¿Quién Nos Va a Contar? a Va ¿Quién Nos

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¿Quién Nos Va a Contar? a Va ¿Quién Nos ¿QUIÉN NOS VA A CONTAR? A VA ¿QUIÉN NOS Informe para la Comisión de la Verdad sobre experiencias de personas lesbianas, gays, bisexuales y trans en el conflicto armado colombiano COLOMBIA DIVERSA 2 CON EL APOYO DE: COLOMBIA DIVERSA 3 ¿Quién nos va a contar? Informe para la Comisión de la Verdad sobre experiencias de personas LGBT en el conflicto armado colombiano © Colombia Diversa es una organización no gubernamental que trabaja por los derechos humanos de lesbianas, gay, bisexuales y personas trans (LGBT) en Colombia. www.colombiadiversa.org Directora ejecutiva: Marcela Sánchez Buitrago Textos e investigación Colombia Diversa: Lucía Baca, María Daniela Díaz Villamil y María Susana Peralta Ramón Investigación Colombia Diversa: Luis Eduardo Fernández Molinares y Mariana García Jimeno Investigación Diversas Incorrectas: Paola Esteban Castrillón, Karen Estefanni Pérez Álvarez y Jully Mantilla Portilla Edición y corrección de estilo: María Susana Peralta Ramón Asistente de investigación: Ivanna Caravallo y Valentina Fajardo Conceptualiazación y diseño: William Botía Suárez Impresión AltaVoz Editores Septiembre de 2020 www.altavoz.com.co ISBN: 978-958-52701-6-9 Las opiniones expresadas aquí son responsabilidad de las autoras y no necesariamente reflejan la posición oficial del Centro Internacional para la Justicia Transicional (ICTJ por sus siglas en inglés), la Embajada de Holanda en Colombia, Global Affairs Canada e Inter Pares. COLOMBIA DIVERSA 4 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 5 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 6 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 7 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 8 El informe que está por leer nace de la profunda convicción que las personas LGBT víctimas del conflicto armado merecen ser escucha- das y sus memorias dignificadas ahora más que nunca. Aunque toda- vía no logremos consolidar la paz, este momento de transición política crea una oportunidad histórica para interrogar nuestra identidad na- cional y proyectarnos hacia una nación más justa y abrazadora de la diversidad. Materializar esta convicción en un informe que reuniera las experiencias de conflicto de tantas personas LGBT y que pudiera ser entregado a la Comisión de la Verdad fue una tarea muy grata pero retadora. Sin las contribuciones y el apoyo de las siguientes personas, simplemente no habría sido posible: Un profundo agradecimiento a las personas LGBT víctimas del conflicto de Nariño, Putumayo y el sur del Tolima, que son el corazón de nuestro trabajo. La existencia de este informe es un testamento de su lucha ante eventos atroces que nunca debieron haber ocurrido y ja- más deberán repetirse. A la Asociación LGBTI Chaparral Diversa, Diversas Incorrectas, la Fundación Caracolas de Paz, la Fundación Afrocolombiana Arco Íris y la Fundación Ágora Club, por su asiduo activismo y por la construcción colectiva y enriquecedora de esta apuesta política por la verdad. A Gustavo Adolfo Pérez y Luis Eduardo Fernández Molinares, por la lectura rigurosa de la primera versión de este texto. También a Luis Eduardo por su análisis agudo en Vivir bajo sospecha, un aporte fun- damental para la elaboración de este informe. A Marcela Sánchez, por su liderazgo cuidador y por depositar en nosotras su confianza para la elaboración de un informe tan necesario en la búsqueda de una narrativa que sepa de nosotras, de nuestros do- lores y de la reconciliación equitativa. Al Centro Internacional por la Justica Transicional (ICTJ), por siempre respaldar el posicionamiento de los derechos y las reivindi- caciones de las personas LGBT en la agenda de la justicia transicional. A Fokus en Colombia y al pueblo noruego, por su firme compromiso con la consolidación de una paz con justicia de género. En particular, a Ana Milena González por su empeño y dedicación a la implementación de la agenda de Género, Paz y Seguridad en Colombia desde una pers- pectiva interseccional. A Interpares y Global Affairs Canada, por ser aliados incansables de la lucha por la igualdad y la construcción de paz en Colombia. Un es- pecial agradecimiento a Bill Fairbairn, por su compromiso inigualable con la justicia social. COLOMBIA DIVERSA 9 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 10 A la memoria de Cristal, una luz que reía y resistía a pesar de la guerra que le marcó el cuerpo. Gracias por enseñarnos a resistir amando. A la memoria de Álvaro Miguel, por mostrar caminos de dolor y esperanza con su vida, por mostrar las hondas heridas que el prejuicio deja y por mirar a los raros, indeseables y torcidas con la certeza de que sus vidas merecen justicia y verdad. COLOMBIA DIVERSA 11 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 12 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 13 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 14 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 15 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 16 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 17 COLOMBIA DIVERSA 18 El espacio de la memoria es entonces un espacio de lucha política, y no pocas veces esta lucha es concebida en términos de la lucha «contra el olvido»: recordar para no repetir. Las consignas pueden en este pun- to ser algo tramposas. La «memoria contra el olvido» o «contra el silencio» esconde lo que en realidad es una oposición entre distintas memorias rivales (cada una de ellas con sus propios olvidos). Es en verdad «memoria contra memoria» 1. Elizabeth Jelin, Los trabajos de la memoria, 2002. Hay vidas que no pueden ser contadas porque su narrador está des- perdigado por los ríos colombianos, o porque su cuerpo ha insistido en olvidar a la fuerza cada uno de los golpes que ha apenas sobrevivido, o porque los protagonistas no tienen a quién hablarle, o porque quienes los escuchan también los juzgan y menosprecian los motivos de su dolor. Hay historias que jamás abandonaron el recinto de su misma ocurrencia, y tantas otras están arrinconadas en corazones abatidos y pechos que respiran despacio. Pero unas pocas logran sobrevivir el tortuoso trayecto del cuerpo a la voz, y de la voz a la historia, y de la historia a esto: a un intento de hacer algo para cambiar el curso del mundo. De esas pocas historias, Colombia Diversa ha logrado encon- trar y documentar los relatos de al menos treinta personas LGBT que han sido víctimas de violencia por prejuicio por parte de los actores armados en el conflicto colombiano. La deuda histórica del Estado y de las academias jurídica, del con- flicto y feminista con las vidas LGBT está usualmente fundamentada (explícita o implícitamente) en la creencia de que la discriminación es un evento secundario, algo apenas concomitante con los otros hechos –que sí son relevantes en cualquier estudio del conflicto colombiano–. Este informe es la criatura que demuestra –con su olor, con sus trazos, 1 JELIN, Elizabeth. Los trabajos de la memoria. Madrid: Siglo XXI de España Editores, S.A., 2002. COLOMBIA DIVERSA 19 con su forma de ser leído y con el acompañamiento de las víctimas– que la discriminación se encuentra en el corazón del conflicto armado colombiano. La persecución, el hostigamiento y la anulación siste- mática de las personas LGBT por parte de todos los actores armados demuestra que en sus cuerpos, en sus identidades y en sus dinámicas sociales se jugaba un botín que cada parte deseaba reclamar para sí. Una y otra vez los actores armados se valieron de las instituciones discriminatorias contra las personas LGBT para avanzar sus intereses de guerra y para instrumentalizarlos valiéndose de su vulnerabilidad económica, social y política. Esta persecución fue particularmente intensa porque no eran víctimas de nadie: eran víctimas solas, sin dolientes, sin reclamo social que las arropara y sin lugares en los que pudieran reposar su cabeza (ni para dormir ni para morirse). Las historias de las personas LGBT han estado siempre dentro de la zona de alcance de las “políticas del no-saber”. Como Carolyn Nordstrom2 lo explica, estas políticas consisten en ignorar e invisibilizar a las personas más maltratadas y a las instituciones y personas que se benefician de explotarlas. Esta invisibilización imposibilita el conocimiento público de tales violencias e impide por completo la discu- sión nacional e internacional para proteger a estos individuos vulnerables. Llega a tal punto la invisibi- lización de estas violencias que, incluso cuando sí hay datos (recogidos usualmente por organizaciones o activistas) al respecto, las instituciones estatales se niegan a tenerlas en cuenta en sus labores y des- estiman las cifras por no ser suficientemente robustas o por no ser representativas, o por no ceñirse a la competencia de esa institución en particular, o por cualquier excusa que parezca objetiva. La conse- cuencia de esto, como bien lo señala José Fernando Serrano3, es la inactividad estatal y la falta de reco- nocimiento de otras historias que pueden alimentar el proceso de transición hacia una verdad pluralista y negociada. Reconocer las particularidades de la violencia que ha sido ejercida contra las personas LGBT permite adelantar prácticas de memoria y la creación de sujetos políticos4. La combinación de es- tas técnicas puede nutrir de manera integral y particular el proceso transicional de la verdad nacional. A lo largo de este informe se pretende reconocer y explicar la violencia por prejuicio contra las personas LGBT mediante sus propias voces y mediante la reconciliación de las teorías académicas que se han acercado a los conflictos, al feminismo, al género y a la sexualidad. Este ejercicio dignifica a las víctimas del conflicto ubicándolas en un lugar propio en el largo hilo explicativo del conflicto armado colombia- no. También el informe pretende ser el agente provocador de reflexiones rigurosas sobre lo que les pasó a las personas LGBT en el conflicto: de qué manera, a manos de quién y con qué propósito lo hicieron en medio de una guerra y por qué contra esta población específicamente. Y, no menos importante, tener a las víctimas en el centro del proceso analítico permite que sus historias puedan ser realmente vistas en su profundidad y complejidad, en vez de ser aglomeradas junto con otras violencias que suscitan poco interés por parte de la mirada estatal.
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