The Westminster Approach to Prorogation, Dissolution and Fixed Date Elections
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Harold Macmillan's Resignation in 1963 Plunged the Conservative
FEATURE A conference rememberto he 83rd annual Conservative Harold Macmillan’s resignation in 1963 plunged Party Conference opened in Blackpool on Wednesday, 9th the Conservative conference into chaos, as rivals October 1963. Unionists from Scotland and Northern Ireland scrambled for supremacy and old alliances broke mingledT happily with Conservatives from England and Wales, their fellow party down. By the end of the week, one man was left members, in a gathering of some 3,000. A convivial informality prevailed: Cabinet standing. Lord Lexden looks back on a dramatic ministers who wanted to make confidential telephone calls had to use the scrambler few days of Tory party history phone placed in the television room at the main conference hotel. There were no pushy lobbyists, no public relations executives, no trade stands. 36 | THE HOUSE MAGAZINE | 11 OCTOBER 2013 WWW.POLITICSHOME.COM Alec Douglas-Home leaves Buckingham Palace after being invited to form a government folowing the resignation of Harold Macmillan They had not yet traditional stage arrive to be greeted as a conquering hero been invented. Hours of rumour and management of and bring the conference to a conclusion. Almost the only speculation were followed by the conference His mastery of platform oratory could be outsiders were the remarkable scenes of drama, proceedings relied on to send the party faithful back representatives was undertaken to their constituencies with words of of the media, when the hall fell silent to with particular inspiration ringing in their ears. who were always hear the Prime Minister’s care to prevent Rarely have carefully laid conference admitted in the resignation letter public expression plans been more spectacularly upset. -
Acting Under Secretary of State. Ordered, That the Same Be Placed Upon the Journals
THE SENATE 3 GEORGE VI seat therein, take and subscribe before Our Governor General or some person authorized by him, the Oath of Allegiance contained in the fifth schedule to the said Act, and also the Declaration of Qualification contained in the said schedule. And Whereas it appears to Us expedient to appoint Leslie Clare Moyer, Esquire, D.S.O., K.C., of the City of Ottawa, in the Province of Ontario, Clerk of the Senate of Canada, known and designated as the Clerk of the Parliaments, to be a Commissioner to administer the Oath of Allegiance to the Members of the Senate of Canada, and also to take and receive their Declarations of Qualification. Now therefore know ye that confiding in the loyalty, integrity and ability of the said Leslie Clare Moyer, We of Our certain knowledge and mere motion and by and with the advice of Our Privy Council for Canada do by these Presents assign, constitute and appoint the said Leslie Clare Moper to be a Commissioner to administer to the Members of the Senate of Canada the Oath of Allegiance, and t.o take their Declarations of Qualification, so required as aforesaid, and to receive their subscriptions to such Oath and Declaration. To have, hold and exercise the said office of Commisisoner as aforesaid and the power and authority hereinbefore mentioned unto the said Leslie Clare Moyer during Our pleasure. In Testimony Whereof, We have caused these Our Letters to be made Patent and the Great Seal of Canada to be hereunto affixed. Witness: Our Right Trusty and Well-beloved John, Baron Tweedsmuir of Elsfield, a Member of Our Most Honourable Privy Council, Knight Grand Cross of Our Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, Member of Our Order of the Companions of Honour, Governor General and Commander-in-Chief of Our Dominion of Canada. -
(Not So) Indefensible Seth Barrett It Llman
Cornell Journal of Law and Public Policy Volume 16 Article 4 Issue 2 Spring 2007 Defending the (Not So) Indefensible Seth Barrett iT llman Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cjlpp Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Tillman, Seth Barrett (2007) "Defending the (Not So) Indefensible," Cornell Journal of Law and Public Policy: Vol. 16: Iss. 2, Article 4. Available at: http://scholarship.law.cornell.edu/cjlpp/vol16/iss2/4 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Cornell Journal of Law and Public Policy by an authorized administrator of Scholarship@Cornell Law: A Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Reply DEFENDING THE (NOT SO) INDEFENSIBLE Seth Barrett Tillman * INTRODUCTION I should like to thank the editors of the Cornell Journal of Law and Public Policy for making this colloquy possible. Additionally, I thank Professor Aaron-Andrew P. Bruhl for writing a well-informed, extensive, and thoughtful response.1 I find myself sympathetic to many of the points Professor Bruhl makes, but not to all. It is difficult to respond as precisely as one might like to Professor Bruhl's piece because his paper presents a moving target. It purports to defend the "conventional as- sumptions' 2 with regard to the process of statutory lawmaking. But it does not do so exactly. Indeed, it cannot do so because there are, in fact, two distinct sets of conventional views about the statutory lawmaking process. -
2020 Speech from the Throne
Speech from the Throne Her Honour the Honourable Janet Austin, OBC Lieutenant Governor at the Opening of the Fifth Session, Forty-first Parliament of the Province of British Columbia February 11, 2020 We begin by acknowledging the Lekwungen peoples, the Songhees and Esquimalt First Nations, upon whose traditional territories we are gathered today. As we open the fifth session of the st41 Parliament, we pause to remember the British Columbians we have lost in the past year. At least 57 Canadians perished on Ukrainian International Airlines Flight 752 in Iran on January 8. Fifteen of them called B.C. home. Our thoughts are with their families and the Iranian-Canadian community, who are coping with tremendous loss. We recognize appointed and elected officials who servedBritish Columbians and this Legislature: Conflict ofInterest Commissioner Paul Fraser, QC; the Honourable Ted Hughes; former MLAs Gillian Trumper and Norman Jacobsen. We thank those who stepped forward to serve at the local level: Oak Bay Mayor Nils Jensen, and Vancouver councillors May Brown and B.C. Lee. We honour the public servants who passed away this year, including forester Peter Fuglem, BC Parks employee Micah Messent, BC Mail employee Martin Payne, and conservationist Al Martin. We are grateful to the people who shaped B.C. arts and culture: writer Wayson Choy, actor Godfrey Gao, singer John Mann, Coast Salish artist Gus Modeste, and painter Gordon Smith. We recognize leaders in sport: Soccer player Brandon Bassi, mountain biker Jordie Lunn, and basketball player and Olympian Eli Pasquale. And Indigenous leaders and Elders: Former shíshálh Chief Stan Dixon, Dr. -
The Sovereign and Parliament
Library Note The Sovereign and Parliament The Sovereign fulfils a number of ceremonial and formal roles with respect to Parliament, established by conventions, throughout the parliamentary calendar. The State Opening of Parliament marks the beginning of each new session of Parliament. It is the only routine occasion when the three constituent parts of Parliament—that is the Sovereign, the House of Lords and the House of Commons—meet. The Queen’s Speech during State Opening is the central element around which the ceremony pivots, without which no business of either the House of Lords or the House of Commons can proceed. Each ‘Parliament’ lasts a maximum of five years, within which there are a number of sessions. Each session is ‘prorogued’ to mark its end. An announcement is made in the House of Lords, to Members of both Houses following the Queen’s command that Parliament should be prorogued by a commissioner of a Royal Commission. At the end of the final session of each Parliament—which is immediately prior to the next general election—Parliament is also dissolved. Following the Prime Minister’s advice, the Sovereign issues a proclamation summoning the new Parliament, appointing the day for the first meeting of Parliament. All bills must be agreed by both Houses of Parliament and the Sovereign before they can become Acts of Parliament. Once a bill has passed both Houses, it is formally agreed by the Sovereign by a process known as royal assent. Additionally, Queen’s consent is sometimes required before a bill completes its passage through Parliament, if the bill affects the Sovereign. -
What the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act Aimed to Do, Why It Did Not Succeed and How It Can Be Repaired
169 WHAT THE NEW ZEALAND BILL OF RIGHTS ACT AIMED TO DO, WHY IT DID NOT SUCCEED AND HOW IT CAN BE REPAIRED Sir Geoffrey Palmer* This article, by the person who was the Minister responsible for the introduction and passage of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990, reviews 25 years of experience New Zealand has had with the legislation. The NZ Bill of Rights Act does not constitute higher law or occupy any preferred position over any other statute. As the article discusses, the status of the NZ Bill of Rights Act has meant that while the Bill of Rights has had positive achievements, it has not resulted in the transformational change that propelled the initial proposal for an entrenched, supreme law bill of rights in the 1980s. In the context of an evolving New Zealand society that is becoming ever more diverse, more reliable anchors are needed to ensure that human rights are protected, the article argues. The article discusses the occasions upon which the NZ Bill of Rights has been overridden and the recent case where for the first time a declaration of inconsistency was made by the High Court in relation to a prisoner’s voting rights. In particular, a softening of the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty, as it applies in the particular conditions of New Zealand’s small unicameral legislature, is called for. There is no adequate justification for maintaining the unrealistic legal fiction that no limits can be placed on the manner in which the New Zealand Parliament exercises its legislative power. -
The Monarchy in Prince Edward Island
The Monarchy in Prince Edward Island Canada’s History with the Royal Family per cent of the world’s people. Canada was created in 1867. By most standards, Canada, though a relatively young country, has a long- Constitutional Monarchy standing association with royal families. Thirty-two As a Constitutional Monarch, the Queen’s powers are kings and queens reigned over the country long before exercised by the Prime Minister or Premier who are Elizabeth II was crowned Queen of Canada. Canada responsible to the elected representatives of the people was explored, settled and grew during the reigns of in the House of Commons and the provincial British monarchs as far back as 1497. legislative assemblies. Though largely symbolic, the Crown is an integral part of our governmental Canada’s Governmental System structure. The Canadian Constitution limits the power and the Monarchy of the Crown in government, creating a primarily symbolic Canada is a federal state (that is, role for the Queen. Because the it has two levels of government, Queen resides in Britain, she is national and provincial) with a represented in Canada by the constitutional monarchy and a Governor General and in each of parliamentary democracy. Our the provinces by a Lieutenant head of state is the Queen of Governor. Canada. She is also the Queen of the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand and many other Did You Know? countries within the British The Honourable Antoinette Perry Commonwealth of Nations. Acts is our current Lieutenant of parliament and many actions Governor. She was sworn into of our national and provincial office on October 20, 2017 and is nd governments are made in the the 42 Lieutenant Governor of name of the Queen, though the Prince Edward Island. -
Association of Secretaries General of Parliaments
UNION INTERPARLEMENTAIRE INTER-PARLIAMENTARY UNION Association of Secretaries General of Parliaments COMMUNICATION from Mrs. Jacqueline BIESHEUVEL-VERMEIJDEN Secretary General of the House of Representatives of the States General of the Netherlands and Mr. Geert Jan A. HAMILTON Clerk of the Senate of the States General of the Netherlands on THE KING IN PARLIAMENT: THE INVESTITURE OF A NEW KING IN THE NETHERLANDS Geneva Session October 2013 Dear colleagues, The Kingdom of the Netherlands had a very special day on April 30 of this year. On that day her Majesty Queen Beatrix who had been our Queen since 1980, abdicated from the throne and was succeeded by her eldest son, the Prince of Orange, who has become His Majesty King Willem-Alexander. Changes of the throne are rare in our country. So there was a lot of excitement about the change that took place. Looking back we can say that the day of the inauguration of our new King was a very festive day, without doubt the most festive national holyday our country has seen in modern history. It renewed the sense of unity of the country, and the awareness that indeed the Netherlands, although embedded in international organisations, still is a nation-state. What we want to demonstrate is the important role our parliament played in achieving the inauguration of our new King. Thus we want to underline that a monarchy can be functional , acceptable and accepted within a parliamentary democracy. The Netherlands is a constitutional monarchy, meaning that the position of the monarch is laid down in the Constitution. -
Oxford, 1984); H
Notes Notes to the Introduction I. K. O. Morgan, Labour in Power, 194~1951 (Oxford, 1984); H. Pelling, The Labour Governments, 194~51 (London, 1984); A. Cairncross, Years of Recovery: British Economic Policy, 194~51 (London, 1985); P. Hen nessy, Never Again: Britain, 194~1951 (London, 1992). 2. J. Saville, The Labour Movement in Britain (London, 1988); J. Fyrth (ed.), Labour's High Noon: The Government and the Economy, 194~51 (London, 1993). 3. C. Barnett, The Audit oj War: The Illusion and Reality of Britain as a Great Nation (London, 1986); The Lost Victory: British Dreams, British Realities, 194~1950 (London, 1995). 4. Symposium, 'Britain's Postwar Industrial Decline', Contemporary Record, 1: 2 (1987), pp. 11-19; N. Tiratsoo (ed.), The Altlee Years (London, 1991). 5. J. Tomlinson, 'Welfare and the Economy: The Economic Impact of the Welfare State, 1945-1951', Twentieth-Century British History, 6: 2 (1995), pp. 194--219. 6. Hennessy, Never Again, p. 453. See also M. Francis, 'Economics and Ethics: the Nature of Labour's Socialism, 1945-1951', Twentieth Century British History, 6: 2 (1995), pp. 220--43. 7. S. Fielding, P. Thompson and N. Tiratsoo, 'England Arise!' The Labour Party and Popular Politics in 1940s Britain (Manchester, 1995), pp. 209- 18. 8. P. Kellner, 'It Wasn't All Right,Jack', Sunday Times, 4 April 1993. See also The Guardian, 9 September 1993. 9. For a summary of the claims made by the political parties, see J. Barnes and A. Seldon, '1951-64: 13 W asted Years?', Contemporary Record, 1: 2 (1987). 10. V. Bogdanor and R. -
Narrowing the Presidential Recess Appointment Power in Nlrb V. Noel Canning
SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW RECESS IS OVER: NARROWING THE PRESIDENTIAL RECESS APPOINTMENT POWER IN NLRB V. NOEL CANNING The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.1 INTRODUCTION Recently, the Recess Appointments Clause2 (the Clause) has engendered substantial controversy in the legal and political world. In the case of NLRB v. Noel Canning,3 the Clause was the center of one of the United States Supreme Court’s most high profile cases in its October 2013 term. The case was of great interest to many, not only because it presented a matter of first impression to the Court on a constitutional issue, but also because it pitted a small company against the Executive Branch in a battle over presidential power. In Noel Canning, the Supreme Court held that certain recess appointments made by President Barack Obama in 2011 were invalid because the President had overstepped the power given to him under the Clause. In so doing, the Court upheld the judgments of most United States Circuit Courts of Appeal that had ruled on the issue. However, while the circuit courts took a narrow view of the President’s power to make recess appointments, the Supreme Court interpreted the Clause “practically” and took a broader view. The Court issued three holdings. First, “the Recess,” as used in the Clause, referred to Senate breaks occurring within single sessions of the Senate known as “intrasession” recesses, as well as to breaks occurring between two formal Senate sessions, known as “intersession” recesses. -
Rethinking Sullivan: New Approaches in Australia, New Zealand and England
The Catholic University of America, Columbus School of Law CUA Law Scholarship Repository Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions Faculty Scholarship 2002 Rethinking Sullivan: New Approaches in Australia, New Zealand and England Susanna Frederick Fischer The Catholic University, Columbus School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/scholar Part of the Constitutional Law Commons, and the Torts Commons Recommended Citation Susanna Frederick Fischer, Rethinking Sullivan: New Approaches in Australia, New Zealand and England, 34 GEO. WASH. INT’L L. REV. 101 (2002). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Scholarship at CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scholarly Articles and Other Contributions by an authorized administrator of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. RETHINKING SULLIVAN: NEW APPROACHES IN AUSTRALIA, NEW ZEALAND, AND ENGLAND SUSANNA FREDERICK FISCHER* "This is a difficult problem. No answer is perfect." - Lord Nicholls of Birkenhead in Reynolds v. Times Newspapers1 SUMMARY This Article employs a comparative analysis of some important recent Commonwealth libel cases to analyze what has gone wrong with U.S. defa- mation law since New York Times v. Sullivan and to suggest a new direc- tion for its reform. In Lange v. Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Lange v. Atkinson, and Reynolds v. Times Newspapers, the highest courts of the Australian, New Zealand, and English legal systems were con- fronted with the same challengefaced by the U.S. Supreme Court in New York Times v. Sullivan. They had to decide the proper constitutionalbal- ance between protection of reputation and protection of free expression in defamation actions brought by public officials over statements of fact. -
Constitutional Crises Compared: Impeachment, Brexit, and Executive Accountability
Emory International Law Review Volume 35 Issue 3 2021 Constitutional Crises Compared: Impeachment, Brexit, and Executive Accountability René Reyes Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation René Reyes, Constitutional Crises Compared: Impeachment, Brexit, and Executive Accountability, 35 Emory Int'l L. Rev. 441 (2021). Available at: https://scholarlycommons.law.emory.edu/eilr/vol35/iss3/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Emory Law Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Emory International Law Review by an authorized editor of Emory Law Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REYES2_4.8.21 4/21/2021 2:31 PM CONSTITUTIONAL CRISES COMPARED: IMPEACHMENT, BREXIT, AND EXECUTIVE ACCOUNTABILITY René Reyes ABSTRACT The United States and the United Kingdom share a common legal history and a number of fundamental constitutional values. Some of these fundamental values may occasionally come into conflict. For example, in 2019, both the United States and the United Kingdom experienced considerable legal and political upheaval as debates over the scope of executive power and the accountability of the executive branch came to the fore. In the United States, these debates culminated in the impeachment of President Donald Trump for abuse of power and obstruction of Congress. In the United Kingdom, the furor focused on Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s approach to Brexit and his attempt to prorogue Parliament. The impeachment drama and the Brexit saga were so severe that each was frequently referred to as a “constitutional crisis” in the popular press and public discourse.