prattika.224 Hija tikkwantifikahom meta jkun possibbli. La ‑l kalkolu tal‑ispejjeż u lanqas dak tal‑benefiċċju ma huwa xjenza Għandha tiġi msaħħa l‑kooperazzjoni bejn il‑Kummiss- preċiża. Ħafna drabi, id‑dejta meħtieġa ma tkunx dis- joni Ewropea u l‑Istati Membri fuq l‑evalwazzjoni u l‑val- ponibbli. L‑ispejjeż u l‑benefiċċji mistennija tal‑alternattiva utazzjoni ta’ spejjeż u benefiċċji regolatorji. Għandhom ppreferuta li jirriżultaw mill‑valutazzjoni tal‑impatt se jmor- ikunu mnedija sforzi kollaborattivi fil‑valutazzjoni tal‑im- ru ‘l fuq jew ‘l isfel skont l‑għażliet magħmula mill‑Parla- plimentazzjoni tal‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE fil‑livelli nazzjona- ment Ewropew u l‑Kunsill fil‑proċess leġiżlattiv u mill‑Istati li, reġjonali u lokali. Membri fl‑implimentazzjoni. L‑ispejjeż reali jistgħu jiġu kkalkulati biss ex post. Bħala konsegwenza, enfasi waħda Il‑mandati l‑ġodda għall‑Parlament u l‑Kummissjoni li se f ’REFIT għandha tkun il‑kwantifikazzjoni tal‑ispejjeż jibdew din is‑sena joffru opportunità għall‑istituzzjonjiet u l‑benefiċċji sa fejn ikun possibbli matul iċ‑ċiklu regolator- tal‑UE biex isaħħu l‑impenn tagħhom għar‑regolamenta- ju permezz tal‑applikazzjoni ta’ oqfsa ta’ monitoraġġ u ta’ zzjoni intelliġenti u l‑idoneità regolatorja. evalwazzjoni tajba, riveduti u aġġustati ma’ kull rieżami sinifikanti tal‑leġiżlazzjoni, li jiżgura d‑disponibbiltà tad‑dejta meħtieġa meta jiġu vvalutati l‑ispejjeż u l‑benefiċċji. Il‑Kummissjoni tistieden kontribut, dejta u provi min- għand imsieħba soċjali u partijiet interessati dwar l‑istat attwali u l‑prospetti ta’ REFIT ippreżentati f ’din il‑Ko- Ir‑raba’ nett, il‑bżonn ta’ ċertezza u prevedibbiltà ġurid- munikazzjoni u fid‑dokument ta’ ħidma tal‑persunal li ika magħquda mat‑tul ta’ żmien li jittieħed biex tinbidel jakkumpanja. il‑leġiżlazzjoni fil‑livell tal‑UE ma jaqblux ma’ soluzzjonijiet ta’ malajr u skemi li jolqtuk għal tnaqqis leġiżlattiv. Kull bidla għandha prezz u l‑ispiża tranżitorja tal‑bidla mhux 223 Ara wkoll l‑analiżi tal‑modifikazzjonijiet fil‑proċess leġiżlattiv ta’ dejjem titqies b’mod suffiċjenti. L‑ispejjeż ta’ tranżizzjo- proposti ta’ simplifikazzjoni u tat‑tnaqqis tal‑piżijiet fit‑tabella ni jridu jitqiesu bir‑reqqa kontra l‑ispejjeż ta’ nuqqas ta’ ta’ valutazzjoni ta’ REFIT li takkumpanja din il‑Komunikazzjoni. azzjoni. 224 Skont stimi, terz tal‑piż regolatorju tal‑leġiżlazzjoni tal‑UE huwa marbut mal‑implimentazzjoni nazzjonali.

Support package for Ukraine

PAPER FROM THE EUROPEAN COMMISSION BRUSSELS, 25 JUNE 2014

This paper sets out the main concrete measures that the Commission is proposing for the short and medium term Highlights 607 to help stabilise the economic and financial situation in Ukraine, assist with the transition, encourage political and • €3 billion from the EU budget in the coming years, economic reforms and support inclusive development for €1.6 billion in macro financial assistance loans the benefit of all Ukrainians. These measures combined (MFA) and an assistance package of grants of €1.4 could bring overall support of at least €11 billion over the billion; coming years from the EU budget and EU based international financial institutions (IFIs) in addition to the signif- • Up to €8 billion from the European Investment icant funding being provided by the IMF and World Bank. Bank and the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development; This engagement constitutes both a response to help sta- • Potential €3.5 billion leveraged through the bilise the country as well as to support the reform pro- Neighbourhood Investment Facility; gramme and further enhance ownership by the Ukrainian authorities. While some of these measures can be carried • Setting up of a donor coordination platform; out quickly, others will require further planning and prepa- • Provisional application of the Deep and ration. For many of them, the urgent and active support of Comprehensive Free Trade Area when Association the Council and Parliament are necessary. Agreement is signed and, if need be, by autonomous frontloading of trade measures; Underpinning this approach is the ambition to help Ukraine fulfil the aspirations which have been clearly • Organisation of a High Level Investment Forum/ demonstrated by citizens and civil society in recent weeks Task Force; in the unprecedented events in Kiev and throughout the • Modernisation of the Ukraine Gas Transit System country. and work on reverse flows, notably via Slovakia; • Acceleration of Visa Liberalisation Action Plan within the established framework; Offer of a Mobility Partnership; • Technical assistance on a number of areas from constitutional to judicial reform and preparation of elections. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

All these measures should be seen as the Commission’s The Commission is currently preparing a new€140 mil- contribution to a European and international effort at lion programme for 2014 that would aim at improving providing a sustainable way out of Ukraine’s difficult eco- the financial capability of the government and support nomic situation and to support its economic and political the institutional transition, thus reinforcing the foreseen transition. The action of Member States in complement- impact of the MFA. This would be complemented by ac- ing and reinforcing what the Commission can mobilise on tions aimed at supporting civil society. The size of such a its own is crucial. The participation of partner countries programme could be increased up to €200 million if as well as of the international financial institutions, no- there were to be redeployment from within the European tably the IMF, the EIB, the EBRD and the World Bank, Neighbourhood Instrument (ENI) and if Ukraine were to is essential to leverage what we can all offer, increase the benefit from the umbrella programme (“more for more”) visibility of our collective action and improve its impact. on the basis of proven progress in deepening democracy All elements and instruments need to be pulled together and respect of human rights. to ensure an effective and coherent European Union and international response. For the remaining period of 2015-2020, a yearly bilateral envelope of approximately €130 million is currently Part of the EU’s effort is to support Ukraine on its path foreseen as part of the ENI with an additional €40-50 towards political and economic reform, including those set million per year from the afore-mentioned umbrella out in the Association Agreement /Deep and Comprehen- programme (“more-for-more”) subject to proven progress sive Free Trade Area (AA/DCFTA), which we stand ready in deepening democracy and respect of human rights and 608 to sign. It is essential to raise public awareness in Ukraine further significant funding from the Neighbourhood In- as well as in third countries on the benefits and opportuni- vestment Facility (NIF) described below. ties that such reforms can offer both for Ukraine and the region as a whole. As far as existing programmes are concerned, the Com- mission is currently funding a number of on-going sector budget support and technical assistance programmes Economic and financial assistance which will provide input to the new Government in key areas such as economic development, public financial Economic support takes the form of both macro financial management and justice. This represents approximately and development assistance. The Commission is ready to €400 million. mobilise some €3 billion from the EU budget in the coming years with the undertaking that a substantial amount In addition, the NIF will be mobilised in favour of bank- of money can be made rapidly available to help Ukraine able investment projects in Ukraine. Experience with the address its more urgent needs, including stabilising the implementation of the NIF in the East over the past pro- financial situation and supporting the functioning of the gramming period has shown that, for an amount of €200- new administration. 250 million of grants foreseen for Ukraine for blending, one could expect a leverage effect that would generate Macro-Financial Assistance loans of up to €3.5 billion. The participation of Interna- tional Financing Institutions (IFIs) will be crucial to allow this leveraging and to exploit its full potential. A total of €1.6 billion is foreseen for macro financial assistance (MFA). In the short term, the Commission is ready to mobilise €610 million in loans under MFA which has Within the NIF framework, the Commission is now already been agreed but is conditional on the signature of working on the possibility of setting up a dedicated win- an agreement between the government and the IMF. The dow to support the implementation of the AA/DCFTA Commission is willing to propose further MFA of up to €1 for the relevant countries. This would allow our partners billion. The Commission has already deployed a mission to have access to a guaranteed and dedicated envelope to on the ground to assess Ukraine’s financial needs and to support investment in sectors crucial for modernisation prepare the ground for such MFA. This team is working and the adoption of EU standards (in areas such as envi- closely with the IMF. ronment and energy). We are also looking at using this facility to further leverage the investment opportunities in the private sector. Development assistance The Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP), Over the next seven years, a development assistance pack- formerly the Instrument for Stability, could be deployed age to Ukraine in the form of grants could amount to a to target urgent actions, for example, on police reform and minimum of €1.4 billion. electoral support. Up to €20 million could be mobilised Support package for Ukraine quickly if appropriate actions are identified anda further International donor co-ordination €15 million could be added from the CFSP budget to support measures in relation to security sector reform. mechanism

Finally, Ukraine is the most important country for the The Commission remains in close contact with both the EU for operations in the area of nuclear safety and secu- IMF and the World Bank on the ground in Ukraine and rity. Currently, projects are being implemented under the at Headquarters. In order to help ensure effective delivery Instrument for Nuclear Safety Cooperation for a total and maximise the impact of the EU economic and devel- amount of €50 million, in the field of nuclear waste man- opment assistance described above, as well as heighten its agement and social projects in the affected area around the visibility, the Commission is exploring avenues to enhance Chernobyl exclusion zone. In addition, a further envelope international donor coordination by setting up, together of €36.5 million can be contracted in the very short term with the international community and IFIs, an ad hoc do- for actions in this field. The programming period for the nor coordination mechanism. new financial period is on-going, which will allow the EU efforts in this area to be further stepped up. Such a mechanism could take work forward on the basis of a needs assessment and of the reform programme prepared The Commission reiterates its readiness to establish an EU by the Ukrainian authorities, and provide a sustainable Trust Fund should Member States support such an initia- way out of Ukraine’s difficult economic situation support- tive. This would create a vehicle that would allow Member ing economic and political transition. States to make substantial further financial contributions 609 and would increase the visibility of the EU, including its This donor coordination mechanism could take the form Member States, and contribute to an effective, swift and of an international platform based in Kiev which would coordinated disbursement of funds. meet regularly to closely coordinate donor efforts to address the economic situation of the country. The politi- The European Investment Bank (EIB) is the EU’s own cal guidance will be provided by high level coordination policy-driven bank and already has a project pipeline in meetings of the international platform. The Commission Ukraine of up to €1.5 billion for the next three years. is willing to host the meetings in Brussels. This mechanism The EIB could significantly scale this up, without diverting is open to the participation, namely, of EU Member States, from other regions, if adequate guarantee provisions were IMF, World Bank, EBRD, EIB, and interested third coun- to be granted and if the political and operational condi- tries. EU participation would be led on the ground by the tions allow. The EIB could then provide financing for long- EU Delegation. term investments of up to €3 billion for 2014 – 2016 in support of both the local private sector and economic and social infrastructure. After the Mid-Term Review of the Trade and investment EIB External Lending Mandate planned by end 2016, the EIB could further increase its activity until 2020 via the While economic and financial assistance are essential, activation of the €3 billion optional mandate already fore- trade and investment are also key instruments in helping seen, subject to the agreement of additional funding by the secure long term sustainability for Ukraine. All Ukrain- budgetary authority. ians stand to benefit enormously from the ambitious DCFTA trade deal with the EU. For example, Ukrainian In its operations, the EIB works closely together with the exporters will save almost half a billion euros annually due other IFIs active in the region thereby contributing to a sig- to reduced EU import duties; Ukrainian agriculture will nificant leverage effect. The Commission will also explore benefit from cuts in duties on agricultural and processed the opportunity for ring fencing and front loading some of agricultural products of almost €400 million. The different the additional guarantees for the EIB funds secured with levels of economic development of the EU and Ukraine the FEMIP reflows for AA/DCFTA related lending. are reflected by the asymmetrical nature of the Agreement. It is designed to provide Ukraine with favourable treat- For its part, the European Bank for Reconstruction and ment, for example, through the faster and broader opening Development (EBRD) is an IFI in which the EU and its of the EU market by the front loading of tariff dismantle- Member States account for a majority of the shareholding. ment granted by the EU combined with a longer period As part of a coordinated financial assistance programme for similar measures on the Ukrainian side. in support of credible structural and macroeconomic reforms, the EBRD could make €5 billion available over The Commission stands ready to react quickly to ensure the same period, though that amount could be exceeded if the rapid provisional application of the AA/DCFTA once economic circumstances permit. a decision on its signature has been made. IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

In the meantime, the Commission is ready to offer the ear- to enhance the security of supply in Ukraine. The text of ly application of those provisions of the agreement related a Memorandum of Understanding between the trans- to the imports of goods (i.e. the reduction of tariffs and mission system operators of Slovakia and Ukraine for the opening of tariff rate quotas) by proposing a draft Coun- physical reverse flow via the Ukraine-Slovak pipeline was cil/Parliament Regulation on such so called ‘autonomous brokered by the Commission in December 2013 but was trade measures’. These transitional trade measures, unilat- not signed. The Commission is ready to facilitate the sig- eral in nature from the EU side, would allow Ukraine to nature by the two operators if requested. The Commission benefit substantially from many of the advantages offered remains committed to continue working with the relevant by the Agreement already now, that is to say, in the period Member States to facilitate the creation of additional re- until it could be signed and provisionally applied. How- verse flow corridors to Ukraine via Bulgaria and Romania ever, the rapid implementation of such support measures and via Croatia and Hungary. would require a clear commitment by the Council and the EP to fast track the approval process. In the medium term, should circumstances allow, the Commission continues to be ready to promote a trilateral As part of the effort to mobilise all of its assets and instru- approach (between EU, Russia and Ukraine) for the mod- ments in support of Ukraine at this exceptional time, the ernisation of the Ukrainian gas transmission system. High Representative and the Commission are also ready to convene a High level Investment Forum/Task Force With regard to transport, following the initialling of the to explore investment and co-operation possibilities in EU-Ukraine Common Aviation Area Agreement at the 610 Ukraine. This should bring together a wide range of pri- Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius, the Commission vate and public economic actors, Ukrainian and EU and is advancing rapidly in preparatory work to allow the IFIs together with the host country to maximise their col- Council to take a decision on the signature of the Agree- lective impact and ensure a sustainable, democratic and ment and stands ready for its early implementation. The prosperous future for the people of Ukraine. Such an event Commission is determined to continue working on the would also provide an opportunity to help Ukraine to enhancement of the EU-Ukraine transport relations, in maximise the benefits of autonomous trade measures and particular in the framework of the Eastern Partnership the AA/DCFTA. Transport Panel.

Energy and transport Mobility

Energy and energy security, and affordable prices, are es- Mobility is an important area where the Commission sential for the stability and security of Ukraine. The EU believes meaningful, visible, short-term steps should be will work with the new government in Ukraine, including taken. While a number of them depend on the political through budget support, to ensure long term diversifica- decisions of the Member States, the Commission is willing tion of supplies and to make sure that the Ukrainian gas and ready to pro-actively facilitate swift and efficient co- transmission system continues to be an essential transit ordination in this area. The Commission fully recognises route for gas supplies to the Europe. As such, the Com- the importance of mobility and people-to-people contacts mission will continue to work with the government in for Ukrainian citizens and will support Ukrainian efforts Ukraine to modernise its gas transmission system in to move forward the visa liberalisation process as quickly co-operation with the EIB, EBRD and World Bank, as gas as possible in line with the agreed conditions of the Visa sector reforms in line with the Energy Community com- Liberalisation Action Plan. Progress will of course depend mitments are carried out. Provided that certain conditions on how the new authorities are able to tackle the most im- are fulfilled, an initial loan could be possible in the near portant outstanding issues. However, the Commission can future. and will do its outmost to help solve the remaining issues in an accelerated manner. Completing the visa liberalisa- In the short term, the Commission is ready to assist tion process will lead to the abolition of the visa obligation Ukraine in diversifying its gas supply routes, notably by for Ukrainian citizens wishing to travel to the Schengen ensuring that reverse flows with the EU, notably via Slova- zone for up to 90 days within 180 days. kia (in addition to Poland and Hungary as is currently the case), can be operationalised as soon as possible. The Com- In the meantime, a Visa Facilitation Agreement (VFA) is mission should ensure, together with Slovakia, that the in operation between the EU and Ukraine and the Com- Ukrainian and Slovakian transmission system operators mission encourages Member States to fully exploit its po- establish the necessary rules and process that allows gas to tential. It gives Member States the possibility of choosing flow from EU to Ukraine in increased capacities in order from a series of measures, including waiving visa fees for Support package for Ukraine certain categories of citizens. In addition, the Visa Code term development, both socially and economically. Sup- gives the Member States additional options to waive port for sustainable economic and political transition will the visa fees for further categories, such as, for example, also require grants providing technical expertise in many children. of the areas outlined in this paper.

In addition, the Commission is willing, subject to the In addition to this, the Commission and the High Rep- agreement of Member States, to offer Ukraine a Mobility resentative will continue to provide support for constitu- Partnership promoting people-to-people contacts and le- tional reform, together with the Council of Europe and gal migration options, and offering a framework for coop- the Venice Commission. Assistance to support reform eration and practical support to the Ukrainian authorities of the Prosecutor’s Office and of the police through the going beyond the visa liberalisation process. Such a Mo- EU-Ukraine Judiciary Reform Dialogue is also on-go- bility Partnership could be established very quickly should ing. In addition, in the area of electoral assistance, the there be an interest on the Ukraine side to do so. possibility of providing electoral support and technical assistance, including to monitoring in the context of an OSCE-ODHIR Electoral Observation Mission for future People to people links and elections is being explored. education • Restrictive measures: The EU has demonstrated that it can act in a rapid and flexible manner to adopt Under the new Erasmus+ programme, the EU will offer the necessary relevant legislation. The Commission 611 more opportunities for student mobility, academic coop- presented its proposal on Monday 24 February and eration and youth exchanges. The Erasmus programme is about to be adopted by the Council, updated to will support short-term student mobility in both direc- reflect the changing reality on the ground so as to now tions to obtain credits in a host institution, which are then focus on the freezing and recovery of assets of persons recognised by the home institution. It is estimated that identified as responsible for the misappropriation of more than 4,000 young Ukrainians will benefit from uni- State funds. The Commission stands ready to come versity exchanges under Erasmus+, and more than 7,000 forward with more proposals if and when necessary. will take part in youth projects and exchanges. • Humanitarian aid and civil protection: The Staff mobility for training and teaching will also be pro- Commission has opened an antenna office in Kiev moted. Ukrainian students and universities will be able to monitor the situation and provide information, to participate in high-level joint Master degrees offered including to Member States, on humanitarian and civil by consortia of European universities. Capacity building protection issues. This office is in touch with all main measures will be offered to universities, to modernise cur- relief and aid organisations to coordinate any possible ricula, teaching practices, upgrade facilities and improve future activities and carry out contingency planning. governance. Erasmus + will also fund youth mobility The Commission stands ready to provide assistance through youth exchanges, European Voluntary Service and from the EU Civil Protection Mechanism should mobility of youth workers. Ukraine request it. In anticipation, the Commission has already asked Participating States to the Ukraine will continue to take part in eTwinning for Mechanism to take stock of possible medical related schools, with 101 schools and 280 teachers already regis- offers of assistance. tered since the official launch in March 2013. Researchers will be able to apply for doctoral or post-doctoral fellowships of other research grants available under the Marie Sklodowska Curie actions.

Additional actions

More broadly, the Commission remains committed to helping Ukraine build institutions which serve the interests of the state and the people by promoting good governance, rule of law and fighting corruption, etc. Making these institutions fit for purpose is not just an end in itself, but also a means to securing the country’s medium and long IL-KUMMISSJONI EWROPEA 2004–2014 — DOKUMENTI

Support to Ukraine: indicative assistance package

Source Indicative amounts/ranges (in € million) European Commission (2014-2020) Overall development assistance (grants) 1,565 Bilateral envelope where:

=> Annual Action Programme (AAP) for 2014 140-200

=> AAPs (average) - for 2015-2020 780

=> Umbrella programme (“more for more”) for 2015-2020 240-300

Neighbourhood Investment Facility 200-250

Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP) 20 612 CFSP 15 Macro financial assistance (loans) 1,610 European Financial Institutions

EIB up to 3,000

EBRD 5000 Grand total €11,175 p.m : previous programming period

AAP for 2013 (committed) 199

AAPs for 2011-2012 (on-going) 201

Instrument for Nuclear Safety Cooperation

(i) on-going 50

(ii) committed 36.5

Total € 486.5

Grazzi sinċiera u minn qalbi lil dawk kollha li ħadmu fil-qrib miegħi tul dawn is-snin ta' sfida imma wkoll ta' sodisfazzjon!

JMDB

Barroso 1 – Il-Kulleġġ tal-Kummissarji (f'ordni alfabetika) Catherine ASHTON (UK) (Rappreżentant Għoli/Viċi President, minn Diċembru 2009), Jacques BARROT (FR), Franco FRATTINI (IT, 2004-2008), Siim KALLAS (EE), Antonio TAJANI (IT, 2008-2010), Günter VERHEUGEN (DE), Margot WALLSTRŐM (SE) (Viċi Presidenti)

Joaquín ALMUNIA (ES), Catherine ASHTON (UK, 2008-2010), Joe BORG (MT), Karel DE GUCHT (BE, 2009-2010), Stavros DIMAS (EL), Benita FERRERO-WALDNER (AT), Ján FIGEL (SK, 2004-2009), Mariann FISCHER BOEL (DK), Dalia GRYBAUSKAITĖ (LT, 2004-2009), Danuta HÜBNER (PL, 2004-2009), László KOVÁCS (HU), Neelie KROES (NL), Meglena KUNEVA (BG), Márkos KYPRIANOÚ (CY, 2004-2008), Peter MANDELSON (UK, 2004-2008), Charlie MCCREEVY (EI), Louis MICHEL (BE, 2004-2009), Leonard ORBAN (RO), Andris PIEBALGS (LV), Janez POTOČNIK (SI), Viviane REDING (LU), Olli REHN (FI), Paweł SAMECKI (PL, 2009-2010), Maroš ŠEFČOVIČ (SK, 2009-2010), Algirdas ŠEMETA (LT, 2009-2010), Vladimír ŠPIDLA (CZ), Androulla VASSILIOU (CY, 2008-2010) (Membri)

Barroso II – Il-Kulleġġ tal-Kummissarji (f'ordni alfabetika) Catherine ASHTON (UK) (Rappreżentant Għoli/Viċi President), Joaquín ALMUNIA (ES), Siim KALLAS (EE), Neelie KROES (NL), Viviane REDING (LU, 2010-2014), Olli REHN (FI, 2010-2014), Maroš ŠEFČOVIČ (SK), Antonio TAJANI (IT, 2010-2014) (Viċi Presidenti)

László ANDOR (HU), Michel BARNIER (FR), Tonio BORG (MT, 2012-2014), Dacian CIOLOŞ (RO), John DALLI (MT, 2010-2012), Maria DAMANAKI (EL), Karel DE GUCHT (BE), Jacek DOMINIK (PL, 2014), Štefan FÜLE (CZ), Máire GEOGHEGAN-QUINN (IE), Kristalina GEORGIEVA (BG), Johannes HAHN (AT), Connie HEDEGAARD (DK), Jyrki KATAINEN (FI, 2014), Janusz LEWANDOWSKI (PL, 2010-2014), Cecilia MALMSTRÖM (SE), Neven MIMICA (HR), Ferdinando NELLI FEROCI (IT, 2014), Günther OETTINGER (DE), Andris PIEBALGS (LV), Janez POTOČNIK (SI), Martine REICHERTS (LU, 2014), Algirdas ŠEMETA (LT), Androulla VASSILIOU (CY) (Membri) Barroso I – Il-Kabinett João VALE DE ALMEIDA (Kap tal-Kabinett), Johannes LAITENBERGER (Kap tal-Kabinett, Novembru 2009-Frar 2010)

Alexander ITALIANER (Viċi Kap tal-Kabinett 2004-2006), Jean-Claude THÉBAULT (Viċi Kap tal-Kabinett, 2006-2009), Fernando FRUTUOSO DE MELO (Viċi Kap tal-Kabinett, Novembru 2009-Frar 2010)

António José CABRAL (Konsulent Anzjan)

Matthew BALDWIN, Alex ELLIS, Bo JENSEN, Clara MARTINEZ ALBEROLA, Ana MARTINHO, Arianna VANNINI, Sabine WEYAND (Konsulenti)

Fernando ANDRESEN GUIMARÃES, Jonas CONDOMINES BERAUD, Pedro CYMBRON, Olivier DANDOY, Henning KLAUS, Johannes LAITENBERGER, João MARQUES DE ALMEIDA, Inês SÉRVULO CORREIA, Hugo MONTEIRO BRILHANTE SOBRAL, Michelle SUTTON (Membri)

António José ALVES DA SILVA, Paulo ANTUNES, Dora ANTUNES DE FIGUEIREDO, Natalino BRAZ, Anabela CARNEIRO LOPES, Odete CARRELO DA CUNHA, Guilhermino José CERQUEIRA LOUSADA, Brigitte CHRISTEY, Hanna CISZEWSKA, Danielle COULONVAL, Pedro GUTIERREZ CUERVO, Sandrine DUPRET, Mojca ERJAVEC, Hervé HOTTAT, José Augusto FAJARDO LOUREIRO, Carlos FERREIRA, Maria Luísa GAIÃO, Kamila KRUPIČKOVÁ, Ritva LUOMALA-JARVI, Rita MAYER, Susana MELO, Corinne NACHI, Simona NICHITEANU, Norberto PAULA, Barbara RAYMAKERS, Fátima ROCHA TRINDADE, Hermínia SOARES, Rita TEIXEIRA MARQUES DE CASTRO DIAS, Oona VAN LANDUYT, Carmen VANDERVORST-GREGORIO, Maria Helena VIEIRA, Uta VON FREITAL, Christine WEHRHEIM (Assistenti) Barroso II – Il-Kabinett Johannes LAITENBERGER (Kap tal-Kabinett)

Fernando FRUTUOSO DE MELO (Viċi Kap tal-Kabinett, 2010-2012), Hugo MONTEIRO BRILHANTE SOBRAL (Viċi Kap tal-Kabinett, 2012-2014)

António José CABRAL (Konsulent Anzjan)

Clara MARTINEZ ALBEROLA, Laurence DE RICHEMONT, Arianna VANNINI, Paulo João Lopes Do Rego VIZEU PINHEIRO (Konsulenti)

Fernando ANDRESEN GUIMARÃES, Ricardo BORGES DE CASTRO, Olivier DANDOY, Henning KLAUS, Michael KARNITSCHNIG, Jakub Jerzy KONIECKI, Raquel LUCAS, João MARQUES DE ALMEIDA, Inês SÉRVULO CORREIA, Agnieszka SKURATOWICZ, Michelle SUTTON (Membri)

Kristina BRADAITYTE-ROEKAERTS, Natalino BRAZ, António José ALVES DA SILVA, Paulo ANTUNES, Dora ANTUNES DE FIGUEIREDO, José Duarte CAPELO SILVA, Guilhermino José CERQUEIRA LOUSADA, Brigitte CHRISTEY, Maria Ramona CLIPICI, Danielle COULONVAL, Vasco DA SILVA QUEIRÓZ, Eric DEMOULIN, Sandrine DUPRET, Mojca ERJAVEC, José Augusto FAJARDO LOUREIRO, Maria Luísa GAIÃO, Pedro GUTIERREZ CUERVO, Kristyna HAMŘIKOVÁ, Hervé HOTTAT, Beáta KOVAĽOVÁ, Kamila KRUPIČKOVÁ, Eleonora LATINI, Rita MAYER, Guillaume MOREL, Corinne NACHI, Simona NICHITEANU, Fátima ROCHA TRINDADE, Hermínia SOARES, Katerina TCHOLAKOVA, Rita TEIXEIRA MARQUES DE CASTRO DIAS, Oona VAN LANDUYT, Mafalda VASCONCELOS; Maria Helena VIEIRA, Christine WEHRHEIM (Assistenti) Secretaries-General of the European Commission: • David O'SULLIVAN (2000-2005)

• Catherine DAY (2005- preżent)

Viċi Segretarji Ġenerali tal-Kummissjoni Ewropea:

Christian DANIELSSON (2011-2013), Eckart GUTH (2002-2006), Henrik HOLOLEI (2013- preżent), Alexander ITALIANER (2006-2010), Hervé JOUANJEAN (2007-2009), Marianne KLINGBEIL (2011-preżent), Enzo MOAVERO-MILANESI (2002-2005), Michel SERVOZ (2011-2014), Jean-Claude THÉBAULT (2009-2010)

Diretturi Ġenerali tas-Servizz Legali tal-Kummissjoni Ewropea: • Michel PETITE (2001-2007)

• Claire-Françoise DURAND (2008-2009)

• Luis ROMERO REQUENA (2009-preżent)

Diretturi Ġenerali tal-BEPA: • Carlos TAVARES (2004-2005)

• Enzo MOAVERO-MILANESI (2006)

• Vítor GASPAR (aġent, 2006-2010)

• Jean-Claude THÉBAULT (2010 - preżent) Servizz tal-Kelliema tal-Kummissjoni Ewropea: • Françoise LE BAIL (Kap tas-Servizz, Kelliema tal-Kummissjoni, 2004-2005)

• Johannes LAITENBERGER (Kap tas-Servizz, Kelliem tal-Kummissjoni, 2005-2009)

• Koen DOENS (Kap tas-Servizz, 2010-2014)

• Pia AHRENKILDE-HANSEN (Viċi Kelliema tal-Kummissjoni, 2005-2009; aġent Kap tas-Servizz, Nov 2009-Feb 2010; Kelliema tal-Kummissjoni, 2009-2014)

• Leonor RIBEIRO DA SILVA (Viċi Kelliema tal-Kummissjoni, 2004-2014) Il-Kummissjoni Ewropea 2004-2014 Testimonjanza tal-President b'dokumenti magħżula José Manuel Durão Barroso

Ippreparat bl-assistenza ta' Koen Doens, Vincent Stuer, Ricardo Borges de Castro, Stéphanie Rhomberg, Dirk Volckaerts, Rita Guerreiro, Maya Angelova u Mariana Correa.

Daħla ta' J. M. Barroso, Il-President tal-Kummissjoni Ewropea

Il-Kummissjoni Ewropea Direttorat Ġenerali għall-Komunikazzjoni Pubblikazzjonijiet 1049 Brussell IL-BELĠJU

2014 — pp. 620 — 21 × 25.5 cm

Print doi:10.2775/94780 ISBN 978-92-79-39573-4 PDF doi:10.2775/40666 ISBN 978-92-79-39596-3 EPUB doi:10.2775/81172 ISBN 978-92-79-39619-9

Il-Lussemburgu: L-Uffiċċju tal-Pubblikazzjonjiet tal-Unjoni Ewropea, 2014

Ir-riproduzzjoni hi awtorizzata sakemm jiġi rikonoxxut is-sors. Għal xi użu jew riproduzzjoni ta' ritratti individwali, għandu jinkiseb il-permess direttament mingħand id-detenturi tad-drittijiet intellettwali.

Printed in Belgium

NA-02-14-898-MT-C ISBN 978-92-79-39573-4 doi:10.2775/94780