Revista Sep-Dez

Concepts and strategies for diplomacy in the Lula government 2 2 DIPLOMACY, STRATEGY & POLITICS - OCTOBER/DECEMBER 2004 Celso Amorim DIPLOMACY, STRATEGY & POLITICS - OCTOBER/DICIEMBRE 2004 3 Concepts and strategies for diplomacy in the Lula government 4 4 DIPLOMACY, STRATEGY & POLITICS - OCTOBER/DECEMBER 2004 Rafael Bielsa The Argentine foreign policy in the context of regional integration Rafael Bielsa * I n a passage from her outstanding study on The Human Condition, Hannah Arendt remarks: “we can only appreciate the greatness of Homer’s Achilles if we see him as the doer of great deeds and the speaker of great words.” For Arendt, action is the moment men develop the capacity most peculiar to them: the capacity to be free. Freedom, moreover, is bestowed not so much by the sheer contingency of choosing between alternative courses of action but rather by the capacity for initiative, the ability to transcend what is given and start something new. Action, she reminds us, “creates the condition for remembrance, that is, for history.” Action and freedom lead us to an interpretation of power. From the perspective Arendt gives us, power is not a resource men can wield indivudally. It is a relational attribute (the capacity for joint action) so the condition enabling it is plurality. The key to power is not, then, appropriating another’s will to * Minister of Foreign Affairs, Intenational Trade and Worship of the Republic of Argentina. DIPLOMACY, STRATEGY & POLITICS - OCTOBER/DECEMBER 2004 5 The Argentine foreign policy in the context of regional integration attain one’s own ends. Instead, it is the shaping of a common will through communication that aims to achieve understanding. That is why politics is essentially done with words. What significance do these remarks have when it comes to considering Argentine foreign policy in the context of regional integration? Their real significance, to my mind, is that they allow us to map out the epistemological terrain on which the country’s international operations unfold. Let me explain myself. In a world in which uncertainty, risks and disparities have been heightened, moving conscientiously within the existing limits of self-determination requires the strengthening of co-operation, solidarity and the establishment of common ground with countries with whom we share interests, values and outlooks. In an interdependent global arena, that capacity to act concertedly – to work together – with a positive-sum rationale is a power resource that we must prove capable of exploiting to the full. The foreign policy of democracy It has become a common practice in certain academic circles and in some journals to play up the ruptures more than the continuities when analysing Argentina’s foreign policy from a historical perspective. It could be said that the ruptures apparent in Argentine foreign policy mirror those that vexed the life of the country itself while it was beset by the chops and changes of dictatorial rule. Conversely, despite their differing shades of colour and emphasis, one can perceive a common thread linking the country’s constitutional governments. They have all favoured peace, Latin American unity and respect for international law. This is an approach that the government of President Néstor Kirchner is also endeavouring to advance. Until 1976, for Argentina the 20th century was marked by the people’s struggle to secure their political, social and economic rights. Their struggle was channelled primarily through the country’s main political parties and its popular governments. It was thwarted by the breaks with the constitutional order provoked by coups d’état. It might seem unnecessary to recall the influence that external circumstances and the prevailing ideological systems had on domestic affairs. The dire effect the Cold War had on the countries in the Southern Cone cannot be understated, though. 6 6 DIPLOMACY, STRATEGY & POLITICS - OCTOBER/DECEMBER 2004 Rafael Bielsa The last military dictatorship in Argentina, the self-proclaimed “Process of National Re-organisation” (1976-1983), took the premise of eliminating the “ideological enemy” to extremes. “The Process has objectives but no time limits” was a maxim that marked a break with the tacit understanding that had prevailed until then: that coups d’état installed transitional governments to prepare the way for fresh elections once the desired “order” had been imposed. This time round, however, not only were citizens’ political rights abrogated but a deliberate policy of physical extermination was introduced. The issue of human rights in Argentina thus became notorious and painful. While it set about eliminating the “internal enemy” the Military Junta exaggerated the existence of potential external enemies. These were to be found in the territorial as opposed to the ideological terrain. The regime appealed to a demagogic, anachronous form of nationalism whipped up by the hypothesis of military confrontation with countries on its borders. Just as the dictatorship had stifled civil society’s means of expression, organisation and participation, so it set about dismantling policies promoting co-operation with neighbouring countries – a hallmark of previous constitutional governments. Based on a seriously misinformed assessment of the international scenario and its alliances, the already debilitated military government of General Galtieri opted for war in a move to recover its strength. The defeat in the Malvinas widened the chink in the armour that the people had begun to prise open on March 30th 1982. After years of oppression and forced silence, they marched on the historic Plaza de Mayo in central Buenos Aires to demand their rights.1 The reference above to the last military dictatorship makes it easier to contextualise Argentine foreign policy in the democratic phase that followed and to appreciate the progress made over the last two decades. Besides securing full enjoyment of constitutional freedoms, Argentina has established a series of principles relating to its foreign policy that we now steadfastly uphold with great pride. 1 This was the first mass demonstration against the military dictatorship rallied by the CGT union confederation and human rights organisations to demand “peace, bread and work.” DIPLOMACY, STRATEGY & POLITICS - OCTOBER/DECEMBER 2004 7 The Argentine foreign policy in the context of regional integration I refer particularly to the defence of democracy and unfaltering respect for human rights as a core value; the commitment to peace, security, disarmament, non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and condemnation of drug trafficking and international terrorism with strict observance of decisions issuing from the United Nations Security Council; the priority ascribed to regional integration, especially Mercosur, which we now look upon as a political and strategic project whose scope extends well beyond that of a mere trading bloc. In the framework of a foreign policy committed to peace and multilateralism, I would like to express our desire to further our pacific endeavours to recover the Malvinas Islands. This will entail actions intended to preserve and reaffirm Argentina’s sovereign rights over the Islands and their surrounding maritime waters at both bilateral and multilateral levels. Recovering full exercise of sovereignty, with due respect for the islanders’ interests and the precepts of international law, is an unrenounceable objective of the Argentine people and a policy of State that the present Government continues to advance. In this southern hemisphere context, we remain committed to protecting the interests of the international community in Antarctica, ensuring that activities undertaken there comply with the terms of the Antarctic Treaty and the Madrid Protocol on preservation of the environment. In this respect, we are taking action in the appropriate forums to see the Antarctic Treaty Secretariat operating and its authorities instated at their headquarters in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires. The Argentine Government intends to be true to the finest of our foreign policy principles and traditions and at the same time to pay heed to the nation’s interests. In my opinion, coherence of this sort is achieved by replicating the values of democracy, equality, liberty, social justice and participation that we espouse in the domestic sphere in the international arena. Thus, the consolidation and modernisation of our democratic institutions at home match the strengthening and updating of international organisations; the principle of equality among citizens reflects the necessary parity among sovereign States; the objective of achieving higher levels of welfare and social equity is on a par with the right of access to international markets without subsidies or unfair competition; social cohesion is one with regional integration; 8 8 DIPLOMACY, STRATEGY & POLITICS - OCTOBER/DECEMBER 2004 Rafael Bielsa social solidarity equates with Latin-American solidarity; defence of human rights corresponds to rejection of all species of fundamentalism; preservation of domestic peace and security is analogous to strong condemnation of terrorism and the consolidation of a zone of peace in our region of the world. Argentina’s stance toward the international order We are at one of those points in time when mankind yearns for a new direction once the reasons that had led it to take the previous tack have lost their shine. Little more than a decade ago, the fall of the Berlin Wall ushered in a post-Cold

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