BELARUS, MOLDOVA and UKRAINE
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Ture in the Czech Republic
Brno 15 November 2020 Establishment of the Embassy of Independent Belarusian Cul- ture in the Czech Republic The Centre for Experimental Theatre in Brno (CED), which includes the Husa na Provazku Thea- tre, HaDivadlo and the Teren Platform, is setting up an Embassy of Independent Belarusian Culture in the Czech Republic in Brno. The opening of the embassy is symbolically directed to November 17, which is a national holiday in the Czech Republic and a Day of the Struggle for Freedom and Democracy. The Czechs have experience with both the totalitarian regime and civic protests against un- democratic behaviour and their subsequent repression. Therefore, in recent months, the Centre for Experimental Theatre has been closely following events in Belarus, where people have been fighting for fair elections, freedom and democracy for four months now, despite widespread ar- rests, imprisonment, harsh repression and intimidation. On Tuesday, November 17, 2020, we commemorate the anniversary of the Velvet Revolution and the victory of freedom and democracy in our country. The Centre for Experimental Theatre intends to follow the legacy of Vaclav Havel on this important day, and this time it is going to use the ethos of this day to commemorate what is happening in Belarus these days. „We contemplated what form would be the best to choose and agreed that it is not very useful to organize a one-day debate or similar event, but that most of all it is necessary to continu- ously and consistently inform the general public in the longer term about what is happening in Belarus these days. -
Protecting Democracy During COVID-19 in Europe and Eurasia and the Democratic Awakening in Belarus Testimony by Douglas Rutzen
Protecting Democracy During COVID-19 in Europe and Eurasia and the Democratic Awakening in Belarus Testimony by Douglas Rutzen President and CEO International Center for Not-for-Profit Law House Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Europe, Eurasia, Energy, and the Environment September 10, 2020 In April, Alexander Lukashenko declared that no one in Belarus would die of coronavirus.1 To allay concerns, he advised Belarussians to drink vodka, go to saunas, and drive tractors.2 In Hungary, Orban took a different approach. He admitted there was COVID-19, and he used this as an excuse to construct a legal framework allowing him to rule by decree.3 Meanwhile, China is using the pandemic to project its political influence. When a plane carrying medical aid landed in Belgrade, the Serbian President greeted the plane and kissed the Chinese flag. Billboards soon appeared in Belgrade, with Xi Jinping’s photo and the words “Thanks, Brother Xi” written in Serbian and Chinese.4 COVID-19 is not the root cause of Lukashenko’s deceit, Orban’s power grab, or China’s projection of political influence. But the pandemic exposed – and in some countries, exacerbated – underlying challenges to democracy. In my testimony, I will summarize pre-existing challenges to democracy. Second, I will examine how COVID-19 combined with pre-existing conditions to accelerate democratic decline in Europe and Eurasia. Third, I will share attributes of authoritarian and democratic responses to the pandemic. I will conclude with recommendations. Pre-Existing Challenges to Democracy According to Freedom House, 2019 marked the 14th year of decline in democracy around the world.5 The “democratic depression” is particularly acute in Eurasia, where the rule of law and freedom of expression declined more than in any other region.6 Indeed, Freedom House classifies zero countries in Eurasia as “free.” ICNL specializes in the legal framework for civil society, particularly the freedoms of association, peaceful assembly, and expression. -
BELARUS // Investing in Future Generations to Seize a ‘Demographic Dividend’
Realising Children’s Rights through Social Policy in Europe and Central Asia Action Area 2 A Compendium of UNICEF’s Contributions (2014-2020) 60 BELARUS // Investing in Future Generations to Seize a ‘Demographic Dividend’ © UNICEF/UN0218148/Noorani Realising Children’s Rights through Social Policy in Europe and Central Asia 61 A Compendium of UNICEF’s Contributions (2014-2020) Belarus Issue Belarus has made great progress in achieving its SDG aged 65 and older) per working-age adults aged 15-65 years indicators related to children and adolescents early. is 0.46.127 Thus, Belarus has a relatively low dependency ratio Nevertheless, one concern requiring rapid strategic and therefore wise investments in fewer dependents now attention is the exigency of seizing the country’s could effectively enable the next generation of workers to pay ‘demographic dividend’. After a two-year recession, pension contributions and to look after a larger dependent Belarus’ economic situation improved in 2017 and child population. Together, 19% or 138,000 adolescents experience poverty decreased to 10.4% in 2018. This represented an vulnerabilities128 (i.e. substance use, conflicts with the law, improvement on recent years, although the historical low violence, mental health challenges, disability, and living without remains the 9.2% achieved in 2014.125 However, in 2019 the family care or in poverty etc.).129 If not addressed promptly, country again faced an economic slowdown. In the midterm, those vulnerabilities, especially multidimensional ones, will the World Bank (WB) projects GDP growth of around 1%, have adverse impacts on their quality and longevity of life below what is needed to raise living standards. -
The History of Ukraine Advisory Board
THE HISTORY OF UKRAINE ADVISORY BOARD John T. Alexander Professor of History and Russian and European Studies, University of Kansas Robert A. Divine George W. Littlefield Professor in American History Emeritus, University of Texas at Austin John V. Lombardi Professor of History, University of Florida THE HISTORY OF UKRAINE Paul Kubicek The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations Frank W. Thackeray and John E. Findling, Series Editors Greenwood Press Westport, Connecticut • London Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Kubicek, Paul. The history of Ukraine / Paul Kubicek. p. cm. — (The Greenwood histories of the modern nations, ISSN 1096 –2095) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978 – 0 –313 – 34920 –1 (alk. paper) 1. Ukraine —History. I. Title. DK508.51.K825 2008 947.7— dc22 2008026717 British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data is available. Copyright © 2008 by Paul Kubicek All rights reserved. No portion of this book may be reproduced, by any process or technique, without the express written consent of the publisher. Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 2008026717 ISBN: 978– 0– 313 – 34920 –1 ISSN: 1096 –2905 First published in 2008 Greenwood Press, 88 Post Road West, Westport, CT 06881 An imprint of Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc. www.greenwood.com Printed in the United States of America The paper used in this book complies with the Permanent Paper Standard issued by the National Information Standards Organization (Z39.48 –1984). 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Every reasonable effort has been made to trace the owners of copyright materials in this book, but in some instances this has proven impossible. -
One Ukraine Or Many? Regionalism in Ukraine and Its Political Consequences
Nationalities Papers, Vol. 32, No. 1, March 2004 One Ukraine or Many? Regionalism in Ukraine and Its Political Consequences Lowell W. Barrington & Erik S. Herron Intra-state regional differences are a central topic in the study of European and Eurasian politics. In Ukraine, regional differences have proven to be powerful predictors of mass attitudes and political behavior. But what does the “regional factor” in Ukrainian politics represent? Is it simply the result of compositional effects, or are the regional differences more than just a sum of other demographic factors correlated with geographic divisions? When analyzing regional divisions as an explanatory variable, what are the implications of employing different regional frameworks? In this article, we demonstrate how geographic divisions in the country hold up even when others factors—such as ethnicity and language use—are con- trolled for. As part of this inquiry, we compare the results of three competing regional frameworks for Ukraine: one with two regions, one with four regions and one with eight regions. While the eight-region framework is uncommon in studies of Ukraine, the decision to examine eight regions is supported by historical, economic and demographic arguments, as well as by the results of the statistical analyses presented in this article. Scholars who have focused on fewer regions in Ukraine may have underestimated the effects of regional differences and missed interesting stories about intra-state variation in Ukrainian attitudes and voting behavior. The results of this study carry important implications not only for the study of Ukraine but also for those interested in intra-state regional divisions across Europe and Eurasia. -
Belarus - a Unique Case in the European Context?
Belarus - A Unique Case in the European Context? By Peter Kim Laustsen* Introduction Remaking of World Order2 , where he ex- Federation, Ukraine, Romania, Bosnia and pressed a more pessimistic view. It was Herzegovina, Croatia, the Former Since the end of the Cold War and the claimed that the spreading of liberal de- Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia and break-up of the Soviet Union, a guiding mocracy had reached its limits and that Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro) did paradigm in the discussions concerning outside its present boundaries (primarily support Huntingtons theory. political changes in Central and Eastern Western Europe) this form of government The development in the latest years has Europe has been a positive and optimis- would not be able to take root. shown progress in all but a few of the tic believe in progress towards the vic- The political development that took above mentioned states. Reading Freedom tory of a liberal democracy. This view was place in the years after the fall of the Ber- Houses surveys on the level of political clearly expressed by Francis Fukuyama in lin Wall and the birth and rebirth of the rights and civil liberties gives hope. his widely discussed book The End of successor states of the Soviet Union, Widely across Europe these rights and lib- History and the Last Man1 . The optimistic Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia did not erties have been and are still expanding view of the political changes was however however support Fukuyamas claim. On and deepening. One state does clearly sepa- challenged by Samuel P. Huntington in the contrary, the political upheaval in, for rate itself from the trends in Eastern and his book The Clash of Civilizations and the instance, Slovakia, Belarus, the Russian Central Europe: Belarus. -
Political Risks of Economic
6 СВІТОВЕ ГОСПОДАРСТВО І МІЖНАРОДНІ ЕКОНОМІЧНІ ВІДНОСИНИ Viljar Veebel 1 POLITICAL RISKS OF ECONOMIC DEPENDENCE FROM RUSSIA: THE EVIDENCE FROM UKRAINE, BELARUS, ARMENIA AND GEORGIA This study focuses on political risks coming together with economic dependence for Belarus, Armenia, Ukraine and Georgia, in case of their attempt to escape the influence of Russia. Based on the assumption that a common pattern exists in Russia’s behaviour during the conflicts in Georgia and Ukraine the economic consequences of a potential change of course towards the EU of these states are assessed. Keywords: Russia; imperialism; political risks; economic dependence; Georgia; Ukraine. Peer-reviewed, approved and placed: 31.01.2017. Вільяр Вібель ПОЛІТИЧНІ РИЗИКИ ЕКОНОМІЧНОЇ ЗАЛЕЖНОСТІ ВІД РОСІЇ: ЗА ДАНИМИ УКРАЇНИ, БІЛОРУСІ, ВІРМЕНІЇ ТА ГРУЗІЇ У статті описано політичні ризики в контексті економічної залежності Білорусі, Вірменії, України та Грузії від Росії, а також у контексті їх спроб мінімізувати вплив цієї країни. Якщо зробити припущення про існування в геополітичній поведінці Росії певних патернів (на прикладах військових конфліктів в Грузії та Україні), можна описати потенційні економічні наслідки євроорієнтації цих країн. Ключові слова: Росія; імперіалізм; політичні ризики; економічна залежність; Грузія; Україна. Рис. 5. Літ. 19. Вильяр Вибель ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ РИСКИ ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКОЙ ЗАВИСИМОСТИ ОТ РОССИИ: ПО ДАННЫМ УКРАИНЫ, БЕЛАРУСИ, АРМЕНИИ И ГРУЗИИ В статье описаны политические риски в контексте экономической зависимости Беларуси, Армении, Украины и Грузии от России, а также в контексте их попыток мини - мизировать влияние данной страны. Если предположить, что в геополитическом поведе - ние России существуют некие паттерны (на примерах военных конфликтов в Грузии и Украине), можно описать потенциальные экономические последствия евроориентации данных стран. Ключевые слова: Россия; империализм; политические риски; экономическая зависимость; Грузия; Украина. -
1 Introduction
State Service of Geodesy, Cartography and Cadastre State Scientific Production Enterprise “Kartographia” TOPONYMIC GUIDELINES For map and other editors For international use Ukraine Kyiv “Kartographia” 2011 TOPONYMIC GUIDELINES FOR MAP AND OTHER EDITORS, FOR INTERNATIONAL USE UKRAINE State Service of Geodesy, Cartography and Cadastre State Scientific Production Enterprise “Kartographia” ----------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Prepared by Nina Syvak, Valerii Ponomarenko, Olha Khodzinska, Iryna Lakeichuk Scientific Consultant Iryna Rudenko Reviewed by Nataliia Kizilowa Translated by Olha Khodzinska Editor Lesia Veklych ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ © Kartographia, 2011 ISBN 978-966-475-839-7 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction ................................................................ 5 2 The Ukrainian Language............................................ 5 2.1 General Remarks.............................................. 5 2.2 The Ukrainian Alphabet and Romanization of the Ukrainian Alphabet ............................... 6 2.3 Pronunciation of Ukrainian Geographical Names............................................................... 9 2.4 Stress .............................................................. 11 3 Spelling Rules for the Ukrainian Geographical Names....................................................................... 11 4 Spelling of Generic Terms ....................................... 13 5 Place Names in Minority Languages -
Georgia's Vulnerability to Russian Pressure Points
MEMO POLICY GEORGIA’S VULNERABILITY TO RUSSIAN PRESSURE POINTS Sergi Kapanadze Since the Association Agreement fallout in Ukraine, it has SUMMARY Georgia is set to sign the Association Agreement become abundantly clear that Russia is prepared to fight to with the EU this month. Given the dramatic protect what it considers its sphere of influence and to block turn of events in Ukraine and the conflicts that the countries in the “common neighbourhood” from moving Georgia’s past Western integration efforts have roused, Tbilisi has good cause to worry. Russia closer to the European Union. This is certainly true of Georgia, has made its disapproval of a European path where Russia has tested a wide range of instruments over the for its small, southern neighbour clear and is last 20 years to retain influence over its former vassal. From likely to utilise whatever means it has to derail economic embargoes, the expulsion of Georgian citizens, Georgia’s European ambitions. and the occupation of Georgia’s territories, to terrorist This paper analyses the various economic, attacks and direct interference in domestic politics, Russia political, and military pressure points that has applied an array of tactics to undermine the Georgian Russia can target. Georgia has decreased its state, intensifying the pressure whenever Georgia attempted dependency on Moscow substantially since its last dramatic conflict with Moscow in 2007. to enhance its relations with the West. However, this memo argues that Russia still has the means to influence Georgia’s foreign- Russia’s leaders have repeatedly made it clear that they will policy choices by attacking strategic bilateral not accept European integration for the Eastern Partnership vulnerabilities that include wine exports, remittances, investment, winter oil supplies, (EaP) countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, domestic divisions, and the occupied regions of Moldova, and Ukraine). -
Nato Information and Documentation Centre In
Cooperation with Ukraine NATO-Ukraine: A Distinctive Partnership A special relationship between NATO NFORMATION and Ukraine was established in July NATO INFORMATION 1997 with the signing of the Charter AND DOCUMENTATION on a Distinctive Partnership, which reflects the importance of an independent, CCENTRE IN UKRAINE stable and democratic Ukraine to Europe as a whole. Regular consultations in the NATO-Ukraine Commission, working groups and seminars have established a network of political and military NATO Information and Documentation Centre cooperation in several areas, including 36/1 Melnykova - 04119 Kyiv - Ukraine defence reform and planning, science and technology, economic issues, civil emergency planning, conflict prevention and peace-support operations. Such cooperation contributes significantly to Euro-Atlantic security and stability, and benefits both NATO and Ukraine. NATO Information Our services How to contact us: and Documentation Centre in Ukraine Assistance Address: Our staff will assist you in finding the documents on NATO Information and Documentation Centre NATO that fit your needs and can help you with your 36/1 Melnykova research on the Internet. You can also subscribe to 04119 Kyiv The NATO Information and our distribution and mailing lists. Ukraine Documentation Centre was established in Phone number: +380-44-482-0616 / 17 Kyiv in 1997 to improve knowledge and Publications Fax number: +380-44-482-0622 [email protected] understanding between NATO and In addition to English and French language E-mail: Ukraine. The Centre provides information, publications, several NATO publications are research assistance and project support to available in Ukrainian such as the NATO Handbook Novyny NATO Office hours: Ukrainian citizens and organisations on or . -
Box 3 Economic Ties Between Lithuania and Belarus
BOX 3 ECONOMIC TIES BETWEEN LITHUANIA AND BELARUS Trade in services is one of the strongest ties between Lithuania and Belarus. The largest volume of imports of services to Lithuania comes from Belarus – in 2019, it amounted to €0.68 billion (10% of total imports of services). During the same period, Lithuania exported services worth €0.72 billion to Belarus (6% of total imports of services) and, as per this indicator, the neighbouring country was surpassed only by Germany, Russia and France. As transport services account for the bulk of bilateral trade, they are most likely to be affected by the Belarusian economic problems. Some of the largest exporters in the transport sector are Lietuvos Geležinkeliai (Lithuanian Railways) and Klaipėdos Uostas (Port of Klaipėda), thus Belarus uses services of these companies to transport goods. In 2019, almost 12% of rail freight loaded in Lithuania was unloaded in Belarus, and as much as 75% of total rail freight unloaded in Lithuania was loaded in Belarus. In the cargo turnover of the Port of Klaipėda, cargo from Belarus comprises up to a third of its total cargo. Belarus is also important to Lithuania in terms of the tourism sector. Most of the tourists that came to Lithuania in 2019 with an overnight stay were from Belarus. Belarusians are keen on Lithuania not only for tourism, but also for shopping – their spending share here is some of the largest. Last year, visitors from Belarus spent more than €130 million in Lithuania, which comprises 14% of its total tourist spending. As regards trade in goods, Lithuania for Belarus is a transit country through which machinery, equipment and vehicles are transferred from the West. -
Writing System in Ukrainian
Some properties of the Ukrainian writing system Solomija Buk1, Lviv Ján Mačutek2, Bratislava Andrij Rovenchak3, Lviv Abstract. We investigate the grapheme–phoneme relation in Ukrainian and some properties of the Ukrainian version of the Cyrillic alphabet. Keywords: Ukrainian, phoneme-grapheme relation, script analysis. 1. Introductory remarks Ukrainian is an East Slavic language spoken by about 40 million people in Ukraine and Ukrainian communities in neighboring states (Belarus, Moldova, Poland, Slovakia, Russia — especially in the so-called Zelenyj Klyn ‘Green wedge’ in the Far East Siberia from the Amur and Ussuri rivers eastwards to the Pacific), also in Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, USA, and some others. The features typical for modern Ukrainian are found already in the texts from 11th- 12th cent. AD, they have been appearing systematically since 14th-15th cent. (Rusanivsjkyj 2004). Ukrainian uses the Cyrillic script. The Cyrillic alphabet, also known as azbuka (from old names of its first two letters ( ) and ( )), has been traditionally used to write East and South Slavic languages (with the exception of modern Croatian and Slovenian), and also Romanian until 1860 (Jensen 1969: 491). As a result of political decisions it spread over a much larger area covering most (but not all) of languages in the former USSR, many of them using Latin or Arabic script before (cf. Comrie 1996b for a more detailed historical overview). Obviously, being applied in so different languages like Russian, Abkhaz, Tatar, Tajik or Chukchi (to give just a few examples) it had to represent much more phonemes than those occurring in Slavic languages, hence there are/were many language specific modifications of the alphabet (modified particular letters, diacritic marks or completely new letters, cf.