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The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century. -
Death in the Eastern Mediterranean (50–600 A.D.)
Studien und Texte zu Antike und Christentum Studies and Texts in Antiquity and Christianity Herausgeber/Editor: CHRISTOPH MARKSCHIES (Heidelberg) Beirat/Advisory Board HUBERT CANCIK (Tübingen) • GIOVANNI CASADIO (Salerno) SUSANNA ELM (Berkeley) • JOHANNES HAHN (Münster) JÖRG RÜPKE (Erfurt) 12 Antigone Samellas Death in the Eastern Mediterranean (50-600 A.D.) The Christianization of the East: An Interpretation Mohr Siebeck ANTIGONE SAMELLAS, born 1966; 1987 B.A. in Sociology, Connecticut College; 1989 Master of Science in Sociology, London School of Economics; 1993 M.A. in History, Yale University; 1999 Ph.D. in History, Yale University. Die Deutsche Bibliothek - CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Samellas, Antigone: Death in the Eastern Mediterranean (50-600 A.D.) : the Christianization of the East: an interpretation / Antigone Samellas. - Tübingen : Mohr Siebeck, 2002 (Studies and texts in antiquity and Christianity ; 12) ISBN 3-16-147668-9 © 2002 by J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), P.O.Box 2040, D-72010 Tübingen. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher's written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was printed by Guide-Druck in Tübingen on non-aging paper and bound by Heinr. Koch in Tübingen. Printed in Germany. ISSN 1436-3003 Preface I am intrigued by subjects that defy the facile scholarly categorizations which assume that the universal and the particular, the objective and the personal, the diachronic and the contingent, belong necessarily to different fields of study. For that reason I chose to examine from a historical perspective phenomena that seem to be most resistant to change: beliefs about the afterlife, attitudes towards death, funerary and commemorative rituals, that is, acts which by definition are characterized by formalism, traditionalism and repetitiveness. -
77 the Incorporation of Girls in the Educational System In
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Biblioteca Digital de la Universidad de Alcalá POLIS. Revista de ideas y formas políticas de la Antigüedad Clásica 24, 2012, pp. 77-89. THE INCORPORATION OF GIRLS IN THE EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM IN HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN GREECE Konstantinos Mantas Athens1 From the Hellenistic era onwards, epigraphic evidence proves that some cities in Asia Minor, especially in Ionia and Aeolis, had continued Sappho’s educational tradition. In 2nd cent. BC, in the city of Teos, three ȖȡĮȝȝĮIJȠįȚįȐıțĮȜȠȚ, had been chosen to teach both paides and partenoi 2. At Smyrna and Pergamos, there was a magistrate who was responsible for the supervision of girls3. A very fragmented inscription from Pergamos recorded the curriculum of girls’ schooling: it included penmanship, music and reading as well as epic and elegiac poetry4. Tation, the daughter of Apollonios, is recorded as the winner in the contest for penmanship5. In the 2nd cent, BC, the city of Larissa in Thessaly, honoured a poetess from Smyrna, by granting her the rights of ʌȡȠȟİȞȓĮ, ȑȖțIJȘıȚȢ and ʌȡȠıIJĮıȓĮ6. The city of Tenos honoured Alcinoe from Aetolia, who, according to the restoration of the inscription, had 1 This article is based on a paper which was presented under the title«From Sappho to St Macrina and Hypatia: The changing patterns of women’s education in postclassical antiquity» at the 4th International Conference of SSCIP, 18th of September, 2010. 2 Syll. 3 no 578, ll.9-10. 3 CIG no 3185. 4 Ath. Mitt 37, (1912), no 16. 5 At. Mit. -
The Crossing of the Danube and the Gothic Conversion , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:3 (1986:Autumn) P.289
HEATHER, PETER, The Crossing of the Danube and the Gothic Conversion , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 27:3 (1986:Autumn) p.289 The Crossing of the Danube and the Gothic Conversion Peter Heather MMIANUS MARCELLINUS provides a detailed account of the re A lations between the Emperor Valens and the Goths during the period 367-378. But essentially because Ammianus does not mention it, there has been much controversy over the date of a Gothic conversion to Christianity ascribed in other sources to the reign of Valens. Equally, because the historians Socrates and So zomen link a civil war among the Goths to the conversion, it has also been unclear when this split might have taken place. It will be argued here that the primary accounts found in Socrates, Sozomen, and Eunapius can be reconciled with the secondary ones of Jordanes, Theodoret, and Orosius to suggest a Gothic conversion in 376. Fur ther, combined with Ammianus, they strongly indicate that Christian ity initially affected only elements of one Gothic group, the Tervingi, and was part of the agreement by which Valens allowed them to cross the Danube and enter the Empire in 376. It also becomes clear that the split too affected only the Tervingi, and occurred immediately before the crossing and conversion. This reconstruction in turn highlights the Huns' role in overturning the established order in Gothic society: their attacks first divided the Tervingi, who were unable to agree on an appropriate response, and prompted the larger group to seek asylum in the Empire and accept conversion to Christianity. -
Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice Author(S): Scott Bradbury Source: Phoenix, Vol
Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice Author(s): Scott Bradbury Source: Phoenix, Vol. 49, No. 4 (Winter, 1995), pp. 331-356 Published by: Classical Association of Canada Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1088885 . Accessed: 01/11/2013 14:32 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Classical Association of Canada is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Phoenix. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 146.245.216.150 on Fri, 1 Nov 2013 14:32:15 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions JULIAN'SPAGAN REVIVAL AND THE DECLINE OF BLOOD SACRIFICE SCOTT BRADBURY "This is the chieffruit of piety:to honorthe divinein the traditional ways."7 PorphyryAd Marcellam 18 IT HAS ALWAYS BEEN A PARADOX that in a predominantly pagan empire the EmperorJulian (A.D. 360-363) did not meet with immediatesuccess in his effortsto revivepaganism. Contemporarypagans feltuneasy with Julian'sattempt to make the gods live again in the public consciousness throughthe rebuildingof temples,the revival of pagan priesthoods,the restorationof ancient ceremonies, and most importantly,the revival of blood sacrifices. Historianshave long pointed out that Christianemperors had permittedother elementsof pagan festivalsto continuewhile forbidding blood on the altars, since blood sacrificewas the element of pagan cult most repugnantto Christians.Thus, blood sacrifice,although linked to the fate of pagan cults in general,poses special problemsprecisely because it was regardedas the most loathsomeaspect of cult and aroused the greatest amountof Christianhostility. -
Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation
Empire of Hope and Tragedy: Jordanes and the Invention of Roman-Gothic History Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Brian Swain Graduate Program in History The Ohio State University 2014 Dissertation Committee: Timothy Gregory, Co-advisor Anthony Kaldellis Kristina Sessa, Co-advisor Copyright by Brian Swain 2014 Abstract This dissertation explores the intersection of political and ethnic conflict during the emperor Justinian’s wars of reconquest through the figure and texts of Jordanes, the earliest barbarian voice to survive antiquity. Jordanes was ethnically Gothic - and yet he also claimed a Roman identity. Writing from Constantinople in 551, he penned two Latin histories on the Gothic and Roman pasts respectively. Crucially, Jordanes wrote while Goths and Romans clashed in the imperial war to reclaim the Italian homeland that had been under Gothic rule since 493. That a Roman Goth wrote about Goths while Rome was at war with Goths is significant and has no analogue in the ancient record. I argue that it was precisely this conflict which prompted Jordanes’ historical inquiry. Jordanes, though, has long been considered a mere copyist, and seldom treated as an historian with ideas of his own. And the few scholars who have treated Jordanes as an original author have dampened the significance of his Gothicness by arguing that barbarian ethnicities were evanescent and subsumed by the gravity of a Roman political identity. They hold that Jordanes was simply a Roman who can tell us only about Roman things, and supported the Roman emperor in his war against the Goths. -
The Neoplatonic and Sufi Wisdom
119 ISSN 1648-2662. ACTA ORIENTAUA VILNENSIA. 2002 3 FROM ALEXANDRIA TO HARRAN: THE NEOPLATONIC AND SUFI WISDOM Algis UZOAVINYS Institute of Culture, Philosophy and Art The essay deals with the relationship between the Islamic philosophy and Hellenism. The influence of the Neoplatonic ideas on the early Islamic culture of spirituality is emphasized, while trying to reveal the common archetypal patterns of the Near Eastern and Mediterranean traditions. Without philosophy it is impossible to be perfectly pious. Stobaei Hermetica 11 B.2 Islamic Falsa/ah in the Light of Hellenic Sophia Plotinus used the termsophia (crocllt<X) simply as a synonym of "philosophy", hence restoring its primordial meaning. But falsafah as the continuation of CIItA.ocrocjlt<X is not just Hellenic philoso phy in Islamic guise. In line with Syrian and Mesopotamian translators (be they Sabians, Ori ental Christians or Muslims) the Greek sophia (sapientia) has been connected with Arabic root h-k-m. Sometimes sophia is rendered as 'Urn or even falsafah. Nevertheless, hikmah was chosen as the Arabic equivalent to the Greek termphilosophia, as Franz Rosenthal pointed outl . But philosophy for the Arabs meant the adherence to those philosophic doctrines which they learned chiefly from Neoplatonic commentators of Aristotle as well as Stagirit himself and Alexander Aphrodisias. The termgnosis usually is rendered as ma 'rifah, but many Sufis maintained 'Um as their goal instead of ma'rifah. However, when Sufis spoke of the union (ittihad) they meant an ontic union, not only an epistemic one (ittisal). Therefore, Philip Merlan surmises that it could even be possible that Avicenna sometimes professed both kinds of mysticism, i.e. -
Arcana Mundi : Magic and the Occult in the Greek and Roman Worlds : a Collection of Ancient Texts / Translated, Annotated, and Introduced by Georg Luck
o`o`o`o`o`o SECOND EDITION Arcana Mundi MAGIC AND THE OCCULT IN THE GREEK AND ROMAN WORLDS A Collection of Ancient Texts Translated, Annotated, and Introduced by Georg Luck o`o`o`o`o`o THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY PRESS BALTIMORE The first edition of this book was brought to publication with the generous assistance of the David M. Robinson Fund and the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation. ∫ 1985, 2006 The Johns Hopkins University Press All rights reserved. Published 1985, 2006 Printed in the United States of America on acid-free paper 2 4 6 8 9 7 5 3 1 The Johns Hopkins University Press 2715 North Charles Street Baltimore, Maryland 21218-4363 www.press.jhu.edu Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Arcana mundi : magic and the occult in the Greek and Roman worlds : a collection of ancient texts / translated, annotated, and introduced by Georg Luck. — 2nd ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and indexes. isbn 0-8018-8345-8 (hardcover : alk. paper) isbn 0-8018-8346-6 (pbk. : alk. paper) 1. Occultism—Greece—History—Sources. 2. Occultism—Rome—History— Sources. 3. Civilization, Classical—Sources. I. Luck, Georg, 1926– bf1421.a73 2006 130.938—dc22 2005028354 A catalog record for this book is available from the British Library. For Harriet This page intentionally left blank Contents List of Texts ix Preface xiii List of Abbreviations xvii General Introduction: Exploring Ancient Magic 1 I. MAGIC Introduction 33 Texts 93 II. MIRACLES Introduction 177 Texts 185 III. DAEMONOLOGY Introduction 207 Texts 223 IV. DIVINATION Introduction 285 Texts 321 V. -
How to Write History: Thucydides and Herodotus in the Ancient Rhetorical Tradition
How to write history: Thucydides and Herodotus in the ancient rhetorical tradition A Dissertation Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Scott Kennedy, B.A., B.S. Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2018 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Adviser Benjamin Acosta-Hughes Will Batstone Copyright by Scott Kennedy 2018 Abstract Modern students of Thucydides and Herodotus may find it odd to think of them as rhetoricians. Yet in the ancient world, both historians (and especially Thucydides) played an important role in rhetorical schools. They were among the favorite authors of ancient teachers of rhetoric and served as foundational pillars of the ancient curriculum, providing themes for school exercises and even for such seminal texts as Hermogenes' theoretical treatises on rhetoric. Modern scholars might never read technical rhetorical texts such as Hermogenes. They almost certainly would never turn to Hermogenes and his kind to help them understand Thucydides or Herodotus. But for our ancient intellectual predecessors, such an approach would have been unconscionable, as ancient rhetoric was the theoretical lens with which they understood and appreciated historical writings. In this dissertation, I explore the confluence of rhetoric and historiography in the ancient world through an examination of how Herodotus and Thucydides were used in ancient schools and then by later historians. Chapter 1 and 2 outline how these historians were embedded and encoded within the rhetorical curriculum. In Chapter 1, I examine how Herodotus and Thucydides entered the rhetorical curriculum and how rhetors incorporated them into the rhetorical curriculum through an examination of the surviving progymnasmata, scholia, and pedagogical myths. -
Eunapius' Lives of the Philosophers and Sophists
Histos () liii–lvi REVIEW EUNAPIUS’ LIVES OF THE PHILOSOPHERS AND SOPHISTS Matthias Becker, Eunapios aus Sardes: Biographien über Philosophen und Sophisten. Einleitung, Übersetzung, Kommentar . Roma Aeterna I. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, . Pp. ISBN ----. Hardcover, €.. atthias Becker’s translation of Eunapius of Sardis’ Βίοι φιλοσόφων καὶ σοφιστῶν (hereafter VPS for Vitae philosophorum et sophistarum ) is the first into German, his commentary only the second in any M language on the whole of the work. In both, he has succeeded admirably. I suspect it will be a long time between Becker’s and the next commentary devoted to the VPS , though, as most of us know only too well, curiositas nihil recusat (SHA Aurelian .). As for his translation, I anticipate the story will be different, and that Becker’s version will stimulate the creation of another German translation, free-standing, moderately priced, and, consequently, accessible to a broader readership. Here though, as one would expect from a shortened and revised dissertation (Tübingen, ), Becker’s target is not so much a ‘readership’ as it is a ‘constituency’. This distinction, to the degree it is justified, applies far less to Becker’s translation (pp. –) than to his Commentary (pp. –) and lengthy Introduction (pp. –). The German of his version of the VPS is almost always a clear and accurate rendering of the Greek. But for scholars who will want to see just what it is that Becker has translated, he could have made things easier. As it is, to check the Greek behind his translation requires access to Giuseppe Giangrande’s edition—by far the best of the VPS —, the textual divisions of which Becker follows. -
Salaminius Hermias Sozomenus – the Ecclesiastical History
0450-0450 – Salaminius Hermias Sozomenus – The Ecclesiastical History The Ecclesiastical History, comprising a History of the Church, from A.D. 323 to A.D. 425 this file has been downloaded from http://www.ccel.org/ccel/schaff/npnf202.html NPNF (V2-02) Socrates Scholasticus THE 179 ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SOZOMEN, COMPRISING A HISTORY OF THE CHURCH, FROM A.D. 323 TO A.D. 425. TRANSLATED FROM THE GREEK. Revised by CHESTER D. HARTRANFT, HARTFORD THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY. 191 Introduction. ———————————— Salaminius Hermias Sozomen ———————————— Part I.—The Life. 326 NPNF (V2-02) Socrates Scholasticus The name is an unusual and difficult one. It seems desirable to give preference to the order which Photius adopts, but to preserve the spelling in Nicephorus Callistus, and in the captions of the chief manuscripts, and therefore to call him Salaminius Hermias Sozomen. What the term Salaminius indicates, cannot yet be accurately determined. There are no data to show any official connection of Sozomen with Salamis opposite Athens, or Salamis (Constantia) in Cyprus; certainly there is no record of any naval service. In vi. 32, where he speaks of the greater lights of monasticism in Palestine, Hilarion, Hesychas, and Epiphanius, he remarks, “At the same period in the monasteries, Salamines, Phuscon, Malachion, Crispion, four brethren, were highly distinguished.” In the tart controversy between Epiphanius and the empress, the latter had said, “You have not power to revive the dead; otherwise your archdeacon would not have died.” Sozomen explains, “She alluded to Crispion, the archdeacon, who had died a short time previously; he was brother to Phuscon and Salamanus, monks whom I had occasion to mention when detailing the history of events under the reign of Valens” (viii. -
PAGAN HISTORIOGRAPHY and the DECLINE of the EMPIRE Wolf
CHAPTER SIX PAGAN HISTORIOGRAPHY AND THE DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE Wolf Liebeschuetz Eunapius and his Writings Eunapius1 was about twenty years—one generation—younger than Ammianus Marcellinus. Like Ammianus he was from the Greek- speaking part of the Empire, having been born at Sardis in 347, or more probably in 348,2 to a leading family of the city. But unlike Ammianus he never as far as we know held imperial office either civil or military. So he lacked the connections with court and army which a career in the imperial service might have gained for him. He was a civic notable pure and simple. Judging by what remains of his writings, he was not particularly interested in either administration or warfare, those two staples of classical historiography. He was how- ever highly educated in Greek rhetoric and philosophy and had a strong interest in medicine. His cousin Melite was married to the Neo-Platonist philosopher Chrysanthius, whom Eunapius revered as a teacher, and almost as a father. Chrysanthius was one in the suc- cession of Neo-Platonist philosophers commemorated by Eunapius in his Lives of the Philosophers and Sophists. Eunapius therefore had close personal links with that rather exclusive group of pagan intellectuals.3 Like them, Eunapius devoted his life to the preservation of the Hellenic tradition. In this respect one might compare him with Libanius, about whom we know so much more. It follows that Eunapius’ two works—the History as well as the Lives of the Philosophers and Sophists—were written from a strongly pagan point of view.