A General History of the Mark Twain National Forest Fall, 2012
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A General History of the Mark Twain National Forest Fall, 2012 James A. Halpern Abstract A review of documentary materials relating to establishment of the Mark Twain National Forest and its land management boundaries sheds light on formational processes involved in development of the National Forest System in southwest Missouri, initiated more than ninety years ago. Analysis of historical narratives, administrative documents, transcripts of radio interviews, correspondence, informational brochures, maps, photographs, and newspaper articles serves to modestly enrich the standardized history of federal land management in the area, as well as its effects on local communities. Introduction: Development of the National Forest System On February 7, 1922, a newspaper article appeared in the St. Louis Star under the headline “MOVE STARTED TO GET TWO FEDERAL PARKS IN STATE.” It described the return of Charles F. Hatfield, General Manager of the St. Louis, Missouri Convention, Publicity and Tourist Bureau, from a trip to Washington D.C., during which he had petitioned and received support from members of the Missouri congressional delegation in establishing “a movement through which it is hoped eventually to obtain two national recreation parks in the Ozark mountain region of Missouri, totaling more than 1,000,000 acres, to be paid for by the Federal Government.” Hatfield continued by stating that appropriation of such lands by the United States “would be of more value to St. Louis and Missouri than twenty conventions brought to the city. It would bring persons from all over the United States, tourists and others, for recreational privileges, such as hunting, fishing, and camping would be allowed1.” The Federal movement to preserve national forestlands began during the late 1800s, when United States land policy shifted from a focus on disposition of the public domain to an emphasis on conservation in reaction to the relentless exploitation of America’s natural resources, particularly in the West (US Forest Service 1997:i). Revenue from public land sales was a major component of the Federal budget prior to ratification of a national income tax in 1913, and from its inception, United States public land policy had been designed to pacify the country’s wilderness by increasing settlement within it, establishing sovereignty over it, and making full use of it to develop economic resources for industrial and individual initiatives (Steen 1991:2; Thomason and Douglas 2000:3). During the 19th century, fully one-half of the nation was transferred from federal ownership to state, corporate, and individual possession pursuant to statutes Congress had passed in order to dispose of the public domain; land sales accounted for the disposition of millions of acres, many of them consummated under fraudulent circumstances (Conrad 1997:18). Grants to railroads and settlers would eventually account for a quarter of the Nation’s land area, 1 Unnumbered Photostat of an article appearing in the St. Louis Star, February 7, 1922. Clipping on file at the Mark Twain National Forest Supervisor’s Office in Rolla, Missouri. A scan of the Photostat is presented as Figure 1. 1 conveyed in large part via the Transcontinental Railroad and Homestead Acts of 1862, respectively (Steen 1991:3; 1992:4). For the United States, substantial benefits were to be derived from unrestrained exploitation of its natural resources. The era of logging had provided workers with hundreds of thousands of jobs, and the nation with inexpensive construction materials in the form of milled lumber for burgeoning cities and towns; the rigors of long-distance travel were eased, and the country’s centers of trade were linked through networks of steel rail laid upon countless wooden crossties, each individually hewn from native timber (Conrad 1997:17). By the mid-1800s, resources of all sorts, particularly the forests, were being ruthlessly exploited with no thought for long-term sustainability (Hough 1878:7; Thomason and Douglas 2000:3). Before the end of the 19th century, it had become painfully obvious that forest, mineral, and soil resources, once perceived as being without limit, were finite and, in some areas, nearing depletion. Perhaps as much as two-thirds of the nation’s timberlands had been cut-over. Of equal concern was erosion of the soil resulting from unrestricted logging and the fires which frequently followed cutting, leaving exposed soils vulnerable to agents of erosion (Figure 2). Numerous tributary streams and rivers were suffering the choking effects of excessive siltation and erosional deposition of upland soils, adversely affecting navigability, while excessive runoff from denuded soils resulted in an increased potential for severe flooding. Wildlife species, ranging in scale from the buffalo to the carrier pigeon, had disappeared from areas where they had once proliferated (Conrad 1997:17; US Forest Service 1935:1). Forestry work by the Federal Government formally began a full century after the Declaration of Independence, when in 1876 Congress authorized the appointment of the first federal forestry agent, Dr. Franklin B. Hough, a physician, statistician, and naturalist (US Forest Service 1976:13). Working under the auspices of the Department of Agriculture, he conducted a study (compiled in multiple volumes between 1877 and 1882) on the supply and demand for timber and other forest products, on various means used successfully abroad to manage forests and the means that might be used in the United States to preserve and renew forests, and on the influence of forests on climate (Thomason and Douglas 2000:4; US Forest Service 1976:13). Completed in 1877 and published the following year, Hough’s Report upon Forestry called for a new kind of forest management and a re-examination of property rights; he described the forest situation in highly critical terms, condemning the public’s wasteful pioneer mentality toward forestlands and the profligate greed of timber companies. Hough referred to the enduring practice of unauthorized timber cutting on public lands and sale of the resultant product to unscrupulous dealers as “the doings of timber thieves,” and forcefully recommended strict enforcement of existing laws; he advocated for a reformation of lumbering practices, and, more significantly, for the Federal Government to set aside public domain lands as forest reserves (Frome 1984:13-14; Hough 1878:8 -9;16). In 1881, the Division of Forestry was created within the Department of Agriculture, and Hough was appointed to head the Division (Conrad 1997:18). The Division of Forestry, however, had no actual forest or forest lands under its control, reserved lands then being nominally administered by the Department of the Interior—it served only as a fact-finder for questions 2 pertaining to forests and forest policy (US Forest Service 1976:15). Creation of forested public lands explicitly protected from disposition would not occur for another ten years, with inclusion and subsequent passage of a sixty-eight word provision to a bill revising existing land laws. Hough's successor at the Division of Forestry, Bernard Fernow, has long been credited by professional historians with playing an influential role in attachment of the critical rider to the General Revision Act—or Land Revision Act—of 1891 (Ise 1920:109,115). A story unto itself, it has been demonstrated that it was Congressman William Steele Holman of Indiana, ranking minority member of the House Public Lands Committee in the Republican-dominated 51st Congress, who was responsible for inserting a briefly-debated bit of language, known as “Section 24,” into the Land Revision legislation immediately prior to its passage (Arnold 1992:12-13). Section 24 states: That the President of the United States may, from time to time, set apart and reserve, in any State or Territory having public land bearing forests, in [sic] any part of the public lands wholly or in part covered with timber or undergrowth, whether of commercial value or not, as public reservations; and the President shall, by public proclamation, declare the establishment of such reservations and the limits thereof. (act of March 3, 1891, ch.561, § 24; 26 Stat. 1103) The significance of the Section 24 provision was to grant authority to the President of the United States to “set apart and reserve" from the public domain lands to form public reservations. Section 24 has been judged sufficiently consequential in the history of Federal land management and conservation that the General Revision Act is most often referred to as “t he Forest Reserve Act of 1891” (Hedin 2012:2). President Benjamin Harrison was quick to make use of the new law, setting aside the Yellowstone Forest Reserve by presidential proclamation in 1891. Before his term was up two years later, Harrison, guided by the Division of Forestry, had created fifteen Forest Reserves containing over thirteen million acres. As things stood, however, the Reserves existed only on paper and in reality were no better protected than unreserved lands in the public domain (Conrad 1997:19). Between 1891 and 1897, the Harrison and Cleveland Administrations would withdraw more than forty million acres from public entry; these lands were not actively managed, but existed in a twilight state of limbo (Ise 1920:137; Steen 1991:28). Operational plans for reserved forests would not be approved by Congress until passage of the Organic Administration Act was secured on June 4, 1897 (16 U.S.C. §§ 473-482 and 551), authorizing the hiring of employees within the Department of the Interior to survey, evaluate, and administer the forests, as well as opening of the Reserves for management and controlled use (US Forest Service 1976:16). In 1898, Gifford Pinchot, an energetic, well-connected forester and renowned conservationist, was named head of the Division of Forestry within the Department of Agriculture (Steen 1991:32; US Forest Service 1961a:1), overseeing a staff of twelve persons: six for clerical and six for scientific work (US Forest Service 1976:17).