University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting APPREHENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY IN ANTEBELLUM AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT: CALHOUN, EMERSON, DOUGLASS, AND WHITMAN By DUSTIN FRIDKIN A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2016 © 2016 Dustin Fridkin To my family: Jennifer Forshee and Eleanor Fridkin, Jeff and Lucy Fridkin, Elysia Dawn, James Forshee, and Debby Simmons, with love and gratitude ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost, I would have had neither inspiration, nor time, nor hubris enough to finish this work absent the love and camaraderie, intellectual and otherwise, of Jennifer Forshee. Her, et praeterea nihil. I must also thank my parents, Jeffrey D. and Lucy J. Fridkin, whose consistent and ongoing support has been invaluable and inspirational. My daughter, Eleanor, has only begun to teach me about the importance of time. My gratitude to her is second only to my anticipation of what more I have to learn. The co-chairs of my committee, Daniel I. O’Neill and Daniel A. Smith, continued to encourage and believe in my work even when my own faith faltered. Additional debts include the members of my committee, professors Lawrence C. Dodd, Leslie Paul Thiele, and Sean P. Adams, as well as professors Thomas Biebricher, Margaret Kohn, Keith Fitzgerald, Eugene Lewis, John C. Hayes, Beth Rosenson, Douglass Berggren, and Barbara Hicks, among others, all of whose influence is visible, to me at least, in this work. For the ideas that inform this project, and for a great deal more besides, I thank my grandparents, Harold and Louanne Fridkin, and Howard and Lucile Wilson. Last, but not least, I must thank my friends, family, and colleagues. First among equals is J. Maggio, without whom, in myriad ways, my life would be significantly less wonderful. Elysia Dawn, James Forshee, Debby Simmons, Greg Wilson, Patrick Quinney, Robert Marshall, Jessica Stevenson, Laura Jane Grace, Matthew DeSantis, Donald Russell, Ryan Quinney, Kevin Mahon, Joey Brenner, Maren Abromowitz, Adam Volk, Tom Thompson, Graham Glover, Chris Manick, Anthony Ateek and others spent years letting me bounce ideas off of them. Thanks, y’all. I wouldn’t have done it without you. 4 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................. 4 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................. 6 ABSTRACT ..................................................................................................................... 7 CHAPTER 1 SHOOTING NIAGARA: ANTEBELLUM AMERICAN DEMOCRACY AND ITS DISCONTENTS ........................................................................................................ 9 2 APPREHENSION OF DEMOCRACY: THE TRADITIONS OF AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT FROM THE FOUNDING TO THE AGE OF JACKSON ..... 26 3 THE CAST IRON MAN’S LAST STAND: JOHN C. CALHOUN AND THE ANTIDOTE TO DEMOCRACY ............................................................................... 69 4 EMERSON, SELF-RELIANCE, AND THE CONDUCT OF DEMOCRACY ........... 109 5 AMERICANS IN THE FULLEST SENSE OF THE IDEA: FREDERICK DOUGLASS, DEMOCRATIC INSTITUTIONS, AND THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF VIOLENCE .................................................................................. 161 6 DEMOCRACY AND PROPHECY: WALT WHITMAN’S COMPOUND “I” AND THE POLITICAL FORCE OF DEMOCRATIC CULTURE ..................................... 205 7 CONCLUDING REMARKS: AMERICAN APPREHENSION OF DEMOCRACY ... 253 LIST OF REFERENCES ............................................................................................. 290 BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH .......................................................................................... 303 5 LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS E&L Emerson: Essays and Lectures LG III Leaves of Grass, 1860: The 150th Anniversary Facsimile Edition LW The Life and Writings of Frederick Douglass MBMF My Bondage and My Freedom NLFD Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: An American Slave NUPM Whitman’s Notebooks and Unpublished Manuscripts PE The Political Emerson SSW Selected Speeches and Writings of Frederick Douglass WWC With Walt Whitman in Camden 6 Abstract of Dissertation Presented to the Graduate School of the University of Florida  Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy APPREHENSIONS OF DEMOCRACY IN ANTEBELLUM AMERICAN POLITICAL THOUGHT: CALHOUN, EMERSON, DOUGLASS, AND WHITMAN By Dustin Fridkin August 2016 Chair: Daniel I O’Neill Cochair: Daniel A. Smith Major: Political Science To an extent that has not heretofore been fully appreciated, conflicting ideas about democracy are central to understanding political thought in the late-antebellum America. I examine the role ideas about democracy play in the political thought of four American thinkers: John C. Calhoun, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Frederick Douglass, and Walt Whitman. In the process, I also examine the relationship between democracy and other traditions of American thought. For Calhoun, democracy named an existential threat not only to the states of his beloved South, but to republican government in general, and, ultimately, to civilization itself. Emerson is ambivalent about democracy, but he primarily considers it an obstacle to the development of self-reliant individuals. Douglass sees in democracy a goal to be achieved, if only his fellow countrymen could be induced to think and act as though they truly believed in the ideological premises upon which their system was based. For Whitman, democracy was the name for a future system, one built from the ground up by dense networks of loving comrades. As disparate as their interpretations of the relevance and implications of democracy were, all four are agreed about its nature and meaning. Democracy, for all four, names a 7 political system characterized by majority rule, which was understood to imply the political power of the laboring classes, strong emphasis on the fundamental equality of persons, and broad-based political participation. While we need not be bound by past understandings or apprehensions, uncovering and explaining the way democracy has been understood, deployed, defended, and attacked can help us sharpen our own apprehensions of it, and clarify our thinking about democracy’s place among the multiple traditions of American political thought. 8 CHAPTER 1 SHOOTING NIAGARA: ANTEBELLUM AMERICAN DEMOCRACY AND ITS DISCONTENTS Whence comes it, this universal big black Democracy; whither tends it; what is the meaning of it? —Thomas Carlyle Latter Day Pamphlets1 In 1867, Thomas Carlyle, who was at the time among the most influential political and cultural critics writing in the English language, penned a piece called “Shooting Niagara: And After?” in which he decried the ascendency of democracy in the United States and Great Britain.2 He likened the moves toward universal manhood suffrage that were taking place on both sides of the Atlantic to taking a plunge over a great waterfall—a foolish thing to do on purpose, and a decision likely to result in self- destruction. To empower the masses meant subjecting control of social, economic, and political affairs to what Carlyle calls “swarmery,” by which he means groups of men gathered together in swarms. Once thusly gathered, “any commonplace stupidest bee,” by which he means any common person, “if he can happen, by noise or otherwise, to be chosen for the function, will straightaway get fatted and inflated into bulk.” Such a human swarm, with some bulky, bombastic bee at its head “finds itself impelled to action, as with one heart and mind. Singular, in the case of human swarms, with what perfection of unanimity and quasi-religious conviction the stupidest absurdities can be 1 The epigraph to this chapter is drawn from Carlyle (1850), 9. 2 Carlyle (1867); for the reception of Carlyle’s works among his contemporaries, see Siegal (1971). 9 received as axioms of Euclid, nay as articles of faith.”3 To understate the case considerably, Carlyle was not a fan of democracy. These words, and many others in Carlyle’s oeuvre, may strike readers, nowadays, as unduly harsh and excessively purple. Carlyle was, to be sure, avowedly elitist—he was, among other things, largely responsible for popularizing “great man” history—and stridently racist, sufficiently so to raise eyebrows even at a time when race-based chattel slavery was still practiced in many sectors of the Western world. But he was also influential and, for the most part, well-respected in the United States. Carlyle’s strongest influence on an American thinker can be seen in the pro- slavery writings of George Fitzhugh, whose books Cannibals All and Sociology for the South were essentially paraphrases of Carlylean arguments. But he is also noted as an influence on the likes of Thoreau and Whitman, and he was a personal friend and lifelong correspondent of Ralph Waldo Emerson. Carlyle’s very public doubts about democracy did not render him, in the middle of the 19th century, a pariah, as they likely would today. What happened in the meantime, and what are we to make of the close connections between an avowedly anti-democratic thinker like Carlyle and a number of Americans whose writings are often considered the sine qua non of democratic aspiration? Increasingly, and perhaps happily, around the world democracy has ceased to be something political leaders or would-be public intellectuals can plausibly argue against. The United States has spent the
Recommended publications
  • Virtue, Size, and Liberty
    Per Mouritsen VIRTUE, SIZE, AND LIBERTY Republican Citizenship at the American Founding Introduction he purpose of this article* is to examine conceptions and argu- Tments about citizenship as they became formulated in the con- stitutional debate surrounding the Philadelphia Convention. This context, I shall argue, was an important setting of republican thought – a category in need of clarification. The paper traces the several manners that republican concerns with the conditions of liberty were reformulated, challenged, and eventually (all but) defeated in the context of the possibility – or spectre – of a commercial, federal, and above all large republic. These republican traces are hopefully inter- esting in themselves. The structure and flavour of my representation of the movement of concerns in early American constitutional dis- course also suggests to observers of present day and coming Euro- pean Union debate that in more ways than we may think – particu- larly in small Nordic countries – ‘we have been there before’.1 * This article was presented at the ECPR-joint sessions, April 2000 in Copenhagen, in the workshop ‘Citizenship in a Historical Perspective’. I am grateful for helpful comments from this audience as from an anonymous reviewer of this journal. 126 VIRTUE, SIZE, AND LIBERTY The American scene was different from previous contexts of re- publican discourse in several ways. First, free-holding and absence of feudal structures had created a social levelling unseen in the Old World. Americans considered themselves fundamentally equal as oppressed subjects of the British crown. The War of Independence bred a revolutionary ideology, based on doctrines of natural rights and just resistance against tyranny, which were enshrined in state constitutions, created in 1776-77 under the umbrella of the Confed- eration.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Discourse and the Pennsylvania Constitution, 1776 - 1790
    Virtuous Democrats, Liberal Aristocrats: Political Discourse and the Pennsylvania Constitution, 1776 - 1790 Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung des Grades eines Doktors der Philosophie im Fachbereich 10 – Neuere Philologien der Johann Wolfgang Goethe-Universität zu Frankfurt am Main vorgelegt von Thomas W. Clark aus Frankfurt am Main 2001 If we can agree where the liberty and freedom of the people lies, that will do all. - Colonel Ireton, The Putney Debates But, notwithstanding this almost unanimous agreement in favour of liberty, neither were all disposed to go the same lenghts for it, nor were they perfectly in unison in the idea annexed to it. - Alexander Graydon, Memoirs of a Life, Chiefly passed in Pennsylvania Fraud lurks in generals. There is not a more unintelligible word in the English language than republicanism. - John Adams to Mercy Otis Warren CONTENTS PREFACE vi LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS xi 1. PART I REVOLUTIONARY PARADIGMS 1.1 Ex Uno Plures or The American Revolution as a Discourse Community 1 1.1.1 Truth and Difference, Republicans and Scholars 1 1.1.2 Revolutionary Pennsylvania as a Discourse Community 18 1.2 Revolutionary Ideology between Republicanism and Liberalism 36 1.2.1 Liberalism Versus Republicanism 36 1.2.2 Classical Republicanism 42 1.2.3 Liberalism 55 1.2.4 Transformation, Opposition, Permeation 61 1.3 Social as Political Conflict: The Few, the Many, the People 75 1.3.1 Rhetoric, Reality, and Radicalism 75 1.3.2 The Discourse of Popular Sovereignty 87 1.3.3 Limiting and Affirming the People: an Exemplary Analysis 96 1.4 Deference to Diversity: Politics and Society in Pennsylvania 105 1.4.1 Quaker Conflict and Hegemony 107 1.4.2 Ethnocultural Pluralism, Sectionalism and the Politics of Heterogeneity 115 1.4.3 Social Diversity and the Emergence of Popular Radicalism 124 1.4.4 Power Struggles, 1776-1790 136 2.
    [Show full text]
  • The Westchester Historian Index, 1990 – 2019
    Westchester Historian Index v. 66-95, 1990 – 2019 Authors ARIANO, Terry Beasts and ballyhoo: the menagerie men of Somers. Summer 2008, 84(3):100-111, illus. BANDON, Alexandra If these walls could talk. Spring 2001, 77(2):52-57, illus. BAROLINI, Helen Aaron Copland lived in Ossining, too. Spring 1999, 75(2):47-49, illus. American 19th-century feminists at Sing Sing. Winter, 2002, 78(1):4-14, illus. Garibaldi in Hastings. Fall 2005, 81(4):105-108, 110, 112-113, illus. BASS, Andy Martin Luther King, Jr.: Visits to Westchester, 1956-1967. Spring 2018, 94(2):36-69, illus. BARRETT, Paul M. Estates of the country place era in Tarrytown. Summer 2014, 90(3):72-93, illus. “Morning” shines again: a lost Westchester treasure is found. Winter 2014, 90(1):4-11, illus. BEDINI, Silvio A. Clock on a wheelbarrow: the advent of the county atlas. Fall 2000, 76(4):100-103, illus. BELL, Blake A. The Hindenburg thrilled Westchester County before its fiery crash. Spring 2005, 81(2):50, illus. John McGraw of Pelham Manor: baseball hall of famer. Spring 2010, 86(2):36-47, illus. Pelham and the Toonerville Trolley. Fall 2006, 82(4):96-111, illus. The Pelhamville train wreck of 1885: “One of the most novel in the records of railroad disasters.” Spring 2004, 80(2):36-47, illus. The sea serpent of the sound: Westchester’s own sea monster. Summer 2016, 92(3):82-93. Thomas Pell’s treaty oak. Summer 2002, 78(3):73-81, illus. The War of 1812 reaches Westchester County.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratic Disaffection: on the Pathologies of Postwar Democracy
    DEMOCRATIC DISAFFECTION: ON THE PATHOLOGIES OF POSTWAR DEMOCRACY A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Cornell University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Kyong Min Son August 2012 © 2012 Kyong Min Son DEMOCRATIC DISAFFECTION: ON THE PATHOLOGIES OF POSTWAR DEMOCRACY Kyong Min Son, Ph. D. Cornell University 2012 This dissertation interrogates the phenomenon of disaffection in post-World War II democracies and, in doing so, offers a theory of the affective dimension of democratic politics. Although many countries have formally democratized after World War II, they suffer from political apathy, withdrawal, and disillusionment—in short, disaffection. Why have democratic institutions failed to inspire popular support necessary to sustain democratic forms of life? A dominant strand of democratic theory represented by Rawls and Habermas is not well-equipped to address this vital question, insofar as it fails to consider how affect works with reason, not as a subsidiary but an equally constitutive force, in establishing and realizing norms of democratic politics. This is theoretically blinding since a unique frame of democracy that became dominant in the postwar era (which I call “instrumental democracy”) has systemic tendencies to produce democratic disaffection. Instrumental democracy reduces democracy to an instrument that merely legitimizes, rather than contests or renegotiates, political goals predetermined by elites and technocrats. I trace the origins of instrumental democracy to the Cold War when anti-totalitarianism, market capitalism, and a highly insulted technocracy concomitantly emerged to the effect of dissolving the collective, public dimension of democracy. I scrutinize the logics of instrumental democracy by analyzing behavioralism and rational choice theory as symptomatic articulations of Cold War imperatives, and investigate its evolution in the late twentieth century by examining democratization in Chile and South Korea.
    [Show full text]
  • Alexander Hamilton Free
    FREE ALEXANDER HAMILTON PDF Ron Chernow | 818 pages | 19 Feb 2016 | Penguin Putnam Inc | 9780143034759 | English | New York, NY, United States Alexander Hamilton's Complicated Relationship to Slavery - HISTORY Both were orphans. Both fought in the American Revolution. And both found political success at an early age. Aaron Burr entered adulthood with a bright future. But unlike the impoverished Hamilton, who worked tirelessly as a clerk, Burr relied on his influential family lineage. It was John Adams who noted that almost nobody in American life was as much of a shoo-in to the Alexander Hamilton top as Burr. While forming a new government, Burr took progressive Alexander Hamilton. Burr graduated from college at just 16 years old and served as an aide-de-camp to Colonial General Richard Montgomery during the American Revolutionreceiving a Congressional commendation for bravery in action. In the years after the war, Burr worked alongside his fellow founders as they created a government for the new nation. The more ideologically principled Hamilton grew then more he deeply distrusted Burr, who he saw as an opportunist who would shift his political beliefs and allegiances to advance his career. Burr was not an ideologist. He was a total opportunist, who would go whichever way proved the greatest advantage to him. And to Hamilton, that was absolutely unconscionable. Senate race in Alexander Hamilton Burr became vice president, but when he was dumped from the ticket before the election ofhe decided to run for governor of New York. His fellow New Alexander Hamilton, Hamilton, once again manipulated his defeat, and Burr lost by a large margin.
    [Show full text]
  • Advanced (Legal) Research Methodology (Llaw 6022)
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by HKU Scholars Hub The 'new contribution to knowledge' :a guide for research Title postgraduate students of law Author(s) Morris, RJ Citation Issued Date 2011 URL http://hdl.handle.net/10722/134610 Rights Creative Commons: Attribution 3.0 Hong Kong License THE “NEW CONTRIBUTION TO KNOWLEDGE” A Guide for Research Postgraduate Students of Law by Robert J. Morris (司徒毅), JD, PhD June 2011 THE “NEW CONTRIBUTION TO KNOWLEDGE” A Guide for Research Postgraduate Students of Law by Robert J. Morris (司徒毅), JD, PhD1 (Copyright 2011 by Robert J. Morris) June 2011 ABSTRACT As law schools and their students integrate with the global realm of both law and non-law research postgraduate (RPG) scholarship, and as RPG scholars in other disciplines, schools, and departments increasingly incorporate legal studies in their research projects, they encounter the demands, norms, and expectations of that global realm. Among these is the requirement that the RPG candidate make a “new contribution to knowledge” by identifying and filling an important “gap” in the existing scholarship. This is variously referred to as “adding value,” being “innovative,” and as being “original” and “novel,” and this requirement applies whether the researcher works in traditional black-letter law or in one of the many other methods of legal research. While these ideas are understood, defined, and well-settled in the sciences, humanities, and social sciences, they are problematic in legal studies. This is so because what traditional law schools and lawyers call “legal research” may not be recognized as research at all by other disciplines within the university.
    [Show full text]
  • Alexander Hamilton and His Father Figures
    Southern New Hampshire University In Search of a Father Alexander Hamilton and His Father Figures A Capstone Project Submitted to the College of Online and Continuing Education in Partial Fulfillment of the Master of Arts in History By Ashleigh M. Nash Eaton, New Hampshire December 2018 Copyright © 2018 by Ashleigh M. Nash All Rights Reserved ii Student: Ashleigh Marie Nash I certify that this student has met the requirements for formatting the capstone project and that this project is suitable for preservation in the University Archive. January 8, 2019 __________________________________________ _______________ Southern New Hampshire University Date College of Online and Continuing Education iii Abstract Alexander Hamilton has long been considered a controversial founder. His political and economic beliefs polarized a new nation. Due to his controversial nature, Hamilton’s childhood circumstances were brought to public attention by his adversaries. These childhood experiences would shape not only Hamilton’s political career but would also shape the relationships he built with prominent and influential men and how he interacted with them. This paper aims to reconstruct the relationships Alexander Hamilton had with George Washington, Philip Schuyler, and James Hamilton Sr. in order to deconstruct the impressions of a father/son relationship. This paper will review the impact childhood abandonment can have on adulthood relationships within the colonial context. iv Dedication For Mom and Dad v Table of Contents Abstract .........................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Advanced Placement Government and Politics
    Advanced Placement Government and Politics Course Description: Advanced Placement Government and Politics is a year long course dedicated to the teachings of the United States government and political structure. This senior level course meets daily for forty-eight minute sessions and gives the students an overview of the United States system and provides lessons to analyze and evaluate the governmental structure. Students will become familiar with the Constitutional underpinnings, political beliefs and behaviors, political parties, interest groups, impact of the media, public policy, civil rights and liberties and the national institutions that constitute the American political system using various resources including but not limited to: text, appropriate internet sites, worksheets, the media, Supreme Court cases, primary sources, and political writings. The philosophical bases, structure and application of the United States government will be evaluated by analytical essays, Supreme Court synopsizes, political cartoon analysis, journal entries and discussions on current affairs, critical thinking assignments, political position papers, study of graphs and charts, free response questions and AP tests. Instructional Materials: Text: Wilson, James Q. and John J. DiIulio, Jr. American Government, 8th Edition. Houghton Mifflin; Boston: 2001. Supplemental Materials: Serow, Ann G. and Everett C. Ladd. The Lanahan Readings in the American Polity, 2nd Edition. Lanahan Publishers; Balitimore: 2000. This publication provides primary sources and political writings which focus on essential readings on the constitutional system, political institutions, public opinion, political competition, and debate. Brudney, Kent M. and Mark E. Weber. Critical Thinking and American Government, 3rd Edition. Thomson Publishers; California: 2007. Analytical worksheets which explore current political issues including but not exclusive to the presidential election of 2004, McCain-Feingold, the president’s war power, civil rights for gays and lesbians.
    [Show full text]
  • Duty, Honor… Party? Ideology, Institutions, and the Use of Military Force
    DUTY, HONOR… PARTY? IDEOLOGY, INSTITUTIONS, AND THE USE OF MILITARY FORCE A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND THE COMMITTEE ON GRADUATE STUDIES OF STANFORD UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY James Thomas Golby June 2011 © 2011 by James Thomas Golby. All Rights Reserved. Re-distributed by Stanford University under license with the author. This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution- Noncommercial 3.0 United States License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/us/ This dissertation is online at: http://purl.stanford.edu/jw856qf5672 ii I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Kenneth Schultz, Primary Adviser I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Simon Jackman I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Scott Sagan I certify that I have read this dissertation and that, in my opinion, it is fully adequate in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Paul Sniderman Approved for the Stanford University Committee on Graduate Studies. Patricia J. Gumport, Vice Provost Graduate Education This signature page was generated electronically upon submission of this dissertation in electronic format.
    [Show full text]
  • Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit Ofhajlpiness' Life, Liberty, and the Pwsuit Ofhappiness
    Bianca Ritter GTade 11 Founders Classical Academy Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit ofHaJlPiness' Life, Liberty, and the Pwsuit ofHappiness "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain nualienable rights; that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit ofHappiness...'" These words, once penned by Thomas Jefferson himself, are more than the vain assertions ofa country on the brink: ofa revolutionary war. These words are the birthright ofa nation. From the first wave ofEnglish settlers to the first shots ofa crusade for independence, the American people did not hesitate to acknowledge what once was viewed as a rather radical idea: the theory that a buman being. as an individual, is endowed'with rights that cannot be stripped from him.' First proposed by the philosopher Locke, inalienable rights are the foundation and cornerstone ofthe American Constitution and perhaps the sole reason it has so long remained as a beacon offreedom, individuality, and equality. By the time the founding fathers assembled for the second Continental Congress in preparation to draft the Declaration ofIndependence (US 1776), they had few illusions concerning the failings and unjust usurpations ofthe English government 3 For years the colonists were forced to bear up under the weight ofabsurd taxes and wrongful laws forced upon them by the English. When the time came for them to « ...throw offsuch Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security" men snch as John Jay, Thomas Jefferson, and Benjamin Franklin wanted to safeguard their new country from further despotism, while pwsuing a form of government that merged a realistic view ofhuman nature and an idealistic stance on the value of a human life' Experienced and acutely intelIectuaI, most were already familiar with Locke's controversial Second Treatise 0/Government before they began to draft the Declaration of Independence.
    [Show full text]
  • James Madison and the Legitimacy of Majority Factions
    Digital Commons @ Assumption University Political Science Department Faculty Works Political Science Department 2013 James Madison and the Legitimacy of Majority Factions Greg Weiner Assumption College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.assumption.edu/political-science-faculty Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Weiner, G. (2013). James Madison and the Legitimacy of Majority Factions. American Political Thought 2(2): 198-216. https://doi.org/10.1086/673131 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science Department at Digital Commons @ Assumption University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Department Faculty Works by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Assumption University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. James Madison and the Legitimacy of Majority Factions GREG WEINER ABSTRACT Scholarship on the political thought of James Madison has long been divided between adherents of the "liberal" and "republican" views, with a fusion between them recently emerging as the dominant understanding. Yet one element of Madison's thought cannot be neatly elided: the question of which value prevails when balancing mech- anisms fail and a choice between majority rule and minority rights is unavoidable. This essay argues that Madison sided emphatically with majority rule, even when the ma- jority in question was factious. His criticism of majorities is never tantamount to ques- tioning their entitlement to rule: on the contrary, the analysis of Federalist10, his clearest indictment of majority factions, is completely compatible with their democratic legiti- macy. This vindication of majority factions when, however rarely, they formed is most evident in Madison's defense of the legitimacy of the 1820 Missouri Compromise, despite what he believed to be its factious nature.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ideology of Democratic Empire in the Antebellum United States
    Empire of the People: The Ideology of Democratic Empire in the Antebellum United States A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Adam J. Dahl IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Joan Tronto, Joe Soss July 2014 © Adam J. Dahl 2014 Acknowledgements I have long awaited the chance to thank the members of my dissertation committee for all of their support and help. But as that chance has finally arrived, I am coming to the realization that anything I could say is woefully inadequate. Nevertheless, I’ll give it a try. First and foremost, my co-advisors, Joan Tronto and Joe Soss, deserve especial thanks. Joan patiently followed the project through at every step, and she has been supportive even when I wasn’t entirely clear about exactly what I was doing. She has served as an excellent mentor and has provided a valuable model of advising that I hope I can emulate someday. Joe saw my research interests twist and turn in numerous directions over the past few years, and at times he was able to better express what I was up to than I myself could. He was more generous with his time and ideas than I could ever hope a mentor would be. Liz Beaumont provided crucial guidance and help at key moments, and she encouraged me to keep going even when I thought I hit a dead end. Dara Strolovitch always pushed me on difficult questions and issues, and the dissertation is undoubtedly stronger because of it.
    [Show full text]