A Public Philosophy for the Professional-Managerial Class
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism Author(S): Michael Walzer Reviewed Work(S): Source: Political Theory, Vol
The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism Author(s): Michael Walzer Reviewed work(s): Source: Political Theory, Vol. 18, No. 1 (Feb., 1990), pp. 6-23 Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/191477 . Accessed: 24/08/2012 12:14 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Sage Publications, Inc. is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Political Theory. http://www.jstor.org THE COMMUNITARIAN CRITIQUE OF LIBERALISM MICHAEL WALZER Institutefor A dvanced Study 1. Intellectualfashions are notoriously short-lived, very much like fashions in popularmusic, art, or dress.But thereare certainfashions that seem regularlyto reappear. Like pleated trousers or short skirts, they are inconstant featuresof a largerand more steadily prevailing phenomenon - in this case, a certainway of dressing. They have brief but recurrent lives; we knowtheir transienceand excepttheir return. Needless to say,there is no afterlifein whichtrousers will be permanentlypleated or skirtsforever short. Recur- renceis all. Althoughit operatesat a muchhigher level (an infinitelyhigher level?) of culturalsignificance, the communitarian critique of liberalismis likethe pleatingof trousers:transient but certainto return.It is a consistently intermittentfeature of liberalpolitics and social organization.No liberal successwill make it permanently unattractive. -
Republicanism
ONIVI C C Re PUBLICANISM ANCIENT LESSONS FOR GLOBAL POLITICS EDIT ED BY GEOFFREY C. KELLOW AND NeVEN LeDDY ON CIVIC REPUBLICANISM Ancient Lessons for Global Politics EDITED BY GEOFFREY C. KELLOW AND NEVEN LEDDY On Civic Republicanism Ancient Lessons for Global Politics UNIVERSITY OF ToronTO PRESS Toronto Buffalo London © University of Toronto Press 2016 Toronto Buffalo London www.utppublishing.com Printed in the U.S.A. ISBN 978-1-4426-3749-8 Printed on acid-free, 100% post-consumer recycled paper with vegetable- based inks. Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication On civic republicanism : ancient lessons for global politics / edited by Geoffrey C. Kellow and Neven Leddy. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-1-4426-3749-8 (bound) 1. Republicanism – History. I. Leddy, Neven, editor II.Kellow, Geoffrey C., 1970–, editor JC421.O5 2016 321.8'6 C2015-906926-2 CC-BY-NC-ND This work is published subject to a Creative Commons Attribution Non-commercial No Derivative License. For permission to publish commercial versions please contact University of Toronto Press. University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial assistance to its publishing program of the Canada Council for the Arts and the Ontario Arts Council, an agency of the Government of Ontario. an Ontario government agency un organisme du gouvernement de l’Ontario Funded by the Financé par le Government gouvernement of Canada du Canada Contents Preface: A Return to Classical Regimes Theory vii david edward tabachnick and toivo koivukoski Introduction 3 geoffrey c. kellow Part One: The Classical Heritage 1 The Problematic Character of Periclean Athens 15 timothy w. -
The Condition of Material Adequacy Classical Liberals
CONSTITUTIONAL CAPITALISM: Economic Freedom, Social Justice and the Myth of Modern Liberalism John Tomasi Working draft: please do not quote. Chapter 4: The Condition of Material Adequacy Classical liberals should accept social justice as concept. But what particular conception of social justice should classical liberals affirm? In this chapter, I gather materials to answer this question. With varying degrees of self-consciousness, most every major thinker in the classical liberal tradition affirms some version of what I call the condition of material adequacy. According to this condition, a liberals can advocate the classical liberal institutions of limited government and wide economic liberty only if, in light of a broad-gauged evaluation of the historical and economic realities of the society in question, they believe those institutions are likely to generate an adequate material and social outcome for all citizens. Towards what state of affairs must the provision of the material goods be adequate if, according to classical liberals, the condition 1 of material adequacy is to be satisfied? There are probably as many ways to answer that question as there are classical liberals. I shall suggest, though, that one way is morally most attractive when we consider that question at the level of regime-advocacy that I call political theory. It is this: classical liberal institutions can be advocated only if those institutions are deemed likely to generate social conditions within which citizens might develop the powers they have as free and equal citizens. That is, classical liberal institutions should be advocated only if they are deemed likely to help secure a thickly substantive conception of liberal social justice. -
Consequentialism
Consequentialism Consequentialism is the view that morality is all about producing the right kinds of overall consequences. Here the phrase “overall consequences” of an action means everything the action brings about, including the action itself. For example, if you think that the whole point of morality is (a) to spread happiness and relieve suffering, or (b) to create as much freedom as possible in the world, or (c) to promote the survival of our species, then you accept consequentialism. Although those three views disagree about which kinds of consequences matter, they agree that consequences are all that matters. So, they agree that consequentialism is true. The utilitarianism of John Stuart Mill and Jeremy Bentham is a well known example of consequentialism. By contrast, the deontological theories of John Locke and Immanuel Kant are nonconsequentialist. Consequentialism is controversial. Various nonconsequentialist views are that morality is all about doing one’s duty, respecting rights, obeying nature, obeying God, obeying one’s own heart, actualizing one’s own potential, being reasonable, respecting all people, or not interfering with others—no matter the consequences. This article describes different versions of consequentialism. It also sketches several of the most popular reasons to believe consequentialism, along with objections to those reasons, and several of the most popular reasons to disbelieve it, along with objections to those reasons. Table of Contents 1. Basic Issues and Simple Versions a. Introduction to Plain Consequentialism b. What is a “Consequence”? c. Plain Scalar Consequentialism d. Expectable Consequentialism and Reasonable Consequentialism e. Dual Consequentialism f. Rule Consequentialism 2. Two Simple Arguments for Consequentialism a. -
Whose Ownership? Which Society?
CSD Working Paper WHOSE OWNERSHIP? WHICH SOCIETY? Robert Hockett CSD Working Paper No. 05-28 2005 Center for Social Development Whose Ownership? Which Society? Robert Hockett Assistant Professor Cornell Law School CSD Working Paper No. 05-28 2005 Center for Social Development George Warren Brown School of Social Work Washington University One Brookings Drive Campus Box 1196 St. Louis, MO 63130 tel 314-935-7433 fax 314-935-8661 e-mail: [email protected] http://gwbweb.wustl.edu/csd ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS: Thank you to [Bruce Ackerman, Greg Alexander, Anne Alstott, Dick Arneson, Christian Barry, Kaushik Basu, Rick Brooks, Jerry Cohen, Marc Fleurbaey, Richard Freeman, John Geanakoplos, Michael Graetz, David Grewal, Henry Hansmann, George Hay, Ravi Kanbur, Doug Kysar, Daniel Markovits, Ted Marmor, Jerry Mashaw, Trevor Morrison, Sanjay Reddy, Mathias Risse, John Roemer, Susan Rose-Ackerman, Michael Sandel, Vicki Schultz, Amartya Sen, Michael Sherraden, Bob Shiller, Martin Shubik, Bill Simon and Roberto Unger ….] for helpful conversation as to various among the subjects of this article. They are not, of course, to blame for my enduring errors. Vysali Soundararajan provided first-rate research assistance. WHOSE OWNERSHIP? WHICH SOCIETY? Robert Hockett CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: AN “OWNERSHIP SOCIETY” THAT WE CAN CALL OUR OWN ……..…... 1 II. OWNING UP TO WHO WE ARE: THREE POLITICAL SELF-UNDERSTANDINGS…..………... 3 A. Civic Republicans ………………………………………..………..……..…... 3 B. Classical Liberals…………………………………………….……..……….. 11 C. Pragmatic Consequentialists …………………..………………………...….. 18 III. DRAWING OUT THE COMMON CORE: OUR EFFICIENT EQUAL-OPPORTUNITY REPUBLIC …....…………………………………………………………………. 23 A. Autonomy as Responsible Liberty ………………………………..……........ 24 B. Responsible Liberty as Equal Opportunity….………………………..…..…. 26 C. Sidestepping the Boundary Dispute……………………………………...….. 31 1. Core Opportunity-Endowments…………………….……………..……… 32 2. -
Religious Freedom and Public Argument: John Courtney Murray on “The American Proposition”
Religious Freedom and Public Argument: John Courtney Murray on “The American Proposition” Robin W. Lovin* In his classic essays in We Hold These Truths, John Courtney Murray developed an understanding of “the American proposition” that integrated a theological account of human good with the search for public consensus in a constitutional democracy. While this understanding of the relationship between religious freedom and political life was incorporated into Catholic social teaching at the Second Vatican Council, subsequent developments in both political theory and theology call Murray’s understanding of public discourse into question. This essay examines these challenges and argues that Murray’s reconciliation of moral truth and political choice is still an important resource for discussion of religious freedom and other moral issues in today’s polarized politics. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................... 25 I. MURRAY’S LEGACY .................................................................... 26 II. THE PUBLIC ARGUMENT ............................................................ 29 III. THE CASE FOR CONSENSUS ...................................................... 32 IV. IS IT GOOD? ............................................................................. 35 V. IS IT POLITICS? .......................................................................... 39 CONCLUSION ................................................................................... 43 INTRODUCTION From the late 1940s -
Civic Virtue Must Begin with Nitarians Especially) Worry That Widespread the Meaning of Virtue in General
C i v i c V i r t u e always under that description. One might argue, for example, that a failure in the F r a n k L o v e t t necessary congruence ultimately doomed soviet-style communism, and some (commu- Any discussion of civic virtue must begin with nitarians especially) worry that widespread the meaning of virtue in general. A virtue, on liberal individualism is gradually eroding the the standard view at least since Aristotle, is a institutional foundations of liberal societies as settled disposition exhibiting type-specific well. Though he did not use the expression excellence. Thus, for example, since the central “civic virtue,” the problem of congruence was purpose of a knife is to cut things, it is a virtue absolutely central to the third part of Rawls’s A in knives to be sharp. Similarly, one might Theory of Justice . In the mainstream tradition argue, since sociability is an important of western political thought, however, the characteristic of human beings, it is a human importance of civic virtue most strongly reso- virtue to be disposed to form friendships. To be nated among writers associated with what is a genuine virtue, of course, this disposition usually called the “classical republican” political must be firmly settled or resilient: much as it tradition. would detract from the virtuosity of an excep- The classical republicans were a diverse tionally sharp knife if its edge dulled after a group of political writers, including among single use, so too would it detract from the others Machiavelli and his fifteenth-century virtue of a human being if he or she were only a Italian predecessors; the English republicans fair-weather friend. -
Evaluating Public Philosophy in Higher Education: Lessons Learned Baking Philosophical Bread
EVALUATING PUBLIC PHILOSOPHY IN HIGHER EDUCATION: LESSONS LEARNED BAKING PHILOSOPHICAL BREAD ANTHONY CASHIO (University of Virginia, Wise) & ERIC THOMAS WEBER (University of Kentucky) In the Last decade, there has been a resurgence of public phiLosophy. Many institutional structures and chalLenges impede or impose heavy costs on phiLosophers interested in public engagement. The American PhiLosophical Association has called for the development of tools for recognizing, evaLuating, supporting, and rewarding public phiLosophy. This essay offers a proposaL incLuding four concepts that couLd be usefuL for the fruitfuL evaLuation of pubLic phiLosophy in higher education: substance, accessibility, invitingness, and community-building. These concepts have arisen out of the authors’ experience with engaged public phiLosophy by means of the syndicated and award-winning PhiLosophy Bakes Bread radio show and podcast that Launched in January of 2017. The four concepts we propose for evaLuating public phiLosophy arise centraLLy in the work that we do and couLd offer a valuable starting point for the recognition and much needed support for public phiLosophical work in higher education. Volume 2 · Number 1 · Spring 2018 · Pages 72-94 Anthony Cashio & Eric Thomas Weber 73 n 2017, the American PhiLosophical Association released a statement drafted by its Committee on Public PhiLosophy calling I for members of the profession to encourage and reward quaLity work in public phiLosophy and to develop tools for evaLuating such work professionalLy.1 The need for evaLuating public phiLosophicaL work calls for systematic thinking about the vaLue of public phiLosophy and remains one of the movement’s challenges. While there are many nuanced forms of public phiLosophy and some usefuL considerations 1 APA Communications, “APA Statement on Valuing Public Philosophy,” The Blog of the APA, May 18, 2017, https://bLog.apaonLine.org/2017/05/18/apa-statement- on-vaLuing-pubLic-phiLosophy/. -
MICHAEL SANDEL Political Philosopher Professor, Harvard University
MICHAEL SANDEL Political Philosopher Professor, Harvard University Harvard political philosopher and bestselling author Michael Sandel challenges audiences to examine the ethical dilemmas we confront in politics and in our everyday lives. One of Foreign Policy's Top 100 Global Thinkers, Sandel has been described as “the most relevant living philosopher,” “a rock-star moralist" (Newsweek), and “the most famous teacher of philosophy in the world.” (New Republic) Sandel’s legendary course "Justice" has enrolled over 15,000 students and was the first Harvard course to be made freely available online and on public television. It has been viewed by millions of people around the world, including in China, where China Newsweek named him the “most influential foreign figure of the year.” In his New York Times bestseller Justice: What’s the Right Thing to Do?, Sandel takes readers on a fascinating journey of moral reflection and shows how reasoned debate can illuminate democratic life. Translated into 27 languages, Justice has sold over two million copies worldwide and inspired public debate about the ethical and civic questions of our time. In his latest bestseller, What Money Can't Buy: The Moral Limits of Markets, Sandel invites readers to rethink the role that money and markets should play in our lives. One of Foreign Policy’s "20 must-read books” of the year, reviewers have called it “brilliant, easily readable, and often funny,” an “eloquent argument for morality in public life.” Sandel served for four years on the President's Council on Bioethics, exploring the ethical implications of new biomedical technologies. This prompted him to write The Case Against Perfection: Ethics in the Age of Genetic Engineering, a book about the moral quandaries that arise when we seek to perfect our children and ourselves. -
Liberalism, Republicanism and the Public Philosophy of American
Liberalism, Republicanism and the Public Philosophy of American Democracy I Introduction Political philosophers can be placed on a spectrum according to how they view the relationship between philosophy and social institutions. At one extreme, a naive a priorism considers social institutions only to the extent that they are necessary for the practical realization of, supposedly timeless, philosophical principles. At the other extreme, are certain Marxists and post-structuralists for whom philosophy is no more than an expression of specific social institutions: a particular discursive practice which occupies no privileged critical vantage- point in relation to other institutions. In this paper, I shall look at the relationship between philosophy and institutions in the context of a critical examination of the work of the contemporary Harvard political philosopher, Michael Sandel. Sandel made his name in the early nineteen-eighties with his first book, Liberalism and the Limits of Justice1, a fierce and eloquent critique of the work of his Harvard colleague, John Rawls. The extraordinary resonance of his original polemic 1 Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982. The recently published second edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998) contains a new preface and final chapter responding to Rawls’s Political Liberalism (New York, N.Y.: Columbia University Press, 1993) as well as a very useful supplementary bibliography of the most important contributions to the debate that Liberalism and the Limits of Justice has provoked. Since, as far as the main body of the text is concerned, the two editions are identical, I shall specify an edition only when referring to this new material. 1 has elicited important clarifications of Rawls’s position on the part of Rawls’s followers and Rawls himself.2 But Sandel’s work recommends itself in the present context for another reason. -
Michael J. Sandel's Justice: What's the Right Thing To
MICHAEL J. SANDEL’S JUSTICE: WHAT’S THE RIGHT THING TO DO?: A RESPONSE OF MORAL REASONING IN KIND, WITH ANALYSIS OF ARISTOTLE AND EXAMPLES JUDITH A. SWANSON* INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................. 1375 I. ARISTOTLE AND HAYEK ON JUSTICE, NEED, AND PRICE ................... 1377 II. ARISTOTLE ON THE ANIMUS TO LIVE AND THE VIRTUES AND VICES ASSOCIATED WITH WEALTH ................................................... 1380 A. Price-Gouging and Awarding the Purple Heart ....................... 1382 III. INDIVIDUALISM AND THE MORAL LIMITS OF THE MARKET .............. 1384 A. Selling Kidneys, Assisted Suicide, and Consensual Cannibalism ............................................................................... 1385 B. Military Service ......................................................................... 1386 C. Gestational Surrogacy ............................................................... 1388 IV. IDEALIZING CONSENT: THE MORALITY OF FREEDOM AND THE WHOLE TRUTH .................................................................................. 1390 V. CONSENT AND MORAL OBLIGATION ................................................. 1392 VI. IMAGINE ALL THE PEOPLE: A PUBLIC CULTURE HOSPITABLE TO DISAGREEMENTS? ............................................................................. 1394 VII. THE BEST PLACE FOR CANDID POLITICAL TALK: UNIVERSITIES?..... 1396 VIII. THE JUSTICE THAT MATTERS MOST: CRIMINAL................................ 1398 A. Private Eyes, Private -
Individuality in John Locke and John Stuart Mill: a Response to Michael J
Individuality in John Locke and John Stuart Mill: A Response to Michael J. Sandel by Cara Camcastle BA. Hon. Econ., University of British Columbia, 1995 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES Department of Political Science We accept this thesis as conforming to the required standard THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 1998 © Cara Camcastle, 1998 In presenting this thesis in partial fulfilment of the requirements for an advanced degree at the University of British Columbia, I agree that the Library shall make it freely available for reference and study. I further agree that permission for extensive copying of this thesis for scholarly purposes may be granted by the head of my department or by his or her representatives. It is understood that copying or publication of this thesis for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. Department The University of British Columbia Vancouver, Canada DE-6 (2/88) Abstract This thesis examines from a philosophical and theoretical standpoint, the validity of the communitarian claim that liberalism promotes an abstract, asocial, and atomistic conception of the self. To better understand the inner logic of Lockean and Millian arguments, I analyse 'individuality' the concept at the centre of the dispute between liberals and communitarians. The thesis illustrates the essentially contested nature of this concept, and the complexity and diversity of the liberal tradition which has been generally overlooked by communitarian critics. Locke's conception of individuality is morphological because it emphasises how an individual assisted by the right kind of education constructs his individuality through deliberation and self-control.