Election-Related Violence and the Continuing Spate of Extra-Judicial
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Philippine Election ; PDF Copied from The
Senatorial Candidates’ Matrices Philippine Election 2010 Name: Nereus “Neric” O. Acosta Jr. Political Party: Liberal Party Agenda Public Service Professional Record Four Pillar Platform: Environment Representative, 1st District of Bukidnon – 1998-2001, 2001-2004, Livelihood 2004-2007 Justice Provincial Board Member, Bukidnon – 1995-1998 Peace Project Director, Bukidnon Integrated Network of Home Industries, Inc. (BINHI) – 1995 seek more decentralization of power and resources to local Staff Researcher, Committee on International Economic Policy of communities and governments (with corresponding performance Representative Ramon Bagatsing – 1989 audits and accountability mechanisms) Academician, Political Scientist greater fiscal discipline in the management and utilization of resources (budget reform, bureaucratic streamlining for prioritization and improved efficiencies) more effective delivery of basic services by agencies of government. Website: www.nericacosta2010.com TRACK RECORD On Asset Reform and CARPER -supports the claims of the Sumilao farmers to their right to the land under the agrarian reform program -was Project Director of BINHI, a rural development NGO, specifically its project on Grameen Banking or microcredit and livelihood assistance programs for poor women in the Bukidnon countryside called the On Social Services and Safety Barangay Unified Livelihood Investments through Grameen Banking or BULIG Nets -to date, the BULIG project has grown to serve over 7,000 women in 150 barangays or villages in Bukidnon, -
The Philippines: Women's Representative, People's
THE PHILIPPINES: WOMEN’S REPRESENTATIVE, PEOPLE’S PARLIAMENTARIAN By Bernadette P. Libres Liza Largoza-Maza Elections are so frequent in the Philippines that Filipinos would jokingly announce there are three seasons in the Philippines: dry, wet and election seasons. Elections for various elective positions both at national and local levels are held every three years. In between, the barangay, or village-level election is conducted. Filipinos welcome elections because it provides them a sense of participation in charting the country’s future. For centuries, the people have been marginalised in the everyday politics of the nation that they regard election as an important political activity. Voter turnout in the national elections ranges from 70-80%, this, despite the fact that election results do not reflect the people’s real choices because of widespread fraud. But Filipinos also view elections with both humour and cynicism. They regard elections as a break, a breather from the routine of daily survival. Election campaigns draw in movie stars, both as entertainers and as endorsers during the campaign or as political candidates themselves. Having lived through years of frustration with the government and its leaders, election gives the ordinary Filipino an opportunity to laugh at the politicians who vainly try to crack jokes, to sing and dance during campaign sorties or appear in popular comedy shows on television. Election campaign period, because of rampant vote buying, is also a time to make money. In all this, the more important issues of the people - unemployment and starvation wages, negative impact of globalisation, the lack of basic services and issues concerning human rights, justice and peace - are expectedly relegated to the sidelines, if at all tackled during campaigns. -
Is the Concept of Non-Partisan Voters Relevant to the Post-Democratized Southeast Asian Elections? 77
Is the concept of non-partisan voters relevant to the post-democratized Southeast Asian elections? 77 〈特集 政治意識の諸相〉 Is the concept of non-partisan voters relevant to the post-democratized Southeast Asian elections?: The cases of the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia. Yoko Yoshikawa summary: The rise of nonpartisan voters in the past decades are reported in the various studies on voting behavior in the developed democratic countries such as the US and Japan. Against this backdrop, it is the prime concern of this paper to make inquiries that whether or not the parallel partisans/nonpartisans, particularly the rise of nonpartisans, is discernable in the recently democratized (or democracy restored) Southeast Asian countries: the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia. If it appears so, how it is explained and what the voting determinants are. Prior to proceeding to voting behaviors, the paper takes up the issues of democratic transition, the broader inclusive concept of the nonpartisans, the political and electoral institutional reforms, the behavior of political parties and party systems conducted in the three respective countries. The problems encountered are that, first, whether or not the concept of partisans vs. nonpartisan derived from the experiences in the developed countries can be adequately applied to the electorates whose political regime environment, the behaviors of political party and candidates, and electoral governance are different, and those who are basically identified with candidates or party leaders in the fluid multiparty system. Secondly the lack of solid and clear-cut evidence obtained from the outcome of surveys asking the electorates of the specific party identification or non-identification compelled to rely on the various different literatures and the election outcome. -
Bayan Muna – Security Forces – State Protection
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: PHL32251 Country: Philippines Date: 27 September 2007 Keywords: Philippines – Bayan Muna – Security forces – State protection This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide a brief overview of the political platform of the Bayan Muna party. 2. Please provide information on whether Bayan Muna members have been targeted by the authorities or other groups. Are there reports of campaigners being targeted? Or is the mistreatment restricted to leaders and electoral candidates? 3. Please provide information on whether the state has provided protection to Bayan Muna members. Have episodes of mistreatment been investigated and prosecuted? RESPONSE 1. Please provide a brief overview of the political platform of the Bayan Muna party. Bayan Muna (People First) is a legally registered left-wing1 progressive party-list group. The party currently has three representatives in Congress. According to the Bayan Muna website, the party “stand[s] on a platform of change and social transformation that addresses the basic problems that have plagued our country – foreign domination, feudal bondage and a graft- ridden government”. Bayan Muna is ideologically close to the Communist Party (CPP) and, along with other left-wing parties, is often accused by the military of being a front for the CPP’s underground organisations and the New People’s Army (NPA) (‘Commitment and 1 In the Philippines, the terms “the left” or “leftists” encompass a broad range of political meaning. -
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Date Printed: 11/03/200B JTS Box Number: lFES 9 Tab Number: 24 Document Title: Election Modernization and Voter Education Republic of the Philippines Document Date: 1996 Document Country: Philippines lFES 1D: R01B06 I~I ~ ~mml ~ ~"I~~I~I ~I ~ ~~ I~I ~I ~I~ I I~ 4 5 7 E F 1 - A 2 8 1 - 4 8 1 A - * I //:/ES International Foundation for Election Systems I 110115th SlREET, N.w" THIRD FLOOR, WASHINGTON, D,C 20005 ' (202) 82S8507" FAX (202) 452.()8()4 ~ I Election Modernization I and I Voter Education Republic of the Philippines I Interim Report I September-December 1996 I I I I THE IFES ON-SITE ASSISTANCE TEAM I Terry Holcomb, Implementation Specialist Gwenn Hofmann, Voter Education Specialist I Dennis McPhillips, Legal Advisor Gary Ferguson, Social Scientist I I I I BOARD OF DIRECTORS Barbara Boggs Victor Kamber William R. Sweeney, Jr. DIRECTORS EMERITI James M. Cannon Charles T. Manatt Patricia Hutar Dame Eugenia Charles Peter G. Kelly leon J. Weil Chairman Secretary (Dominica) Richard M. Scammon I Maureen A. Kindel Richard W. Soudriette Peter McPherson David R. Jones Joseph Napolitan Judy G. Fernald President Jean-Pierre Kingsley Vice Chairman Treasurer Randal C. Teague HONORARY DIRECTOR William J. Hybl (Canada) .- Counsel Mrs. F. Clifton White I I Table of Contents I Introduction . 1 I Tab 1: Election Law Reform Round Table: Report and Recommendations I Introduction . 3 Summary of Presentation 3 I Legal Comment and Recommendations 6 Automated Election Systems. 6 I The General and Continuing Registration of Voters . 8 Absentee Voting 15 I Conclusion 19 I Tab 2: FOCUS GROUP PROJECT: ANALYSIS OF FINDINGS I Introduction . -
NV-EPG-465-2020 the Permanent Mission of the Republic of the Philippines to the United Nations and Other International Organizat
NV-EPG-465-2020 The Permanent Mission of the Republic of the Philippines to the United Nations and other International Organizations in Geneva presents its compliments to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (Attn: Special Procedures Branch) and, with reference to SPMH joint communication UA PHL 2/2018 dated 26 February 2018 on the alleged extra-judicial killing of 28 individuals purportedly in the context of the counter- insurgency operations, has the honor to enclose the response from the Philippine government. In its response, the Philippine government establishes that there were no extrajudicial or arbitrary killings or enforced disappearances committed by military personnel, and that there are strong indications that the killings of many of the victims were perpetrated by the New People’s Army, the armed wing of the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), altogether referred to as the CPP-NPA, a listed terrorist organization by European Union, United States, United Kingdom, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand. As a background on the political context in the Philippines, particularly with regard to the activities of the armed non-state actor and terrorist organization CPP-NPA-NDF in exploiting human rights issues and co-opting human rights and democratic platforms in advancing its violent political agenda, the Philippine government invites the attention of the concerned Special Procedures mandate holders to Section 3 (Political Context) of the Philippine Human Rights Situationer.1 Section 7 (Agrarian Reform/ Protection of the Rights of Farmers) of the said Situationer provides detailed information on the background as well as government efforts with respect to farmers/ peasants. -
Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): with a Case in the Province of Batangas
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No.2, September 1991 Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* The imposition of martial lawS) by President Marcos In September 1972 I Introduction shattered Philippine democracy. The Since its independence, the Philippines country was placed under Marcos' au had been called the showcase of democracy thoritarian control until the revolution of in Asia, having acquired American political February 1986 which restored democracy. institutions. Similar to the United States, At the same time, the two-party system it had a two-party system. The two collapsed. The traditional political forces major parties, namely, the N acionalista lay dormant in the early years of martial Party (NP) and the Liberal Party (LP),1) rule when no elections were held. When had alternately captured state power elections were resumed in 1978, a single through elections, while other political dominant party called Kilusang Bagong parties had hardly played significant roles Lipunan (KBL) emerged as an admin in shaping the political course of the istration party under Marcos, while the country. 2) traditional opposition was fragmented which saw the proliferation of regional parties. * *MI§;q:, Asian Center, University of the Meantime, different non-traditional forces Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Metro Manila, such as those that operated underground the Philippines 1) The leadership of the two parties was composed and those that joined the protest movement, mainly of wealthy politicians from traditional which later snowballed after the Aquino elite families that had been entrenched in assassination in August 1983, emerged as provinces. -
Ongoing Human Rights Violations and Impunity in the Philippines
“MY JOB IS TO KILL” ONGOING HUMAN RIGHTS VIOLATIONS AND IMPUNITY IN THE PHILIPPINES Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. © Amnesty International 2020 Except where otherwise noted, content in this document is licensed under a Creative Commons Cover photo: Photos of victims of killings lay on the floor at an event organized by Philippine (attribution, non-commercial, no derivatives, international 4.0) license. organization Rise Up for Life and for Rights. Some of the pictures bear the message “Hustisya!” – https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode “Justice!”, a common cry amidst the almost total climate of impunity for killings in the country. For more information please visit the permissions page on our website: www.amnesty.org Metro Manila, 1 December 2019. Where material is attributed to a copyright owner other than Amnesty International this © Amnesty International material is not subject to the Creative Commons license. First published in 2020 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House, 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW, UK Index: ASA 35/3085/2020 Original language: English amnesty.org CONTENTS SUMMARY 4 1. ONGOING VIOLATIONS IN THE "WAR ON DRUGS" 6 1.1 EXTRAJUDICIAL EXECUTIONS 7 1.2 UNRELENTING IMPUNITY 11 1.3 REFORMING A FLAWED APPROACH 13 2. -
Sheikh Rasheed Ahmed
INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION CHEMIN DU POMMIER 5 1218 LE GRAND-SACONNEX / GENEVA (SWITZERLAND) TELEPHONE + 41 22 - 919 41 50 - FAX + 41 22 - 919 41 60 - E-MAIL [email protected] CONFIDENTIAL COMMITTEE ON THE HUMAN RIGHTS OF PARLIAMENTARIANS REPORT OF THE DELEGATION ON ITS MISSION TO THE PHILIPPINES 18 - 21 April 2007 > PHILIPPINES CASE No. PHI/01 - CRISPIN BELTRAN CASE No. PHI/02 - SATURNINO OCAMPO CASE No. PHI/03 - JOEL VIRADOR CASE No. PHI/04 - TEODORO CASIÑO CASE No. PHI/05 - LIZA MAZA CASE No. PHI/06 - RAFAEL MARIANO CONTENTS Page A. Background to and conduct of the mission ...................................... 2 B. Political background ....................................................................... 3 C. Case summary and concerns expressed by the Governing Council ..... 3 D. Information gathered .................................................................... 5 E. Concluding remarks ....................................................................... 15 F. Developments following the mission ................................................ 17 * * * Annex 1 Resolution adopted unanimously by the IPU Governing Council at its 180th session (Nusa Dua, Bali, 4 May 2007) Annex 2 Letter dated 17 April 2007 addressed to Mr. Pier Ferdinando Casini, President of the IPU, by Mr. Jose de Venecia, Speaker of the House of Representatives of the Philippines Annex 3 Preliminary statement of the delegation of the Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians on its on-site mission to the Philippines (3 May 2007) - 2 - A. BACKGROUND TO AND CONDUCT OF THE MISSION 1. Having received communications regarding the situation of Representatives Crispin Beltran, Satur Ocampo, Liza Maza, Teodoro Casiño, Joel Virador and Rafael Mariano, the Committee on the Human Rights of Parliamentarians declared their cases admissible at its 113th session (May 2006). It decided to submit the case of Mr. -
248 Despite the Author's Effort at Being Comprehensive, However, There
248 BOOK REVIEWS Despite the author's effort at being comprehensive, however, there are certain lapses which may not readily be apparent to the lay reader. For one thing, the book fails to offer a sustained analysis of the political and economic conditions which spawned the revolutionary movement in the first place. The author provides glimpses of the personal circumstances of many of his subjects but beyond this, the reader is left to infer about the general conditions that gave rise to the revolution. Furthermore, the author fails to elaborate on the ideological underpinnings of the revolution in any systematic way. Considering the vital role that ideology plays in the revolution, this should have been a prime topic beyond brief occasional quotes from Mao Zedong's Red Book or from Jose Ma. Sison's (a.k.a. Amado Guerrero's) Philippine Society and Revolution. While the author describes well the schism between the hardline Central Commit- tee of the CPP, on the one hand, and the independent-minded Manila-Rizal Commit- tee, on the other on the matter of electoral politics, he fails to explain other equally traumatic schisms. One of these was the split within the Kabataang Makabayan (KM, or Patriotic Youth) resulting to the formation of the breakaway Samahang Demokratiko ng Kabataan (SDK, or Democratic Youth Association). The author blames Sison's "confrontational leadership" (p. 26), but evidently the reasons go much deeper involving doctrinal differences and divergent tactics. Another schism which the author completely ignores is the matter involving the renegade priest, Fr. Conrado Balweg, who formed the breakaway group, Cordillera People's Liberation Front. -
Abstract: This Article Is an Initial Assessment of Internet Utilization by Political Parties in the Philippines
PPSJ 2010 Vol 31 No 54: 87-116 Party.Politics.Ph: Internet Campaigning in the Philipplnes' Julio C. Teehankee** Abstract: This article is an initial assessment of Internet utilization by political parties in the Philippines. The phenomenal growth in the use of Information Communication Technologies (lCTs) in the country is not lost to political parties, candidates, and campaign managers. Online websites offer an opportunity for political parties to strengthen linkages with cif'izens and voters through information provision, transparency, interactivity, and networking. The article conducted a content analysis of the websites of five mainstream political parties and twelve party list organizations represented in the 14th Congress. It appraised the online presence of these parties and assessed the level of use of the Internet as a tool for internal party administration, online electoral campaigns, voters' participation and organization. Key words: elections, information and communication technologies (lCTs), Internet, online campaigning, party website, political parties, Philippine politics Introduction The introduction of the Internet and other Information Cornrnunicotion Technologies (ICTs) in the 1990s opened a range of possibilities for political parties to re-engage the public (Ward et al. 2003). The rapid pace of technological innovations in recent years has spurred the growth of the Internet usage for political purposes worldwide. With emergence of cyberspace as a new arena for electoral campaigns, political party websites can contribute "towards expanding communication pluralism as well as • A version of this essay was presented at the 8th International Conference on Philippine Studies in Quezon City, Philippines, 2008. .. The author would like to acknowledge Masataka Kimura of lboroki University,Japan; fronclsco A.Magno of De LaSalle University, and two anonymous reviewers for their insightful comments on an earlier draft of this essay. -
ND February 2010.Pmd
Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants NNewsews February 2010 APMM DDigestMonthly Newsletter of the Asia Pacific Mission for Migrants (APMM) Overseas Filipinos to cast their votes on May 2010 polls The Philippine elections and the plight of OFWs FOR THE THIRD time, Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) shall participate in the Philippine elections through the overseas absentee voting (OAV). This month, the campaign for various posts have started and OFWs around the region are taking up the cudgels of campaigning for progressive candidates, who have, by platform and records, defended and upheld the interests of OFWs and their families. OFWs and the Philippine Elections The Philippine elections have always been characterized with fraud and violence. Many OFWs have expressed their lack of confidence in a process that is supposed to be the democratic expression of the people’s will. Scandals have rocked past Amidst the unfriendly weather, Filipino migrants in Hong Kong welcomed with enthusiasm elections and in the recent past, it was the candidates from Gabriela Women’s Party and senatorial aspirants Rep. Satur Ocampo and Rep. Liza Maza. Said candidates got the nod of many OFW groups for their record and “Hello Garci” scandal that involved no less platform of service to OFWs and their families. than Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo herself. Vote shaving or the infamous “dagdag-bawas” has been a Despite these, OFWs – especially in the progressive movement common practice everywhere while exploitation of the of Filipinos overseas – recognize the importance of election as vulnerability of the poor has also made vote-buying and other one of the arenas where the rights of migrants Filipinos and schemes widespread.