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Group Identities in the Central Balkan Late Neolithic

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Group Identities in the Central Balkan Late Neolithic Documenta Praehistorica XXXIX (2012) Group identities in the Central Balkan Late Neolithic Adam N. Crnobrnja Belgrade City Museum, Belgrade, RS [email protected] ABSTRACT – The final period of Neolithic Vin≠a culture, which occupied wide areas in the Balkans, is characterised by large settlements, which were built, judging by the most recent investigations, according to premeditated plan. What was their purpose? Were they autonomous or part of some wider communities? How large was the territory within which people of that time defined themselves as ‘we’ and where did communities of ‘others’ begin? The objective of this work is to indicate the possibilities for studying the complexity of group identities in the Late Vin≠a societies. We take as a starting point the micro-region of Drenski Vis in north-western Serbia, where five Late Vin≠a settle- ments have been discovered. IZVLE∞EK – Za kon≠no obdobje neolitske kulture Vin≠a, ki je bila raz∏irjena na ∏ir∏em obmo≠ju Bal- kana, so zna≠ilne velike naselbine, ki so bile, glede na najnovej∏e raziskave, na≠rtno zgrajene. Kak- ∏en je bil njihov namen? So bile neodvisne ali del ∏ir∏ih skupnosti? Znotraj kako velikega ozemlja so se takratni ljudje opredeljevali kot ‘mi’ in kje so se za≠ele skupnosti ‘drugih’? V tej raziskavi ∫elimo pokazati mo∫nosti raziskovanj kompleksnih identitet skupnosti v pozno-vin≠anskih dru∫bah. Kot iz- hodi∏≠e slu∫i podro≠je Drenski Vis v severozahodni Srbiji, kjer je bilo odkritih pet pozno-vin≠anskih naselbin. KEY WORDS – Vin≠a culture; Late Neolithic; settlements; group identity; Balkan Introduction Investigations of the Central Balkans Late Neolithic1 of the Vin≠a culture, is immense, although neither have been continuing for over a century. Although the area of the settlement, nor its shape, have been in the last few decades and particularly in recent confirmed in the literature.2 Thus we are able to fol- years, more and more texts which discuss the social low the chronological sequence of the entire Neoli- organisation of Vin≠a culture in the territory of Ser- thic ‘culture’ in one location, but in fact we can not bia have been published, it must be borne in mind be sure how big the settlement was. Even when fre- that field investigations in the same period did not quently cited Late Neolithic settlements in Serbia progress much further beyond investigations of in- such as Gomolava and Divostin are concerned, we dividual houses. It is important to mention that in have the problem of the size of the entire settle- Serbia, no Late Neolithic settlements have been in- ment. At Gomolava, around 35% of the surviving vestigated completely, or at least to a considerable settlement area has been investigated (Brukner extent. The eponymous Belo Brdo site at Vin≠a near 1988.20) but we can not even assume its original Belgrade has been intermittently investigated for size, because the Sava River has been eroding the over a century. The importance of this site, with ver- western section of the Neolithic settlement for mil- tical stratigraphy encompassing almost the entire life lennia. The assumed settlement area at Divostin is 1 In this work, I discuss Late Vin≠a settlements in the territory of Serbia. 2 One of the reasons for this is modern construction works, which covered a large area of the Neolithic settlement. DOI> 10.4312\dp.39.11 155 Adam N. Crnobrnja around 15ha according to the distribution of surface that a few authors have paid special attention to the finds; however, only 1.17% of the entire settlement distribution of the Vin≠a settlements within certain has been investigated (McPherron, Srejovi≤ 1988).3 areas (Risti≤-Opa≠i≤ 2005; Chapman 1981; 1990). Nevertheless, these works are also based on insuf- On the other hand, there is still another reason why ficient data that was collected in earlier decades with- Vin≠a and Late Vin≠a settlements have not been fully out being re-checked in the field and at least partial- investigated. The limiting factor was often lack of ly revised. funding, so the investigations were of a rescue and sondage character, and therefore relatively small I will try in this paper to point briefly to some guide- areas have been excavated. Still, lack of funds is no lines which in future investigations could help in excuse for the many decades when a general strate- seeking answers to questions concerning the organi- gy for investigating Vin≠a culture was lacking. First sation of life in the final period of the Vin≠a culture of all, I have in mind the lack of organized large and and could make the recognition of the complexity of well- planned site surveys (surface prospecting), aer- group identities in Late Vin≠a societies possible.5 ial prospection and the use of non-destructive inve- stigation methods. The data on the distribution, size I have found good guidelines in articles dealing with and chronology of the Vin≠a sites in Serbia are very similar questions about the same period and in the meagre and provisional. immediate vicinity, on the Great Hungarian Plain (Parkinson 2002; 2006) and eastern Balkans (Chap- Thus we are in a situation to study social relations man 1989), and the work of Constantinos Doxiadis within settlements on the basis of the contents of in- (Doxiadis 1968; Doksijadis 1982) had also influen- vestigated houses, which to large extent are actually ced my reasoning.6 random samples, since we do not have the following data: The most frequent category according to which it is attempted to grasp the Late Neolithic social organi- G in which section of the settlement were investiga- zation is the individual house, i.e. the household, its ted houses located4, internal organisation and the artefacts discovered G the actual size of the settlement, within. In the organisation of interior and establi- G whether the settlement was surrounded by tren- shing the contents of one house many factors take ches and/or palisade, place (Kuijt 2002.140), including standards impo- G how the size of a given settlement corresponds sed by customs and religion,7 already established with the size of neighbouring contemporary set- and generally accepted organisational rules needed tlements, to satisfy economic needs and functionality of space G what level in size hierarchy within one settlement of the inhabitants of that distinct house, and finally, cluster has the settlement with investigated houses. personal taste, the affinities and needs of the house owner. Thus, the number of vessels discovered in- The method of geomagnetic mapping was used in side the house would actually reflect first of all the prospection of Late Neolithic settlements in Serbia needs and possibilities of the occupants of that very over four decades ago for the first time. This made house, but it will tell us little about the interaction it possible to grasp the distribution of structures over of its occupants with the occupants of other houses a larger area within one settlement (McPherron, in the settlement. Ralph 1970; Mu∫ijevi≤, Ralph 1988; Tringham, Brukner and Voytek 1985.427–428), but this acti- On the other hand, when the site at Crkvine-Stubli- vity was resumed only at the beginning of the 21st ne is concerned, a settlement plan is available, which century (Crnobrnja, Simi≤ and Jankovi≤ 2010; Ar- makes it possible to understand relations within the si≤, Mileti≤ and Mileti≤ 2011). Also, I must mention community to a much greater extent. 3 For more on areas investigated at Vin≠a settlements in Serbia, see Risti≤-Opa≠i≤ 2005.84–87. 4 I do not consider geographical positions, but first of all, the functional sections of settlement – centre/periphery, densely built structures/dispersed structures, relation to other houses and public areas and the like. 5 I mean primarily the social aspects of group identity and not sexual, gender, professional and the like. 6 Architect, urban and city planner, founder of the discipline of ‘ekistics’, the main objective of which is the study of human settle- ments. 7 The influence of cult and religion on shaping space (house) can be found in ethnological examples worldwide (cf. Hayden, Can- non 1982.144; Roberts 1996.10–13; Bourdieu 1977). 156 Group identities in the Central Balkan Late Neolithic A settlement lasts longer than any single house in how many organisational levels existed in the gi- it, and is permanently enlarged and reintegrated in ven society within which people recognised them- time. Therefore, the ‘imprints’ of social processes selves as parts of a wider community, thus sacrific- taking place at a given time in the community crea- ing some individual rights for the benefit of being ting the settlement could be comprehended only by a member of a community or communities. In this an understanding of the matrix of the settlement and case, we must first engage in a quest for relations houses within it. The relations between individual existing above the level of the single house or hou- houses and settlement must be observed as recipro- sehold, i.e. the material imprints resulting from ac- cal results. At first, personal affinity in the selection tivities at those levels. of house location can be observed, but this was the main consideration in establishing of the settlement. As a small case study, I will consider the micro-re- On the contrary, providing for community needs was gion which Belgrade City Museum has been investi- more important even at the very founding of a settle- gating intensively in recent years – the Drenski Vis ment than satisfying individual needs, so even the plateau. This is a relatively small deluvial-proluvial initial distribution of structures within a given space plain, with a few Late Vin≠a settlements, including must be sufficiently functional for all members of the the settlement at Crkvine-Stubline which has been community.
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