Bahrain 2016 Human Rights Report
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The Sunni and Shiite Axes in the Middle East
The Sunni and Shiite Axes in the Middle East Sima Shine 2QHRIWKHGH¿QLQJFKDUDFWHULVWLFVRIWKH0LGGOH(DVWRIUHFHQW\HDUVKDV been the worsening crisis between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and the efforts on both sides to consolidate regional coalitions in order to increase their regional LQÀXHQFH2YHUWKHODVWGHFDGHWKHUHJLRQZLWQHVVHGDVHULHVRIGUDPDWLF developments, caused by both endogenous and exogenous factors, while in the background the Saudi-led Sunni axis and the Iran-led Shiite axis took shape. On the one hand, the region saw the collapse of some Arab states as a result of their populations’ pent-up disappointment with the oppressive regimes that were unable to meet civilian needs. This development, along with the failure of secular pan-Arabism, paved the way for the rise of political Islam and the return of religion – in itself fertile ground for factionalism and sectarianism – to the region’s political arena. The strengthening of the Sunni sector, which lacked a universally recognized spiritual-religious center, HQDEOHGWKHGHYHORSPHQWRIDUDQJHRI6XQQLJURXSVZKRDUHQRZ¿JKWLQJ each other while exploiting the disintegration of some state frameworks, and QXUWXULQJWKH6XQQL6KLLWHFRQÀLFW2QWKHRWKHUKDQGWKH$PHULFDQLQYDVLRQ RI,UDTWKHUHPRYDORI6DGGDP+XVVHLQ¶V6XQQLUHJLPHDQGWKHULVHRIWKH 6KLLWHPDMRULW\OHGWRWKH¿UVWHYHU6KLLWHUHJLPHLQDQ$UDEFRXQWU\DQG paved the way for Iran’s massive entry to the arena. This is how the “Shiite FUHVFHQW´FRPSULVLQJ,UDQ,UDT6\ULDDQG/HEDQRQZDVIRUPHG7KHZDU in Yemen, in which Iran is aiding the Shiite-allied Houthis, strengthened WKHLPDJHRIWKHVSUHDGRI,UDQLDQLQÀXHQFHIURPWKH*XOIDQGWKH6WUDLWRI Hormuz to the Mandeb Strait and the Red Sea. 141 Sima Shine At the heart of the rising tension and rivalry is the relationship between Iran and Saudi Arabia, which has known many ups and downs in the almost four decades since the Islamic Revolution in Iran and Ayatollah Khomeini’s blunt statement that the House of Saud must be overthrown. -
Kingdom of Bahrain Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review
Kingdom of Bahrain Submission to the UN Universal Periodic Review 27th Session of the UPR Working Group Submitted 22 September 2016 Submission by Bahrain Human Rights Observatory (BHRO): Creation of parties and non-governmental organizations Freedom of assembly and peaceful demonstration Excessive suppression of protests Freedom of opinion and expression BHRO : Bahrain Human Rights Observatory Mrs. Jalila Al-Salman Mobile: +97336595325 e-mail: [email protected] Background: This report, addressed to the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) session on Bahrain, covers the period from the end of the UPR in May 2012 up to the writing of this report in April 2016. The report is based on the Bahraini Constitution and the laws acted upon domestically. It is also founded on the United Nation’s Charter, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as major conventions and treaties that Bahrain had endorsed in this field. The figures and statistics in this report depend on our observations of the violations committed. Bahrain’s enforcement of the 2012 Human Rights Council’s Recommendations: The United Nation’s Human Rights Council issued, in its second cycle in May 2012, 21 recommendations regarding the freedom of opinion, expression, peaceful assembly and association. Albeit Bahrain had roughly agreed upon all the recommendations mentioned, nothing had actually changed except an enhancement in the level of suppression against protesters. The Humans Rights Council had advised to make space for a political opposition. However, the Bahraini authorities did not comply with these recommendations, and more so pressured political associations to dissolve The Islamic Action Society [also known as Amal Party] in 2012 and chased down al-Wefaq National Islamic Society and the National Democratic Action Society (Waad) until al-Wefaq was dissolved in June 2016. -
The UK's Relations with Saudi Arabia and Bahrain
House of Commons Foreign Affairs Committee The UK’s relations with Saudi Arabia and Bahrain Fifth Report of Session 2013–14 Volume II Additional written evidence Ordered by the House of Commons to be published 12 November 2013 Published on 22 November 2013 by authority of the House of Commons London: The Stationery Office Limited The Foreign Affairs Committee The Foreign Affairs Committee is appointed by the House of Commons to examine the expenditure, administration, and policy of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office and its associated agencies. Current membership Rt Hon Richard Ottaway (Conservative, Croydon South) (Chair) Mr John Baron (Conservative, Basildon and Billericay) Rt Hon Sir Menzies Campbell (Liberal Democrat, North East Fife) Rt Hon Ann Clwyd (Labour, Cynon Valley) Mike Gapes (Labour/Co-op, Ilford South) Mark Hendrick (Labour/Co-op, Preston) Sandra Osborne (Ayr, Carrick and Cumnock) Andrew Rosindell (Conservative, Romford) Mr Frank Roy (Labour, Motherwell and Wishaw) Rt Hon Sir John Stanley (Conservative, Tonbridge and Malling) Rory Stewart (Conservative, Penrith and The Border) The following Members were also members of the Committee during the parliament: Rt Hon Bob Ainsworth (Labour, Coventry North East) Emma Reynolds (Labour, Wolverhampton North East) Mr Dave Watts (Labour, St Helens North) Powers The Committee is one of the departmental select committees, the powers of which are set out in House of Commons Standing Orders, principally in SO No 152. These are available on the internet via www.parliament.uk. Publication The Reports and evidence of the Committee are published by The Stationery Office by Order of the House. All publications of the Committee (including news items) are on the internet at www.parliament.uk/facom. -
Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators Must Face Justice
Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators must Face Justice A Report by the Gulf Centre for Human Rights (GCHR) March 2021 Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators must Face Justice I. Executive Summary 3 II. Methodology 4 III. Introduction 5 1. Patterns of Torture 6 1.1 The Prevalence of Torture in the Bahraini Justice System and Extraction of Confessions by Torture 6 1.2 Gross Violations of Fair Trial Rights and Due Process: The Admissibility of Confessions Extracted by Torture in Criminal Proceedings 10 1.3 The Use of Torture and its Chilling Effect on Exercising the Rights to Freedom of Expression, Assembly and Association 11 1.4 Torture and Travel Bans in Reprisal against Human Rights Defenders who Interact with International Human Rights Mechanisms 12 2. Ending the Culture of Impunity: Ensuring that Perpetrators of Torture are Held Accountable 14 2.1 Tackling the Culture of Impunity within Bahrain 14 2.2 Ensuring International Accountability by Moving Away from a Culture of Complicity in the International Community 15 3. Conclusion 20 4. Recommendations 21 4.1 Recommendations to the Government of Bahrain 21 4.2 Recommendations to the International Community 21 2 Patterns of Torture in Bahrain: Perpetrators must Face Justice I. Executive Summary This report provides a comprehensive overview of the specific ways and means by which torture is perpetrated in Bahrain, with a particular focus on the period since the 2011 popular movement and the violent crackdown that followed. The report documents the widespread use of forms of -
A Comparative Analysis of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and Bahrain's February 14Th Movement Based on Goldstone's Fourth Generation Theory
Science Arena Publications Specialty Journal of Politics and Law ISSN: 2520-3282 Available online at www.sciarena.com 2018, Vol, 3 (4): 62-78 A Comparative Analysis of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and Bahrain's February 14th Movement Based on Goldstone's Fourth Generation Theory Ehsan Bagheri Dana1, Alireza Beygi1, Peyman Hassani2* 1 Islamic Studies and Political Science, Imam Sadiq University, Tehran, Iran, 2 Islamic Studies and Law, Imam Sadiq University, Tehran, Iran. *Corresponding Author Abstract: The comparative analysis of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and Bahrain's February 14th movement as two Islamic countries which have been highly affected by each other in various fields is of great importance. By adapting the most critical Western ideas about the Islamic Revolution of Iran and analyzing its similarities and differences with Bahrain's February 14th movement, some of their most significant similarities and differences can be found. The " Goldstone's fourth generation " theory, which was presented as one of the late theories in the cause of the revolution, was evaluated by some scholars of the Islamic revolution in Iran and is still under investigation. The present study aimed at explaining the similarities and differences between the two events and evaluate the influence Bahrain’s movement from the Islamic Revolution of Iran through the comparative analysis of the Islamic Revolution of Iran and Bahrain's February 14th movement based on Goldstone's fourth generation theory. The findings of this study which were obtained based on a descriptive- analytical method and collection of sources based on the library and interviews with elite indicated that the Bahrain’s system in Bahrain's February 14th movement attempted to deny the effect of the Iranian revolution on Bahrain and introduce Bahrain's developments due to religious differences between Shiite and Sunni. -
Bahrain 2016 Human Rights Report
BAHRAIN 2016 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Bahrain is a constitutional monarchy. King Hamad Bin Isa al-Khalifa, the head of state, appoints the cabinet, consisting of 26 ministers; 12 of those ministers were members of the al-Khalifa ruling family. Parliament consists of an appointed upper house, the Shura (Consultative) Council, and the elected Council of Representatives, each with 40 seats. Approximately 52 percent of eligible voters participated in parliamentary elections held in 2014. Turnout was significantly lower in opposition districts, due in part to a decision to boycott the elections by the main opposition political societies and a lack of confidence among opposition communities in the electoral system. The government did not permit international election monitors. Domestic monitors generally concluded the authorities administered the elections without significant procedural irregularities. There were, however, broader concerns regarding voting-district boundaries. Civilian authorities maintained effective control over the security forces. The most serious human rights problems included limitations on citizens’ ability to choose their government peacefully, including due to the government’s ability to close arbitrarily or create registration difficulties for organized political societies; restrictions on free expression, assembly, and association; and lack of due process in the legal system, including arrests without warrants or charges and lengthy pretrial detentions--used especially in cases against opposition members -
Updates on the Crackdown on Human Rights in Bahrain
Issue #2 September 2016 Updates on the Crackdown on Human Rights in Bahrain Enclosed a report on the 33rd session of the Human Rights council 400 Students Remain Detained with Launch of Academic Year The founder and president of the Bahrain Teach- ers’ Association (BTA), and assistant Secretary General of the Arab Teachers Union, Mahdi Abu Deeb, said on his Twitter account, “while students wear their school costumes, carry their school bags and go to their schools, there are 400 stu- dents that are detained and deprived from the right to education.” He, also, confirmed that it is the government’s full responsibility to overcome all hardships for the sake of the right to education, rath- er than create hardships. Therefore, “each detained student is in their protection as long as they are detained.” Mahdi Abu Deeb A Bahraini Boy Kept in Solitary Confinement On Sunday (September 4, 2016) Mostafa al-Motgha- wi (16 years old), the brother of the activist Ahmad al-Motghawi, received a summon to be present for interrogation at the Budaiya Police Station where he was arrested and kept in custody in the following day over charges of demonstrating in Duraz. On Wednes- day (September 7, 2016), Mostafa was transferred to the criminal investigations department building, despite the prosecutions’ deci- sion to release him. His lawyer and family members Mostafa al-Motghawi were not allowed to visit him. On Sunday (September 18, 2016), the tion. Bahraini authorities released Mostafa The two boys face charges related 12 days following his arrest. to taking part in Duraz protest that In a similar move, the authorities de- has being ongoing since over 90 days cided to detain boy Ali Mohammad Al- against revoking the citizenship of Aya- Moamen for 7 days pending investiga- tollah Sheikh Isa Qassim. -
Parliamentary and Municipal Elections in Bahrain 2006: Islamic Sunnis Are Leading the Second Elections in Bahrain
Parliamentary and municipal elections in Bahrain 2006: Islamic Sunnis are leading the second elections in Bahrain 13 December 2006 The first round The results of the Bahraini parliamentary and municipal elections were a frustration to more than 25 former Bahraini deputies who re-nominated themselves. Only six of them won. The elections were frustrating also to the women. Out of 16 women candidates, only one woman won by acclaim while the other women lost. None of these women were qualified for the rerun. Meanwhile, the Islamic national Accord [Wifaq] Society won 15 seats out of a total of 26 seats. This was confirmed by the final results of the first round elections. The total number of candidates who ran for parliamentary elections reached 207 candidates who nominated themselves in 39 electoral constituencies while 13 candidates announced their withdrawal from the electoral battle. The candidates competed for 40 House of Representatives seats. Meanwhile, 171 candidates competed in the municipal elections for 40 seats in five municipal councils in Bahrain’s five governorates. Surprises as violent as a thunderbolt were reported during the elections. Most former parliamentary figures lost the election. The most important of these were the first deputy speaker of the House of Representatives Abdul Hadi Marhoon, who won 300 votes only compared to his competitor who obtained 4,000 votes. The results of the elections also showed the loss of the chairmen of the financial and foreign committees. No second Bahraini woman won. The only woman winner was Latifah al-Qu’ud who won by acclaim. Moreover, Sulaiman Abbawi, the first Christian to run for municipal elections, lost. -
Iran's Clandestine War on the Kingdom of Bahrain
41 Dirasat Iran’s Clandestine War on the Kingdom of Bahrain: Saraya al Ashtar and the Military Wing of Hezbollah Bahrain Jumada I, 1440 - January 2019 Mitchell Belfer - Khalid Alshaikh Iran’s Clandestine War on the Kingdom of Bahrain: Saraya al Ashtar and the Military Wing of Hezbollah Bahrain Mitchell Belfer - Khalid Alshaikh 4 Dirasat No. 41 Jumada I, 1440 - January 2019 © King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies, 2019 King Fahd National Library Cataloging-In-Publication Data Alshaikh, Khalid - Belfer, Mitchell Irans Clandestine War the Kingdom of Bahrain: Saraya al Ashtar and the Military Wing of. / Alshaikh, Khalid - Belfer, Mitchell . - Riyadh , 2019 (دراسات ؛ p ; 23 x 16.5 cm . - ( 41 32 ISBN: 978-603-8268-00-1 1 - Iraq - Foreign relations 2- Bahrain I - Title II-Series 327.537055 dc 1440/3856 L.D. no. 1440/3856 ISBN: 978-603-8268-00-1 Table of Contents Abstract 6 Introduction and Overview 7 Saraya al Ashtar (SaA) 9 The Al-Wafa Islamic Movement and the SaA 13 The Military Wing of Hezbollah Bahrain (MWHB) 19 Some Impacts to Consider 24 Constraining the Iranian Threat 26 Conclusion 28 5 6 Dirasat No. 41 Jumada I, 1440 - January 2019 Abstract The 1979 Iranian revolution continues to reverberate throughout the Middle East. While many of the more pronounced Iranian proxies, such as the Lebanese Hezbollah and the Houthi militia in Yemen, are the focus of a wide assortment of terror-state explorations, it is important to look at some of the other organizations that Tehran utilizes in pursuit of its regional and international interests. -
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Regional Overview – Middle East 5 March 2019 acleddata.com/2019/03/05/regional-overview-middle-east-5-march-2019/ Tom Hart March 5, 2019 Throughout the Middle East region last week, overall instances of battles continued to decrease, while remote violence events, such as airstrikes and IED attacks, also decreased following a two-month upward trend. Despite this, reported fatalities increased significantly, especially in Yemen, where the above trends were reversed. Demonstration events, meanwhile, decreased across all countries in the region. In Israel, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was the main focal point of news reports last week. On 28 February, a UN Human Rights Council probe concluded that Israeli soldiers may have committed war crimes and/or crimes against humanity in their response to the Great Return marches in Gaza, which included the fatal shooting of medics, journalists, children, and disabled persons (Times of Israel, 28 February 2019). On the same day, Israel’s attorney general announced his intention to indict Netanyahu for bribery, fraud, and other charges with just 40 days before his re-election run (New York Times, 28 February 2019). In response, Israelis took to the street of Tel Aviv and demonstrated for his resignation. Whilst hundreds of Israelis took part in the demonstration against the PM, there were reports of only a few dozen demonstrating in his support. Meanwhile, in the southern province, a number of incendiary balloons were launched across the border from Gaza throughout the week. One such balloon exploded mid-air and caused damage to a number of homes in the Eshkol Regional Council, while another caused a fire in Kissufim forest. -
A Shift Among the Shi'a Will a Marj'a Emerge from the Arabian Peninsula?
A SHIFT AMONG THE SHI'A WILL A MARJ'A EMERGE FROM THE ARABIAN PENINSULA? ABBAS KADHIM & ABDULLAH F. ALREBH JANUARY 2021 POLICY PAPER 2021 P CONTENTS * 1 UNDERSTANDING SHI’A RELIGIOUS AUTHORITY * 2 COMPLICATED LOYALTIES: RELIGION AND THE STATE * 4 THE MARJ'AIYYAH IN THE ARAB GULF : A BRIEF HISTORY * 5 GCC SHI’A AND THE TRANSNATIONAL MARJ‘AS * 7 HOW DOES A CLERIC BECOME A MARJ’A? * 8 THE POSSIBLE CANDIDATES * 10 OBSTACLES TO A LOCAL MARJ'AIYYAH P SUMMARY The highest-ranking Shi’a religious authorities are known as marj’as. These clerics have large followings who “emulate” them, which entails adherence to the marj‘as’ legal decisions, spiritual practices, and often, political positions. Currently, most marj‘as are Iranian and reside in either Qom, Iran or in Najaf, Iraq . Many of their followers, however, live in Sunni-majority Persian Gulf states. In light of the political tensions between Iran and the Gulf states, officials in the latter have expressed reservations about the relationship between Shi’a citizens and Iranian religious leaders. This paper looks at the poliitical implications of the relationship between Shi’a in the Gulf states and Iranian marj‘as. It considers the historical background to these ties as well as the Gulf states’ concerns surrounding the outflow to Iran of religious taxes, which are interpreted as a sign of possibly conflicting loyalties. The authors argue that the emergence of a marj‘a who would be based in one of the Gulf states could quell these concerns. To inform policymakers and regional analysts, the paper identifies potential marj‘as from the region and steps that Gulf states must take so that their Shi’a citizens will shift their allegiance from foreign-based marj‘as to domestically based ones. -
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S
Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Kenneth Katzman Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Updated February 24, 2020 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov 95-1013 Bahrain: Unrest, Security, and U.S. Policy Summary A 2011 uprising by a mostly Shia opposition to the Sunni-minority-led regime of Bahrain’s Al Khalifa ruling family has subsided, but punishments of oppositionists and periodic demonstrations continue. The uprising did not achieve its goal of establishing a constitutional monarchy, but the unrest compelled the ruling family to undertake some modest reforms. Elections for the lower house of a legislative body, last held in 2018, were marred by the banning of opposition political societies and allegations of gerrymandering. The mainstream opposition uses peaceful forms of dissent, but small factions, reportedly backed by Iran, have conducted some attacks on security officials. The government’s repression presents a policy dilemma for the United States because Bahrain is a longtime ally that is pivotal to maintaining Persian Gulf security. The country has hosted a U.S. naval command headquarters for the Gulf region since 1948; the United States and Bahrain have had a formal Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) since 1991; and Bahrain is designated by the United States as a “major non-NATO ally.” There are nearly 5,000 U.S. forces, mostly Navy, in Bahrain, which relies on U.S.-made arms. Because of the government’s use of force against protesters, both the Obama and Trump Administrations curtailed U.S. assistance to Bahrain’s internal security organizations. The Trump Administration has prioritized countering Iran and addressing other regional security issues, and to that end has lifted the previous Administration’s conditionality on major arms sales to Bahrain’s military and has corroborated Bahrain leadership assertions that Iran is providing material support to violent opposition factions in Bahrain.