Vidzeme. Baznīca. Sabiedrība

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Vidzeme. Baznīca. Sabiedrība 1 J.Krēsliņš STĀSTS PAR FRĪDRIHU BERNHARDU BLAUFUSU UN VIŅA NEVAID NIZZINAHMIEM STAHSTIEM Mums visiem labi zināms, ka aiz katra panākumiem bagāta virieša mēdz slēpties kāda sieviete - sieviete, bez kuras ieguldījuma diez vai cildināmais dižgars un sabiedrības domas virzītājs būtu tik vērā ņemams. Šajā izdevumā godinām sievieti, Magdalēnu fon Hallarti, kura nekādā ziņā savu slavu nav ieguvusi kā sava vīra vai kāda cita vīrieša piekabe, bet gan kā dināmiska mecenāte un sociālu un reliģisku eksperimentu diriģente un kā 18. gadu simteņa Lielvidzemes garīgās un sabiedriskās topogrāfijas 18. gadu izmainītāja. Pateicoties šīs sievietes sabiedriskajai vīzijai, Lielvidzeme šī gadu simteņa pirmajā pusē pārtapa par interesantu identitātes veidošanas laboratoriju. Neskatoties uz šīs sievietes nozīmīgajiem un cildinājamiem panākumiem, vērts ar vērst skatu uz tiem, kas darbojās Hallartienes paēnā. Viens šāds darbonis bija Frīdrihs Bernhards Blaufuss (Friedrich Bernhard Blaufuß). Jā, aiz lielām celmlauzēm var arī slēpties interesanti vīrieši! Un Blaufusa gadījumā nav nevietā lietot jēdzienu „slēpties,” jo kaut arī dažam labam varētu būt pazīstams viņa vārds, retais būs gatavs viņam pieškirt izškirošu lomu šī apvidus kultūras vēsturē. Bez minstināšanās varu apgalvot, ka izsekojis Blaufusa pēdām un darbiem, varu apgalvot, ka viņam ir lieli nopelni šī reģiona dažādo identitašu vēsturē un ka viņa ieguldījums latviešu valodas attīstībā ir bijis reti nozīmīgs, kaut arī, visā visumā, bieži aizmirsts. Kaut arī Blaufuss nav vienīgais, kam ir nozīme šajā laukā, uzdrošināšos apgalvot, ka bez Blaufusa šī reģiona dažādo identitašu vēsture būtu atšķetinājusies krietni savādāk un ka daudzi pārmaiņu procesi, kurus saistām ar citām personībām un vēlāku attīstības posmu, var savus dīgļus atrast Blaufusa darbībā. 1 Tas viss varetu šķist īpatni un mazliet pārsteidzoši! Kā tas iespējams, ka cilvēkam, kuru labākā gadījumā tikai garāmejot pieminam vēstures grāmatās, varētu būt tik liela nozīme? Kapēc, ja viņam būtu bijusi tik izšķiroša vieta mūsu kultūras vēsturē, Blaufusu nebūt vairāk pamanījuši agrākā historiogrāfiskā tradīcija? Vai tas nav tikai drusku sensāciju drudzis, kas noved pasaku stāstītājus pie šādiem pārgalvīgiem apgalvojumiem? Vai nesaredzam, ka sarežģītiem sabiedriskiem procesiem reti kad katalizators meklējams viena cilvēka darbībā un ka pati personība mēdz būt apstākļu un vides ietekmēta? Dažreiz cilvēku sajaucām ar virzību, kas drīzak parauj līdzi šos dižgarus. Šie izraudzītie individi paši bieži ir tikai šī aizraujošā notikumu virpuļa sākuma punkts. To saredzam. To izprotam. To litāniju arī pats esmu skaitījis, iepazīstoties ar Blaufusa neparasto dzīves stastu, viņa paša liecībām un atstāto mantojumu. Jo dziļāk esmu ieurbies Blaufusa dvēselē, jo skaidrāk es viņa personā esmu saredzējis nozīmīgu pagriezienu šī reģiona dažādo identitāšu tapšanas vēsturē. Un šeit vēlos uzsvērt, ka identitātes nebūt nav vienplākšņainas un vienkāršas. Tās var būt pretrunīgas, balstītas 1 Pamatinformācija par Blaufusu atrodama Deutschbaltisches Biographisches Lexikon 1710-1960 (Ķelne, 1970), 73; Die evangelischen Prediger Livlands bis 1928 (Ķelne, 1977), 176; J.B. Fischer, Beiträge und Berichtigung zu Hrn. F-K. Gadebuschs Livländischer Bibliothek (Rīga, 1782), 25-26; J. Fr. von der Recke un K. E. Napiersky, Allgemeines Schriftsteller – und Gelehrten Lexikon 1 (Mītava, 1827), 186-187. 2 vairāk iecerēs nekā īstenībā. Tajās iedziļinoties, pētniekam bieži vien uznāk pamatīgas galvas sāpes – kā visu šo daudzplākšņaino ietvert vienā audumā? Un ko lai darām ar individiem, kas brīvi un bez īpašām aizturēm var veidot un kopt vairākas identitātes vienlaicīgi. To vairums no mums dara ik dienas! Tādēļ savu pastaigu roku rokā ar Blaufusu iesāksim patālu no paša Blaufusa; laikā, kas Blaufusa sabiedrību bija veidojusi; sabiedribā, kurai bija attistījušies diezgan skaidri identitāšu parimetri; un teritorijā, kurā viņš pats nekad nebija soli spēris, bet bez kuras mantojuma mums nebūs izprast šo īpatnējo Fridriha Bernharda parādību. Ja vēršam savus skatus agrīno moderno laiku virziena, kura mantojuma atspulgā Blaufuss darbojās, redzam, ka identitātes veidoja ar gluži citiem pamata darba rīkiem un ķieģeļiem nekā vēlāk. 2 Aprakstīdami izgājušus laikus, bieži pārāk bieži izmanotjam priekštatus, kuri nostiprinājās tikai 18. gadu simteņa otrajā pusē. Te būtu jāatceras, ka Blaufusa dzīves laikā tas, ko bieži saistām ar 18. gadu simteni, vēl nebūt nebija pilnīgi nostiprinājies. 18. gadu simteņa pirmajā pusē vēl arvien bija dziļi iesakņojušies tie priekštati, kurus pirmām kārtām saistām ar iepriekšējiem laikiem. Šī laika vadošās personības apceļoja Ziemeļaustrumeiropu, nepievērsdamas savām identitātēm vai pederībai tāda veida uzmanību, kā mēs to šodien darām. Mums lietderīgi atcerēties, ka viņu identitātem trūka nacionālas pieskaņas šodienas jēgumā, un ka identitātes vispār veidoja mums neparastā veidā. Visbiežāk identitātes un līdz ar to cilvēku būtību šai laikā definēja ar aroda palīdzību, to konfesionālo piederību, to dzīves stilu – valodai un tautībai šodienas nozīmē pievērsa maz vērības. Nodarbošanās varēja būt svarīgāks rādītājs nekā dzīves vieta, vieta kādā saimē un sabiedrībā nozīmīgāka par līdzēkļiem. Šīs bija identitātes, kurām bija sveša tā priekštatu pasaule, kas attīstījās pēc 18. un 19. gadu simteņa mijā. Kultūras jēdziens mūsu modernajā izpratnē šo identitāšu struktūrās ir tikpat kā nesaredzams. Teritoriālais un pat personiskais šajās identitātē ir tīri miglains. Tadeļ šīs identitātes izplatās, bet reti kad tās kopē, reti kad tām seko, tās reti aizņemas. Otrkārt šīs identitātes ir pārsteidzoši līmeniskas. Nav tāda centra, tādas iestādes, kura būtu visu ietekmīga un kurai visi seko. Tādas identitātes attīstījās tikai 18. gadsimteņa Francijā un tikai vēlāk nostiprinājās citur. Treškārt, šajā pasaulē svarīgākas par robežām starp valstīm un kultūras tradicījam bija robežas starp pilsētām un laukiem. Pilsētas pat tukstošiem kilometriem attālumā viena no otras bija līdzīgakas viena otrai nekā lauki, kas varbūt atradās tikai pāris kilometru attālumā. Ceturtkārt, arī valodas ziņā nebija tādu valodu robežu, kadas mēs visbiežak šodien sastopam. Valodas radīja mazas pasaules, reizēm gluži vai neatkarīgas, citreiz ļoti ar citām valodu pasaulēm saistītas. 3 Ar valodu palīdzību varēja aprgrozīties dažadās sociālās vidēs, brīvi virzoties no vienas valodu pasaules uz otru. Šo virzību veicināja dziļi iesakņojušās mutiskās saziņas pasaules tradicijas. Šajā pasaulē valdīja semikomunikācijas gars. Vienā un tai pašā pilsetā iedzīvotāji (un te būtu piebilstāms, 2 Nozīmīgs ievads agrīno moderno laiku identitāšu vēsturē atrodams W. Schmale, „Das Konzept ’Kulturtransfer’ und das 16. Jahrhundert,” Kulturelle Praxis im 16. Jahrhundert , red. W. Schmale, Wiener Schriften zur Geschichte der Neuzeit 2 (Innsbruck, 2003), 41-57. 3 Par valodu nozīmi šīs pasaules veidošanā sk. J. Krēsliņš, „Linguistic Landscapes in the Baltic, Scandinavian Journal of History 28 (2003), 165-174. 3 ka saprotams ne visi) varēja slidēt no vienas valodas kultūras otrā. Veiklākie slīdētāji nebūt nebija augstāko šķiru pārstāvji, bet gan tie, kam ikdienā bija nepieciešams sadarboties ar dažādu kultūru pārstāvjiem. Ja brauca garus gabalus uz citiem centriem un vidēm, bieži vien varēja saprasties, lietojot valodu, kuru runāja un bija tikpat nepieciešama kā mājas. Šī bija pasaule, kurā no Novgoradas līdz Atverpenei, no polāriem apgabaliem līdz pat Šveicei varēja lietot lejas vācu, vēlāk augšvācu paveidus, un sagaidīt, neskatoties uz izteiksmes un izrunas dažādībām, ka būs iespējams sazināties pietiekami dziļā līmenī. Skaidrības labad te būtu vērts piebilst, ka saziņas kultūra bija gluži savādāka neka tā, kurā dzīvojam šodien un kurā angļu valodai liela nozīme. Šodienas angļu valodai lielākas līdzības ar tā laika latīņu valodu. Te nav runa par svešvalodu, kuru lietoja kā saziņas līdzekli, bet par valodu, kuru arī lieto vietējā vidē, bet kuru stiepjot un pārveidojot, var arī lietot citur. Visbeidzot, te būtu jāpiemin, ka šajā agrīni modernajā pasaulē bieži lietoja mantu kā identitātes atpazīstamības līdzekli, daudz vairāk nekā mēs to darām šodien, vai cik tas mums šķistu neiedomājami. Manta ceļoja daudz ātrāk nekā idejas un strāvojumi.. Šī pasaule bija pastāvējusi simtiem gadu. Lielvidzemē milzīgu pagriezienu ienesa zviedru valdīšanas laiks. Zviedrija bija jauna lielvalsts. Tā bija grūti aptverama, brīžiem stiepjoties līdz pat Eiropas kontinenta sirdij. Šādā lielvalstī pastāvošie identitātes risinājumi nevarēja nodrošināt spēcīgu kopīgu identitāti. Bija radies jauns izaicinājums – kā apvienot visas šīs ļoti atšķirīgās teritorijas vienā kopumā; bija nepieciešams identitātei radīt jaunu struktūru un pamatu. Skaidrs bija, ka zviedriskais nekādā ziņā nevarēja būt vienojošais faktors – ne tikai tapēc, ka tās lielavalsts teritorijā tas, ko mēs šodien varētu apzīmēt par zviedrisku bija, visā visumā, diezgan nepazīstams jēdziens, pat pašā Zviedrijas kodolā, jo šāda veida identitāte tikai lēnām saka attīstīties, bet gan tadēļ, ka lielvalstij bija nepieciešams atrast citus pamatus. Zviedrija izvēlējas iet jaunu ceļu – veidojot, kā viens no tā no laika nozīmīgākajiem sabiedriskās un reliģiskās domas virzītājiem jaunajā lielvalstī Hakvins Spēgels (Haquin Spegel) to nosauca, jauno Israelu. 4 Šis jaunais tēls atspoguļoja tieksmi ar arī uz valsts identitati raudzīties ar jaunām acenēm – identitāti, kas ne tikai raudzījās pagātnē un tur atrada savu attaisnojumu (leģitimizāciju), bet arī veidoja savu nākotnes vīziju un veidolu. Jaunā lielvalsts nevarēja
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