Democratic Socialism Is Still Socialism Steven Crowder
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Political Ideas and Movements That Created the Modern World
harri+b.cov 27/5/03 4:15 pm Page 1 UNDERSTANDINGPOLITICS Understanding RITTEN with the A2 component of the GCE WGovernment and Politics A level in mind, this book is a comprehensive introduction to the political ideas and movements that created the modern world. Underpinned by the work of major thinkers such as Hobbes, Locke, Marx, Mill, Weber and others, the first half of the book looks at core political concepts including the British and European political issues state and sovereignty, the nation, democracy, representation and legitimacy, freedom, equality and rights, obligation and citizenship. The role of ideology in modern politics and society is also discussed. The second half of the book addresses established ideologies such as Conservatism, Liberalism, Socialism, Marxism and Nationalism, before moving on to more recent movements such as Environmentalism and Ecologism, Fascism, and Feminism. The subject is covered in a clear, accessible style, including Understanding a number of student-friendly features, such as chapter summaries, key points to consider, definitions and tips for further sources of information. There is a definite need for a text of this kind. It will be invaluable for students of Government and Politics on introductory courses, whether they be A level candidates or undergraduates. political ideas KEVIN HARRISON IS A LECTURER IN POLITICS AND HISTORY AT MANCHESTER COLLEGE OF ARTS AND TECHNOLOGY. HE IS ALSO AN ASSOCIATE McNAUGHTON LECTURER IN SOCIAL SCIENCES WITH THE OPEN UNIVERSITY. HE HAS WRITTEN ARTICLES ON POLITICS AND HISTORY AND IS JOINT AUTHOR, WITH TONY BOYD, OF THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION: EVOLUTION OR REVOLUTION? and TONY BOYD WAS FORMERLY HEAD OF GENERAL STUDIES AT XAVERIAN VI FORM COLLEGE, MANCHESTER, WHERE HE TAUGHT POLITICS AND HISTORY. -
Socialism in Europe and the Russian Revolution India and the Contemporary World Society Ofthefuture
Socialism in Europe and II the Russian Revolution Chapter 1 The Age of Social Change In the previous chapter you read about the powerful ideas of freedom and equality that circulated in Europe after the French Revolution. The French Revolution opened up the possibility of creating a dramatic change in the way in which society was structured. As you have read, before the eighteenth century society was broadly divided into estates and orders and it was the aristocracy and church which controlled economic and social power. Suddenly, after the revolution, it seemed possible to change this. In many parts of the world including Europe and Asia, new ideas about individual rights and who olution controlled social power began to be discussed. In India, Raja v Rammohan Roy and Derozio talked of the significance of the French Revolution, and many others debated the ideas of post-revolutionary Europe. The developments in the colonies, in turn, reshaped these ideas of societal change. ian Re ss Not everyone in Europe, however, wanted a complete transformation of society. Responses varied from those who accepted that some change was necessary but wished for a gradual shift, to those who wanted to restructure society radically. Some were ‘conservatives’, others were ‘liberals’ or ‘radicals’. What did these terms really mean in the context of the time? What separated these strands of politics and what linked them together? We must remember that these terms do not mean the same thing in all contexts or at all times. We will look briefly at some of the important political traditions of the nineteenth century, and see how they influenced change. -
Bevir the Making of British Socialism.Indb
Copyrighted Material CHAPTER ONE Introduction: Socialism and History “We Are All Socialists Now: The Perils and Promise of the New Era of Big Government” ran the provocative cover of Newsweek on 11 Feb ruary 2009. A financial crisis had swept through the economy. Several small banks had failed. The state had intervened, pumping money into the economy, bailing out large banks and other failing financial institu tions, and taking shares and part ownership in what had been private companies. The cover of Newsweek showed a red hand clasping a blue one, implying that both sides of the political spectrum now agreed on the importance of such state action. Although socialism is making headlines again, there seems to be very little understanding of its nature and history. The identification of social ism with “big government” is, to say the least, misleading. It just is not the case that when big business staggers and the state steps in, you have socialism. Historically, socialists have often looked not to an enlarged state but to the withering away of the state and the rise of nongovern mental societies. Even when socialists have supported state intervention, they have generally focused more on promoting social justice than on simply bailing out failing financial institutions. A false identification of socialism with big government is a staple of dated ideological battles. The phrase “We are all socialists now” is a quo tation from a British Liberal politician of the late nineteenth century. Sir William Harcourt used it when a land reform was passed with general acceptance despite having been equally generally denounced a few years earlier as “socialist.” Moreover, Newsweek’s cover was not the first echo of Harcourt’s memorable phrase. -
Charlotte Wilson, the ''Woman Question'', and the Meanings of Anarchist Socialism in Late Victorian Radicalism
IRSH, Page 1 of 34. doi:10.1017/S0020859011000757 r 2011 Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis Charlotte Wilson, the ‘‘Woman Question’’, and the Meanings of Anarchist Socialism in Late Victorian Radicalism S USAN H INELY Department of History, State University of New York at Stony Brook E-mail: [email protected] SUMMARY: Recent literature on radical movements in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries has re-cast this period as a key stage of contemporary globali- zation, one in which ideological formulations and radical alliances were fluid and did not fall neatly into the categories traditionally assigned by political history. The following analysis of Charlotte Wilson’s anarchist political ideas and activism in late Victorian Britain is an intervention in this new historiography that both supports the thesis of global ideological heterogeneity and supplements it by revealing the challenge to sexual hierarchy that coursed through many of these radical cross- currents. The unexpected alliances Wilson formed in pursuit of her understanding of anarchist socialism underscore the protean nature of radical politics but also show an over-arching consensus that united these disparate groups, a common vision of the socialist future in which the fundamental but oppositional values of self and society would merge. This consensus arguably allowed Wilson’s gendered definition of anarchism to adapt to new terms as she and other socialist women pursued their radical vision as activists in the pre-war women’s movement. INTRODUCTION London in the last decades of the nineteenth century was a global crossroads and political haven for a large number of radical activists and theorists, many of whom were identified with the anarchist school of socialist thought. -
Socialism and the Blockchain
future internet Article Socialism and the Blockchain Steve Huckle * and Martin White Creative Technology Group, Department of Informatics, University of Sussex, Chichester 1, 128, Falmer, Brighton BN1 9QT, UK; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +44-0-1273-606755 Academic Editor: Carmen de Pablos Heredero Received: 5 August 2016; Accepted: 10 October 2016; Published: 18 October 2016 Abstract: Bitcoin (BTC) is often cited as Libertarian. However, the technology underpinning Bitcoin, blockchain, has properties that make it ideally suited to Socialist paradigms. Current literature supports the Libertarian viewpoint by focusing on the ability of Bitcoin to bypass central authority and provide anonymity; rarely is there an examination of blockchain technology’s capacity for decentralised transparency and auditability in support of a Socialist model. This paper conducts a review of the blockchain, Libertarianism, and Socialist philosophies. It then explores Socialist models of public ownership and looks at the unique cooperative properties of blockchain that make the technology ideal for supporting Socialist societies. In summary, this paper argues that blockchain technologies are not just a Libertarian tool, they also enhance Socialist forms of governance. Keywords: Bitcoin; blockchain; cryptocurrency; fiat money; libertarianism; socialism; Marxism; anarchism 1. Introduction Bitcoin (BTC) is referred to as cryptocurrency because it is a form of electronic cash that relies on cryptography. Since its inception in early 2009 [1], it has achieved a degree of prominence, not least in terms of market value; at the time of writing, its total market capitalisation was over US $6 billion [2]. Furthermore, governmental institutions are beginning to examine the blockchain technology underpinning BTC [3] because some of its properties, which we discuss below, may have implications that extend beyond economics and into social, political and humanitarian domains [4]. -
The Karl Marx
LENIN LIBRARY VO,LUME I 000'705 THE TEA~HINGS OF KARL MARX • By V. I. LENIN FLORIDA ATLANTIC UNIVERSITY U8AARY SOCIALIST - LABOR COllEClIOK INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS 381 FOURTH AVENUE • NEW YORK .J THE TEACHINGS OF KARL MARX BY V. I. LENIN INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS I NEW YORK Copyright, 1930, by INTERNATIONAL PUBLISHERS CO., INC. PRINTED IN THE U. S. A. ~72 CONTENTS KARL MARX 5 MARX'S TEACHINGS 10 Philosophic Materialism 10 Dialectics 13 Materialist Conception of History 14 Class Struggle 16 Marx's Economic Doctrine . 18 Socialism 29 Tactics of the Class Struggle of the Proletariat . 32 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MARXISM 37 THE TEACHINGS OF KARL MARX By V. I. LENIN KARL MARX KARL MARX was born May 5, 1818, in the city of Trier, in the Rhine province of Prussia. His father was a lawyer-a Jew, who in 1824 adopted Protestantism. The family was well-to-do, cultured, bu~ not revolutionary. After graduating from the Gymnasium in Trier, Marx entered first the University at Bonn, later Berlin University, where he studied 'urisprudence, but devoted most of his time to history and philosop y. At th conclusion of his uni versity course in 1841, he submitted his doctoral dissertation on Epicure's philosophy:* Marx at that time was still an adherent of Hegel's idealism. In Berlin he belonged to the circle of "Left Hegelians" (Bruno Bauer and others) who sought to draw atheistic and revolutionary conclusions from Hegel's philosophy. After graduating from the University, Marx moved to Bonn in the expectation of becoming a professor. However, the reactionary policy of the government,-that in 1832 had deprived Ludwig Feuer bach of his chair and in 1836 again refused to allow him to teach, while in 1842 it forbade the Y0ung professor, Bruno Bauer, to give lectures at the University-forced Marx to abandon the idea of pursuing an academic career. -
If Not Left-Libertarianism, Then What?
COSMOS + TAXIS If Not Left-Libertarianism, then What? A Fourth Way out of the Dilemma Facing Libertarianism LAURENT DOBUZINSKIS Department of Political Science Simon Fraser University 8888 University Drive Burnaby, B.C. Canada V5A 1S6 Email: [email protected] Web: http://www.sfu.ca/politics/faculty/full-time/laurent_dobuzinskis.html Bio-Sketch: Laurent Dobuzinskis’ research is focused on the history of economic and political thought, with special emphasis on French political economy, the philosophy of the social sciences, and public policy analysis. Abstract: Can the theories and approaches that fall under the more or less overlapping labels “classical liberalism” or “libertarianism” be saved from themselves? By adhering too dogmatically to their principles, libertarians may have painted themselves into a corner. They have generally failed to generate broad political or even intellectual support. Some of the reasons for this isolation include their reluctance to recognize the multiplicity of ways order emerges in different contexts and, more 31 significantly, their unshakable faith in the virtues of free markets renders them somewhat blind to economic inequalities; their strict construction of property rights and profound distrust of state institutions leave them unable to recommend public policies that could alleviate such problems. The doctrine advanced by “left-libertarians” and market socialists address these substantive weaknesses in ways that are examined in detail in this paper. But I argue that these “third way” movements do not stand any better chance than libertari- + TAXIS COSMOS anism tout court to become a viable and powerful political force. The deeply paradoxical character of their ideas would make it very difficult for any party or leader to gain political traction by building an election platform on them. -
Understanding the Zapatista National Liberation Army
CULTURE AND THE STRUGGLE FOR CIVIL SOCIETY: UNDERSTANDING THE ZAPATISTA NATIONAL LIBERATION ARMY Chris Gilbreth B.A., Simon Fraser University, 1993 THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF Master of Arts in the Latin American Studies Programme O Chris Gilbreth 1997 SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY December 1997 All rights reserved. This work may not be reproduced in whole or in part, by photocopy or other means, without permission of the author. APPROVAL Name: Christopher Scott Gilbreth Degree: Master of Arts Title: Culture and the Struggle for Civil Society: Undertanding the Zapatista National Liberation Movement. Examining Committee: Chair: n Brohman "P"ssistadt Professor. Geography Department - Senior Supervisor Gerardo Otero Associate Professor of Sociology Sociology/Anthropology Department Marilyn Gates Associate Professor, Anthropology Sociology/Anthropology Deptartment External Examiner Gary Teeple Associate Professor, SoEiology Sociology/Anthropology Deptartment Date Avvroved: 7 SE~Zw%~,/793 .. 11 PARTIAL COPYRIGHT LICENSE I hereby grant to Simon Fraser Universi the right to lend my thesis, pro-ect or extended essay (the title o?' which is shown below) to users o2 the Simon Fraser University Library, and to make partial or single co ies on1 for such users or in response to a request from the lig rary o2 any other university, or other educational institution, on its own behalf or for one of its users. I further agree that permission for multiple copying of this work for scholarly purposes may be granted by me or the Dean of Graduate Studies. It is understood that copying or publication of this work for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. -
Economic Principles of Socialism and Capitalism for Addressing Poverty by Matthew Kaiser
Economic Principles of Socialism and Capitalism for Addressing Poverty By Matthew Kaiser Throughout life many people will never experience extreme poverty, or for that matter poverty at all. There could be many reasons for this, such as being born in a place with low poverty rates or being born into families who are affluent. Regardless of the reasons people will not experience poverty, there are people who cannot seem to escape from poverty. According to the United Nations, around ten percent of the world’s population is living in extreme poverty and struggles to fulfill the most basic human needs (United Nations, n.d.). Why is extreme poverty still a problem in a world immensely more developed than in the past? Would capitalism address poverty more efficiently and better than socialism? To answer these questions there must be an understanding of the definition of poverty, classifications of the different economies, and the characteristics of socialism and capitalism. When one thinks about poverty, one may assume that poverty just entails a lack of financial stability. People who lack income and stability will experience the effects of poverty more than those who do not. However, extreme poverty includes many variables such as hunger, malnutrition, limited access to education, social discrimination, exclusion, and poor living conditions. When these things fester together and economies fail to fix these issues, the result is extreme poverty and poor qualities of life. Though poverty can be found in most places in the world, most extreme poverty is found in developing economies. There are three broad classifications countries can be placed into: developed economies, economies in transition, and developing economies. -
What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making. -
Socialist Federalism As an Alternative to Nationalism: the Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora
humanities Article Socialist Federalism as an Alternative to Nationalism: The Leninist Solution to the National Question in Africa and Its Diaspora Constantin Katsakioris German Orient Institute, Beirut 11-2988, Lebanon; [email protected] Received: 6 August 2019; Accepted: 17 September 2019; Published: 19 September 2019 Abstract: Scholarship on the impact of Lenin’s thinking and on the Soviet Union’s relationships with Africa has emphasized two dimensions: on the one hand, the ideological imprint on and support provided to nationalist and anti-imperialist movements and, on the other, the emulation of communist techniques of authoritarian rule by many postcolonial governments. This paper highlights the neglected receptions of another major communist idea, namely, the ‘Leninist solution to the national question’, as embodied by the federal political model of the Soviet Union. The paper argues that many actors in different contexts, where the nationalities question had to be tackled with, showed a keen interest in the Leninist solution and in the sui generis federal model of the USSR. These contexts included the post-1945 French Union, as well as postcolonial countries such as Sudan, Nigeria, and Ethiopia. The Leninist alternative to the nation-state and to assimilation assumed a great deal of significance to minority groups. Nevertheless, it was rejected even by Marxist-inspired movements and elites which sought to create a nation-state. The paper uses the approach of cultural transfers to investigate and assess both the appeal and the limits in the reception of the Leninist federalist alternative. Keywords: Africa; national question; Leninism; Soviet Union; socialism; federalism 1. -
Democratic Socialism Isn╎t Social Democracy
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by epublications@Marquette Marquette University e-Publications@Marquette Social and Cultural Sciences Faculty Research and Social and Cultural Sciences, Department of Publications 8-7-2018 Democratic Socialism Isn’t Social Democracy Michael A. McCarthy Marquette University, [email protected] Published version. Jacobin, (August 7, 2018). Publisher Link. © 2018 Jacobin Press. Used with permission. OUR NEW ISSUE, “WAR IS A RACKET,” IS OUT NOW. GET A DISCOUNTED $20 PRINT SUBSCRIPTION TODAY! 08.07.2018 NORWAY / UNITED STATESCAPITAL Democratic Socialism Isn’t Social Democracy BY MICHAEL A. MCCARTHY Social democracies like Norway show that more humane, equitable, democratic societies are possible. But democratic socialists want to go beyond them. Fully confident in their democratic institutions and robust social safety net, a group of Norwegians climb a mountain. But their society could go much further. Torgeir Storflor Moen / Iskar Norseman Xtreme Triathlon via Getty Images Our new issue, on war and militarism, is out now. Get a discounted subscription today. he concept of “democratic socialism” is contested terrain, so there’s no better time than now to put forward ideas to clarify our long-term goals and short-term strategies. As T Mathieu Desan and I recently argued in Jacobin, having a long-term vision that transcends capitalism and deepens democracy will help realize equality of opportunity and social solidarity — core principles that should guide any good society. Where do Nordic social democracies fit into the vision for democratic socialism? It’s an important question, one raised by Matt Bruenig in ar esponse to our piece.