Truth and Legitimacy (In Courts)

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Truth and Legitimacy (In Courts) Loyola University Chicago Law Journal Volume 48 Issue 1 Fall 2016 Article 3 2016 Truth and Legitimacy (In Courts) Kenneth S. Klein Follow this and additional works at: https://lawecommons.luc.edu/luclj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Kenneth S. Klein, Truth and Legitimacy (In Courts), 48 Loy. U. Chi. L. J. 1 (). Available at: https://lawecommons.luc.edu/luclj/vol48/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by LAW eCommons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola University Chicago Law Journal by an authorized editor of LAW eCommons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 7.5_KLEIN_DOCUMENT1 (1-79).DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 1/16/17 12:01 PM Truth and Legitimacy (In Courts) Kenneth S. Klein* This Article seeks to comprehensively articulate the meaning, role, and importance of truth in courts by drawing upon empirical and theoretical scholarship from philosophy, economics, social science, psychology, political science, ethics, and jurisprudence, in addition to more traditional legal sources such as United States Supreme Court decisions. It is frequently said that trials are a search for truth. But as insiders to the judicial system know, if this is so, then it is a meaning of truth that differs from what truth means in any other context. And exposing this definitional dissonance, in turn exposes that the legitimacy of the courts rests on an eroding foundation, as courts increasingly are not doing what the community believes courts are doing. This Article argues that when * Professor of Law, California Western School of Law. Because this work draws from so many fields of study, the Author could not have written it without knowledgeable “fact checkers”—in reality “thought checkers”—from many disciplines; in this regard the Author thanks Professor Scott Soames, Distinguished Professor and Director of the School of Philosophy at the University of Southern California; Professor Theodore Klastorin, Professor of Operations Management, Burlington Northern/Burlington Resources Professor in Manufacturing Management, Foster School of Business, University of Washington; Professor Jeffrey L. Yates, Professor of Political Science, Binghamton University, State University of New York; Professor Luke Meier, Baylor Law School; my colleagues, Professor Don Smythe, Professor Mario Conte, Professor Daniel Yeager, and Professor Tim Casey. The Author thanks Professor Lisa Black and Professor Greg Reilly for patiently being sounding boards and editors. The Author is grateful for the research support and assistance of Research Assistant, Shauna Guner, the Library staff of California Western School of Law, and Peter Roudik—Director of the Global Research Center of the Law Library of Congress. This Article was written as the Author’s sabbatical project—the Author thanks the Board of Trustees of California Western School of Law for approving this Article as the Author’s Sabbatical Project. The Author acknowledges the unintended but undeniable inspiration of this Article from then- University of Texas School of Law student Lisa Black, who as a 1L in 1982 wrote the limerick: There once was a fine Texas youth, Who sought the world over for truth. But that’s not what he saw, So he turned to the law, Where truth’s just a matter of proof. The Author met Lisa Black two years later, has been her spouse since 1985, and has heard this limerick countless times over the past 30+ years. Finally, the Author thanks the student-editors of the Loyola University Chicago Law Journal who did their damndest to make this Article better. All errors in this Article are entirely the Author’s. 1 7.5_KLEIN_DOCUMENT1 (1-79).DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 1/16/17 12:01 PM 2 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 48 courts do not account for lay perceptions of courts as institutions that primarily value accuracy in decision making, courts jeopardize the legitimacy of courts as public institutions. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................. 3 I. TRUTH IN COURTS ......................................................................... 5 A. Truth in Philosophy as a Template to Understanding Truth in Courts ............................................................... 6 B. Understanding Justification in Courts ........................... 12 1. The Rules of Evidence Define What Counts as a Fact in Courts .................................................................. 13 2. Procedural and Administrative Rules of Evidence .. 14 3. Evidence Rules Protecting the Jury ......................... 16 4. Evidence Rules Intentionally Compromising the Likelihood of Accurate Results .............................. 22 5. Conclusions About What Courts Count as Facts .... 26 C. Understanding Knowledge in Courts ............................ 27 1. Knowledge as Accuracy .......................................... 28 2. Accuracy as Burdens of Proof ................................. 30 3. Conclusions About Knowledge in Courts ............... 37 D. Understanding Belief in Courts ..................................... 37 1. Substantive Fairness and Procedural Sufficiency .... 37 2. Individual Fairness and Collective Fairness ............ 42 3. Perceptions of Justice and Actual Justice ................ 43 4. Conclusions About Belief in Courts ........................ 47 E. Understanding Truth in Courts ...................................... 47 II. “LEGITIMACY,” OR WHY THE MEANING OF TRUTH IN COURTS MIGHT MATTER ...................................................................... 51 A. Legitimacy of the Justice System .................................... 52 1. Legitimacy of the United States Supreme Court ..... 52 2. Legitimacy of the Trial Courts ................................ 53 a. Judges and Legitimacy ....................................... 54 b. Lawyers and Legitimacy .................................... 54 c. Juries and Legitimacy ........................................ 62 d. Conclusions About Fragility of Trial Court Legitimacy ........................................................ 65 B. Truth in Courts and Legitimacy Fragility ...................... 65 CONCLUSION ................................................................................... 74 APPENDIX A .................................................................................... 75 7.5_KLEIN_DOCUMENT1 (1-79).DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 1/16/17 12:01 PM 2016] Truth and Legitimacy 3 INTRODUCTION This Article seeks to answer what the meaning of truth is in American trial courts,1 and why one should care. As big as this inquiry sounds, it is tied up in equally large subsidiary questions—the meaning in courts of justification, of knowledge, and of belief, which in turn implicate the meaning in courts of fairness, due process, justice, accuracy, and fact. Only upon answering these questions can one explore the foundation of the courts’ legitimacy, and how both the meaning of truth in courts—and the public perception of the role of truth in courts—relate to the actual legitimacy of the courts. This is no small task. There is scant academic literature studying the meaning of truth in courts. What has been written about the role of truth in legal systems largely exists in the ephemeral context of jurisprudence, rather than the concrete world of the truth-finding function of trials. Part I of this Article adopts the multi-millennia work of philosophy in defining truth as a roadmap to isolating the nature of truth in courts. Part I.A of this Article attempts to very, very briefly summarize the philosophical literature on truth to isolate a construction of truth that can advance an understanding of truth in courts. Within epistemology, a court-like pragmatic construction of truth is the weak deflationism definition of truth within realism, which sees truth as a binomial property that a proposition has (or not). It is either true, or it is not. Court decisions about facts are similarly binomial: guilty/not guilty or liable/not liable. Weak deflationism sees truth as residing in a constellation of truth-related concepts—knowledge, certainty, and belief—each of which leans on the other to derive its meaning and role. Simply put, knowledge requires truth, justification, and belief. This formulation of the role of truth facilitates isolating the meaning of truth in courts. Part I.B of this Article explores justification in trial courts. In trial courts, justification is defined by the Federal Rules of Evidence (“Rules”), which directly delineate what counts as a “fact” in front of a jury. Perhaps surprisingly, the Rules do not consider all pertinent information as facts in determining trials, but rather routinely discard facts for one of two reasons: (1) the facts presumptively are considered beyond the evaluative skillset of the decision maker; or (2) consideration of the facts, while advancing a trial decision, undermine a policy goal—external to the merits of the case—considered more 1. The United States federal district courts created pursuant to Article III of the United States Constitution, and the trial courts of general civil and criminal jurisdiction of the various States of the United States. This Article sometimes collectively refers to these courts as the “American courts.” 7.5_KLEIN_DOCUMENT1 (1-79).DOCX (DO NOT DELETE) 1/16/17 12:01 PM 4 Loyola University Chicago Law Journal [Vol. 48 important than the accuracy of trial outcomes. Part I.B concludes that, in justifying a trial judgment, not all facts matter. Part I.C of this Article explores
Recommended publications
  • Preventing the Spread of Violent Nationalism
    ODUMUNC 2019 Issue Brief UN Security Council Addressing the Spread of Violent Nationalism ODU Model United Nations Society Introduction on international cooperation but differentiation, deliberately choosing conflict over consensus. The rising global appeal of nationalism is a The difficulty comes because of the great public challenge to the ability of the United Nations to appeal of nationalism. Emphasizing the solve problems. When Member States choose uniqueness and superiority of each nation, polices based on national superiority instead of nationalism often is the easiest way to unite the global cooperation, the UN loses the consensus largest number of people in a country’s borders. it requires to act effectively. Yet a growing It has enormous appeal to rising leaders in number of leaders find the political rewards of democracies especially, but also can be useful enhancing nationalism hard to resist. With for leaders of authoritarian governments, stronger nationalism comes a not just less ability seeking a way to enhance the legitimacy of their to solve international problems, but greater risk power. In every case, nationalism often is the of conflict and war. For the UN Security easiest way to strengthen a government, to win Council, coping with the rise of nationalism may elections and unify an electoral majority of the be essential to remaining relevant and effective. people. But it is possible? Nationalism has the advantage of unifying most The nationalism problem raises s fundamental or many of the people in a territory, making difficulties for the UN. The United Nations is them willing to sacrifice together on behalf of based on conflicting principles.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Chinese Pragmatic Nationalism and Its Foreign Policy Implications
    1 Chinese Pragmatic Nationalism and Its Foreign Policy Implications Suisheng Zhao Graduate School of International Studies University of Denver Prepared for delivery at the 2008 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, August 28-31, 2008 2 Introduction During the standoff over the US spy plane that collided with a Chinese jetfighter and landed on Hainan Island, off China’s coast, in 2001, Washington Post used the headline “New Nationalism Drives Beijing” for front-page story.1 Such a warning reflects that rising nationalism in China has fed the roiling sense of anxiety in many political capitals of Asian and Western countries about if a virulent nationalism has emerged from China's "century of shame and humiliation" to make China’s rise less peaceful and if the Chinese government has exploited nationalist sentiments to gain leverage in international affairs or if nationalism has driven Chinese foreign policy toward a more irrational and inflexible direction? This political concern is reflected also among scholars. Although some scholars have been cautious in exploring the limits of Chinese nationalism and whether Chinese nationalism is affirmative, assertive, or aggressive,2 some others have found a reckless nationalism driven by China's traditional sinocentrism and contemporary aspirations for great power status.3 For example, Peter Gries labels the rising nationalism in China as a new nationalism and argues that an emotionally popular nationalism empowered by “victim narratives” is “beginning to influence the making of Chinese foreign policy.”4 His argument echoes an earlier warning by Richard Bernstein and Ross Munro, "Driven by nationalist sentiment, a yearning to redeem the humiliations of the past, and the simple urge for international power, China is seeking to replace the United States as the dominant power in Asia."5 It is indeed not difficult to find evidences to support these warnings.
    [Show full text]
  • Max Weber and the Legitimacy of the Modern State
    David Beetharn Max Weber and the Legitimacy of the Modern State Abstract: Max Weber's typology of Iegitimale 'Herrschaft' has provided the basis for the treatment of Jegitimacy in twentieth century sociology and political science. The thesis of the article is that this typology is a misleading tool for the analysis of the modern state, and especially for the comparative analysis of political systems. This is because of basic flaws in Weber's conceptualisation of Jegitimacy itself, and in his account of the norma­ tive basis of authority. The article offers an alternative, multi-dimensional, account of political Jegitirnacy, and suggests how it might be used to develop a typology of forms of 'Herrschaft' more appropriate to the analysis ofthe modern state. The argument of this article is that Weber's typology of legitimate 'Herrschaft' is fundamentally flawed as a basis for analysing political legitimacy, and especially the legitimacy of the modern state. If my argument is sound, then it has signifi­ cant consequences, in view of the fact that the large majority of sociologists and political scientists in the twentieth century who have written about legitimacy have either adopted the Weberian typology as it stands, or have used it as the basis for further developments of their own. Even those who have rejected it have failed to establish a wholly convincing alternative, so that Weber's typology is left holding the field, if only by default. I shall begin by briefly reviewing Weber's typology and the uses to which he put it. I shall then show why the categories he developed misrepresent the nature of legitimacy, and serve to confuse rather than elucidate its complexity.
    [Show full text]
  • How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries
    Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should limit in any other venue. Copyright remains with the authors. Inclusion of a paper in the Working Papers serve to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior publicaton encourage exchange ideas and academic debate. Working GIGA GIGA Research Programme: Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems ___________________________ How Do Non-Democratic Regimes Claim Legitimacy? Comparative Insights from Post-Soviet Countries Christian von Soest and Julia Grauvogel No 277 August 2015 www.giga-hamburg.de/workingpapers GIGA Working Papers 277/2015 Edited by the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies Leibniz‐Institut für Globale und Regionale Studien The GIGA Working Papers series serves to disseminate the research results of work in progress prior to publication in order to encourage the exchange of ideas and academic debate. An objective of the series is to get the findings out quickly, even if the presenta‐ tions are less than fully polished. Inclusion of a paper in the GIGA Working Papers series does not constitute publication and should not limit publication in any other venue. Copy‐ right remains with the authors. GIGA Research Programme “Legitimacy and Efficiency of Political Systems” Copyright for this issue: © Christian von Soest, Julia Grauvogel WP Coordination and English‐language Copyediting: Melissa Nelson Editorial Assistance and Production: Kerstin Labusga All GIGA Working Papers are available online and free of charge on the website <www.giga‐hamburg.de/workingpapers>. For any requests please contact: <workingpapers@giga‐hamburg.de> The GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies cannot be held responsible for errors or any consequences arising from the use of information contained in this Working Paper; the views and opinions expressed are solely those of the author or authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute.
    [Show full text]
  • A Defense of Max Weber's Standard of Political Legitimacy
    A&K Analyse & Kritik 2017; 39(2):295–323 Amanda R. Greene* Legitimacy without Liberalism: A Defense of Max Weber’s Standard of Political Legitimacy https://doi.org/10.1515/auk-2017-0017 Abstract: In this paper I defend Max Weber's concept of political legitimacy as a standard for the moral evaluation of states. On this view, a state is legitimate when its subjects regard it as having a valid claim to exercise power and authority. Weber’s analysis of legitimacy is often assumed to be merely descriptive, but I argue that Weberian legitimacy has moral significance because it indicates that political stability has been secured on the basis of civic alignment. Stability on this basis enables all the goods of peaceful cooperation with minimal state violence and intimidation, thereby guarding against alienation and tyranny. Furthermore, I argue, since Weberian legitimacy is empirically measurable in terms that avoid controversial value judgments, its adoption would bridge a longstanding divide between philosophers and social scientists. 1 Introduction All states seek to be legitimate. But identifying a standard for the political legiti- macy of states is notoriously difficult, and past attempts at a philosophical defini- tion of legitimacy have faced a number of challenges. Views that base legitimacy on the protection of rights are charged with making imperialistic value judgments, due to their ahistorical reliance on liberal democratic values. Views that base le- gitimacy on individual welfare are charged with an overly narrow view of the aims of politics. Meanwhile, there is a growing chasm between philosophers who theo- rize about what legitimacy is and social scientists who study and measure it.
    [Show full text]
  • Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron Or Essential Feature?
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Gerschewski, Johannes Article — Accepted Manuscript (Postprint) Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron or Essential Feature? Perspectives on Politics Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Gerschewski, Johannes (2018) : Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron or Essential Feature?, Perspectives on Politics, ISSN 1541-0986, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, Vol. 16, Iss. 3, pp. 652-665, http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/S1537592717002183 This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/218835 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron or essential feature? Johannes Gerschewski [Please cite as: Gerschewski, Johannes, 2018, Legitimacy in Autocracies: Oxymoron or Essential Feature?, In: Perspectives on Politics, 16:3, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Nationalism, Legitimacy and Hegemony in Transboundary Water Interactions
    www.water-alternatives.org Volume 13 | Issue 2 Allouche, J. 2020. Nationalism, legitimacy and hegemony in transboundary water interactions. Water Alternatives 13(2): 286-301 Nationalism, Legitimacy and Hegemony in Transboundary Water Interactions Jeremy Allouche Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, UK; [email protected] ABSTRACT: This article examines how discourses of water nationalism are used to justify and legitimise a state’s water policy both domestically and internationally and how that discourse constitutes a battleground of ideas and power in transboundary water interactions. Most literature on hydropolitics takes the social construct of the nation state as a given but the construct reveals a certain degree of fragility. For this reason, legitimacy, both domestic and global, is a crucial factor in understanding these transboundary water disputes. Water-related slogans and landscape symbols can be used to reinforce the legitimising effects of these discourses and are employed as an ideology for consolidating hegemony at the transboundary level. These discourses, however, are also contested both domestically and globally. This paper uses three specific case studies around dam building projects – the Merowe Dam in Sudan, the Rogun Dam in Tajikistan and the Southeastern Anatolia Project in Turkey – to identify how these discourses create different types of transboundary water interactions. KEYWORDS: Nation state construct, legitimacy, fragility, hegemony, transboundary water relations, hydropolitics INTRODUCTION Egypt and the great river that flows through it were inseparable in the eyes of Herodotus, who declared that "Egypt is the Nile, and the Nile is Egypt" (Herodotus, 2013). The ancient sage’s assertion testifies to the influence the river has had on the identity of the inhabitants of its banks for thousands of years, and the wisdom is arguably still applicable today.
    [Show full text]
  • The Principles of Embedded Liberalism: Social Legitimacy and Global Capitalism Rawi Abdelal and John G
    chapter 7 The Principles of Embedded Liberalism: Social Legitimacy and Global Capitalism Rawi Abdelal and John G. Ruggie In this essay we revisit the principles of “embedded liberalism” and argue for their relevance to the contemporary global economy. The most essential principle is the need for markets to enjoy social legitimacy, because their politi- cal sustainability ultimately depends on it. From this principle we analyze three current sets of practices and institutions in which ongoing crises of legitimacy demonstrate the need for a renewal of embedded liberalism and a revitalization of global governance. They are: the activities of transnational corporations, particularly with regard to core standards in labor and human rights; the orga- nization of the international financial architecture; and the formal rules and informal norms of international organizations. Learning the Lessons of Embedded Liberalism The post-1945 world economy embodied a social bargain. In the aftermath of the political and economic chaos of 1920s, the Great Depression of the 1930s, and the Second World War—all of which together shattered the world order within the span of a single generation—policymakers sought to reorganize and rebuild the world economy by restoring open markets, promising to mitigate their adverse social consequences and thereby preempting societal demands, from both left and right, to replace markets altogether. The failure to strike such a compromise earlier had undermined international cooperation in trade and macroeconomic policy during the 1920s and 1930s, just as it had caused the collapse of the first era of globalization, circa 1870 to 1914. Influential scholars and policymakers began to make sense of how that first era of globalization had lost its way.
    [Show full text]
  • State Legitimacy, Fragile States, and U.S. National Security
    AP PHOTO/HADI MIZBAN PHOTO/HADI AP State Legitimacy, Fragile States, and U.S. National Security By the CAP National Security and International Policy Team September 2016 WWW.AMERICANPROGRESS.ORG State Legitimacy, Fragile States, and U.S. National Security By the CAP National Security and International Policy Team September 2016 Contents 1 Introduction and summary 5 The threat: Fragile states and the illicit world 8 The legitimacy challenge 12 Supporting legitimate states to counter the illicit world 17 International Compacts for Governance, Prosperity, and Security 23 Selection and compact creation 30 Prime countries for compact exploration 35 Conclusion 36 Endnotes Introduction and summary When the 45th president of the United States takes office in 2017, he or she will inherit a century-old mantle of global leadership. The new president will immedi- ately confront questions about America’s influence in the world and its ability to protect American interests and maintain global peace and stability. Today, some of the greatest threats to U.S. national security originate from the very forces of growing interconnectedness that the post-World War II order has enabled. For years, global businesses and expanding communications have been connecting the peoples and nations of the world together at faster and faster rates, and these changes have produced tremendous opportunities and prosperity in the United States and around the world. But at the same time, the rise of global interconnectedness means that it has become easier for transnational security threats—from terrorism to organized crime—to spread. These threats, which increasingly overlap to comprise an illicit world that parallels the state system, put at risk the international system that has upheld peace and prosperity.
    [Show full text]
  • Is Political Legitimacy Worth Promoting?
    3 IS POLITICAL LEGITIMACY WORTH PROMOTING? AMANDA R. GREENE All governments fear a loss of political legitimacy. This fear suggests that they consider political legitimacy to be something valuable— worth holding onto if they have it or restoring if it has been lost. But when there is a loss of political legitimacy, what exactly is lost? Is it necessarily something valuable? This chapter seeks to answer that question by developing and defending a new framework for political legitimacy. I am proposing a new framework partly in response to the fol- lowing puzzle. Assessments of political legitimacy are increasingly common in current affairs, and they are often highly consequen- tial. In these debates, everyone assumes that insofar as something lacks legitimacy, that’s a bad thing. The expression “that’s illegiti- mate” is treated as self- evidently negative by those of all political stripes, in all contexts. This way of talking makes “legitimacy” unusual among normative political concepts. Other political ide- als such as democracy and autonomy tend to attract both fans and critics. An expression like “that’s undemocratic” is the sort of complaint that is appropriate only in certain political contexts, e.g., a policy debate but not a criminal trial. Not so legitimacy. The lack of political legitimacy is regarded universally as a defect. At the same time, legitimacy is assumed to be attainable, rather than an unattainable regulative ideal. Things that claim political legitimacy for themselves are not regarded as claiming what is obviously impossible. We could not make sense of how frequently people claim political legitimacy for themselves, and expect to be 65 Knight_1p.indd 65 2/6/19 3:34 PM 66 Amanda R.
    [Show full text]
  • Legitimacy of Governments in the Age of Democracy
    \\server05\productn\N\NYI\38-4\NYI404.txt unknown Seq: 1 4-JAN-07 9:33 LEGITIMACY OF GOVERNMENTS IN THE AGE OF DEMOCRACY JEAN D’ASPREMONT* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .................................. 878 R II. THE MULTIFACETED CONCEPT OF LEGITIMACY .... 881 R III. LEGITIMACY IN THE AGE OF DEMOCRACY AND THE MONOLITHIC CONCEPTION OF LEGITIMACY IN MAINSTREAM LEGAL DOCTRINE ................... 884 R IV. THE LEGITIMACY OF ORIGIN AND THE LEGITIMACY OF EXERCISE AND THEIR RESPECTIVE ROLES IN THE AGE OF DEMOCRACY ............................. 894 R A. The Need for a Distinction Between the Legitimacy of Origin and the Legitimacy of Exercise ........ 894 R 1. The Substantive Elements of Democracy ..... 895 R 2. Legitimacy in Practice ..................... 899 R a. Recognition of Governments ....... 901 R b. Accreditation of Delegates .......... 903 R c. Intervention by Invitation........... 906 R B. The Qualification and Disqualification Roles of Legitimacy and the Expanding Role of the Legitimacy of Exercise ......................... 909 R 1. The Qualification Role of the Legitimacy of Origin and the Disqualification Role of the Legitimacy of Exercise ..................... 909 R a. Qualification of Governments: The Legitimacy of Origin.............. .910 R * Lecturer in International Law, University of Leiden; Global Research Fellow, NYU Law School (2005-2006); Ph.D. University of Louvain (2005); LL.M. University of Cambridge (2001). This is a revised version of a paper first presented in September 2005 in the Global Fellows Forum organized by the Hauser Global Law School Program. This paper also draws on the doc- toral thesis of the author that will soon be published in the form of a book (Les Etats non democratiques´ et le droit international).
    [Show full text]
  • Essay on Legitimacy and Democracy
    Izzivi prihodnosti / Challenges of the Future, Članek / Article Februar 2017, letnik / volume 2, številka / number 1, str. / pp. 16-26. Essay on legitimacy and democracy Patricia Kaplanova* Faculty of Organisation studies Novo mesto, Ulica talcev 3, 8000 Novo mesto, Slovenia [email protected] Abstract: Purpose and Originality: The aim of the paper is to deeply analyze a concept of legitimacy. Based on the classical works of Lipset and Habermas, the paper discusses conditions, efficiency, and presumptions on which a modern democratic political system stands. Method: The paper analyzes a relationship between positivist and normative understanding of legitimacy questioning a democratic political order. By a content analysis of two main theories of legitimacy, the paper examines a sense of democratic legitimacy in modern societies. Results: A legitimacy is a pillar of any democracy. From the structuralist point of view, in societies there are three main types of crises (economic, social, political), which are present constantly and interconnected by nature and implications. Each crisis creates a specific deficit and challenge for democracy. By overcoming, a stability of democracy is strengthened which makes a (crisis of) legitimacy inevitable. Society: In a time of post-truth politics and crisis of democracy, there is a lack of research dealing with a legitimacy of the democratic regime. By pointing out classical approaches to a stability of democracy, there should be elaborated a new construct of democratic legitimacy reflecting structural conditions of modern societies. This paper is trying to offer an insight into a normative understanding of this construction. Limitations / further research: A theoretical approach could be verified by an empirical research.
    [Show full text]