If War Comes Israel Vs

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

If War Comes Israel Vs If War Comes Israel vs. Hizballah and Its Allies Jeffrey White Policy Focus #106 | September 2010 If War Comes Israel vs. Hizballah and Its Allies Jeffrey White Policy Focus #106 | September 2010 All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2010 by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2010 in the United States of America by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Design by Daniel Kohan, Sensical Design and Communication Front cover: An Israeli gunner runs to reload an army artillery piece after it fired toward Lebanon from a position near the Lebanese border in northern Israel, July 2006. (AP Photo/Pier Paolo Cito) Contents About the Author . v Acknowledgments. vii Executive Summary . ix Introduction . 1 1. Rumors of War . 3 2. Israel’s War. 6 3. Hizballah’s War. 21 4. War beyond Israel and Hizballah . 31 5. Uncertainties and Consequences . 41 6. Conclusions. 46 Tables Table 1. Israeli Fighters, Strike Aircraft, and Attack Helicopters . 6 Table 2. Lessons of 2006 for the IDF and Hizballah . 8 Table 3. Israeli Anti-Rocket and Missile Systems. 10 Table 4. Notional Israeli Ground Order of Battle in a Future Lebanon Conflict. 16 Table 5. Reported Hizballah Rockets and Missiles. 19 Table 6. Reported Hizballah SAM Systems. 21 Table 7. Reported Hizballah Antitank Weapons. 21 Table 8. Notional Hizballah Weapons Deployment. 24 Table 9. Syrian SSM Systems. 28 Jeffrey White If War Comes Table 10. Syrian Long-Range Artillery Rockets. 29 Table 11. Syrian ATGMs . 29 Table 12. Syrian Army Order of Battle. 30 Table 13. Hamas Artillery Rockets and Mortars . 34 Maps Figure 1. Notional Israeli Air Force Operations against Hizballah . 15 Figure 2. Notional Israeli Offensive Operation in Southern Lebanon . 17 Figure 3. Selected Rocket and Missile Coverage of Israel from Potential Launch Areas in Lebanon. 20 Figure 4. Notional Hizballah Offensive Operations in Northern Israel . 23 Figure 5. Notional Hizballah Defensive Concept . 25 iv Policy Focus #106 About the Author Jeffrey White is a defense fellow at The Washington Institute, specializing in the military and security affairs of the Levant, Iraq, and Iran. A thirty-four-year veteran of the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), he participated in DIA operational and policy planning and wrote extensively for senior defense officials, including the secretary of defense and the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Mr. White’s work includes extensive analysis of the Gaza conflict, Hizballah, the Iraq insurgency, and the Ira- nian nuclear program. He is sought out as a commentator on these issues and has authored several Washington Institute publications, including Hamas in Combat: The Military Performance of the Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement (2009, with Yoram Cohen), Lessons and Implications of the Israel-Hizballah War: A Preliminary Assess- ment (2006, with David Makovsky), and An Adaptive Insurgency: Confronting Adversary Networks in Iraq (2006). n n n The opinions expressed in this Policy Focus are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Washington Institute for Near East Policy, its Board of Trustees, or its Board of Advisors. The Washington Institute for Near East Policy v Acknowledgments THE AUTHOR WOULD LIKE TO THANK The Washington Institute’s senior staff for their many thought- ful comments, which added greatly to the quality and depth of the material presented. Special thanks are due to Andrew Tabler and Mike Eisenstadt, who served as the main and secondary readers, and to George Lopez, the manuscript’s editor. The Washington Institute for Near East Policy vii Executive Summary THE PAST SEVERAL MONTHS have seen much are largely conventional in structure and purpose, as is discussion of growing tensions between Israel and Hiz- the Syrian military. Israel has prepared its own conven- ballah, along with the group’s allies, Syria and Iran. If war tional forces for this threat, including enhancements does in fact come to Israel’s northern border, it would in air, ground, and naval systems, command and con- bear little resemblance to the 2006 conflict in Lebanon. trol, intelligence, force readiness, active rocket/missile Instead, it would in all likelihood be a transformational, defense, and civil defense. Although the challenge of a even fateful, event for the region—certainly for Hizbal- war with Hizballah and its allies should not be under- lah and Lebanon, probably for Syria, and perhaps even estimated, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) are much for Iran. Israel and its regional standing would likely better prepared today than they were in 2006. undergo substantial alterations as well. In a conflict of the sort outlined here, Israel would This study offers not a prediction of war, but rather aim to fundamentally alter the military equation, a forecast of what it could look like. In all probability, with great consequences for the political situation. it would be a major conflict, one fought over extensive Although this would probably not amount to “final areas of Lebanon, Israel, and probably Syria, featuring victory,” it would likely be decisive in the military- large military forces executing complex operations and operational sense. Israeli military strategy would resulting in substantial casualties (military and civil- center on the use of large-scale joint air, ground, and ian) as well as major infrastructure damage in all of the naval operations to rapidly eliminate Hizballah’s countries involved. Although the political-diplomatic rocket and missile forces, destroy its ground forces arena would be important, success on the battlefield in southern Lebanon, severely damage its command would be central to determining the outcome. and control systems, and destroy its infrastructure Given the high stakes, the fighting would be throughout Lebanon. intense and would likely escalate and expand. Israel Israel would probably attempt to prevent the con- and Hizballah would feel great pressure to win such flict from escalating into general war with Syria by a war, and that need would drive the hostilities to employing threats, mobilization, force deployments, a new level, likely pulling in Syria and pushing Iran and posturing. At the same time, however, it would to become involved as well. The conflict would be be ready for that contingency. Any Syrian forces and a severe test for decisionmakers and warfighters on infrastructure that supported Hizballah would likely both sides, and a challenge for key external actors, be targeted, and any Iranian elements supporting the especially the United States. group would be subject to attack as well. Meanwhile, A number of circumstances could ignite such a con- Israel would attempt to deter direct Iranian attacks on flict. One side may simply conclude that it is time to act its territory via warnings and preparation of strategic for one reason or another. War could also develop from strike assets, including air, missile, and naval forces. various incidents, such as violence along the Lebanese Hizballah’s preparations for a future war are border, in Gaza, or in the West Bank. Other activities intended to deter Israel, shift the military balance in could produce situations in which escalating tensions the group’s favor, and bolster its political objectives. and misperception of the other side’s intentions and/ Its recent activities represent serious planning for war, or actions lead to a conflict. and the cumulative effect of these activities has been to increase the group’s self-confidence and perhaps The Combatants erode Israeli deterrence. Hizballah was largely suc- The current threat to Israel is essentially a conventional cessful in prosecuting the 2006 war, and it aims to one—Hizballah’s rocket, missile, and antitank forces repeat that success in a future conflict. The Washington Institute for Near East Policy ix Jeffrey White If War Comes If a new war erupts, Hizballah’s military efforts n Inflicting a defeat on Israel sufficient to create the would center on the following strategies: conditions for regaining the Golan Heights n Offensively, to launch massive rocket/missile attacks In Iran, the regime could decide to take one or more of on military and civilian targets with the intention of several steps, on an escalating scale of involvement: inflicting significant casualties and damage n Providing more arms to Hizballah and Syria n Defensively, to oppose Israeli air, ground, and naval operations inside Lebanon with aggressive action, n Providing advisors, technicians, or light combat slowing any advances while inflicting as many casual- forces ties as possible and, at the same time, preserving its own forces n Carrying out asymmetric attacks on Israeli interests (e.g., terrorist-type actions) The group would aim to continue operations as long as it saw itself in an advantageous position, allowing n Engaging in regional troublemaking (e.g., raising it to inflict the most political, military, economic, and tensions in the Strait of Hormuz) social damage on Israel. For their part, Syria and Iran would at minimum pro- n Conducting missile strikes on Israel vide communications, command, control, intelligence, and resupply assistance in an effort to keep Hizballah In the Palestinian arena, Hamas leaders would likely in the fight. Syrian air defense elements would oppose limit the group’s participation to token actions accom- “penetrations” of Syrian airspace and perhaps engage panied by supporting rhetoric. At the same time, Israeli aircraft over Lebanon, given the small opera- no one should be surprised if a new war in the north tional area involved and the proximity of Damascus to included a “Gaza excursion.” Hamas could decide to the combat zone.
Recommended publications
  • Rediscovering the Arab Dimension of Middle East Regional Politics
    Review of International Studies page 1 of 22 2011 British International Studies Association doi:10.1017/S0260210511000283 The New Arab Cold War: rediscovering the Arab dimension of Middle East regional politics MORTEN VALBJØRN AND ANDRÉ BANK* Abstract. This article provides a conceptual lens for and a thick interpretation of the emergent regional constellation in the Middle East in the first decade of the 21st century. It starts out by challenging two prevalent claims about regional politics in the context of the 2006 Lebanon and 2008–09 Gaza Wars: Firstly, that regional politics is marked by a fundamental break from the ‘old Middle East’ and secondly, that it has become ‘post-Arab’ in the sense that Arab politics has ceased being distinctly Arab. Against this background, the article develops the understanding of a New Arab Cold War which accentuates the still important, but widely neglected Arab dimension in regional politics. By rediscovering the Arab Cold War of the 1950–60s and by drawing attention to the transformation of Arab nationalism and the importance of new trans-Arab media, the New Arab Cold War perspective aims at supplementing rather that supplanting the prominent moderate-radical, sectarian and Realist-Westphalian narratives. By highlighting dimensions of both continuity and change it does moreover provide some critical nuances to the frequent claims about the ‘newness’ of the ‘New Middle East’. In addition to this more Middle East-specific contribution, the article carries lessons for a number of more general debates in International Relations theory concerning the importance of (Arab-Islamist) non-state actors and competing identities in regional politics as well as the interplay between different forms of sovereignty.
    [Show full text]
  • A US-Iraq Strategic Dialogue
    MENU Policy Analysis / Fikra Forum A U.S.-Iraq Strategic Dialogue: A Question of Interests and Expectations by Karl Kaltenthaler, Munqith Dagher, Anthony Cordesman May 14, 2020 Also available in Arabic ABOUT THE AUTHORS Karl Kaltenthaler Karl Kaltenthaler is a professor of political science and director of security studies at the University of Akron. Kaltenthaler is a contributor to Fikra Forum. Munqith Dagher Dr. Munqith Dagher is MENA director and a board member of Gallup International. Dr. Dagher is a contributor to Fikra Forum. Anthony Cordesman Anthony H. Cordesman is the Arleigh A. Burke Chair in Strategy at CSIS. He directed the CSIS Middle East Net Assessment Project and codirected the CSIS Strategic Energy Initiative. Brief Analysis n April 7, U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo called for a “Strategic Dialogue” between the United States O and Iraq on the future of the bilateral relationship. The dialogue, meant to be a series of meetings between high-level U.S. and Iraqi officials, is intended to put all aspects of the U.S.-Iraqi relationship on the table. In order to understand what said strategic dialogue may entail, and what results it might produce, it is crucial to understand what the United States and Iraq—as well as Iran, as the other major interested party—see as their interests as Iraq and the United States look to restructure their relationship. It is also necessary in defining the dialogue’s goals to look beyond the United States’ past focus on ISIS and the present challenge from Iran that have characterized the U.S.-Iraqi relationship over the past few years.
    [Show full text]
  • PM Netanyahu and Quartet Rep Blair Announce Economic Steps to Assist
    Arabs, Jews to travel to Poland together Special delegation of Jewish, Arab, Druze, Bedouin and Christian students to visit concentration camps, learn about 'the other.' 'We're leaving as a united group of friends,' one student says Tomer Velmer A unique group consisting of 220 Jewish, Arab, Druze, Bedouin and Christians teenagers is expected to visit Nazi concentration camps in Poland later this month. The participants are all students at Amal high schools across Israel. The trip will be held under the banner, "We are all part of same human fabric." Amal Group Director Shimon Cohen wrote a letter to the students, asking them to bring with them on their journey not just food and clothing but also patience, openness and attentiveness. The group decided to allow the students to experience both the suffering the Jewish people have gone through and the pain caused to other nations and religions in an attempt to acknowledge "the other". Preparing for the journey (Photo: Sami Kara) Many Amal schools are taking part in the special mission, including those in Shefaram, Rahat, Dimona, Hadera, Ofakim, and Kiryat Malakhi. Each student will pay roughly NIS 5,000 ($1,360) for the trip, part of which will be subsidized by Amal and the Education Ministry. Throughout their visit, the students will be divided into integrated groups consisting of Arab, Hebrew and English speakers. One big united group In preparation for their trip the students participated in a series of meetings aimed at connecting the different worlds they all come from. "The first few meetings were awkward for them due to cultural differences, and the fact that not all of them speak Hebrew," the project manager said.
    [Show full text]
  • Iran and Israel's National Security in the Aftermath of 2003 Regime Change in Iraq
    Durham E-Theses IRAN AND ISRAEL'S NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE AFTERMATH OF 2003 REGIME CHANGE IN IRAQ ALOTHAIMIN, IBRAHIM,ABDULRAHMAN,I How to cite: ALOTHAIMIN, IBRAHIM,ABDULRAHMAN,I (2012) IRAN AND ISRAEL'S NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE AFTERMATH OF 2003 REGIME CHANGE IN IRAQ , Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/4445/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 . IRAN AND ISRAEL’S NATIONAL SECURITY IN THE AFTERMATH OF 2003 REGIME CHANGE IN IRAQ BY: IBRAHIM A. ALOTHAIMIN A thesis submitted to Durham University in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy DURHAM UNIVERSITY GOVERNMENT AND INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS March 2012 1 2 Abstract Following the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iran has continued to pose a serious security threat to Israel.
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation CAST LEAD
    BACK TO BASICS A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation CAST LEAD Lieutenant Colonel Scott C. Farquhar General Editor Combat Studies Institute Press US Army Combined Arms Center Fort Leavenworth, Kansas Form Approved Report Documentation Page OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for the collection of information is estimated to average 1 hour per response, including the time for reviewing instructions, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington VA 22202-4302. Respondents should be aware that notwithstanding any other provision of law, no person shall be subject to a penalty for failing to comply with a collection of information if it does not display a currently valid OMB control number. 1. REPORT DATE 3. DATES COVERED 2. REPORT TYPE 2009 00-00-2009 to 00-00-2009 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE 5a. CONTRACT NUMBER Back to Basics. A Study of the Second Lebanon War and Operation 5b. GRANT NUMBER CAST LEAD 5c. PROGRAM ELEMENT NUMBER 6. AUTHOR(S) 5d. PROJECT NUMBER 5e. TASK NUMBER 5f. WORK UNIT NUMBER 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION US Army Combined Arms Center,Combat Studies Institute,Fort REPORT NUMBER Leavenworth,KS,66027 9. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 10. SPONSOR/MONITOR’S ACRONYM(S) 11.
    [Show full text]
  • A Tale of Four Cities
    A Tale of Four Cities Dr. Shlomo Swirski Academic Director, Adva Center There are many ways of introducing one to a country, especially a country as complex as Israel. The following presentation is an attempt to do so by focusing on 4 Israeli cities (double Charles Dickens's classic book): Tel Aviv Jerusalem Nazareth Beer Sheba This will allow us to introduce some of the major national and ethnic groups in the country, as well as provide a glimpse into some of the major political and economic issues. Tel-Aviv WikiMedia Avidan, Gilad Photo: Tel-Aviv Zionism hails from Europe, mostly from its Eastern countries. Jews had arrived there in the middle ages from Germanic lands – called Ashkenaz in Hebrew. It was the intellectual child of the secular European enlightenment. Tel Aviv was the first city built by Zionists – in 1909 – growing out of the neighboring ancient, Arab port of Jaffa. It soon became the main point of entry into Palestine for Zionist immigrants. Together with neighboring cities, it lies at the center of the largest urban conglomeration in Israel (Gush Dan), with close to 4 million out of 9 million Israelis. The war of 1948 ended with Jaffa bereft of the large majority of its Palestinian population, and in time it was incorporated into Tel Aviv. The day-to-day Israeli- Palestinian confrontations are now distant (in Israeli terms) from Tel Aviv. Tel Aviv represents the glitzi face of Israel. Yet Tel Aviv has two faces: the largely well to do Ashkenazi middle and upper-middle class North, and the largely working class Mizrahi South (with a large concentration of migrant workers).
    [Show full text]
  • Civil Resilience Network Conceptual Framework for Israel's Local & National Resilience
    Israel Trauma Coalition for Response and Preparedness Civil Resilience Network Conceptual Framework for Israel's Local & National Resilience Version B Elul 5769 August 2009 Civil Resilience Network – Version B - 2 - Elul 5769 August 2009 "It's not the strongest of the species that survives nor the most intelligent, but the one most responsive to change" (Charles Darwin, On the Origin of Species, 1859) … "The entire people is the army, the entire land is the front" (David Ben-Gurion, May 1948) … "Israel has nuclear weapons and the strongest air force in the region, but the truth is that it is weaker than a spider's web" (Hassan Nasrallah, May 26, 2000) ... "The durability of spider webs enable them to absorb the concentrated pressure of a weight ten times that of the most durable artificial fiber" (P. Hillyard, The Book of the Spider, 1994) Civil Resilience Network – Version B - 3 - Elul 5769 August 2009 Table of Contents Table of Contents............................................................................................................ 3 Funders: UJA Federation of New York ....................................................................... 5 Partners ........................................................................................................................... 5 THE ISRAEL TRAUMA COALITION: RESPONSE AND PREPAREDNESS............................... 5 THE REUT INSTITUTE ..................................................................................................... 5 Acknowledgements........................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli Election Bulletin | January 15
    Israeli Election Bulletin | January 15 On 23 December 2020 the Knesset was automatically dissolved after the national unity government failed to pass a 2020 state budget. The election will be held on 23 March 2021. For more background on the collapse of the coalition, watch BICOM Director Richard Pater and read this BICOM Morning Brief. BICOM's Poll of Polls Aggregate Polling January 5-15 Many parties such as Momentum, Labour, Veterans, New Economy and Telem are polling under the electoral threshold Two others, Blue and White and Religious Zionism, are polling very close to the threshold (4 seats). If either of them were to fall under it, it would signicantly aect the ability of Netanyahu or his opponents to form a coalition 1/11 Splits, Mergers and Acquisitions We are now in the rst stage of the election process. Over the coming three weeks, politicians will start jockeying for their places ahead of the formation of the party lists that need to be submitted by 4 February. Party size and where they stand on major political issues Political Cartoons Maariv 23.12.20 Santa delvers ballot boxes and 21.12.20 Yediot Ahronot The new mutation. A two headed Gideon Saar and Naftali Bennett chase Gantz and Netanyahu Israel Hayom 24.12.20 “The clothes have no emperor,” the briefcase says Blue and White, looking on former number 2 and 3 in the party. Justice Minister Avi Nissenkorn who quit shortly after the government fell to join the Ron Huldai’s the Israelis Party and Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi who will see out his role but not stand in the coming election.
    [Show full text]
  • Evaluating the Danger from Gaza's Weapons Stockpile
    NatSec Brief - June 2021 JINSA’s Gemunder Center for Defense and Strategy Evaluating the Danger from Gaza’s Weapons Stockpile Blaise Misztal - Vice President for Policy Charles Perkins - Director for U.S.-Israel Security Policy Jonathan Ruhe - Director of Foreign Policy Ari Cicurel - Senior Policy Analyst Yoni Weiner-Tobin - Research Intern The fighting between Israel and Gaza that took place from May 10-21, known in Israel as Operation Guardian of the Walls (OGW), proved that Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) maintain a large, diverse, and growing arsenal of projectiles of increasing range that can be fired in coordinated salvos intended to overwhelm Israel’s robust air defenses. These advancements in Palestinian rocket technology threaten Israel’s ability to deter future conflicts and defend against attacks when they occur; they are also a harbinger of the much more devastating potential conflict with Hezbollah on Israel’s northern front. Israel’s ability to deter and defend itself against these growing rocket arsenals, while abiding by the law of armed conflict, requires pairing advanced air defenses with offensive capabilities that can accurately target rocket production sites, depots and launchers spread widely across Gaza and embedded within densely-populated zones. The United States should support Israel’s deterrence by not only replenishing its supply of Iron Dome interceptors but also by expanding its air defense and precision munition capabilities. What Happened? • On May 10, terrorist organizations Hamas and PIJ began firing rockets and other unguided projectiles at Jerusalem. • In the 11-day conflict that followed, 4,428 rockets and missiles were fired from Gaza.
    [Show full text]
  • Assessing the Implications of Possible Changes to Women in Service Restrictions: Practices of Foreign Militaries and Other Organizations
    Assessing the Implications of Possible Changes to Women in Service Restrictions: Practices of Foreign Militaries and Other Organizations Annemarie Randazzo-Matsel • Jennifer Schulte • Jennifer Yopp DIM-2012-U-000689-Final July 2012 Photo credit line: Young Israeli women undergo tough, initial pre-army training at Zikim Army Base in southern Israel. REUTERS/Nir Elias Approved for distribution: July 2012 Anita Hattiangadi Research Team Leader Marine Corps Manpower Team Resource Analysis Division This document represents the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the Department of the Navy. Cleared for Public Release; Distribution Unlimited. Specific authority: N00014-11-D-0323. Copies of this document can be obtained through the CNA Document Control and Distribution Section at 703-824-2123. Copyright 2012 CNA This work was created in the performance of Federal Government Contract Number N00014-11-D-0323. Any copyright in this work is subject to the Government's Unlimited Rights license as defined in DFARS 252.227-7013 and/or DFARS 252.227-7014. The reproduction of this work for commercial purposes is strictly prohibited. Nongovernmental users may copy and distribute this document in any medium, either commercially or noncommercially, provided that this copyright notice is reproduced in all copies. Nongovernmental users may not use technical measures to obstruct or control the read-ing or further copying of the copies they make or distribute. Nongovernmental users may not accept compensation of any manner in exchange for copies. All other rights reserved. Contents Executive summary . 1 Foreign militaries . 3 Australia . 4 ADF composition .
    [Show full text]
  • The Changing of the Guard in the IDF Giora Eiland
    INSS Insight No. 242, February 20, 2011 The Changing of the Guard in the IDF Giora Eiland The much-publicized conflict between the Minister of Defense and the outgoing IDF Chief of Staff, as well as the drama surrounding the appointment of the new Chief of Staff, diverted public attention from the critical question of the state of the IDF today compared to its state four years ago, when Gabi Ashkenazi assumed Israel's highest military post. Five points are particularly noteworthy. First of all, the past four year period has been among the most peaceful the country has ever known. The northern border, the West Bank, and in fact all of Israel’s borders – including the Gaza Strip region since Operation Cast Lead – were calm sectors with few incidents. While it is true that there are external explanations for the calm, there is no doubt that the quality of the IDF’s activity and operational discipline contributed to this state of affairs. Second, by virtually every known parameter, the army’s preparedness has improved dramatically. Reservists are training more, and their training is of better quality. The army has undertaken major re-equipment processes. The frequency of drills and exercises of the upper echelons has increased, and operational plans, some of which were buried deep in the drawer when the Second Lebanon War broke out, have been reformulated and brought up to date so that they are ready for implementation. Third, the IDF’s five year program, "Tefen," is now entering its fourth year. Unlike the past, it is actually progressing according to plan – and to budget.
    [Show full text]
  • A Low-Visibility Force Multiplier Assessing China’S Cruise Missile Ambitions
    Gormley, Erickson, and Yuan and Erickson, Gormley, A Low-Visibility Force Multiplier ASSESSING CHINA’s CRUISE MISSILE AMBITIONS Dennis M. Gormley, Andrew S. Erickson, and Jingdong Yuan and Jingdong Yuan Jingdong and S. Erickson, Andrew Dennis M. Gormley, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs The Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs (China Center) was established as an integral part of the National Defense University’s Institute for National Strategic Studies on March 1, 2000, pursuant to Section 914 of the 2000 National Defense Authorization Act. The China Center’s mission is to serve as a national focal point and resource center for multidisciplinary research and analytic exchanges on the national goals and strategic posture of the People’s Republic of China and to focus on China’s ability to develop, field, and deploy an effective military instrument in support of its national strategic objectives. Cover photo: Missile launch from Chinese submarine during China-Russia joint military exercise in eastern China’s Shandong Peninsula. Photo © CHINA NEWSPHOTO/Reuters/Corbis A Low-Visibility Force Multiplier A Low-Visibility Force Multiplier ASSESSING CHINA’s CRUISE MISSILE AMBITIONS Dennis M. Gormley, Andrew S. Erickson, and Jingdong Yuan Published by National Defense University Press for the Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs Institute for National Strategic Studies Washington, D.C. 2014 The ideas expressed in this study are those of the authors alone. They do not represent the policies or estimates of the U.S. Navy or any other organization of the U.S. Government. All the resources referenced are unclassified, predominantly from non-U.S.
    [Show full text]