4. the Expedition and Rites of Passage

BRENT BELL, SIMON BEAMES, AND WILL CARLSON

4. THE EXPEDITION AND RITES OF PASSAGE

The aims of this chapter are to provide an overview of the anthropological model of the rites of passage (ROP) and to discuss its usefulness for those leading educational expeditions. In our experience, it is not uncommon for outdoor educators to express the desire to use expeditions as rites of passage for young participants, most likely because of the similar structural components between ROPs and expeditions (Bell, 2003). Our aim is to outline potential applications of a rites of passage model on expeditions, while also highlighting pitfalls that may be associated with using the ROPs. A rite of passage is a model of social transition with a common format observed across cultures. It was first conceived by the Belgian anthropologist, Arnold van Gennep in 1909 (van Gennep, 1960 [1909]). According to van Gennep, life is a series of passages from one stage to another. The rites of passage is composed of three rites: 1) separation from one’s original social pattern, 2) liminality, a state of transition, and 3) reincorporation back into an existing social structure with a new role and/or status. The second rite, liminality, was extensively examined by the British anthropologist Victor Turner (1969), who claimed that this stage involved intense learning opportunities characterized by experiencing communitas: a coming together of people. Although rites of passage may focus on birth, childhood, marriage, or funerals, our primary interest is the transition from youth to adult. Figure 1 (below) provides an example of how rites of passage function. The figure highlights the movement of the initiate, beginning on the left and moving through the process of transition. The topic of rites of passage has generated controversy among educators who believe that modern Western society lacks challenging and structured initiation rituals through which young people can mark their coming of age (Kornfield, 1996; Meade, 1996; Oldfield, 1996; Somé, 1996). Kornfield (1996) states that “if nothing is offered in the way of initiation to prove one’s entry into the world of men and women, it will be done unguided in the road or the street with cars at high speed, with drugs, with weapons” (p. 42). Although rites of initiation exist in college fraternities and sororities, street gangs, and sports teams, these may not be entirely positive learning experiences (Meade, 1996; Somé, 1996). Despite the beneficial function of marking important transitions, rites of passage generally reinforce and support the status quo, which has led critics to voice concerns over indoctrination and the limiting influence the rites can have on participants’ freedom of choice. An example of this is young women who are transitioning to roles of servitude in patriarchal societies (Prazak, 2007).

Figure 1. Model of the Rites of Passage.

Could the rites of passage have value for outdoor participants if guided by responsible and thoughtful educators? This paper is an exploration of how expeditions might be appropriate rites of passage for our society’s young people. In the child to adult transition, the participant leaves behind the role of child through a separation rite, which in some cases may include sudden physical separation of the child from the family (Kenhoe, 1998). Next, the participant enters a stage of liminality, which exists “betwixt and between” the child and adult social roles (Turner, 1969). During this period of socialization, participants will lack social referents that provided meaning in their former role (Ashford, 2001), which for outdoor educators can be likened to a state of adaptive dissonance (Walsh & Gollins, 1976). This shared dissonance (a.k.a. disequilibrium) can result in strong inter-personal bonds or communitas being formed (Ashford, 2001). This collective group feeling benefits the group through social support and teamwork, and by developing long-term ties between members. In traditional societies, one factor that enhances the power of ROPs is guidance by community elders. Elders teach initiates the oral traditions of their people, often with particular attention paid to past struggles (Houston, 1996; Van Wyk, 2002). Another traditional factor is the use of solitude as a means to encourage youth to reflect on who they are and how they intend to take on the role of an adult within their community (Gibbons, 1974; Maddern, 1990; Suler, 1990). The primary vehicle for socialization, however, is through facilitation of a challenging experience, such as a journey, that is rich with metaphorical meaning. For example, climbing a mountain, surviving time alone, and hunting animals are each metaphorically connected with the challenges of the adult role. Completing such challenges is one way that initiates may demonstrate their fitness for adulthood (Ashford, 2001). The third and last stage of rites of passage is reincorporation. Typically, this stage is marked with a celebration that recognizes the end of liminality and grants new social status to the initiates. Figure 1 (earlier in the chapter) distinguishes reincorporation with arrows demonstrating the pressure that comes from the newly adopted role (inside the box) and with arrows (outside the box) that denote social pressure from the community. We now highlight different aspects common to rites of passage and discuss their similarities to expeditions.