Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights A comparative analysis of the conceptual relationship between democracy and rights in contemporary political theories Iivi Anna Masso Academic dissertation To be publicly discussed, by due permission of the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Helsinki in auditorium XII, in the main building, Fabianinkatu 33, on the 6th of July, 2006, at 12.00. HELSINKI 2006 ISBN 952-92-0424-8 (paperback) ISBN 952-10-3189-1 (pdf: http://ethesis.helsinki.fi/) Helsinki University Press Helsinki, 2006 2 Abstract Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory. It is based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its central question of focus is the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: the democratic values of participation, inclusion and equality on the one hand and the liberal politics of individual rights on the other hand. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy, or as objects of democratic deliberations and decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; or reversely, does a constitutionalist conception of rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Following feminist and postmodern critique of liberal rights discourse, the dissertation also revives the question about the relevance of Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universalist political norms that liberal democracy represents inherently dependent on the rationalist “grand narratives” of modernity and thus in conflict with the ideals of difference and diversity? The thesis is divided into three parts. Part I introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative models of democracy identified as conventional liberal, deliberative, and participatory or radical democratic. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democratic legitimacy is theorized in each of these models. Part III contains some major arguments posed by feminist and radical democratic theorists against the central tenets of universalist liberal democratic models, and responds to that critique by partly endorsing and partly rejecting it by arguing that while some versions of conventional liberal theory indeed rely on strong rationalist justificatory arguments that are hard to defend as genuinely democratic; the moral and legal universalism of political liberalism is not inseparable from such semi-metaphysical visions and is inherently connected to the notion of democratic inclusion, not opposed to it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are essentially political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates; contra those conventional liberal as well as radical democratic theorists who conceive the tension between constitutionally protected rights and participatory democracy as an insoluble conflict; that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent and supportive rather than oppositional. Indeed, it shows that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived in inclusive, participatory, agonistic and diversity-friendly terms and not just as robust majoritarian rule. Thus liberal rights are the sine qua non of genuinely inclusive democracy, constituting the necessary, even if not sufficient condition of deliberative and pluralist democratic politics. The central concepts used and analyzed in the thesis are liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, participation, inclusion, equality, difference, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism, contextuality and contingency. The thinkers whose democratic visions are central for the research are John Rawls, Ronald Dworkin, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Marion Young, Chantal Mouffe, Wendy Brown and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses mostly on contemporary political theory; but arguments from the more classical work of John Stuart Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt are also included, as they bring continuously relevant insights into the current discussions on democracy, legitimacy and rights. 3 Contents: Acknowledgements 6 Introduction 7 Part I: Alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: rights, deliberation, participation Introduction to part I 9 1. Conventional liberal model: rights and universal reason 12 1.1. The Rawlsian model: legitimacy by impartiality 14 1.2. Scanlon’s objective ideal of reasonableness 20 1.3. Equality of rights as basis for legitimacy 22 1.4. Arguments for the universality of reason 25 1.5. Public justice vs. private morality 28 2. Deliberative model: rational discourse and consensus 32 2.1. The democratic ideal of the deliberative model 34 2.2. The deliberation procedure 38 2.3. Universal moral conditions 41 2.4. Intersubjective rationality and the ideal of openness 43 2.5. Morality in Politics: blurring the distinction between the right and the good 45 3. Participatory models: agonistic democracy and identity politics 47 3.1. The agonistic ideal of politics 49 3.2. Young’s politics of diversity 55 3.3. The genealogical approach: subversion and deconstruction 58 3.4. Identity, agency and subversion in the legitimacy discourse 62 4. Is there a conflict between democracy and rights? 64 Part II: The tension between democratic values and individual rights Introduction to part II 68 1. The liberal argument: the threat of majority tyranny 72 1.1. Traditional liberal view: the fear of majority tyranny 73 1.2. Rawlsian political liberalism: the public Vs the political 79 1.3. Constitutionalism: defending democracy from itself 84 1.4. Internal critique of “apolitical” liberalism 89 2. The egalitarian argument: rights as privileges 97 2.1. Democratic critique of liberalism 100 2.2. Feminist critique of liberalism 106 2.3. Poststructural critique of rights discourse 112 2.4. Inclusiveness as a political ideal 116 4 3. Deliberative democracy: dissolving the tension 120 3.1. Universalism and the ideal of openness 122 3.2. Reconciling rights and democracy? 126 3.3. “Rules of the game” as justificatory criteria 129 3.4. Discursive morality and constitutionalism 134 4. Agonistic pluralism: politicizing the tension 138 4.1. The return of the political 140 4.2. Critique of deliberative rationality 145 4.3. Democracy as Conflict 150 4.4. Agonistic pluralism and the politics of rights 154 Part III: Rights in democratic politics Introduction to part III 162 1. Rights and Inclusion 163 1.1. More feminist discussion on rights talk 165 1.2. Injustices beyond legal remedy 172 1.3. Identity politics and its limits 178 1.4. Rights, recognition and diversity 188 1.5. Rights, inclusiveness and equality 192 2. The contextuality of rights 195 2.1. Liberalism and progressivist rationalism 198 2.2. The historical and political contingency of rights 201 2.3. Rights and contexts in liberal thought 204 2.4. Conflicts of rights 209 2.5. Rights and discursive power 215 2.6. Contingency and universalism 222 3. Politicizing rights discourse 230 3.1. The political nature of rights 232 3.2. Rights, individualism and humanism 238 3.3. Rights and the politics of the powerless 247 3.4. Equal rights and participatory parity 251 4. Rights and democratic legitimacy 257 4.1. The politics of rights vs. democracy? 259 4.2. The politics of rights as democracy 268 4.3. Rights as enablers of inclusive democracy 274 4.4. A democratic politics of rights 279 Conclusion 286 Bibliography 291 5 Acknowledgements The research and writing process resulting in this dissertation has been a long and winding road, with many twists and turns geographically, academically and intellectually. It included traveling between different countries and different universities and was occasionally interrupted with periods when I was, for reasons stemming from both need and inspiration, mostly engaged in different kind of work. Apart from the Department of Social and Moral Philosophy at University of Helsinki where I completed this research, I also owe gratitude to the Political Science departments at Central European University in Budapest where I started my postgraduate studies, completed the doctoral course program and sketched the preliminary research plan for this dissertation; and at the Graduate Faculty of New School University in New York City where I spent my initial year of doctoral research as a visiting scholar. I particularly thank my advisor, Professor Heta Gylling at University of Helsinki for her encouragement and support and for offering an academic “home” to my project upon my return to Finland after the years abroad; and my teachers and advisors at Central European University, Professors Nenad Dimitrijevic and János Kis, for their high quality postgraduate seminars and for inspiring me to go ahead with the research project. I also thank Professor David Plotke
Recommended publications
  • Preventing the Spread of Violent Nationalism
    ODUMUNC 2019 Issue Brief UN Security Council Addressing the Spread of Violent Nationalism ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction on international cooperation but differentiation, deliberately choosing conflict over consensus. The rising global appeal of nationalism is a The difficulty comes because of the great public challenge to the ability of the United Nations to appeal of nationalism. Emphasizing the solve problems. When Member States choose uniqueness and superiority of each nation, polices based on national superiority instead of nationalism often is the easiest way to unite the global cooperation, the UN loses the consensus largest number of people in a country’s borders. it requires to act effectively. Yet a growing It has enormous appeal to rising leaders in number of leaders find the political rewards of democracies especially, but also can be useful enhancing nationalism hard to resist. With for leaders of authoritarian governments, stronger nationalism comes a not just less ability seeking a way to enhance the legitimacy of their to solve international problems, but greater risk power. In every case, nationalism often is the of conflict and war. For the UN Security easiest way to strengthen a government, to win Council, coping with the rise of nationalism may elections and unify an electoral majority of the be essential to remaining relevant and effective. people. But it is possible? Nationalism has the advantage of unifying most The nationalism problem raises s fundamental or many of the people in a territory, making difficulties for the UN. The United Nations is them willing to sacrifice together on behalf of based on conflicting principles.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Chinese Pragmatic Nationalism and Its Foreign Policy Implications
    1 Chinese Pragmatic Nationalism and Its Foreign Policy Implications Suisheng Zhao Graduate School of International Studies University of Denver Prepared for delivery at the 2008 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 28-31, 2008 2 Introduction During the standoff over the US spy plane that collided with a Chinese jetfighter and landed on Hainan Island, off China’s coast, in 2001, Washington Post used the headline “New Nationalism Drives Beijing” for front-page story.1 Such a warning reflects that rising nationalism in China has fed the roiling sense of anxiety in many political capitals of Asian and Western countries about if a virulent nationalism has emerged from China's "century of shame and humiliation" to make China’s rise less peaceful and if the Chinese government has exploited nationalist sentiments to gain leverage in international affairs or if nationalism has driven Chinese foreign policy toward a more irrational and inflexible direction? This political concern is reflected also among scholars. Although some scholars have been cautious in exploring the limits of Chinese nationalism and whether Chinese nationalism is affirmative, assertive, or aggressive,2 some others have found a reckless nationalism driven by China's traditional sinocentrism and contemporary aspirations for great power status.3 For example, Peter Gries labels the rising nationalism in China as a new nationalism and argues that an emotionally popular nationalism empowered by “victim narratives” is “beginning to influence the making of Chinese foreign policy.”4 His argument echoes an earlier warning by Richard Bernstein and Ross Munro, "Driven by nationalist sentiment, a yearning to redeem the humiliations of the past, and the simple urge for international power, China is seeking to replace the United States as the dominant power in Asia."5 It is indeed not difficult to find evidences to support these warnings.
    [Show full text]
  • Max Weber and the Legitimacy of the Modern State
    David Beetharn Max Weber and the Legitimacy of the Modern State Abstract: Max Weber's typology of Iegitimale 'Herrschaft' has provided the basis for the treatment of Jegitimacy in twentieth century sociology and political science. The thesis of the article is that this typology is a misleading tool for the analysis of the modern state, and especially for the comparative analysis of political systems. This is because of basic flaws in Weber's conceptualisation of Jegitimacy itself, and in his account of the norma­ tive basis of authority. The article offers an alternative, multi-dimensional, account of political Jegitirnacy, and suggests how it might be used to develop a typology of forms of 'Herrschaft' more appropriate to the analysis ofthe modern state. The argument of this article is that Weber's typology of legitimate 'Herrschaft' is fundamentally flawed as a basis for analysing political legitimacy, and especially the legitimacy of the modern state. If my argument is sound, then it has signifi­ cant consequences, in view of the fact that the large majority of sociologists and political scientists in the twentieth century who have written about legitimacy have either adopted the Weberian typology as it stands, or have used it as the basis for further developments of their own. Even those who have rejected it have failed to establish a wholly convincing alternative, so that Weber's typology is left holding the field, if only by default. I shall begin by briefly reviewing Weber's typology and the uses to which he put it. I shall then show why the categories he developed misrepresent the nature of legitimacy, and serve to confuse rather than elucidate its complexity.
    [Show full text]
  • How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries
    Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should limit in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers serve to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior publicaton encourage exchange ideas and academic debate. Working GIGA GIGA Research Programme: Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems ___________________________ How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries Christian von Soest and Julia Grauvogel No 277 August 2015 www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers GIGA Working Papers 277/2015 Edited by the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Leibniz‐Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien The GIGA Working Papers series serves to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior to publication in order to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presenta‐ tions are less than fully polished. Inclusion of a paper in the GIGA Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. Copy‐ right remains with the authors. GIGA Research Programme “Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems” Copyright for this issue: © Christian von Soest, Julia Grauvogel WP Coordination and English‐language Copyediting: Melissa Nelson Editorial Assistance and Production: Kerstin Labusga All GIGA Working Papers are available online and free of charge on the website <www.giga‐hamburg.de/workingpapers>. For any requests please contact: <workingpapers@giga‐hamburg.de> The GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies cannot be held responsible for errors or any consequences arising from the use of information contained in this Working Paper; the views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author or authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute.
    [Show full text]
  • A Defense of Max Weber's Standard of Political Legitimacy
    A&K Analyse & Kritik 2017; 39(2):295–323 Amanda R. Greene* Legitimacy without Liberalism: A Defense of Max Weber’s Standard of Political Legitimacy https://doi.org/10.1515/auk-2017-0017 Abstract: In this paper I defend Max Weber's concept of political legitimacy as a standard for the moral evaluation of states. On this view, a state is legitimate when its subjects regard it as having a valid claim to exercise power and authority. Weber’s analysis of legitimacy is often assumed to be merely descriptive, but I argue that Weberian legitimacy has moral significance because it indicates that political stability has been secured on the basis of civic alignment. Stability on this basis enables all the goods of peaceful cooperation with minimal state violence and intimidation, thereby guarding against alienation and tyranny. Furthermore, I argue, since Weberian legitimacy is empirically measurable in terms that avoid controversial value judgments, its adoption would bridge a longstanding divide between philosophers and social scientists. 1 Introduction All states seek to be legitimate. But identifying a standard for the political legiti- macy of states is notoriously difficult, and past attempts at a philosophical defini- tion of legitimacy have faced a number of challenges. Views that base legitimacy on the protection of rights are charged with making imperialistic value judgments, due to their ahistorical reliance on liberal democratic values. Views that base le- gitimacy on individual welfare are charged with an overly narrow view of the aims of politics. Meanwhile, there is a growing chasm between philosophers who theo- rize about what legitimacy is and social scientists who study and measure it.
    [Show full text]
  • Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron Or Essential Feature?
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Gerschewski, Johannes Article — Accepted Manuscript (Postprint) Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron or Essential Feature? Perspectives on Politics Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Gerschewski, Johannes (2018) : Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron or Essential Feature?, Perspectives on Politics, ISSN 1541-0986, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, Vol. 16, Iss. 3, pp. 652-665, http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592717002183 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/218835 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron or essential feature? Johannes Gerschewski [Please cite as: Gerschewski, Johannes, 2018, Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron or Essential Feature?, In: Perspectives on Politics, 16:3, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism, Legitimacy and Hegemony in Transboundary Water Interactions
    www.water-alternatives.org Volume 13 | Issue 2 Allouche, J. 2020. Nationalism, legitimacy and hegemony in transboundary water interactions. Water Alternatives 13(2): 286-301 Nationalism, Legitimacy and Hegemony in Transboundary Water Interactions Jeremy Allouche Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK; [email protected] ABSTRACT: This article examines how discourses of water nationalism are used to justify and legitimise a state’s water policy both domestically and internationally and how that discourse constitutes a battleground of ideas and power in transboundary water interactions. Most literature on hydropolitics takes the social construct of the nation state as a given but the construct reveals a certain degree of fragility. For this reason, legitimacy, both domestic and global, is a crucial factor in understanding these transboundary water disputes. Water-related slogans and landscape symbols can be used to reinforce the legitimising effects of these discourses and are employed as an ideology for consolidating hegemony at the transboundary level. These discourses, however, are also contested both domestically and globally. This paper uses three specific case studies around dam building projects – the Merowe Dam in Sudan, the Rogun Dam in Tajikistan and the Southeastern Anatolia Project in Turkey – to identify how these discourses create different types of transboundary water interactions. KEYWORDS: Nation state construct, legitimacy, fragility, hegemony, transboundary water relations, hydropolitics INTRODUCTION Egypt and the great river that flows through it were inseparable in the eyes of Herodotus, who declared that "Egypt is the Nile, and the Nile is Egypt" (Herodotus, 2013). The ancient sage’s assertion testifies to the influence the river has had on the identity of the inhabitants of its banks for thousands of years, and the wisdom is arguably still applicable today.
    [Show full text]
  • The Principles of Embedded Liberalism: Social Legitimacy and Global Capitalism Rawi Abdelal and John G
    chapter 7 The Principles of Embedded Liberalism: Social Legitimacy and Global Capitalism Rawi Abdelal and John G. Ruggie In this essay we revisit the principles of “embedded liberalism” and argue for their relevance to the contemporary global economy. The most essential principle is the need for markets to enjoy social legitimacy, because their politi- cal sustainability ultimately depends on it. From this principle we analyze three current sets of practices and institutions in which ongoing crises of legitimacy demonstrate the need for a renewal of embedded liberalism and a revitalization of global governance. They are: the activities of transnational corporations, particularly with regard to core standards in labor and human rights; the orga- nization of the international financial architecture; and the formal rules and informal norms of international organizations. Learning the Lessons of Embedded Liberalism The post-1945 world economy embodied a social bargain. In the aftermath of the political and economic chaos of 1920s, the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the Second World War—all of which together shattered the world order within the span of a single generation—policymakers sought to reorganize and rebuild the world economy by restoring open markets, promising to mitigate their adverse social consequences and thereby preempting societal demands, from both left and right, to replace markets altogether. The failure to strike such a compromise earlier had undermined international cooperation in trade and macroeconomic policy during the 1920s and 1930s, just as it had caused the collapse of the first era of globalization, circa 1870 to 1914. Influential scholars and policymakers began to make sense of how that first era of globalization had lost its way.
    [Show full text]
  • State Legitimacy, Fragile States, and U.S. National Security
    AP PHOTO/HADI MIZBAN PHOTO/HADI AP State Legitimacy, Fragile States, and U.S. National Security By the CAP National Security and International Policy Team September 2016 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG State Legitimacy, Fragile States, and U.S. National Security By the CAP National Security and International Policy Team September 2016 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 5 The threat: Fragile states and the illicit world 8 The legitimacy challenge 12 Supporting legitimate states to counter the illicit world 17 International Compacts for Governance, Prosperity, and Security 23 Selection and compact creation 30 Prime countries for compact exploration 35 Conclusion 36 Endnotes Introduction and summary When the 45th president of the United States takes office in 2017, he or she will inherit a century-old mantle of global leadership. The new president will immedi- ately confront questions about America’s influence in the world and its ability to protect American interests and maintain global peace and stability. Today, some of the greatest threats to U.S. national security originate from the very forces of growing interconnectedness that the post-World War II order has enabled. For years, global businesses and expanding communications have been connecting the peoples and nations of the world together at faster and faster rates, and these changes have produced tremendous opportunities and prosperity in the United States and around the world. But at the same time, the rise of global interconnectedness means that it has become easier for transnational security threats—from terrorism to organized crime—to spread. These threats, which increasingly overlap to comprise an illicit world that parallels the state system, put at risk the international system that has upheld peace and prosperity.
    [Show full text]
  • Is Political Legitimacy Worth Promoting?
    3 IS POLITICAL LEGITIMACY WORTH PROMOTING? AMANDA R. GREENE All governments fear a loss of political legitimacy. This fear suggests that they consider political legitimacy to be something valuable— worth holding onto if they have it or restoring if it has been lost. But when there is a loss of political legitimacy, what exactly is lost? Is it necessarily something valuable? This chapter seeks to answer that question by developing and defending a new framework for political legitimacy. I am proposing a new framework partly in response to the fol- lowing puzzle. Assessments of political legitimacy are increasingly common in current affairs, and they are often highly consequen- tial. In these debates, everyone assumes that insofar as something lacks legitimacy, that’s a bad thing. The expression “that’s illegiti- mate” is treated as self- evidently negative by those of all political stripes, in all contexts. This way of talking makes “legitimacy” unusual among normative political concepts. Other political ide- als such as democracy and autonomy tend to attract both fans and critics. An expression like “that’s undemocratic” is the sort of complaint that is appropriate only in certain political contexts, e.g., a policy debate but not a criminal trial. Not so legitimacy. The lack of political legitimacy is regarded universally as a defect. At the same time, legitimacy is assumed to be attainable, rather than an unattainable regulative ideal. Things that claim political legitimacy for themselves are not regarded as claiming what is obviously impossible. We could not make sense of how frequently people claim political legitimacy for themselves, and expect to be 65 Knight_1p.indd 65 2/6/19 3:34 PM 66 Amanda R.
    [Show full text]
  • Legitimacy of Governments in the Age of Democracy
    \\server05\productn\N\NYI\38-4\NYI404.txt unknown Seq: 1 4-JAN-07 9:33 LEGITIMACY OF GOVERNMENTS IN THE AGE OF DEMOCRACY JEAN D’ASPREMONT* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .................................. 878 R II. THE MULTIFACETED CONCEPT OF LEGITIMACY .... 881 R III. LEGITIMACY IN THE AGE OF DEMOCRACY AND THE MONOLITHIC CONCEPTION OF LEGITIMACY IN MAINSTREAM LEGAL DOCTRINE ................... 884 R IV. THE LEGITIMACY OF ORIGIN AND THE LEGITIMACY OF EXERCISE AND THEIR RESPECTIVE ROLES IN THE AGE OF DEMOCRACY ............................. 894 R A. The Need for a Distinction Between the Legitimacy of Origin and the Legitimacy of Exercise ........ 894 R 1. The Substantive Elements of Democracy ..... 895 R 2. Legitimacy in Practice ..................... 899 R a. Recognition of Governments ....... 901 R b. Accreditation of Delegates .......... 903 R c. Intervention by Invitation........... 906 R B. The Qualification and Disqualification Roles of Legitimacy and the Expanding Role of the Legitimacy of Exercise ......................... 909 R 1. The Qualification Role of the Legitimacy of Origin and the Disqualification Role of the Legitimacy of Exercise ..................... 909 R a. Qualification of Governments: The Legitimacy of Origin.............. .910 R * Lecturer in International Law, University of Leiden; Global Research Fellow, NYU Law School (2005-2006); Ph.D. University of Louvain (2005); LL.M. University of Cambridge (2001). This is a revised version of a paper first presented in September 2005 in the Global Fellows Forum organized by the Hauser Global Law School Program. This paper also draws on the doc- toral thesis of the author that will soon be published in the form of a book (Les Etats non democratiques´ et le droit international).
    [Show full text]
  • Essay on Legitimacy and Democracy
    Izzivi prihodnosti / Challenges of the Future, Članek / Article Februar 2017, letnik / volume 2, številka / number 1, str. / pp. 16-26. Essay on legitimacy and democracy Patricia Kaplanova* Faculty of Organisation studies Novo mesto, Ulica talcev 3, 8000 Novo mesto, Slovenia [email protected] Abstract: Purpose and Originality: The aim of the paper is to deeply analyze a concept of legitimacy. Based on the classical works of Lipset and Habermas, the paper discusses conditions, efficiency, and presumptions on which a modern democratic political system stands. Method: The paper analyzes a relationship between positivist and normative understanding of legitimacy questioning a democratic political order. By a content analysis of two main theories of legitimacy, the paper examines a sense of democratic legitimacy in modern societies. Results: A legitimacy is a pillar of any democracy. From the structuralist point of view, in societies there are three main types of crises (economic, social, political), which are present constantly and interconnected by nature and implications. Each crisis creates a specific deficit and challenge for democracy. By overcoming, a stability of democracy is strengthened which makes a (crisis of) legitimacy inevitable. Society: In a time of post-truth politics and crisis of democracy, there is a lack of research dealing with a legitimacy of the democratic regime. By pointing out classical approaches to a stability of democracy, there should be elaborated a new construct of democratic legitimacy reflecting structural conditions of modern societies. This paper is trying to offer an insight into a normative understanding of this construction. Limitations / further research: A theoretical approach could be verified by an empirical research.
    [Show full text]