DOCSLIB.ORG

Short- and Long-Term Effects of Personal and Institutional Ties STOR ®

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Short- and Long-Term Effects of Personal and Institutional Ties STOR ® Pathways into Work: Short- and Long-Term Effects of Personal and Institutional Ties STOR ® James E. Rosenbaum; Stefanie DeLuca; Shazia R. Miller; Kevin Roy Sociology of Education, Vol. 72, No. 3 (Jul., 1999), 179-196. Stable URL: http://links.jstor.org/sici?sici=0038-0407%28199907%2972%3A3%3Cl 79%3APIWSAL%3E2.0.C0%3B2-P Sociology of Education is currently published by American Sociological Association. Your use of the JS TOR archive indicates your acceptance of JS TOR' s Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/about/terms.html. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/joumals/asa.html. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is an independent not-for-profit organization dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of scholarly journals. For more information regarding JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. http://www.jstor.org/ Wed Mar 30 00:34:44 2005 Pathways into Work: Short- and Long-term Effects of Personal and Institutional Ties James E. Rosenbaum, Stefanie Deluca, Shazia R. Miller, and Kevin Roy Northwestern University Although youths are often confined in jobs that allow minimal gains in earnings, the authors used quantitative data to examine whether any kinds of job contact allow youths to get jobs that lead to later higher earnings and use qualitative data to illustrate school job contacts and the ways they can help disadvantaged groups. Analyzing data from High School and Beyond, the authors found that most types of contacts have little effect on early earnings, but relatives and school contacts place students in jobs that lead to higher earnings nine years later (at age 28). Blacks, young women, and high-achieving youths less often get their jobs from relatives but more often get jobs through school contacts. The findings indicate the theoretical importance of social contacts and previously overlooked ways that high schools improve the work-entry process for youths, especially blacks and females. oung people face great difficulties Sociological theories suggest that the in gaining recognition of their problem resides in the structure of the value in the labor market. New labor market; the labor market is stratified, IIg ool graduates have difficulty get­ and youths are confined in low-strata jobs ting jobs that offer good pay or advance­ that offer poor stability, low pay, and little ment, and their jobs and pay tend to be advancement (that is, the secondary labor unrelated to their school achievements market; Doeringer and Piore 1971 ). (Bills 1992; Crain 1984; Grubb 1993; Jencks Stratified labor market theory explains et al. 1979; Parcel 1987; Stern, Finkelstein, these findings, but it overexplains youths' Stone, Latting, and Dornsife 1995). These difficulties. It has two problems: It does not outcomes are not well explained by eco­ explain why some youths escape the sec­ nomic or sociological theories. For instance, ondary labor market at the outset or how human capital theory predicts that new many individuals eventually escape it later high school graduates with higher achieve­ (Granovetter 1995). ment will get better jobs and pay than will In response to the failures of traditional those with low achievement, but that pre­ economic and sociological theories diction is clearly contradicted by research (Althauser and Kalleberg 1981; Dore 1992; (Gamoran 1994; Griffin, Kalleberg, and Williamson 1975), new theories have arisen Alexander 1981; Miller 1998; Murnane, in both fields. The new institutional eco­ Willett, and Levy 1995). nomics considers the efficiencies of institu- Sociology of Education 1999, Vol. 72 (July): 179-196 179 180 Rosenblum, Deluca, Miller, and Roy tional relationships and calls for studies of Vaughn 1981 ). For less educated, inexperi­ actors and social contexts (Lazear 1979; enced workers, weak personal ties may be less Rosen 1982). Similarly, new sociological mod­ effective (Ericksen and Yancey 1 980; Wegener els contend that markets often "depend on 1991 ). the nature of personal relations and the net­ Moreover, there is an additional concern work of relations between and within firms" that "cross-sectional analyses may miss the (Granovetter 1985:502). Instead of assuming role of personal contacts in building a career" that information is always used and trusted, (Granovetter 1995:149). Granovetter sug­ these models describe some ways that infor­ gested that early contacts may have a greater mation is given meaning through social con­ impact on later jobs than on early jobs. This tacts. "People prefer to deal with individuals effect may occur because of the accumulation of known reputation, or, even better, with of advantages that come from initial contacts, individuals they have dealt with before; social since good initial contacts lead to more and relations ... are mainly responsible for the better subsequent contacts (p. 149). production of trust in economic life" Alternatively, it may occur as the result of the (Granovetter 1985:490-91 ). operation of career ladders in that youths Some types of job contacts may explain with good contacts get early jobs that lead to how some youths can evade ordinary obsta­ better future career advancements, even cles of the labor market structure and get jobs though these jobs pay no better initially that lead to better immediate pay and better (Rosenbaum 1984). These contentions sug­ career trajectories that increase their earnings gest the need for longitudinal studies. over time. This article examines whether dif­ While studies have focused on personal ferent kinds of youths use different ways to contacts, institutional contacts have been contact employers and whether youths' ways largely neglected in the United States, of contacting employers affect their earnings although they have been studied in other right after high school and nine years later. nations. In Germany and Japan, institutional Besides examining the effects of two types of contacts help youths gain access to good jobs personal contacts (relatives and friends), it (Brinton 1993; Kariya and Rosenbaum 1995; also explores the influence of two types of Osterman 1988). In these nations, many institutional contacts (school job placement youths, particularly those with higher school and employment services) that have rarely achievement, gain access to jobs with better been considered in previous research. training and advancements because these nations have institutional contacts between schools and employers that communicate PERSONAL VERSUS youths' value to employers. In Japan, high INSTITUTIONAL CONTACTS school teachers nominate appropriate youths for better job openings, and employers gen­ In recent years, there has been increasing erally respond to teachers' nominations that interest in the ways in which social contacts they value as reliable signals of youths' abili­ influence labor market outcomes. ties and work habits (Rosenbaum and Kariya Granovetter's (1973) early study showed how 1989, 1991 ). Similarly, in Germany, a nation­ the job search process was facilitated by per­ al employment agency uses students' grades sonal ties, particularly weak ties (such as casu­ in determining which students are nominated al acquaintances) that provide wide sources to better apprenticeships, and employers use of information about jobs, from which one grades in hiring youths who apply directly can choose the best. However, Granovetter's (Hamilton 1989; Rosenbaum, Kariya, finding occurred in a sample of experienced Settersten, and Maier 1 990). Both nations well-educated workers, and subsequent have stratified labor markets, but institutional research has suggested that weak personal networks communicate youths' value to ties are "of most advantage to those higher employers, and youths who do well in school up and least to those at the bottom" gain access to jobs with better opportunities (Granovetter 1995:150; Lin, Ensel, and for advancement. Pathways into Work 181 The United States lacks a formal system like not trust the services' screening if it was done Japan's or Germany's, so institutional contacts (Osterman 1988). Moreover, applicants find may have weaker effects or none at all. Yet it that searches take longer if they use employ­ is possible that informal institutional contacts ment services (Wielgosz and Carpenter may exist in the United States, perform simi­ 1987). lar functions, and explain how some youths We also studied the effects of high schools. get jobs that lead to better pay. Holzer's (1 996) study of employers found that Despite the great interest in the effects of 4.6 percent of jobs are filled by school place­ personal contacts, research has paid little ments, and Bishop's (1992) study reported a attention to institutional contacts, and infor­ figure of 7.9 percent (for small and medium­ mation in popular data sets is often inade­ sized employers). Our present analyses found quate. The National Longitudinal Survey of that about 8.5 percent of students said that Youth (NLSY) found that 4.8 percent of they got their jobs through school help. unemployed youths
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Dynamic Social Network Analysis: Present Roots and Future Fruits
    Dynamic Social Network Analysis: Present Roots and Future Fruits Ms. Nancy K Hayden Project Leader Defense Threat Reduction Agency Advanced Systems and Concepts Office Stephen P. Borgatti, Ronald L. Breiger, Peter Brooks, George B. Davis, David S. Dornisch, Jeffrey Johnson, Mark Mizruchi, Elizabeth Warner July 2009 DEFENSE THREAT REDUCTION AGENCY •ADVANCED SYSTEMS AND CONCEPTS OFFICE REPORT NUMBER ASCO 2009 009 The mission of the Defense Threat Reduction Agency (DTRA) is to safeguard America and its allies from weapons of mass destruction (chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear, and high explosives) by providing capabilities to reduce, eliminate, and counter the threat, and mitigate its effects. The Advanced Systems and Concepts Office (ASCO) supports this mission by providing long-term rolling horizon perspectives to help DTRA leadership identify, plan, and persuasively communicate what is needed in the near term to achieve the longer-term goals inherent in the agency’s mission. ASCO also emphasizes the identification, integration, and further development of leading strategic thinking and analysis on the most intractable problems related to combating weapons of mass destruction. For further information on this project, or on ASCO’s broader research program, please contact: Defense Threat Reduction Agency Advanced Systems and Concepts Office 8725 John J. Kingman Road Ft. Belvoir, VA 22060-6201 [email protected] Or, visit our website: http://www.dtra.mil/asco/ascoweb/index.htm Dynamic Social Network Analysis: Present Roots and Future Fruits Ms. Nancy K. Hayden Project Leader Defense Threat Reduction Agency Advanced Systems and Concepts Office and Stephen P. Borgatti, Ronald L. Breiger, Peter Brooks, George B. Davis, David S.
    [Show full text]
  • Soc 6460: Economic Sociology
    Cornell University • Spring 2019 Syllabus Soc 6460: Economic Sociology Filiz Garip Department of Sociology 348 Uris Hall [email protected] Time: Thursday 2-4pm Location: Uris Hall 340 Office Hours: Thursday 4-5pm (Uris Hall 348) Website: search for Soc 6460 in Blackboard (www.blackboard.cornell.edu) COURSE DESCRIPTION AND OBJECTIVES This course is an introduction to the sociological examination of economic phenomena. As a subfield that has grown rapidly over the past twenty years, economic sociology has focused on three major activities: First, it has examined the prerequisites for and constraints to economic processes as defined by economists. Second, it has extended economic models to social phenomena rarely considered in the domain of economics. Third, and most ambitiously, it has tried to search for alternative accounts of phenomena typically formulated only in economic terms. This course will provide an overview of these broad concerns and approaches in economic sociology, and review the sociological explanations of economic activities of production, consumption and distribution in a wide range of settings. REQUIREMENTS Students are expected to attend each meeting, do the readings thoroughly and in advance, and participate actively in class. Emphasis is on mastering, responding critically and creatively to, and integrating the course material, with an eye toward developing your own research questions and interests. You should be able to answer the following questions about each assigned reading: • What research question is the author
    [Show full text]
  • Formalist and Relationalist Theory in Social Network Analysis
    Formalist and Relationalist Theory in Social Network Analysis Emily Erikson Yale University 17 March 2011 Draft Acknowledgements: I would like to thank Peter Bearman, Scott Boorman, Richard Lachmann, David Stark, Nicholas Wilson, the participants of Boston University’s Society, Politics & Culture Workshop, and Yale University’s Comparative Research Workshop for their helpful comments. s Abstract: There is a widespread understanding that social networks are relationalist. In this paper, I suggest an alternative view that relationalism is only one theoretical perspective in network analysis. Relationalism, as currently defined, rejects essentialism, a priori categories, and insists upon the intersubjectivity of experience and meaning, as well as the importance of the content of interactions and their historical setting. Formalism is based on a structuralist interpretation of the theoretical works of Georg Simmel. Simmel based his theory on a Neo-Kantian program of identifying a priori categories of relational types and patterns that operate independently of cultural content or historical setting. Formalism and relationalism are therefore entirely distinct from each other. Yet both are internally consistent theoretical perspectives. The contrast between the two plays out in their approaches to culture, meaning, agency, and generalizability. In this paper, I distinguish the two theoretical strains. 2 Since its inception in the 1930s, social network research has become an increasingly vibrant part of sociology inquiry. The field has grown tremendously over the last few decades: new journals and conferences have been created, programs and concentrations in social network analysis have been created in institutions in both North America and Europe, and large numbers of scholars have been attracted to the field from across a wide disciplinary array, including sociology, anthropology, management sciences, computer science, biology, mathematics, and physics.
    [Show full text]
  • Governing Excharige in Strategic Alliances: the Dynamics of Interfirm Trust
    Governing Excharige in Strategic Alliances: The Dynamics of Interfirm Trust Henry Adobor A Thesis in The Department of Management Presented in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at Concordia University Montreal, Quebec, Canada June 1999 O Henry Adobor, 1999 National Library Bibliothèque nationale 191 of Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Seivices seivices bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395. nie Wellington Ottawa ON KIA ON4 OttawaON KlAON4 Canada Canada Yaur bb Vom mlsrsnar Our W Notre referma The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sel1 reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of ths thesis in microfon, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de rnicrofiche/film, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique . The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be p~tedor otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent êîre imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. ABSTRACT Governing Exchange in Strategic Alliances: The Dynamics of Interfirm Trust Henry Adobor. Ph. D. Concordia University, 1999 This thesis focuses on the dynamics of trust in strategic alliances. Trust as a form of qualitative governance is generally seen as a mother Iode for successful partnering.
    [Show full text]
  • Embeddedness and Immigration: Notes on the Social Determinants Of
    Embeddedness and Immigration: Notes on the Social Determinants of Economic Action Author(s): Alejandro Portes and Julia Sensenbrenner Source: The American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 98, No. 6 (May, 1993), pp. 1320-1350 Published by: The University of Chicago Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2781823 Accessed: 25/02/2010 09:22 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=ucpress. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. The University of Chicago Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to The American Journal of Sociology. http://www.jstor.org Embeddedness and Immigration: Notes on the Social Determinants of Economic Action1 Alejandro Portes and Julia Sensenbrenner Johns Hopkins University This article contributes to the reemerging field of economic sociol- ogy by (1) delving into its classic roots to refine current concepts and (2) using examples from the immigration literature to explore the different forms in which social structures affect economic ac- tion.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Capital: a Theory of Social Structure and Action - Nan Lin Frontmatter More Information
    Cambridge University Press 0521474310 - Social Capital: A Theory of Social Structure and Action - Nan Lin Frontmatter More information Social Capital A Theory of Social Structure and Action In Social Capital, Nan Lin explains the importance of using social connections and social relations in achieving goals. Social capital, or resources accessed through such connections and rela- tions, is critical (along with human capital, or what a person or an organization actually possesses) to individuals, social groups, organizations, and communities in achieving objectives. This book places social capital in the family of capital theo- ries (the classical and neoclassical theories), articulates its ele- ments and propositions, presents research programs, findings, and agendas, and theorizes its significance in various moments of interactions between individual actions and social structure (for example, the primordial groups, social exchanges, organi- zations, institutional transformations, and cybernetworks). Nan Lin eloquently introduces a groundbreaking theory that force- fully argues and shows why “it is who you know” as well as “what you know” that make a difference in life and society. Nan Lin is Professor of Sociology and Director of the Asian/ Pacific Studies Institutes at Duke University. He is author of The Struggle for Tiananmen (1992); Social Support, Life Events and Depression (with Alfred Dean and Walter Ensel, 1986); Foun- dation of Social Research (1976); and The Study of Human Communication (1973). He is coeditor (with Peter Marsden) of Social Structure and Network Analysis (1982). His work has appeared in American Sociological Review, American Journal of Sociology, Journal of Health and Social Behavior, and Social Forces, among other journals.
    [Show full text]
  • A Theoretical Agenda for Economic Sociology
    A Theoretical Agenda for Economic Sociology To appear in Economic Sociology at the Millenium, edited by Mauro F. Guillen, Randall Collins, Paula England, and Marshall Meyer (New York: Russell Sage Foundation, 2001). Mark Granovetter Department of Sociology Stanford University June 1, 20001 1 For their valuable comments on an earlier draft of this paper, I am indebted to Randall Collins, my discussant at the second annual Penn Economic Sociology Conference, the other conference participants, and to Richard Swedberg, Kiyoteru Tsutsui and Valery Yakubovich. A Theoretical Agenda for Economic Sociology. Mark Granovetter. 6/1/00 1 INTRODUCTION Economic sociology is no longer a novelty. Born in the late 19th century and reborn in the 1970s, it has produced a long run of exciting studies and promising leads.2 As the century turns, it is timely to look beyond our accumulation of important empirical studies and reassess what theoretical agenda a structural economic sociology might pursue, and where this agenda fits with the main concerns of sociology and economics. In doing so, we should keep in mind that the production and distribution of goods and services is just one institutional complex of activities, and that the arguments appropriate to them should have some generic similarity to arguments we might develop to explain political action, science and knowledge, family and kinship, and other persistent social patterns. Thinking about how the sociology of the economy is similar to and different from that of other institutions helps us see what kinds of arguments will work best. INCENTIVES, INDIVIDUALS, CONTEXT AND HISTORY We may begin by asking what is distinctive about economic sociology as a way to explain the economy.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction: the Past and Future of Ego-Centric Network Analysis” Mario L
    “Introduction: The Past and Future of Ego-Centric Network Analysis” Mario L. Small, Bernice Pescosolido, Brea L. Perry, Edward (Ned) Smith Draft October 2020 Forthcoming, in Personal Networks Classic Readings and New Directions in Ego-centric Analysis, edited by Mario L. Small, Brea L. Perry, Bernice Pescosolido, and Edward (Ned) Smith Network analysis is ubiquitous. In recent years, it has shaped how researchers and society as a whole understand issues as diverse as the spread of disease, the precursors of loneliness, the rise of protest movements, the causes of social inequality, the flows of air traffic, the rise of social media, and much more (Wasserman and Faust 1994; Barabasi 2002; Christakis and Fowler 2009; Watts and Strogatz 1998; Watts 1999).1 This influence is due to the remarkable flexibility and power of network analysis. A network is simply a set of nodes and the ties between them, and a node can be anything—an individual, an organization, a website, a computer server, an airport, a nation, or any entity with the capacity to connect in any fashion to another entity. The ability to think of any relationship in network terms has proved remarkably generative for researchers. Social scientists have traditionally conducted network studies in one of two ways (see Wasserman and Faust 1994; Kadushin 2012; Borgatti, Everett, and Johnson 2013; Crossley et al. 2015; Perry, Pescosolido, and Borgatti 2018; McCarty et al. 2019). Those adopting a sociocentric perspective examine a set of actors and all realized or potential ties between them; those adopting an egocentric one, a set of actors and their relations of any type that is of interest to the researcher.
    [Show full text]
  • Embedded Whiteness: Theorizing Exclusion in Public Contracting
    Embedded Whiteness: Theorizing Exclusion in Public Contracting Sumi Cho* INTRODUCTION: WHAT IS NEW ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY AND WHY SHOULD CRITICAL LEGAL SCHOLARS CARE? A. New Economic Sociology & the Social Market Around the same time that Critical Race Theory ("CRT") was emerging as a field in law in the mid-1980's, the term, "New Economic Sociology" ("NES") was coined at a roundtable discussion at the 1985 annual meeting of the American Sociological Association. Like CRT, NES was challenging fundamental disciplinary principles and assumptions. Just as critical race theorists, or "race crits" discussed the social construction of race, new economic sociologists argued for a constructionist understanding of economic institutions. Rejecting the neoclassical notion that economic actors are atomized decision makers, new economic sociologists maintained that such actors are engaged in "interaction and structures of interaction."' 2 In this sense, new economic sociologists have been arguing for an understanding of economic institutions as social constructions as well as for the need to incorporate social structure into the analysis of economic institutions and phenomena. Otherwise stated, the "economic" merely refers to the social organization of material production. NES is "new" insofar as its practitioners do not hesitate to adopt a critical stance with respect to microeconomics-parting ways significantly with conventional wisdom on issues of market structure, production, pricing, distribution, and consumption.3 The theoretical projects of new economic sociology have been challenging three particular "fallacies" of neoclassical economic analysis: (1) that the social is a realm separate from the economic; (2) that individuals make conscious calculations about how to maximize utility;• and (3) that the.
    [Show full text]
  • SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS Sociology 920:571:01 (491:02) Paul Mclean
    SOCIAL NETWORK ANALYSIS Sociology 920:571:01 (491:02) Paul McLean Department of Sociology Rutgers University Fall 2011 Location and time: Davison Seminar room, Tuesdays, 9:50-12:30 Office hours: M 12:30-1:30 [LSC]; T 1:00-2:00 [Davison 049], and by appointment E-mail: [email protected] Over the last few decades, and over the last ten years or so especially, there has been an enormous increase in the attention paid to social networks as key determinants of many elements of social life, including motivations, identities, social mobility, group organization and mobilization, resource distributions, decision-making, patterns of innovation, diffusion of disease and attitudes, and the organization of belief systems. One could also say without much exaggeration that a whole new science of networks has emerged, not only within sociology but across multiple disciplines. The basic idea of social network analysis is that we must study the social order relationally: actors/events are interdependent, and structure emerges as patterns in these interdependencies. Sometimes this core idea involves the study of social interaction patterns inductively from the ground up; sometimes it involves looking for particular structural forms that are believed to shape behavior and structure the social environment. Sometimes it involves a radical re-thinking of what an actor is and where a relation can be found. Network analysis is increasingly a mainstream idea, even though the tools it uses are distinctly different from mainstream sociology. Indeed there are ways to incorporate network ideas into ‘mainstream’ research. But in its most radical formulations, the study of networks vies to become a kind of fundamental theory of social organization.
    [Show full text]
  • Embedded in Whiteness: How the New Economic Sociology Came to Ignore Race & Racism Laura Garbes Department of Sociology Brow
    Embedded in whiteness: how the new economic sociology came to ignore race & racism Laura Garbes Department of Sociology Brown University [email protected] Daniel Hirschman Department of Sociology Brown University [email protected] Abstract Race is central to economic life, but race is not central to economic sociology. We explore how this inattention to race and racism developed. First, we outline a history of the new economic sociology as it emerged in the 1980s and defined itself against dominant trends in economics and sociology through its emphasis on the role of meso-level social orders in shaping economic action. Second, we offer a partial explanation for how economic sociology came to ignore race, highlighting both programmatic and contextual factors. Economic sociology's intellectual agenda emphasized identifying the local social factors that made possible the seemingly rational behavior of elite economic actors. As such, economic sociologists studied primarily white men and white- dominated institutions, but, in line with understandings of race and racism at the time and in keeping with the field's emphasis on networks over category memberships, did not recognize the role of race in these settings. Economic sociologists did not study poverty or racial inequality, and so economic sociology was understood as not being about race. This strategy was capable of succeeding in an academic context where studies of race and racism centered racial attitudes, failed to theorize whiteness, and typically treated race as an individual-level variable. Third, we elaborate on two consistent foci of the subfield – ethnic enclaves and corporate interlocks. The canonical literature on ethnic enclaves conceptualized these spaces as sites for researching social capital, but not as sites for studying processes of racialization, leading this literature to largely ignore the role of racism in differences between ethnic enclaves.
    [Show full text]
  • Honoring Stanford University Sociology Professor Mark Granovetter
    for achievement in the fields pioneered by scholar & teacher Everett Honoring Stanford University Sociology Professor Mark Granovetter An edited transcript of a lecture held September 18, 2013. • THE NORMAN LEAR CENTER 2013 ROGERS AWARD • THE NORMAN LEAR CENTER The Norman Lear Center is a nonpartisan research and public policy center that studies the social, political, economic and cultural impact of entertainment on the world. The Lear Center translates its findings into action through testimony, journalism, strategic research and innovative public outreach campaigns. On campus, from its base in the USC Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism, the Lear Center builds bridges between schools and disciplines whose faculty study aspects of entertainment, media and culture. Beyond campus, it bridges the gap between the entertainment industry and academia, and between them and the public. Through scholarship and research; through its conferences, public events and publications; and in its attempts to illuminate and repair the world, the Lear Center works to be at the forefront of discussion and practice in the field. For more information, please visit: www.learcenter.org. THE EVERETT M. ROGERS AWARD The Everett M. Rogers Award honors the late Everett M. Rogers, a former associate dean at the University of Southern California’s Annenberg School for Communication and Journalism and an influential communication scholar whose Diffusion of Innovation is the second-most cited book in the social sciences. Presented since 2007 on behalf of USC Annenberg by its Norman Lear Center, the award recognizes outstanding scholars and practitioners whose work has contributed path-breaking insights in areas of Rogers’s legacy.
    [Show full text]