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La Bretagne Et Le Mouvement Du Renouveau En Cornouailles Anglaises

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La Bretagne Et Le Mouvement Du Renouveau En Cornouailles Anglaises Rencontres Bretagne/Monde anglophone Brittany and the English-Speaking World Comparaisons celtiques : La Bretagne et le mouvement du Renouveau en Cornouailles anglaises Garry TREGIDGA[1] Traduit de l'anglais par Martine Pittino, Delphine Tersiguel et Anthony Ménard. notes – cita+on À la recherche d'un modèle : « Bienvenue aux Bretons » Soutenir le Renouveau : Le crave et l’ermine Conclusion Au début du vingtième siècle, les origines celtiques des Cornouailles anglaises firent l'objet d'un intérêt grandissant. Le Cowethas Kelto-Kernuak (association celtique cornouaillaise) fut fondé en 1901 afin de préserver la langue séculaire et l'héritage du duché de Cornouailles. En 1904, les Cornouailles devinrent membre du Congrès celtique. Puis furent créés en 1928 le Gorseth Kernow (assemblée des bardes de Cornouailles), qui prit modèle sur ses homologues bretons et gallois et, en 1951, le parti politique Mebyon Kernow (Fils de Cornouailles). [2] Cet article souligne l'importance du modèle breton pour le mouvement appelé Renouveau cornouaillais. Les aspirations culturelles et religieuses des premiers partisans du Renouveau, tels Henry Jenner et Louis Duncombe, étaient portées par le projet de création d'une société post- industrielle et catholique celte en Cornouailles. Comme nous le verrons, ce projet a puisé son inspiration dans la Bretagne rurale plus que dans toute autre nation celtique. Toutefois, nous examinerons également les dissensions suscitées par ce projet avec les groupes qui prenaient pour modèle des futures Cornouailles la culture industrielle et protestante du Pays de Galles. Nous nous appuierons ensuite sur différents types de sources, notamment des enregistrements de témoignages historiques, pour évoquer l'influence exercée par la Bretagne sur les militants 1 cornouaillais de la Seconde Guerre mondiale à nos jours, dans des domaines aussi variés que la politique territoriale et les arts du spectacle. Nous aborderons également un thème sous-jacent : la nécessité d'approfondir l'analyse comparative, ce qui permettrait aux chercheurs en lettres et sciences humaines de comparer les expériences des nations celtiques. À la recherche d'un modèle : « Bienvenue aux Bretons » Les recherches linguistiques d'Edward Lluyd au début du dix-huitième siècle furent déterminantes dans la construction d'une identité celtique dans les communautés atlantiques d'Europe de l'Ouest. [3] Puis un mouvement antiquaire émergeant contribua à la création de plusieurs institutions culturelles cherchant à promouvoir un passé commun, comme le Welsh Gorsedd en 1792 et la Royal Institution of Cornwall (Institution royale des Cornouailles) en 1818. En Irlande, le désenchantement politique dû au contrôle imposé par Londres (direct rule) conduisit à l'émancipation des catholiques en 1829 et à la création du Irish Home Rule Party, parti politique prônant l'autonomie du pays, au milieu du dix-neuvième siècle. En 1886, le modèle irlandais amena les nationalistes gallois et écossais à adopter un programme politique en faveur d'une « Home Rule All Round » (autonomie interne) et d'une Grande-Bretagne fédérale. [4] Comment les Cornouailles s'intègrent-elles dans un cadre celtique élargi ? En 1997, Philip Payton remarquait que la construction des « Cornouailles celtiques » impliquait « une conjugaison calculée d'éléments d'un Renouveau celtique élargi » qui avait déjà eu un impact considérable en Écosse, en Irlande, au pays de Galles et en Bretagne à la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. [5] En comparant les Cornouailles aux autres régions celtiques, les partisans du Renouveau gagnèrent en crédibilité puisqu'ils furent alors considérés comme partie intégrante d'un « mouvement " régionaliste " élargi qui cherchait à faire revivre un patriotisme local dans différentes parties de l’Europe de l'Ouest. » [6] Toutefois, lorsque des activistes s'inspirèrent d'une seule nation pour définir le Renouveau celto-cornouaillais, les problèmes ne manquèrent pas d'apparaître. Par exemple, il paraissait évident de suivre le modèle du pays de Galles. Même au Moyen-Âge et pendant les temps modernes, on observa une tendance à associer les Cornouaillais aux Gallois pour des motifs ethniques. Par exemple, Richard Carew, dans son Étude des Cornouailles en 1602, écrivit que les Cornouaillais « ainsi que les Gallois, leurs anciens compatriotes » avaient encore des souvenirs amers « de leur expulsion par les Anglais il y a bien longtemps ». [7] Les publications des antiquaires William Borlase en 1769 et des frères Daniel et Samuel Lysons en 1814 développèrent ce thème en se référant fréquemment à un passé commun pendant lequel Gallois et Cornouaillais avaient défendu ensemble la Grande-Bretagne contre les invasions anglo- 2 saxonnes.[8] De plus, les identités culturelles, économiques et politiques des Cornouailles et du pays de Galles présentaient des ressemblances frappantes au dix-neuvième et au début du vingtième siècle. Tout d'abord, le non-conformisme protestant était la force spirituelle dominante : en 1851, dans les deux nations, on ne comptait que 30 % d'anglicans parmi les fidèles. [9] Les chapels, au centre de la vie culturelle, virent l’essor des chœurs d'hommes, des brass bands et du rugby en Cornouailles et au pays de Galles, situation qui fut renforcée par des économies avant tout minières. [10] En outre, dans les deux régions, les libéraux dominaient la scène politique à la fin du dix-neuvième siècle. Il est en effet remarquable que l'apparition d'un programme nationaliste gallois associé au libéralisme, portant notamment sur les questions de dévolution et de séparation de l'Église anglicane et de l'État, ait commencé à être copié par les libéraux cornouaillais dans les années précédant la Première Guerre mondiale. Malgré le discours prétendument apolitique du mouvement du Renouveau cornouaillais jusqu'en 1951, des études récentes suggèrent que certaines personnalités en marge du mouvement, particulièrement au sein du parti libéral, avaient conscience de l'intérêt politique que l'on pouvait tirer d'un appel au sentiment celtique et au patriotisme cornouaillais. [11] Mais cette tentative précoce de créer un programme politique pour les « Cornouailles celtiques » sur le modèle gallois fut compromise par les partisans du Renouveau eux-mêmes. Le passé d'antiquaires de nombre d'entre eux explique en partie ce phénomène. En effet, ils s'intéressaient davantage à l'étude des liens historiques entre les nations celtiques qu'à l'utilisation du passé comme un moyen de légitimer la politique contemporaine. Évidemment, il y eut des exceptions. Alfred Browning-Lyne, éditeur du journal régional le Cornish Guardian, en est un bon exemple. En 1912, Lyne déclarait que « l'autonomie des Cornouailles était la prochaine étape » de la campagne en faveur de la « Home Rule All Round ». Il acceptait que « le programme actuel du [Renouveau cornouaillais] portât simplement sur "l'étude des vestiges celtiques, littéraires, artistiques et légendaires". Mais qui doute encore qu'il nous amène vers " l'autonomie " ? ». [12] Lyne, éminent libéral et fervent défenseur d'une Grande-Bretagne fédérale, pouvait donc faire instinctivement le lien entre le débat intellectuel sur les liens historiques entre les nations celtiques et ses conséquences sur les programmes politiques de la Grande-Bretagne en cette période d'avant-guerre. Mais ces idées mettaient en péril la position dominante des historiens pro-unionistes en Cornouailles. Malgré le caractère apolitique supposé des organisations culturelles et éducatives comme le Cowethas Kelto-Kernuak, la London Cornish Association (association cornouaillaise de Londres) et la Royal Institution of Cornwall (Institution royale de Cornouailles), de nombreux membres s'avérèrent être des sympathisants des partis conservateur et libéral unioniste et par conséquent vivement opposés à des politiques libérales comme la Irish Home Rule ou la séparation de l'Église anglicane et de l'État au pays de Galles. [13] Tout débat sur les nations celtiques devait se confiner au passé et toute tentative de référence au présent était proscrite. [14] 3 De plus, l'image libérale non-conformiste du pays de Galles contemporain suscitait l'hostilité des autres partisans du Renouveau pour des motifs religieux. Les fondateurs du mouvement, notamment Henry Jenner et Louis Duncombe Jewell, manifestaient des sympathies catholiques ainsi que des opinions politiques de droite issues de la vieille cause jacobite. [15] D'un point de vue idéologique, il leur était donc difficile de se référer à un modèle gallois basé sur un mélange de nationalisme celtique populaire, de non-conformisme religieux et de libéralisme démocratique. Selon eux, le protestantisme était une menace à la singularité cornouaillaise dans la mesure où il était admis que la montée du méthodisme au dix-huitième siècle avait « porté atteinte aux anciennes traditions et provoqué une rupture historique cruciale entre les Cornouailles modernes et les Cornouailles " celtiques " préindustrielles ». [16] Cette opinion était le reflet d'une conception populaire selon laquelle les méthodistes cornouaillais, avec leurs instincts utilitaristes et leurs convictions de tempérance, avaient joué le rôle des protestants balayant d'un revers de la main les vestiges de la culture ancestrale populaire des Cornouailles, symbolisée par les jours de fête et les festivals, parce qu'ils l'associaient à l'alcool et à l'immoralité. Dans ces circonstances, la Bretagne faisait souvent figure de modèle. C'est pourtant, Lyne, figure marginale du Renouveau et éminent
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