MASTER'S THESIS M-2679

SMITH, Linda Ann CHARLES SUMNER HAMLIN: BOURBON DEMOCRAT OR PROGRESSIVE REFORMER? HIS POLITICAL THOUGHT 1 8 9 2 -1 9 1 4 .

The American U niversity, M.A. , 1959 H istory, modem

University Microfilms, A XERQKCompany , Ann Arbor, Michigan CHARLES SUMNER HAIttDI* BOURBON DSÏ.ÎOCRAT OR fROO REÈShrE REFORMER? TÏÏS R)Li!ricALTHotiGriT ib^z-i^lU

by pO Linda A. Smith

Submitted to the

Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences

of The American University

in Partial Fulfillment of

the Requirements for the Degree

o f

Master of Arts

United States History

Signatures of Committee*

Chairman* /

At* K/ Dean of the Colie^

Date » Af j Date : /féf

The American University Washington, D* G# t h e MUERIOAN U W fM lT Y - JfcHtOWJO TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER l î INTRODUCING A PROPER BOSTONIAN...... h

CHAPTER II» EARLY POLITICAL CAREER...... 9

CHAPTER n i ; A FRIEND TO THE LABORING HAN...... 1?

CHAPTER IVÎ A BAY STATE PROGRESSIVE...... 2k

CHAPTER V: INTEGRITY — AND A TIME OF CONSERVATISM...... 38

CHAPTER VI» A]'] APPOINTED PUBLIC SERVAIT!...... 52

CHAPTER VII» A FOE OF SEGREGATION...... 62

CHAPTER V III» CONCLUSION...... 70

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSAY...... 73

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 75 Filmed as received without page(s) 3

UNIVERSITY MICROFILMS. CHAPTER I

INTRODUCING A PROPER BOSTONIAN

Charles Sumner Hamlin ( I8 6 I-I 9 3 8 ) fits the standard progressive profile like a glove.^ Occupationally, he practiced lav, the most conmon "progressive" profession, graduating in 1883 from Harvard, a most typical university for progressives, and receiving his lav degree cum laude in 1886 from the same institution.

Hamlin was of British stock and from a family whose ante­ cedents reached proudly back to colonial America, The first Hamlins came to Massachusetts in 1639, and one of his ancestors commanded a regiment in the Revolutionary War, His cousin, Hannibal Hamlin of

Bangor, Maine, served as Lincoln's Vice President, Both his parents and grandparents were upstanding and well—respected citizens of the solid middle class, Hamlin was a devout and active Episcopalian,

^The "standard p ro g ressiv e p r o file " i s based on George Howry, The Era of Theodore Roosevelt and the Birth of Modern ^erica, 190^1912. (New TorïcT Harper and Row, 1^58), chapter 5 , pp, B5-105, and on A lfred D. Chandler, "The Origins of Progressive Leadership," from Siting E. Moris on, ed,, The Letters of Theodore Roosevelt (Cambridge t Harvard University Press, Apperriïx ÎÎÏ of Vol. ïnEII. Also, small "p« (progressive) w ill always refer to progressives in general iriiile capital "P" (Progressive) w ill refer to the P ro g ressiv e Party or members th e r e o f. - b - and in politics he was no Mugwump. "I can claim," Hamlin made clear, "that ny father was a Democrat and ny grandfather and great-grandfather, therefore I can stand here as a Democrat,"^

Hamlin, born and raised in Boston, Massachusetts, had the urban background which was typical of progressives.

The oldest of six children, he received his early education in the Boston public schools. At Harvard "Charlie," as his class­ mates knew him, studied political econony and finance. Almost as good a singer as after-dinner speaker, Hamlin served as secretary of the Harvard Glee Club, He also played tennis and belonged to some of the most exclusive clubs of Boston — the Puritan Club, in company with "lots of Cabots and lots of Coolidges,"^ the Apollo

Club, and the Longwood Cricket Club, At thirty-six Hamlin married

Hybertie Lansing Pruyn of Albany, Hew York; their one daughter,

Anna, died in 1925, before reaching the age of thirty.

In 1886 the "rotund, smooth-shaven, smooth-voiced"^ Hamlin received his law degree, ran unsuccessfully for public office, and set up a law practice. For the next several years he prac­ ticed law in Boston in association iTxth two influential lawyers.

Hamlin Papers, Library of Congress, Scrapbook, Vol. 3, p, 17.

^Ibid., Vol. 1, p. iji;, Boston Record, November 10, 1888, For reference to Hamlin as a tennis player, see ibid.. Letter from H e rb e rt M, B ru n e, May U, 189U.

3Ibid. , Scrapbook, Vol. 3, Woonsocket Evening Reporter, A p r il ? , I 8 9 2 • - 6 -

Marcus 'torton and Robert M, Morse, Soon, 'lowever, he acquired a varied practice of his own, especially in the line of jury trials.^

Since Hamlin's background qualifies him as almost the perfect progressive prototype of the Mowry-Chandler model, a study of whether his ideas and thought also qualify him as a progressive would seem useful, Robert Wiebe holds that progressives con­ cerned themselves with three general issues ; regelating businesses and businessmen to distribute wealth and privilege more justly, maximizing popular participation in government, and attempting to improve the lot of the underprivileged and dis- n advantaged,*^ These three issues, I feel, adequately capture the essence of progressive thought, and I w ill attempt to relate

Hamlin's thought to these.

In addition, if Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, who used the power of their high office at one time or another to promote progressive objectives, could be considered bona fide progressives, and if Hamlin's thought is generally in tune with

For this background information see a pamphlet on the sketch of his life inserted at the very front of the General Index, Vols. 1-89, of the Scrapbooks, See also "Hamlin, Charles Sumner," Dictionary of American Biography (New York* Charles Scribner's Sons, l95Hy, Vol. XXII, ^ . 273-275, For his genealogy see Representative ifen of Massachusetts (Everett, Massachusetts* Massachusetts Publishing Company, Ï&98), p. 6U. For more information on his religious activities see Hamlin's Diary, Vol. I, December 5* 1901, and Vol. 2U of the Scrapbook, p p . 2 3 , 2ht 1*2 , and 1 1 0 ,

^Robert H, Wiebe, Businessmen and Reform* A Study of the Progressive Movement. (Cambridge* Harvard University Press), 1962 pp.^ 6 ^ - 7 - theirs, then Hamlin, too, could be considered a progressive.

Historians do not agree, however, on the extent to which

Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow W ilson advanced progressivism or to which they were philosophically committed to progressivism,

A good case can be made that Theodore Roosevelt was philosophically a typical progressive and sincerely a moderate reformer, even though some historians find him opportunistic and staunchly conservative,^ George Mowry, though, considers

Roosevelt to be a bona fide progressive even though his legis­ lative achievements were modest,^ Albert Ganley also argues effectively in favor of Roosevelt’s basic progressivism, even though he revealed the moderation typical of progressives,^

And Eric Goldman fits Roosevelt w ell within the progressive framework by applying his achievements to a definition of

progressivism sim ilar to Robert W iebe's, Goldman argues

as follows: "the leadership of Theodore Roosevelt,

however much it wobbled, moved in the general direction of

^ee Daniel Aaron, ?'en of Good Hope * A Story of the ^erican Progressives , (New York: Oxford University"Press, 1961), pp, 2^5-280.See also a passage from Richard Hofstadter, The American Political Tradition and the Men Vflio Made It, which is quoted in Albert Ganley, ^hé Progressive Movement : Traditional Reform. (New York: Macmillan, 196U), pp, 56-57. 2 Mowry, Era of Theodore Roosevelt, pp. 197-225.

^Ganley, The Progressive Movement, pp. 1*2-59. - 8 - the use of federal pov/ers to promote clean, efficient govern­ ment, to check exploitation by large-scale capital, and to strengthen the bargaining position of Icwer-income groups,"^

Concerning Vfilson, it would be d ifficu lt to argue that he

did not substantially alter his conservative views, for whatever purpose, sometime between 190? and 1910. A good case that he contributed much to the passage of moderate reform legislation can be made. Through his efforts the conservative Glass

currency reform b ill (Federal Reserve b ill) became a much more liberal measure. His leadership was crucial in the enactment of the tariff b ill, the Clayton antitrust b ill, and the federal trade commission b ill. True, in 1911* he opposed much proposed legislation tending toward federal social reform (child labor laws, woman's suffrage, for example), and he gave a "minimum of concessions to advanced progressive concepts,"^ Thus, he was certainly no advanced liberal, but he threw his weight, his power, and his energy behind a program of moderate progressive r e fo r m .

^ ric F, Goldman, Rendezvous With Destiny* A Histo^ of Modern A m erican Reform . (New Y ork* Alfred A. Knopf, 1952) , p . 163.

^Arthur Link, Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era, 1910-1917. (New York* Harper and Row, 1951*) p. 80. For more detail see Arthur Link, Wilson* The New Freedom. (Princeton* Princeton University P r e s s , 1 9 5 6) . B o th lO Ib e rt G anley, The P ro g re s siv e Movement, p p . 67 - 8 I , and Otis Pease, ed,. The progressive Years* The Spirit anS Achievement of American Reform. (NewT York, George B raziller, 1962), pp. 19-21, consider wllson a sincere and bona fide progressive. CHAPTER I I

EARLY POLITICAL CAREER

Hamlin's political career began in the Cleveland era, when in 1888 he stumped his state for Cleveland and tariff reform. He ran unsuccessfully for the state senate in both 1886 and 1 8 8 ? a s a tariff reformer, but such a Democrat had little chance in rock- ribbed Republican Massachusetts, In these years he was very active in the Young Men's Democratic Club of Massachusetts, the state's "main agency of Cleveland Democracy," 1 He was also active in the New England Tariff Reform League, the New York

Reform Club, the C ivil Service Reform League, and the Democratic

State (îiiassachusetts) Central Committee, In December, 18?2, he was elected Vice President of the Young Men's Democratic Club,^ and during that year he served as Secretary of the New England

Richard Abrams, Conservatism in A Progressive Era* Massachusetts P olitics 1900-1912 {‘Cambridge * Harvard University Press, l96U), p, bU* 2 Hamlin Papers, Diary, Vol. I, December 19, 1892, — 10 —

Tariff Reform League,1

Nominated as a candidate for Secretary of State of

Massachusetts in 1892, he stumped the state in behalf of his own candidacy and that of the state Democratic ticket, and he made several speeches in other New England states in behalf of Grover Cleveland, A@ bis basic issue he tore the protective McKinley Tariff to shreds, calling it "a hydra-headed monster made of pig iron, pig wool and pig 2 silver." "People say they don’t understand the McKinley bill," Hamlin remarked, "It was not intended that they should. If they had, it would not now disgrace the statute books,

He presented the tariff in speech after speech as an indirect tax and an unjust burden holding wages down and filling Republican campaign barrels with generous contri­ butions, The eloquent Ivîr. Hamlin, according to a Hevf Bedford,

Massachusetts paper, "makes t}ie political platform educational, and like few other speakers, . . , makes the tariff interesting."^^

^Ibid., Scrapbook, Vol. 3, hovr York Sunday Times, Hay 1, 1892.

^Ibid,, Vol. 2, p. 12, Providence, Rhode Island, paper, October, 1892,

^Ibid,, Vol. U, Attleboro, Massachusetts, paper, September 15, 1892.

^Ibid,, p. 32, New Bedford Evening Journal, October 19, 1892, - 11 -

In addition to clearly exposing the "terrors of

McKinleyism,"! he also came out unequivocally for the gold standard, "What is this silver question? Merely taking 70 cents worth of silver to the mint to be stamped a dollar and forcing it to be accepted by our citizens as a dollar's worth of silver."^ He did admit, however, in what he con­ sidered the best speech he ever made^ "that we have conditions which must be changed" and that we "must have a more elastic currency," but Hamlin argued that "free silver w ill not put a dollar into the treasury of the United States."^ A few days before the fateful 1896 Democratic Convention in Chicago,

Hajnlin, who had been appointed Assistant Secretary of the ii'easury in the second Cleveland Administration, ^ called free coinage of silver a false theory "which simply rests on the belief that by artificially doubling the exchangeable value of the property of a few mine owners we can therefore make

^Ibid,, Scrapbook, Vol. 3, p. 13, Woonsocket, Rhode Island Evening Reporter, April 2, 1892.

^Ibid., Boston Globe, July 8 , 1892,

^Ibid., Diary Vol. II, p. 171, August 25, 1895, "Best speech I ever made."

^Ibid., Scrapbook, Vol. 10, p. 7, Boston Transcript, A ugust 257 1 8 9 6 .

^See C h ap ter V, p p . I4.2 -U3 for a more detailed discussion of Hamlin's term as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, 1893-1897. - 12 - a ll other men rich and prosperous #"

In this same pre-convention speech Hamlin stated his firm belief that "the Democratic National Convention w ill declare for the existing gold standard,"^ He was also deeply immersed in the power struggle in Massachusetts between supporters of various Cleveland Democrats for the

Presidential nomination; his Diary entries reflect this genuine concern. The papers lalxsled Hamlin as an active supporter of John Carlisle, his boss in the Treasury Depart­ ment,^ He implied, however, that he would be w illing to endorse "anyone" who was agreeable to the Massachusetts Democracy,

By "anyone" Hamlin clearly had in mind such Bourbon Democrats as Richard Olney, Cleveland's Attorney General who had been the be te noir of the Pullman strikers in I 89 U, and W illia m E.

R ussell, who was elected Governor of Massachusetts in 1892 on

Cleveland's coattails. Thus, Hamlin went to the Chicago Con­ vention completely unprepared for what was to occur.

He could not conceive of even one Democrat who would vote for a resolution denouncing Cleveland, much less a

^Ibid. , Vol. II, p. 28, Boston Transcript, May 23, I 8 9 6 .

^Although the papers labeled Hamlin as an active supporter of C arlisle, Hamlin made clear in his Diary that he had not endorsed anyone nor interfered in anyone's candidacy. See Diary, Vol. I, for March, April, and May, I 896 — especially April 18, 1896. - 13 - majority of them at a Democratic National Convention, "I considered the free silver plank," Hamlin wrote in his Diary,

"as not the worst thing the Convention did. The attack upon the president for ordering U. S, troops to put down the

HR riots would have made me bolt the Convention if there had been a gold plank in the platform."^ Just after Bryan was nominated Hamlin left Chicago, declaring that "no respectable man could afford to remain,"^

In an article some weeks later in Harper's Weekly,

Hamlin elaborated further on the "democrats" who captured control of the Chicago Convention. "The vast majority consisted of men new and strange to the councils of the party. , . . than ten percent of the delegates were membei's of the Democratic National Convention of 1892," which Hamlin attended as an alternate delegate, "Neither the proceedings of the convention, the platform, nor the cands,

^ic_7 were or are Democratic. , , , In ny judgment," he con­ cluded, "no Democrat is bound to support either. Nor could he support either without ceasing to be a Democrat,"^

After returning to Washington, Hamlin issued a statement

^Ibid., p. 166, July 5, I 8 9 6 ,

^ I b id .

^Ibid., Scrapbook, Vol. 11, p. 39, August 22, I 8 9 6 . - Ih - to the press formally bolting the national ticket of the

"so-called" Democratic Party. The issue was not political,

Hamlin felt, "The question to be decided is far deeper and more vital. The perpetuity of republican institu­ tions has been threatened. Every loyal citizen," Hamlin urged,

"should ally himself against the forces which control the convention, forces of lawlessness which are inconsistent with the maintenance of the republic."^

The lYashinton Post soundly slapped Hamlin for this interview*

The editors were disappointed that "one of the very ablesb of the junior officials of the administration, capable, industrious, brainy, and , . not in the least dizzy , , , as the result of his official elevation" had not made a "much more temperate and prudent utterance," The editorial continued;

It does not become so young a man to denounce such veterans as Harris, Vest, W althall, Morgan, Cockrell, and Daniel as conspirators engaged in a plot against our civilization and our free institutions, Mr, Hamlin’s political and official seniors have seen fit to take this tone, and they have succeeded only in multiplying the difficulties and the dangers of the situation. Does he hope to succeed where they have lamentably failed, or is he merely tr;^ng to illustrate and amplify their failure?

But as Geoffrey Blodgett has aptly stated, "Eighteen

^Ibid,, Vol. p, 2Jm. See also Diary, Vol. I, p. 168, Ju ly 11, 1 8 9 0 ,

^Ibld., Scrapbook, Vol. II, p. 37, July 16, I 8 9 6 . - 15 - ninety six was a year of trauma for the Democratic party, and for Democrat Charles Sumner Hamlin the events of that year were both overwhelmingly traumatic and profoundly shocking. It is conceivable that he, being an Easterner and an urbanite, would be out of touch with the dire agrarian distress of the I890's. His impression, quoted below, confirm s i t :

The froe-silvermen draw a vivid picture of d i s tr e s s among th e fa rm e rs , b u t i t i s a distress which they have created by their own acts. The farmers ai’e not in so bad a condition as they are represented to be. They re c e iv e as much i n g o ld to d a y , fo r their products, as they ever did. And they have received the benefits of rail­ roads, of improved machinai^, of better facilities of transportation, and there was never so great prosperity among the farmers as there is today. There is nothing like the distress which is represented, and the stories of mortgaged farms are greatly exaggerated.2

Thus Hamlin definitely shows little fam iliarity with or comprehension of real conditions in the rural areas of the

South and VYest during the I 8 9 O 's .

So it was "Good-bye Charlies," as the South Boston

G eoffrey Blodgett, The Gentle Reformers t Massachusetts Democrats in the Cleveland Era^ [Cambridge: Harvard University P r e s s , ï?6Sy, p, 205.

^Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 10, p. 6, Boston Tfanscript, A ugust 1 5 , 1 8 9 6 , For a realistic portrayal of the dire conditions of tha,l890>s see Samuel P, Hays, Response to Industrialism , 188S-191Ü (Chicago 1 University of Chicago Press, l95?), pp. i*3-h5. - 16 -

News bade him farewell. He took his vote and his political services and lined up with one per cent of the populace in favor of palmer and Buckner, the Gold Democratic tick et.

This one per cent, though, included quite an array of future progressives — Vfoodrow W ilson and Louis Brandeis, to men­ tion but two .2

As conservative as his reaction to I 896 seems, he was obviously profoundly shocked, and strange" men cap­ tured the Chicago Convention; the seasoned politicians who had fought for îvtr, Cleveland in 18p2 were an impotent minority. He certainly expected Democrats.to support the gold standard, for like the typical progressive, Hamlin was thoroughly convinced of the fallacies of free silver. He also understood the problems of the Eastern vrage earner,

(as w ill be shown in the next chapter), certainly better than those of the Southern or Western farmer. Nevertheless most progressives, including Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt,^ were sim ilarly anti-Bryan in I 8 9 6 ,

^Ibid., Vol. 11, p. 37, July 18, I 8 9 6 .

^For Wilson, see Arthur Link, Wilson: The Road to the White House. (P rin c e to n : P rin c e to n U n iv e rs ity P r e s s ,“191*777 P« 25% For Brandeis see Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, p. 225.

^See link, Wilson; Road to White House, p. 25 and Aaron, Men o f Good Hope, p.'~2U6. CHAPTER I I I

A FRIEMD TO THE LABORING JiAN

Hamlin may have had a narrow and sheltered view of the

agricultural distress of the 1890 's, but he did show some real understanding of the Eastern vforkingmen. At the time of the

Homestead Strike of 1892, he came to the defense of Andrew

Carnegie's employees. Some of his comments merit attention;

I think the presence of the Pinkerton detectives was absolutely illegal and unauthorized. The strikers apparently discrim inated between the officers of the law and those who were Pinkerton detectives, merely hired to defend Mr. Carnegie's property. They treated the officers of the law, so far as I have been able to learn from the printed reports, with due respect, and from the same source I also leam that the Pinkertons were first to fire upon the workmen, When the Pinkertons were attacked, if the reports be true, they were not protecting Mr. Carnegie's property, but were in the river some distance off

In another speech Hamlin gave an example of what the manage­ ment of some protected industry could reply to workers who complain of a ten per cent wage reduction: "If you don't like that I w ill turn off and hire those starving

Russians and Hungarians, who w ill do your work for half the

^Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 3 , p . 1 3 , Boston Globe, J u ly 6 , 1890, - 18 - money and if you resist I have a howling, cursing mob of

Pinkerton detectives to shoot you down, I have the m ilitia of the state behind ms, I have a fence to keep you out, hot water to pour on you and a swivel gun to shoot you,"^ In his Diary

Hamlin described the audience who heard him speak in Brunswick,

Maine that same September as a "truly representative one, — ladies, college professors, mill hands, sea-captains and others:

one of the best audiences I ever addressed."^ To Hamlin, of course, ta riff reform was the panacea which would elim inate such m alpractices by management as Carnegie engaged in; in spite of this lim ited solution, Hamlin showed an interest in laborers and some awareness of labor's problems.

Although Hamlin defended the Cleveland Adm inistration, in which he served as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, in its calling troops to break up the "RR riots"^ (Pullman

Strike) in I 89 I4, so did Theodore Roosevelt, Tfoodrow W ilson, and most of the nation. Theodore Roosevelt in a letter to the New York Journal in I896 stated that he did not consider

Mr. A lt geld, the Governor of Illin ois who opposed the policy

^Ibid., Vol. U, Attleboro, Massachusetts paper, Sept. 15, 1892,

^Ibid., Diary, Vol. I, September 2, 1892,

3 Ibid. , July 5, 1 89 6 , - 19 -

of the Cleveland Administration, "the ordinary type of

political opponent," Instead Roosevelt looked upon him pre­

cisely as "I look upon Debs or Coxey or any other inciter to

mob violence who might by his actions plunge the country into

civic disturbance,"^ During most of this labor unrest, Hamlin was on a trip to Alaska. Cleveland had sent him on a mission

to investigate the seal problem in the area of the Pribilof 2 Islands, It is likely, then, that Hamlin based his opinions

on what he read in the hostile press.

But in the anthracite coal strike of 1902 Hamlin again

showed a definite awareness of the real problems of labor.

He felt the railroads in the coal mining business had a

monopoly, which allowed them to grind down the miners in

a number of ways, Hamlin considered the following passage

in the Boston Herald a "good statement" on the strike :

While wages have not been reduced nominally, they have been reduced actually by a series of unjust impositions fully set forth by

^Theodore Roosevelt's statement is in the Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 55, Springfield Republican, October 15, 1908; for Woodrow Wilson's opinion see link, Wilson: Road to Yftiite House, p. 26; for public opinion regarding the Pullman Strike see Almont Lindsey, pie Pullm^ Strike: The Story of a Unique Experlimnt and of a Orea-tTlabor Upheaval,

^Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 12, p, 53, Boston Globe, February 21*, 1898, For a day by day description of this trip see the entries in Hamlin's Diary, Vol. I, for the summer months of l89k# - 20 -

Mr. Yfayne, which constitute grievances. Redress of these oppressive grievances was the motive of the . strike of 1900, and is the motive of the present strike, Scwie of the things asked for by the miners are these* He wants a ton of 221*0 lbs,, instead of a ton of 2800 lbs, or more; he asks that the coal he mines be weighed instead of estimated by the employer; he asks that he may have a representative to see that the weight and dockage are fair; he asks for a minimum wage; • , • Thus it appears that what the coal monopoly w ill not arbitrate is its right to degrade the standard of American labor and life to that of the lowest foreign laborers who can be induced to come into the country. And it is for this that protective tariffs are main­ ta in e d ? ^

In an interview with the Boston Traveller HamHn proposed to end the anthracite coal strike by placing coal and coke on the free list, by making public an intensive study of the factors involved (he charged, as political ammunition, that Theodore

Roosevelt had had such a report for some time and had failed to make it public), and by deciding intelligently vfith all the facts known on further remedial measures,^

Although Hamlin, as a serious but unsuccessful candidate for the Democratic nomination for Governor that year, did not suggest specific remedial measures, he had frequently advocated arbitration by disinterested fact-finders. From 1907 to 1913 he served without pay in at least five wage disputes. As the sole arbiter in the strike of the United Boiler Makers and Iron

^Ibid., Vol. 25, p, 59, August 31, 1902,

^Ibid,, p, 15, August 1 9 0 2, - 21 -

Ship Builders of North America against their employers,

Hamlin awarded the boiler makers a 9 l/2 wage increase,

"a favorable decision" for the boiler makers according to the Boston Post.^ He also served as the chairman of a three-man arbitration team in the Boston and North Street

Railway Conpary wage dispute of 1909, the Old Colony Street

Railway wage dispute of 1909, and the Springfield Street

Railway Company wage dispute in 1910. In all of these cases

Hamlin secured substantially higher wages for the laborers.

I n 1 9 1 0 he attested to the Importance he attached to this work. "I am inclined to feel," Hamlin stated, "that the most im portant labor which I have undertaken has been when I have served on four arbitration hearings , . • over hours of labor and wages, . , , a. result in part of ny efforts, the wages of nearly 5,000 men in this state have been increased."

And by 1913 Hamlin could add 2,500 more men to those who were enjoying higher wages because of his efforts,^

3-Ibid. , Vol. 50, p. 1*7, October 25, 1907.

^Ibid., Vol. 68, p. 22, Boston Journal, October li*, I 9IO,

^Ibid,, Vol. 2U, p. 28, Boston American, April 13, 1913, He was then campaigning for John Mitchell of Springfield, a candidate for the Massachusetts House of Representatives. For a r e f e r e n c e to M itc h e ll, see A lb e rt B ushnell H art, Commonwealth H istory of Massachusetts, (New York: Russell and Russell, 1966T, v 7 ’27;------22 -

In 1 9 1 0, when Hamlin ran seriously for the Democratic

gubernatorial nomination, most papers and many political

observers considered him more favorable to and popular with

labor than his opponent for the nomination, Eugene N, Foss,

Practical politics quoted Samuel Gompers as characterizing

Foss as "hostile and indifferent to the welfare of labor," while it stated that Hamlin "has always taken an advanced,

progressive attitude" and was "strong vfith laborAlso,

according to the New Bedford Mercuryt "If the bosses of

the Democratic Party with their eyes continually on the Foss

'barrel' think it is safe to attempt to fool labor they probably will be able to bring about the nomination of Foss, Vfhat is it

to them that the rank and file may prefer Hamlin?"^

Hamlin's views on labor, unionism, and strikes certainly

did not square with the most advanced liberal views of this

time (John P . Altgald and Eugene V. Debs, for example), yet

they were well within the realm of typical progressive thought.

In agreeing to serve as an arbitrator of labor-^nanageraent

disputes, he implied recognition of the unions involved, no

^Ibid,, Vol. 6 6 , p, October 1, I 9IO .

^Ibid,, Vol. 65, p. U 48 , October 15, 1910. - 23 -

small concession in those days.^ TOiile Hamlin criticized

president Roosevelt's role in the anthracite coal strike of

1 9 0 2, t h e r e i s a striking sim ilarity in the approaches o f the two men. Arbitration, according recognition to the mine workers' union, was Roosevelt's solution as well,®

For Altgeld's advanced liberal position see Hays, Response to Industrialism, p. I16, Harold U. Faulkner in Quest for Social Justice (New York; Macmillan, 1931), p. 60, shows the demand for recog­ nition of the union to be a major cause of strikes in the first five years of the twentieth century, Goldman in Rendezvous with Destiny, pp. 76-77, argues that the tj'picai proj^'es's'ive encouraged trade unions and was genuinely concerned with the problems of labor, Mowry in Theodore Roosevelt, p. 103, on the other hand, stresses the pro­ gressives' hostility to labor unions.

Otic,Pease, ed,. The Progressive Years, pp, 15-16, It is interesting that Wîîsoïï sided with capital even though most of the press sympathized with labor. See Mowry, Theodore Roosevelt, p. 135. CHAPTER IV

THE BAY STATE PROGRESSIVE

Hamlin may have been anti-free silver and anti-Bryan

in 1 8 9 6 , b u t by 1 9 0 2 reporters mistook his platform for the

Democratic gubernatorial nomination for an utterance from

somewhere far west of Boston, Massachusetts. Hamlin's views

had not changed essentially although he concentrated on

different issues. This is natural, for political issues are always changing. He based his 1902 gubernatorial cam­ paign primarily on state issues,^ thus de-emphasizing the tariff and other such national concerns, Hamlin never

changed his mind about the gold standard, but by 1902 he

felt free silver was a disproven panacea and no longer a relevant issue, "While my financial views are unchanged

. , , he wrote in his Diary, "I desired to build up

the Party by clinging to the issues now prominent upon which we agreed and dropping those not v ital upon which we differed, . , ,"®

^Hamlin Papers, Diary, Vol. I, p. 268, July 21*, 1902,

®Ibid,, pp. 282-283. - 2 S -

Hamlin called for direct election of United States Senators and just apportionment of state legislative and senatorial districts. He also favored the initiative and referendum for statewide public questions, for it was his conviction "that the people can safely be trusted to decide their own local questions," On the municipal level he felt the city of Boston should own its own subways and that a ll leases of, public franchises should be granted for short terms with adequate rentals. Both he and Louis Brandeis worked with the Public

Franchise League to bring about immediate construction of a new Boston subway, Hamlin further advocated prohibiting a corporation from interfering with legislators or the legis­ lature through campaign contributions or appointments to office, and he favored "a proper tax on incomes where it shall be least felt by the toilers," And finally, he recom­ mended restricting hours of labor when "trust combinations" sufficiently threatened competition to make such restriction necessary.1

^For Hamlin»s platform see the Boston Globe, July 21)., 1902 in the Hamlin papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 2U, p, 122; f o r Brandeis* connection with the Public Franchise League see ibid., p. Boston Hwald, April U), 1902, ihe quoted material is not specifically part of his formal platform but is all from a speech by Hamlin in the Augusta, Maine New Age, August 1, 1902, in the Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, p . 1 1 , — 26 —

îhis platform by no moans went unnoticed by the press.

The Boston Post called it a "significant pronouncement’* as some of the planks "indicate the advance made in the last few years • • • toward a larger acceptance of the idea that the time has come when the people or their representatives must put themselves in opposition to what might be termed corporate encroachments. VTe are inclined to think," continued the editors, "that î,ïr. Hamlin's statement, if made six years ago, would have been looked upon as

Populistic in character."^

Other papers, too, caught significance in Hamlin's

1902 platform. The Washington Star commented as follows 1

The referendum. No campaign contributions by corporations, Kîunicipal ownership of public utilities. Is this the latest platform of Tom Johnson of Cleveland, or of "Sucker Rod" Jones of Toledo? It is not. It sounds like it might be, but it has a very different paternity, and comes from another section of the country. It is the platform upon which Charles S, Hamlin is w illing to accept the Democratic nomination for governor of Massachusetts, And, mark you, l,Ir, Hamlin is a gold Democrat, a protege of Grover Cleveland, and a near neighbor of Richard Olney, When these things are proposed in the west they are associated with Populism, In Ohio they are thought to point to state socialism. What shall be said of them now that they have appeared in the Old Bay State, and are championed by a man who in Mr. Bryan's opinion is but little different from a Republican? . , , The Star thinks this an

^Ibid,, Vol. 2U, p, 116, July 2U, 1902. - 27 -

evidence that "Populism" is not dying out. Others may consider it an indication that the fight against plutocracy, as LIr. Bryan p u ts i t , i s g a in in g new a l l i e s , ^

The San Francisco Bulletin also noted that Hamlin's platform

seemed more fittin g for a "Bryan-Johnson candidate," than for a protege of Grover Cleveland, but explained such a phenomenon by stating that the platform was "not constructed for home consumption," It was probably suggested, the paper reasoned, "as a basis of agreemorit between the Democrats of the East and ’Vest,"^ But, of course, the editors of the

San Francisco Bulletin did not know Charles S, Hamlin,

Concentrating on the silver question certainly magnified and distorted differences over issues. These

differenees seemed to evaporate when the silver issue was

de-emphasiaed, Hamlin could sound very conservative -/hen

concei’ned V th runaway Inflation and fiat dollars, which he felt would result with the free coinage of silver. Yet with the silver issue absent he seemed like a new man when

he called for a number of reforms, many of which he had

favored for years. He strongly advocated the income tax

provision of the Wilson-Gorman Tariff, for example, as

e a r ly as I89 U.

^Ibid., Vol. 2$, p. 1 5 , quoted in the Columbia, South Carolina state, July 26, 1902.

^Ibid,, p. !i6, August 12, 1902, - 2 8 -

The man Hamlin unsuccessfully opposed for the Democratic gubernatorial nomination that year (1902) was Colonel William A.

Gaston, a corporation lawyer with substantial interests in the

Boston Elevated Railroad Company and the Shaiwmt National Dank.

Both Wiliiam Jennings Bryan and George Fred Williams, the gubernatorial candidate in I 896 and an ardent Bryan supporter, leaned toward Hamlin over Gaston and considered Hamlin the more liberal of the two. Bryan invited Hamlin into his room after they had both addressed a rally of 5jOOO in Bangor,

Maine during the campaign for Governor in that state, "Bryan spoke very pleasantly of my platform," Hamlin recorded in his Diary, Bryan also, in Hamlin's words, acknowledged "that inany of his friends had asked him to come out for me," told these men that he was convinced "that I believed in the people. , , .

I am satisfied," Hamlin concluded, "that he was perfectly w illing to see me nominated,"^

George Fred W illiams did not actually come out for

Hamlin either; however, W illiams encouraged Hamlin to stay in the fight against Gaston and told him "it would be disastrous for Gaston to be nominated without a struggle,"^

^Ibid,, Diary, Vol. I, p . 273, July 2g, 1902,

^ Ib i d . , pp. 263-267. -29 _

Former Globe reporter Michael Hennessy described the Williams

Democrats as "smarting under defeat in the convention of 1902 when they lined up against Gaston for Hamlin, /% ey7 charged

that the Democratic State leaders sold out the party to the

corporations and that certain public corporations with which

Gaston was connected supplied the campaign funds,"^

Other observers, too, considered Hamlin more "pro­

gressive" than his opponent. The Providence Journal, a

Republican paper, commented on the "cold treatment accorded

to Charles S, Hamlin in return for his many years of faithful

service to the party," and concluded that "A new man fasten /

with a corporation boom behind him had everything his own way,

Tlie Workman's Advocate was satisfied that Hamlin "is opposed

to trusts and monopolies , , , ^^nd .7 believes in the referendum

and the control of public franchises by the people."^

In the same Diary entry where Hamlin recorded that

Williams urged him to remain in the fight for the nomination

for Governor, Hamlin gave his reasons for doing so, "I was

carrying on campaign without money and wished principally

Ipour Decades of Massachusetts Politics, 1890-1935 (Norwood," Mas'sacSiuseFtsl TRe Norwood Press', 1935)j P* 7U.

Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 26, p, 20, "Newspaper Editorials on Hamlin's Candidacy," issued by the Hamlin Campaign Committee. -30 - to stand as a protest against commercialism in politics, . .

^__7omeono must make the fight," explained Hamlin, "and I was willing and intended to do it," Hamlin admitted that he went to see Williams to present issues on which all

Democrats could now stand — "opposition to commercialism.

Monopoly and Imperialism,"^ The Boston Post, although supporting Gaston for the gubernatorial nomination, com­ mended Hamlin for his gallantry in defeat and his eagerness to work for Gaston's election,^

Hamlin, on the other hand, was thoroughly disgusted with the way Gaston ran his campaign. He called Gaston's methods "scandalously dishonorable," Hamlin was convinced

Gaston distributed "libelous articles" attacking him all over the state, Hamlin also felt "/E 7here was every indication of the corrupt use of money," Hamlin was satisfied that the campaign likely cost Gaston $75 j GOO, and Hamlin ended tliis Diary entry disillusioned that "/or the first time f^assachusetts has been debauched. I fe a r hereafter no one can be nominated without opening a barrel

^Ibid,, Diary, Vol, I, pp, 263- 267, June 2 , 1902 .

^Ibid. , Scrapbook, Vol. 25 , p . 1)3 , A u g u st 25, 190 The Post editorial is entitled "Gaston the Man," - 31 - and a large one at that,"^

Four years later Hamlin again clashed with the Gaston machine, and on June 3, 1906, he resigned from the Central

Committee of the Massachusetts Democracy, "I know per­ fectly well the feelings of the machine towards me; , , , they had acted so that I felt out of self respect compelled to resign from the State Com®®,"^ Just after he resigned,

The Gaston-controlled Herald and Traveller printed savage attacks on Hamlin "put in the shape of news matter."^

He was not "absolutely out of politics" for long, though, to use the expression he used many times,^ By

1 9 0 7 he was back in state politics and engaged in prepar­ ing resolutions for the 1907 gubernatorial campaign. He called for a Public U tilities Commission to consolidate a ll present commissions. Urns railroads, electric lights,

gas, highways, telephone and telegraph companies would a ll be administered by one central organ. He further suggested that "addit. power , , , be given over RRs so that it shld have all the power over intrastate business

^Ibid., Diary, Vol. I, p, 277, September I 6 , 1902.

2Ibid., pp, UOO-UOl, July 20, I 9 0 6,

^Ibid., p. 387, June 19, 1906,

^^Ibid., p. 399, July I9 0 6, - 32 -

X that ICC. has over interstate bus., & such add povfers as leg. deemed nec," In addition, he offered an income tax plank which would repeal the law permitting legislative a g e n ts .1

Even though the machine injured him politically in

1902 and psychologically in I 9 0 6, to give two examples,

Hamlin ' s views had not substantially changed. It would be hard to argue that he had either become more conservative or considerably more liberal, Ha even voted for Bryan for the first time in 1908; however, he did not support him with his wholehearted enthusiasm.

By 1 910 he was back again in the full swing of state politics, as he again sought the Massachusetts guberna­ torial nomination. This time the fight was against

Eugene N, Foss, Republican turned Democrat in time for th e 191 0 campaign. As was his custom and as he had done in 190 2, Hamlin issued a platform on wlàch he was w illing to accept the 1910 gubernatorial nomination. It included generally the same progressive planks that he had advocated all along, Hamlin called for "immediate repeal of the unjust taxation of the Dingley and payne-Aldrich tariff acts," the j T referendum, direct nominations for city, county, and state

^Ibid., p, U05, - 33 -

offices, direct election of United States Senators, an

expert investigation of every department and institution

of the state, a purchasing agent for all state supplies,

rigid regulation of all public utilities, preservation of

self government for towns and municipalities, arbitration

of wage controversies, abolition of lobbies, and the

ratification of the income tax amendment,^

TWO New York papers made note of Hamlin in this cam­

paign. Die New York Times classed Hamlin along with

Woodrow Wilson "in that singular company of state Governors which the Democracy is asking the people to elect." The

Times found him eminently qualified "by his liberal in­

fluence in State and National politics, by his services

as Assistant Secretary of the Federal Treasury and as

executor of important commissions to and for governments,

and by his eminence as a lawyer." They felt his nomination

feasible because of the deadlock between Vahey and Foss, and

they concluded bj'’ urging "the Democratic leaders of

Massachusetts" to "think not only of the present campaign

b u t o f 1912 when they consider the name of Charles S. Hamlin,"^

^Ibld., Scrapbook, Vol. 65, p. 150, Boston American, September 30, I 9IO,

■ 2Ibid., Vol. 66, p. 5, September 28, I 9 IO, — 3Ü ~

Likewise, the Evening Post, although not coming out quite so favorably, reported that it appeared probable, even to the

Republicans, that if Hamlin received the nomination he would sweep the state

Regardless of how progressive Hamlin was, he did not receive the nomination. Disorder and deadlock forced the convention to adopt a number of unusual procedures, Michael

Hennessy concisely sketched what happened;

Encouraged by the growing revolt against the Republican party, Charles S. Hamlin, a popular Democrat, threw his hat into the guber­ natorial ring. Congressman Foss followed suit. For te c h n ic a l re a so n s th e sense of th e members of the convention was taken by a mail vote of the delegation. It was announced a few days later that Foss had received U95 votes, the exact number necessary for a choice, and Hamlin had received U8U, N o tw ith stan d in g grum bling by the Democrats over the way the nomination was handled, they united on the candidate and supported him at the polls, Foss was ridiculed by the Republicans as the "mail-order candidate."2

After this disillusioning campaign Hamlin decided not to seek office again for at least the next two or three years .5 Nevertheless at the 1912 state convention he was

^Ibid., General Index, Vols. 1-79, P* 216, September U, 1910. p Michael Hennessy, "State and Political Readjustments, 1 8 8 9 - 1 9 2 9,’* in Commonwealth History of Massachusetts, ed. by Hart, V, 181.

^Hamlin Papers, Box 357, Autobiographical Note, December 10, I 9IO, - 35 -

•unanimously selected as the Chairman of the Resolutions

Committee, which would adopt the state platform,^ He gave himself credit for planks on tariff reform, reciprocal trade agreements, the national Income tax amendment, the direct election of senators, recognition that the nation should give independence to the Philippines, a systematic revision of banking laws, conservation of national resources, increased state aid to agriculture, free scholarships in technical schools for poor and deserving students, and the adoption of state—wide in itiative and referendum. Planks introduced by Governor

Foss recognized progressive legislation already passed — workman's compensation and an eight hour day for public employees, for example. Foss also introduced the plank calling for a public u tilities commission with complete control over railroads, street railways, gas and electric light companies, telegraph and telephone companies, and a ll other public service corporations. Brandeis wrote planks that declared private monopoly intolerable and that demanded the super'vision of loan companies to protect small borrowers. The entire committee added planks that insured

^ee ibid.. Scrapbook, Vol. 78, p. 3U, Boston Post, October 3, 1912j and p. 33, Boston Journal, October 5,1912. - 36 - the right of labor to organize and that advocated, a revision

of the state's "vicious tax system," to reduce the burden for those

least able to pay and to establish a tax on the income of personal

p ro p e rty ,^

This platform was hailed from many quarters as one of

the most progressive Democratic platforms ever. If it were

"placed aide by side vdth the Progressive platform it would

outshine it," commented MacFarlaind, one of Hamlin's good

friends,2 Practical Politics, too, considered it "one

of the most progressive platforms ever enacted by a democratic

convention."^

These four platforms, 1902, I 9O7 , 1910, and 1912,

^Ibid., pp. 52-53, Boston Evening Globe, October 5 > 1912. Next to each plank in the newspaper, Hamlin indicated in pencil its authorship. All planks except the last one — "Immediate revision of our vicious tax system, . . . "v/ere included in the original draft. For a typewritten copy of the original draft, see V ol. 7 8 , p . 55 of the Scrapbook, The fact that Foss wrote the public u tilities commission plank may be irrelevant to Hamlin's views on such a commission. practical politics (Ibid., p. 65) commented as follows; "A little curiosity is excited by the fact that Charles S. Hamlin who was accused by the Foss people two years ago of being a Boston and Maine railroad attorney, is to write the democratic platform. . , . The governor himself w ill prepare the railroad planks, it is said,"

^Ibid., Box 357, Miscellaneous File, Friday, October U, 1912 .

^Ibid., Scrapbook, Vol. 87 , p. U5, September 13, 1913, - 37 - embodied all three general principles of progressives dis­ cussed in Chapter I. Regulation of public u tilities, which

Hamlin had favored in principle at least since 1902, the national income tax amendment, and the 1912 anti-monopoly plank, to mention a few, reflected Hamlin's intent to regulate business and distribute its fruits more widely.

Direct election of senators, direct nominations for local officials, and the initiative and referendum amply illustrate his desire to expand popular democracy. And finally, the labor planks, the taxation planks, the technical scholarship p la n k o f 1 9 1 2, and the state aid to agriculture plank of 1912 serve as evidence of his concern for the underprivileged and disadvantaged. CHAPTER V

INTSGRTTY — AMD A TINGE OF CONSERVATISM

One confusing thing about Hamlin's thought is the different impression he made in different contexts. In campaigns on the state level, as in 1902, 1907, 1910, and 1912, (see Chapter IV), he sounded much more "progressive" than in national campaigns.

H am lin 's sp eech es i n 1912 f o r th e n a tio n a l c a n d id a te s Woodrow

Wilson and Thomas Marshall Yfere drab and stale compared to the platform he reported at the October state convention that year.

In his national speeches he continually harped on a single issue — the high cost of living — which he attributed to the monopoly-fostering protective tariff

The campaign of I 9 0U provides another illustration of

Tîamlin's conservative tendency on the national level, A delegate to the National Convention, Hamlin came out early for Richard

See Reform Club Speech, Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 79, p . 1 0 5 , Boston Globe, December 10, 1912; Vol. 77, p. 50, New Bedford Mercury, October 30, 1912 ; Speech at Reform Club Dinner (in New York, with Woodrow Wilson present), Vol. 75, p. UU, Springfield Republican, May 12, 1912. - 39 -

Olney, whom he had supported in IpOO as w ell,^ and worked strenuously and with conviction to make Olney not only the choice of Massachusetts but of the Convention as we11,^

Massachusetts, however, was the only state to cast its entire vote for Olney (the unit rule, of course, determined this), and Judge Alton B. Parker was nominated easily on the first ballot. Nevertheless, Hamlin supported Olney so strongly because he fe lt Olney represented "broad, vigorous Americanism, tempered with a consei-vatism which would call to his support

the people without regard to politics,"^ But most importantly

Hamlin had complete faith in Olney's integrity, Bryan told

Hamlin during their meeting in Maine in 1902 that Olney was too closely connected with corporation interests to be much

of a "trust buster" (n^'- term), Hamlin argued that Olney would

"break every Trust in the country if he accepted office on

such a platform,"^

^Ibid,, Diary, Vol. I, p. 2U7. VDien Bryan was nominated for the second time in 1900, Hamlin abstained from voting for any set of Presidential electors. He voted only for several state and local candidates.

^Henry James, Richard Olney and His Public Service. (Boston: Houghton M ifflin, 1923), p. l77.

^Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 12, p. Boston Globe, March 22, 1899.

^Ibid., Diary, Vol. I, pp. 270-272, - Uo -

At the Convention Hamlin served on the Resolutions

Committee, and through his influence the platform became at least an iota more liberal. He offered a civil service plank which the committee accepted and fought successfully for a strong plank on Canadian reciprocity, which he had consistently favored at least since 1097,^

The Subcommittee on which Hamlin served spent from 8*00 p. ra. to 1*30 a. m. haggling over the tariff plank, Bryan supported Hamlin's tariff plank over John Sharpe Williams' plank calling for a "wise, conserv,, & business-like revision," and over the plank of Francis C. Newlands of

Nevada, which in Hamlin's opinion "practically indorsed the protective theory." Due largely to Bryan's influence,

Hamlin's plank was fin ally accepted.

His opinion of Bryan at this convention is most in­ teresting. Hamlin observed that "In the Sub, Com®® meetings

Bryan seemed to really want harmony . . . but in the fu ll Com®® he evidently wanted the chance for rupture." Trying to wreck the party, in Hamlin's opinion, Bryan, "billowing like a mad bull," insulted the party leaders and insisted on a platform "on wh, no conservative candidate could stand."

Ibid., Scrapbook, Vol. 12, p . 25, Manuscript, (the research"facilities of the Library of Congress do not reveal t h e p l a c e o f publication of th is newspaper), December 22, 1897* - u i -

He demanded an income tax and an antitrust plank "so radical that no one believing in private property could accept it."

Sven Senator Ben Tillman, the progressive South Carolinian,

Hamlin thought he recalled, felt these planks too anti-capital,^

When Parker was nominated, even though Hamlin had sup­ ported Olney, Hamlin jumped quickly onto the nominee's band wagon and declared that he was "absolutely sound on all issues,"^ Because both Daniel Lamont, Cleveland's Secretary of War, and James J, H ill, the famous railroad magnate, considered the first draft of Judge Parker's letter of acceptance "very crude and amateurish," they arranged for

Hamlin to help him revise it. Hamlin spent September 16 from 9*00 a, m. to 5:00 p, m, in parkor's bedroom working this message over, "I cut out very much and added a great deal, he agreeing to almost every suggestion," Hamlin recalled. However, Parker commented, as Hamlin phrased it, that "under . • . /Tïamlin's/ touch his message had lost some of the conservatism he wanted in it," On the tariff particularly

Hamlin p r e f e r r e d to be much more d a rin g ,^ Hamlin, th e n , w as

^Ibid., Diary, Vol. I, pp. 339-3U6. He was not absolutely positive it was Tillman who made the comment attributed to him, "Someone in the CoaP® — I think Sen. Tillman," were Hamlin's exact words.

^Ibid., p. 359.

2Ibid., pp. 3 6 U-3 7 0 , - U2 - somewhat more liberal than Judge Parker and thus less a typical Bourbon Democrat,

Another bit of revising and checking figures that

Hamlin did on Parker's message servos as a good example of Hamlin's uncompromising sense of fair play, Parker had compared the year 18?5 when Grant was President to

1086, under president Cleveland, to show that Cleveland had run the government on "lU millions less money."

C arlisle had gone over these figures and had approved them.

Hamlin, hov/ever, on checking them carefully for Mmself found that statistics had lied. For example, "in 1875

103 m, was included in exj^enses for in t. on pub, debt while in 1886 only 50 m. were needed for this purposes ..."

"Furthermore," argued Hamlin, "1886 happened to be the lowest year of C's admtn," And by taking each four year period as a T/hole, Hamlin discovered that Cleveland had actually spent more. Hamlin was dead set against making this comparison at a ll, and he was able to convince Parker to strike it out completely,^ Under the same circumstances many a politician would have used these figures.

As A ssistant Secretary of the Treasury under Cleveland,

1893—1897» Hamlin displayed this same trait o f integrity and

^Ibid., pp. 3 6 6 - 3 6 7 . - ) i3 - im partiality. Praised by Republicans and Democrats alike,

Hamlin could easily have continued on in the Treasury under

McKinley, in fact he was stongly urged to do so, but he

chose to return to Boston and his law practice instead.

As Assistant Secretary, Hamlin "never permitted his leanings toward a revenue tariff to diminish the rigor of his enforcements of protectionist laws,"^ 'Jtie American Economist praised his "unblemished integrity" in enforcing the tariff and found him to be an "unrelenting enemy of fraud in under­ valuation of imports."^

If Hamlin seemed more conservative on national issues than on state issues, he also gave a misleading impression of conservatism when defending his own state against encroach­ ments by other states not having Massachusetts' advantages.

His position on the income tax is a prime example. In Hamlin's

1 9 1 0 campaign for the gubernatorial nomination George Fred

Williams called Hamlin a "reactionary," announcing that,

except for the tariff, he could not "recall a single measure

of progressive democracy which îÆr. Hamlin has ever espoused,"

Williams made the point tiiat "in last year's convention he

^Ibid., Scrapbook, Vol. 10, p. 55» Springfield Republican March I, 1897 •

^Ibid., General Index, Vols. 1-79. - 14J4. — stabbed . * . tïe income tax . . • with arguments ^^hich had been carefully prepared for republican use only."^ It is perfectly true that Hamlin opposed an apportioned income tax which would fall heavier on Massachusetts than on many other states, but back i n I 89 U he had strongly favored the income tax provision of the Wilson b ill, which the Supreme Court subsequently declared unconstitutional. Since then, he had consistently advocated a state income tax and had unequivocally favored ratification of the income tax amendment to the Constitution,

îîany forces and voices came to Hamlin's rescue over what was clearly an irresponsible political charge by George Fred Yfilliams,'

In 1906 Hamlin as an attorney for the Boston Chamber of commerce argued strongly against the right of the national government to set minimum rates of common carriers operating in interstate commerce. He believed "that to give to any bo

^Ibid., Vol. 65, p. 3 0 ,

2por example, see ibid., New York Sun, October 18, 1910, General Index, Vole, 1-7^7"?» 217; see also ibid.. Vol. 65, p. 82, Springfield Republican, September 16, 19lO. - U5 -

At the same time, however, Hamlin forcefuUjr urged that governm ent f i x maximum r a t e s due to th e f a c t t h a t many common carriers are essentially monopolies and thus "the National

Government is justified in imposing reasonable lim itations upon the rates charged." "Why stop at railroads?" he asked.

For if "the fact of monopoly is the real justification for national regulation of rates," why not include the prices for fuel, food, and clothing "where these necessaries of life are

controlled by a monopoly," In addition, Hamlin justified the

government's regulating prices of all tariff-protected industries,^

Richard Abrams makes precisely this point about those

he terms the "progressive equivalents" of Massachusetts, They

sound so conservative and so opposed to many national progressive measures because these measures would diminish their sectional

advantages. At the turn of the century, Abrams argues,

Massachusetts had most of the liberal legislation that the

LaFoUettes of Wisconsin and the Norrises of Nebraska were

fighting for in their states. So many would-be progressives

or "progressive equivalents" "performed primarily a holding

% id., Vol, Ul, pp. 75-80, The article by Hamlin from which tills information is taken, "New England and Government Regulation — A S®otional View," is in Moody's Magazine, Ja n u a ry , I 9 0 6, - U6 - action against different kinds of insurgents

Abrams, however, does acknowledge that "the efforts of Democrat Douglas and Republican Foss, together ifith various commercial groups, for reciprocity with Canada and a general tariff revision suggested that Massachusetts might have something to contribute to the reform spirit," Surely he would also place Hamlin in this class,^ For one thing,

Hamlin espoused Canadian reciprocity almost as fervently and as consistently as tariff reform. For another, Hamlin was at least as liberal as Douglas if not more so. And for a third, Hamlin was certainly more liberal than Eugene M. Foss,

Hamlin vrithdrew as a candidate for Governor himself in

I 90I1 and zealously aided Douglas* candidacy and subsequent election as Governor,^ Douglas made clear to Hamlin before his nomination that he positively intended to run only once

and that "he should do everything in his power" to see that

Hamlin was nominated as his successor,^ In September, I 905

Governor Douglas, after announcing in June that he would not

^Conservatism in a Progressive Era, p, xii.

^Ibid,, pp. IO 8 -IO 9 . Abrams used Hamlin* s Diary liberally and mentions Hamlin from time to time, but he apparently does not consider Hamlin influential enough to analyze his thought,

^Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 3U, p. 6 3 . Boston Post, no date given, but Se;^tember, 190b, I feel sure,

^Ibid,, Diary, Vol. I, p. 37b, October, 190b. The real reason why Douglas ran only once is that the Republicans had the scoop on him as a deserter in the Union Arny during the Civil War and agreed to withhold this information from the public provided Douglas ran only once. — L? - geek re-election, arranged to see Hamlin and offered to pay the entire expense, Al5,000, of his campaign, if Hamlin would run, Hamlin, though, refused to "enter into any contest for the and would run only "if the Party v/ith reasonable unanimity should ask me to run," Hamlin knew for certain that th is was out of the question, for the Gaston machine would not nominate a candidate who would accept "no subscription from any person or corporation which hoped thereby to secure any personal favors," Douglas' money was different, however, because Hamlin was convinced that Douglas' motive was "entirely unselfish," Richard Olney, too, told Hamlin he was the man for the hour and would certainly be nominated if it weren't for "that damned Gaston."^

Again in 1906 Douglas urged Hamlin to run, but Hamlin told Douglas he "was absolutely out of politics" and "under no circumstances wld I think of being a candidate for Gov?^

The next year the machine asked Hamlin to solicit a contribu­ tion of $15,000 from Douglas in return for arranging to make

Douglas a delegate at large at the 1908 national convention.

Hamlin refused explaining that "I wld not ask him on such terms — if he wld not give for love of the party he cld decline," At this point it was learned that it was now

^IhLd., pp. 390-391, September 13, 1905.

^Ibid,, p. 399, July, 1906. — U8 —

Douglas who was "absolutely out of politics,"^

I n 1 9 1 0 Douglas again sent word to Hamlin "that he would take his coat off for me and back me up financially and every other way" if Hamlin would make the fight for the nomination, Douglas also suggested getting a contribution of possibly $5,000 from Lucius Tlittle, former president of the

Boston and Maine Railroad. Hamlin replied characteristically that he "absolutely forbad any one requesting Ur. T. or any one identified w. public service corporations for money,"

Only from Douglas himself and very few others would he accept financial assistance, for again Hamlin realized that Douglas "had no axe to grind and made the suggestion p from the highest motives,"

But as Hamlin was more honorable than Douglas and at least as progressive, Hamlin was certainly much more progressive I than his opponent for the 1910 nomination, Eugene N. Foss, whom Abrams considers the other genuine Massachusetts progressive. Hamlin was stronger with labor than Foss, as has already been shown (see Chapter III), Abrams

portrays Foss as a poor excuse for a reformer and an oppor­ tunist who played ball with the growing reform spirit when

^Ibid., p, U1 2 , October, I 9 0 7 .

^Ibid., pp. l|22-U23, August 21, I 9IO, — U9 — it served his interests. He just as quickly damaged his adopted party when that served his interests • On the other hand, Abrams, while not seeming to take Hamlin seriously, can find no anti-progressive charge against Hamlin except alleged impropriety and conflict of interest because of his retainer ship with the Boston and Maine Railroad, as charged by George Fred Vfilliams,^ Abrams comments by noting that

Williams, in making this charge, "somehow managed to overlook p Foss's membership on the Boston & Maine's board of directors."

Hamlin unequivocally defended himself as well by stating that his connection with the railroads was in "keeping open the Canadian highways between Mew England and the North­ west, a problem of vital interest to the city of Boston and the State," He added that the Boston Chamber of Commerce, for which Hamlin also served as counsel, was perfectly aware of his railroad connections, but the Chamber did not consider

llbid., Vol. II, pp. 7-8, March 19, 1913, "Mr. McNary also told me that Sec. Bryan asked him if it was true that the fact that I had been counsel of the B fit M RR was not generally known fit that he had told him that this had been a purely political charge and that there was nothing in it I that he — McN. always had known this fit that ny work had been in connection w. the B. Chamber of Com, fit that everybody cognizant with these matters knew it. He said Bryan spoke very pleasantly of me,"

2Abrams, Conservatism in A ^ogressiye Bra, Chapter 10, "F oss — And Much F u ss," e s p e c ia lly p p . 251, 255, 259. With reference to Foss' political affiliation, Abrams, p, 251, says Foss switched from Republican to Democrat in 1909, - 5 0 - them in any way inconsistent with his employment by it,

Hamlin dealt exclusively with questions either in the

Chamber's interest or in the "common interest of the people of Boston and New Englandl*^

Hamlin did not actively participate in the contest for the Presidential nomination two years later. The Boston Post, however, carried his "strong interview" for Wilson, which f-ramlin issued after Wilson had received the 1912 nomination,

"I am glad the contest is settled, and so well settled,"

Hamlin commented, "The nomination is a splendid one, and

I believe that Governor Wilson w ill be elected, I see no reason now for any talk whatsoever of a third party."^

Hamlin vigorouslj'- stumped New England for Yfilson that year, even though his speeches were dull and his issues were tired in comparison to his more imaginative offerings in state-wide camapigns. Nevertheless, most Massachusetts

Democrats had gone for Champ Clark, As the patronage plums were not to be plucked by the Clark men, Charles S. Hamlin and Louis Brandels were frequently mentioned in the press

^Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 68, p. 22, Boston Journal, October lii, 1910,

^Ibid,, General Index, Vols, 1-79, p. 6^2, July 3, 1912. — — as cabinet possibilities,^ Hamlin really wanted to be ambassador to Japan, ^ but TffiHiam Gibbs Me Ado o, as w ill he seen in the next chapter, was shortly to prod Hamlin to accept as his duty the same position in the Treasury Department at

Washington that he had held under Cleveland years earlier.

In conclusion, Hamlin, a man of unquestionable integrity, tended to be more conservative on national issues than in state-wide campaigns. Yet throughout he was at least as progressive, if not more so, than either of the Massachusetts

"progressive equivalents" named by Richard Abrams.

^Ibid,, Vol. 7 8 , p . 136, B o sto n Journal, November 9, 1912, 2 His impressive role in international affairs is beyond the scope of this paper. See "Hamlin," Dictionary of American Biography, pp. 273-275, for a brief sketch of this aspect of his career. CHAPTER VI

AH APPOINTED PUBLIC SERVANT

Shortly before Treasury Secretary William Gibbs McAdoo began to prod Hamlin to accept the position of Assistant

Secretary of the Treasury, Governor Foss, in March, 1913, offered Hamlin a position on the Metropolitan Water and

Sewerage Board. Hamlin was reluctant to accept it, but he probably did so on a temporary basis as he felt certain he would soon be appointed to a permanent position in the

Wilson Administration. Nevertheless, he gave up his law practice so that he could devote his full time to the work of the Board, This is a clear example of the office seek­ ing the man, for Hamlin was apparently taken by surprise at the job offer. Rumor has it that while Foss was on the telephone offering the position to Hamlin, Foss' anteroom O was actually filled with applicants for that same position.

With his appointment to the Metropolitan Board, Hamlin

^iary, Vol. II, p, 1, The Diary entry is not dated,

^Ibid., I b id ., Scrapbook, Vol. 65, p. 68, Boston Herald, Hay 18, 1913, - 53 -

began a new phase of his career. He was never again an active aspirant for public office, but he did participate in state

conventions, and he did occasionally campaign for other

candidates. For example, in October, 1913, he had planned to

leave Washington to address the Massachusetts Democratic

Convention. However, the tariff b ill was signed into law

at just that time, and Hamlin could not get away* Politics

s till boiled in Hamlin's blood, for he wrote his wife of his

utter disappointment in having to cancel his plans to partici­

pate in the Convention,^ By 1 9 lh , though, when asked by a

Labor Department official about the p olitical situation in

Boston, Hamlin replied that he could not possibly claim to

know much about it,^

Hamlin's appointment as Assistant Secretary of the

Treasury is another sterling example of the office seeking

the man. Apparently Hamlin had been offered the position

as early as l^ ch, 1913, but he did not accept it until late

July. From a ll newspaper accounts, McAdoo sought Hamlin

with determination, and even made a trip to Boston in an

effort to secure Hamlin's willingness to serve, Hamlin would

consider accepting the position only if McAdoo urged him to

^ I b id . , B ox 35U, Letter to Bertie ( h i s wife), October 13, 1913.

2Ibid., Diary, V o l . I I , p . 83. - Sh “■ accept it as his duty. This McAdoo did, and Hamlin moved to

Washington to assume the duties of the office on August 1, 1913#^

According to the newspapers, Hamlin could have easily been appointed to the collectorship of Boston at an annual salary of $8,000 if he wanted the position. This vfas twice as much as he was being paid for his work on the Metropolitan Board and almost twice as much as he would draw as A ssistant

Secretary of the Treasury. The $8,000, nevertheless, was a mere pittance compared to what he made from his lucrative law practice.

For a number of reasons Hamlin chose the position of

Assistant Secretary over that of Collector of Boston, even though it was a great financial sacrifice. For one thing, the Washington position carried greater political prestige,

Hamlin, too, was undoubtedly hoping for advancement to bigger and better positions. Additionally, he wanted to be part of an intellectually stimulating and dynamic new adm inistration,

"It certainly is pleasant to run up against the class of men

^Ibid», Scrapbook, Vol. 89, p, 82, Boston Post, May 23, 1913; Vol. 86, p. 100, Boston Transcript, July 2U, 1913; p. ?U, Boston Record, July IB, 1913; p. 98, Boston Herald, July 2U, 1913; pTT^T Boston Record, July 2U, 1913, For Hamlin's account of these events, see Hamlin's Diary, Vol. II, pp. 1-12, Ihe correspondence between McAdoo and Hamlin from March, 1913 on, as the newspaper accounts also date it, occurred mainly over the telephone and through intermediaries* Possibly that is why there is hardly any written record of it in the McAdoo or Wilson Papers* For McAdoo'a letter to Hamlin urging him to come to Washington to render a "public service in taking up this great task," see the McAdoo Papers, Library of Congress, McAdoo to Hamlin, July 29, 1913* - 55 - who are running the government," Hamlin wrote his wife.

"I have talked more about big subjects here in one week than

I would in Boston in ten years," The Hamlins also came to

Washington to socialize. We are going to "have our fling,"

Hamlin declared, "even if we have to economize the rest of our liv e s

Finally, Hamlin hoped to be influential on proposed legislation. The papers forecast that Hamlin would analyze bills for McAdoo. On the tariff b ill Hamlin suggested a provision that would enable the government to detect frauds

in income tax statements,^ With a sweeping tariff revision

imminent, Hamlin's experience and expertise were put to good use in enforcing and interpreting the new law. Again, as he

had done in Cleveland's Administration, Hamlin tried to enforce

the law im partially and thoroughly — relentlessly eliminating

frauds and undervaluations. Again, he was highly successful,

but his task was more difficult as he had an entirely new piece

^For the salaries of the various positions, see Hamlin Papers, Scrapbook, Vol. 83, p, 66, Boston Herald, March 13, 1913, and Vol. 86, p, 7hf Boston Record, July 18, 1913. For the first quotation, see Box 35U, Letter to Bertie, August 10, 1913. For the second, see Letter to Bertie, October 1, 1913# The other information is garnered from the various newspapM* accounts listed in Footnote 1, p, 9U, of this chapter.

^Ibld., Scrapbook, Vol. 67, p. 35, New York, Journal of Commerce, Sept emGeF 19, 1913. — 5 6 — of legislation to enforce,1

Hamlin also fe lt he was doing important work in whipping the Federal Reserve b ill into shape. He felt he favorably impressed Carter Glass, Chairman of the House Banking and Cur­ rency Committee, by the "intelligent and valuable letters" he O had written Glass on the b ill. Glass came to Hamlin's office to confer with him on the b ill almost every day,3 and hicAdoo accepted all his suggestions on it without even reading thera,^

Several other sources add substance to Hamlin's claims of influence in drafting the Federal Reserve Act, "It is characteristic.of Hamlin's methodical ways," according to the

Nation, "that, having been consulted almost continually dui’ing

^Ibid., Vol. 90, p. 30, Boston Transcript, June l5, l^lii. Tlrie following entry in Hamlin's Diary, Vol. II, p. 80, December 23, 1913, affords an example of his attitude:

"Some weeks ago I ordered that expenses of trucking sugar from ship to scales must be born by the refineries at Bost* N.Y, et al. For years this expense at these Ports had been paid by Govt altho at N, Orleans it was paid by refineries, N, Orleans refineries protested and after studying this mat ter held that expense at all ports must be paid by refineries. Thousands of dollars annually were thus saved to G ovt."

^Ibid., Box 35U, Letter to Bertie, August 5, 1913.

^Ibid., August 9, 1913.

^tlbid., August 8, I 91U. - 57 - the framing of the Federal Reserve Act, he should have put in his spare hours preparing a card index . , , " of the Act,^

Die Boston "Cransoript supported Hamlin's influence further in stating that "Mr. Hamlin has been a veiy active although modest agent in the framing of the Federal Reserve law and in the preliminaries of putting it into operation."^ It is almost impossible, though, to find evidence of i'amlin's influence from other sources. None of the memoirs —

Carter G lass's, \TiUiam Gibbs McAdoo's, J. Lawrence Laughlin's, or Paul î;î. Warburg's — make particular note of any contribu­ tions Hamlin made to the Act. But the index to the Glass papers reveals a close and lasting friendship between Glass and Hamlin. In 192? Glass sought Hamlin's criticism of his memoir, ^ Adventure in Constructive Finance, which he showed- to only about s ix o th e r f r i e n d s .^

^Ibid., Box 357, Ocbober lU, 1915.

^Ibid., Scrapbook, Vol. 90, p. 30, June 19, 191L.

^Carter Glass, ^ Adventure in Constructive Finance (New York; Macmillan, 1927). See also the annotation in the bibliography of this paper; William Gibbs McAdoo, Crowded Years (Cambridge; Riverside Press, 1931); J. Lawrence Laughlin, The Federal Reserve Act, Its Origins and Problems (New York Macmillan, 1933 ) ; Paul M. Warburg, "The Federal Reserve System, Its Origin and Growth; Reflections and Reeôîïecl'ïong^ (New York; Macmillan, Ï^O ), Vol. I; Elbert A. Kincaid, "Selected Inventory of U23 Boxes (of the Carter Glass papers) in the Alderman Library of the University of Virginia with Special Reference to the M aterial Concerning the Federal Reserve System," Library of Congress. See also the annotation in the bibliography of this paper. - 58 -

Hamlin's attitude toward the Federal Reserve b ill reflects his genuine interest in decentralizing control of the credit system and diffusing financial power "over the whole country as it ought to be,"^ It is interesting that

Gabriel Kolko in sists that the"banking reform movement was initiated and' sustained by big bankers seeking to offset

. . . the diffusion and decentralization w ithin banking."^

It is possible that the support and initiative for the b ill was more complex than Kolko suggests, for at least one of its supporters, Hamlin, had exactly the opposite intention,^

Hamlin also felt the b ill would create "a practicable, workable plan, safe and sound, even though it may not be the most perfect plan vrhich could be devised,"^ Although

^Hamlin Papers, Diary, Vol. I I , pp. 35-36, September 30, 1913.

^G abriel Kolko, Triumph of C onservatism ; A Re interpretation of American History, 1900-1915T (Hew York; Free Press of Glencoe, 1963), p. 2931

^Since Hamlin's Diary entry (see Footnote 1 on this page) is almost word for word absolutely the reverse of what Kolko con­ tends, I feel it m erits being quoted in full; "in ny opinion, the N.Y. Banks were determined to prevent passage of any financial B ill & wld. use every means to accomplish their purpose as they realized their great centralized power over credit would be m aterially cut down by this BiH and diffused over the whole country as it ought to be."

^Letter to Robert Owen from Charles S. Hamlin, July 1?, 1913, published in Banking and Currency Legislation (Washington, D. C.i Government Printing Office, 1913), p. 16 Ïî . This same letter was published in the Springfield Republican, July 12, 1913, - 59 - realizing the b ill was imperfect, as all such reform neces­ sarily must be, he favored such legislation from the first.

As a matter of fact, he spent hours meticulously compiling an indox-digest of the Act, This labor required him to write the entire Act out twice in longhand, but he proudly admitted that it was "a labor of love."^

As Hamlin wanted the Federal Reserve Act effectively to decentralize banking, he also did not think authorized national banks should be allowed to buy other banks for the purpose of establishing savings departments. He thought the authorized national banks should establish their own savings bank departments. Glass differed with him on this, and argued that certain Republican support could be gained if national banks could legally buy other banks to handle savings accounts.^ This serves as one example why a number of individuals urged Hamlin's appointment to the Federal

Reserve Board. They felt the financial interests could never control him, McAdoo expressed relief that Hamlin was finally appointed to the Federal Reserve Board because he was sure "the large financial interests would move heaven & earth to control the members ,"-3

^Charles S. Hamlin to Woodrow W ilson, March 15, 1915, W o o d ro w Wilson papers, library of Congress, Series U, Case File 1076.

^Hamlin Papers, Diary, Vol. H , p. 13, August U, 1913,

^Ibid., p. 117, June 12, I 9II. Also see the letter from Stuart Q. Gibboney to McAdoo, June 12, I 9 1I, WilHam Gibbs McAdoo papers. Library of Congress. — 60 “

McAdoo urged Hamlin's appointment to the Board from the firs t.3- Both he and Hamlin knew a cordial relationship be­ tween the Treasury and the Board was crucial to the success of the Act, and neither wanted "the interests" to dominate the

Board members. Both also felt that if these obstacles could be overcome "wo could demonstrate to the country and even the extreme radicals that this Act would really benefit all the people.

Unfortunately Vfilson felt differently than McAdoo about

Hamlin's appointment, Yfhen the President asked Colonel House to suggest someone for the ten year term. House told the

President that McAdoo preferred Hamlin, Wilson replied,

"But I prefer Olney and I happen to be President."3 oiney did not accept, however, and neither did several others to whom the President offered the position. So in the middle o f Ju n e , I 9IU, after Hamlin had waited an anxiety-ridden seven weeks, Wilson finally appointed him, "according to

McAdoo's w ishes."^

% illiaras Gibbs McAdoo, Crowded Years, p. 2 7 8 ,

^Hamlin Papers, Diary, Vol. II, p. Iii7, June 12, I 9 1A. Actually these words are Hamlin's paraphrasing of what McAdoo said to him*

^Charles Seymour, e d .. The Intimate Papers of Colonel House* (B oston & New York* Houghton M ifflin Company, l9?6y. Vol. Ï, p . 172,

Hamlin Papers, Diary, Vol. II, pp. li;0 -lU 9 , May 2 6 -June 1 9 . The newspaper accounts in the Scrapbook, Vol. 6 9, speculated on a p p o in te e s a l l through May, 191U* The quoted material is from Charles Seymour, ed.. Colonel H ouse, p . 1 7 2 , V ol. I . - 61 -

Hamlin spent a few more trying weeks until he learned,

August 8, I 9 1U, that President Wilson had designated him as the first Governor of the Federal Reserve BoardTwo days later he took the oath of office for the two-year-term, and i n 1 9 1 6 he was reappointed for ten years, but not as Governor, he remained on the Board for the rest of his active career; and when he retired, he served until he died as a special 2 consultant to the Hoard.

^Hamlin Papers, Diary, Vol. II, p. l57,

^"Hamlin," Dictionary of American Biography, pp. 273-275, CHAPTER VII

A FOE OF SEQREGATICW

On one important issue Hamlin's thought is not typically progressive,^ nor is it typical of many in the Yfilson Adminis­ tration. As Albert Sidney Burleson, William Gibbs ÎÆcAdoo, and

John Skelton Williams^ turned the clock backwards on segregation in the federal departments, Charles Sumner Hamlin unequivocally turned it forward again. In January, I 9II1, Hamlin was promoted to ranking assistant of the Treasury in charge of Fiscal

Bureaus.^ He replaced John Skelton Williams of Virginia, who became Comptroller of the Currency, and Hamlin took over responsibility for various federal bureaus — one of which was the Bureau of printing and Engraving.

The more Hamlin learned about the problems between the

^See David W. Southern, The Malignant Heritage ; Yankee Progressives and the Megro Question, 190Ï—19ÏL. (Chicago* Loyola University Press, 1968), p. 31, who characterizes progressives generally as "suspiciously equivocal or evasive" on Negro equality,

^These three names were almost always the three names linked with segregation in the newspaper accounts of the first two years of the Wilson Administration.

^Hamlin Papers, Diary, Vol. II, pp. 80-81, December 29, 1913* See also Scrapbook, Vol. 8 9 , p. 199, New York Tribune, May 20, I 9IÜ, - 6 3 - races in the Bureau of Printing and Engraving, the more he felt that V/illiams, his predecessor, was particularly responsible for creating friction between whites and blacks. Hamlin learned that Williams, who had come in with the Wilson* Administration,

>iad visited the Bureau in April, 1913, and had toured the work rooms, "/^^erever he found a white woman working with or near a colored man he asked in a loud tone whether it was not offen­ sive to her to be so near a colored man." This did nothing but stir up trouble, Hamlin felt, as there had never before been any complaints.! In October the Director of the Bureau of

Printing and Engraving, Joseph E. Ralph of Illinois, was in­ structed by Williams to post a notice in certain lavatories that they were to be used exclusively by whites. Again Hamlin called this the cause of all the troubles* Williams also verbally ordered Ralph not to recommend any colored people for promotions. And finally Hamlin learned that whenever

Williams knew a letter was to a colored person, he had it rew ritten, omitting "Sir" or "Madam" and "Respectfully yours

In January, 19lU, when Hamlin took office as the ranking

Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, the Bureau of Printing and

Engraving was moving into a new building where separate facilities for each race were impossible unless partitions and notices were used. As Hamlin noted, it was designed under

^Ibid., p. 106, March 12, 191ii*

2Ibid., p. 100, March 9, 191U« - 6h — an individual "who was very liberal in his ideas as to colored people,"! Ear]y in March Hamlin received a letter from Ralph, long-time director of the Bureau, which informed him that the

"comingling" of the races in the new building could not be avoided, Hamlin immediately replied that "segregation because of color wld not be permitted by this Dept."^ The day after replying to Ralph, Hamlin went to work on this issue. First he conferred with Secretary McAdoo* McAdoo seemed distressed at Hamlin's position and explained to him that forbidding segregation would cause opposition in the South.

Iiamlin argued on the contrary that "in a few days it wld blow over St the matter wld be ended while if segregation were per­ mitted there wld be continuous trouble wh, wld. last thro' the admtn," Hamlin added that in his opinion if McAdoo "did not squarely forbid segregation it wld become the great political issue for the future."3

TWO days later, March 12, Hamlin interviewed Director

Ralph at length, Hamlin wanted to know everything there was to know about segregation in the Bureau of Printing and

^Ibid., pp. 106-107, March 12, I9 1 I*.

^Ibid. , p. 100, March 9 , 19lU. Ralph's typed letter is inserted into Hamlin's Diary in fu ll.

^Ibid., p. 1 0 1 , March 10, 19lU. — 6 9 —

Engraving. Prior to the Wilson Adiainistration, Ralph told

Hamlin, there was a pattern of segregation in the work rooms, dressing rooms, and lunch rooms — not by orders and posted signs but by custom. Except for the orders and posted signs,

Ralph fe lt there was no more segregation under Wilson than under previous A dm inistrations,!

Next Hamlin form ulated some general rules prohibiting segregation in the Bureau, After Secretary McAdoo and

President W ilson approved them, Hamlin gave them verbally to

Ralph. The basic goal was to be justice for all, and individual complaints were to be handled with tact and dis­ cretion, Justice for all forbade notices on lavatories, discrim ination in promotions, discrim ination in work rooms, and partitions in dining rooms. Hamlin explained to Ralph

"that what I wanted was to help the colored employees and bring about good feeling & harmory, w ithout any flaming pro­

nouncements which would do them more harm than good,"^

The Boston press carried the story early in March and

credited Hamlin with killing "the last of the negro segre­

gation plans in the federal departments at W ashington,"^

!lbid., pp. lOU-113, March 12, I 9IU.

^Ibid,, p. 113, March lit, 191it.

^Ibid., Scrapbook, Vol. 8 9 , p . 8 7 , Boston Post, March 8, 1911t, See also Boston Advertiser, p. 86, March 7, I 91U; and Boston Record, p. 89, March lit, 191it. — 6 6 —

Then on March 20, 1911t, well after Hamlin had issued his verbal directive to Ralph, îfrs, Woodrow Wilson received a most in­ teresting letter from an employee of the Bureau of printing and Engraving. The correspondent complained that the Negro women use the same wash-stands, coat hangers, lavatories, and lunch rooms as the white women. She praised President Wilson for segregating the Negro and white girls at first; however, she called firs, Wilson's attention to the fact that this segregation was short-lived.^ Thus, this letter clearly indicates that the change of policy vras evident to a rank- and-file employee •

Several months after Hamlin had been appointed Governor of the Federal Reserve Board (August 191ii), Harper's

Weekly conducted a study of segregation in the Bureau of printing and Engraving, Director Ralph was interviewed, and he indicated that he had received "no orders from any superior officials in the Wilson Administration as to segre­ gation." The interviewers also made a tour of the building and found no evidence of segregation that was forced on the

Negroes, The article does mention Williams, Hamlin, and his replacement (Assistant Secretary Malburn of Colorado) by name,

^Woodrow Wilson papers. Library of Congress, Series IV, Box 192A, Letter to Mrs. President Wilson from "A Poor Widow," March 20, 191);* - 67 - but Ralph seemed to indicate that a ll three pursued the same general policy, Ralph told these interview ers almost exactly what he told Ramlin —- that except for a few posted signs, etc,, tiiere was about the same amount of segregation under the W ilson

Administration as under previous adm inistrations,^ Hamlin dif­ fered with Director Ralph, though, as previously indicated, and held Williams especially responsible for creating friction between whites and blacks,

Arthur Link's significant statem ent that "the movement toward segregation in all departments was not only checked but was in part reversed in the 'Q'easmy Department" is documented by three pieces of evidence, two of which ai*e from the Boston

A dvertiserThe A dvertiser, December 10, 1913, before Hamlin's promotion, reported that segregation in the Treasury Department had been checked, but quietly, as McAdoo and W ilson were against its continuance. This news was premature, however, because the

Advertiser itself printed many letters to tlie editor in early

I91h that contradicted the rosy conditions it reported on

D ecem b er 10. McAdoo clearly was not quite so committed to

^McGregor, "Segregation in the Departments," Harper' a Weekly. (LIX, December 26, I91U), pp. 260-262, The quoted material is found on p. 260,

^Link, New Freedom, pp. 291-292. Footnote 36, p. 292, documents this statement as follows: "Boston Advertiser, December 10, 1913» March 7» 191U» Moor fi e l d S to re y , e t . a l . , from the N,A,A.O.P. to W,W., January 6, Ipl).;, W ilsonTapers." — 68 -

ending segregation, as already revealed in Hamlin's Diary.

Also, McAdoo, as late as March, l?lU, sustained the dism issal

of two colored men on highly questionable grounds.!

The second article in the A dvertiser cited by Arthur Linlr attributed the end of the last segregation iri the departments

.'ipecifically to an order issued by Mr. Hamlin, rramlin explained

in his Diary the origin of the rumor that was carried i n sev era l

o f the Boston papers as his orderHam lin's real instructions,

coming shortly after these articles appeared, were actually

verbal and were designed to attract little attention from the

p r e s s .

Hamlin, then, deserves no little credit for his achieve­

ments on belialf of racial justice in the Bureau of Printing

and Engi'avlng, It is clear that the incoming Tfilson Administra­

tion brought with it some noticeable segregation by decree and

sign. It is also clear that by the end of March, ipil;, after

Hamlin had had the responsibility for the Bureau of printing

and Engraving for about three months, a reverse in the trend

tovfard segregation was apparent from several sources, Tiis

trend clearly continued, throughout 19lU, as is seen from the

iiamlin papers. Diary, Vol. n , pp. 102-103, March 10, 1911;. p ^Ibid.,I b id ,, p.p . 1 0 1 , Marchparch 10, 19 I 9 II;, These are the same articles referred to in Footnote 3, p. 65. - 60 - article in Harper's Weekly. And finally, Hamlin's personal attitude rang loud and clear tliroughout; his liberal, enlightened approach was forthright and unwavering. CHAl’TER VIII

GONCLITSION

In conclusion, Hamlin certai nly deserves the progressive

label. To be sure, his approach to the problems of labor,

the existence of tru sts, and the role of the federal government

in regulating the economy was quite conservative. He con­

sidered the abominable ta riff the cause of practically all

the ills of society. Yet Woodrow Wilson and Theodore Roosevelt

shared sim ilar views on many of these issues. As a m atter of

fact, until Brandeis talked him out of it at the last minute,

Vrilson had planned to base his campaign of 1912 on the ta riff

issue.! If, then, Hamlin is to be considered "reactionary"

and "old-fashioned,"^ one must consider the standard progressive

of the W ilson-Roosevelt mold reactionary and old-fashioned as

w e l l .

Hamlin fits the three characteristics of a progressive

formulated by Robert Vfiebe as w ell. He consistently and

!link, Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era, p. 20.

^George Fred Williams called Hamlin reactionary in 1 9 1 0 , and Blodgett called him old-fashioned in 1966, (See Blodgett, Gentle Reformers, p. 27U.) - 71 - sincerely advocated the popularization of democracy through the initiative, the referendum, the direct election of Sena­ tors, and the direct nomination of state and local officials.

He adamantly worked toward curbing the power of moneyed interest groups and individuals in politics both by specific suggestions for legislation and by personal example. And he clearly felt genuine concern for such disadvantaged groups as "the toilers" and the Negroes,

. It would be most difficult to argue that Hamlin was significantly motivated by a loss of status, as discussed by

Richard Hofstadter.! Surely he was disgusted with guberna­ torial politics on many occasions and felt that only one of the super-rich or super—corrupt could get the Democratic nomination. In one instance he resigned from tlie State Central

Committee because of the unprincipled tactics of the Gaston machine. These disillusionments and political rebuffs do not appear to have caused him to change his basic views, His I 9IO platform, for example, showed little change from his platform in 1 9 0 2, Although by 1 9 1 2 he became somewhat more flexible in his conception of the regulatory role of the federal government

(see his opinions on such questions in I 9 0U), there is little evidence to attribute this increasing liberalism to his loss

Richard Hofstadter, Age of Reform, From Bryan to F, D« R. (New York I Alfred A. Knopf, lP95)» pp. - 72 - of status. possibly it represents his growing awareness of the lim its of state regulation, possibly it reflects numerous other things ; but the evidence does not warrant attributing

Hamlin’s progressivism to a loss of status,

Hamlin was above all a man dedicated to duty, to service, and to personal integrity. He was optimistic that these qualities could improve the society around him. This was his progressive motivation, and toward these ideals he directed his life. BIBLIOGRAPHIGAL ESSAY

Obviously the indispensable source for this study is the Hamlin Manuscript Collection in the Library of Congress,

One and one-half volumes of Hamlin's DicttT, approximately ninety volumes of his Scrapbook, several volumes of index to the Scrapbook, and four boxes of correspondence cover this period.

Even though the Scrapbooks are indexed, to cover a

given issue or period thoroughly, one must go through the

Scrapbook from page to page. Sometimes the index yields

important material in itself. All the indexing I saw was either typed or written in HamUn's own hand, and occa­

sionally an item was indexed in a way that Hamlin's opinion

on it was revealed, (For example, "Strike, good statement

as t o ," )

The Diary is primarily a political diary, and it

focuses upon the events of election years. It is unfor­ tu n a te th a t Hamlin f i l l e d th e pages o f Volume I in 1910

and did not begin Volume II until 1913. The boxes of

correspondence were of relatively little use except for

th e I 9 1 3 -I 9 U; period. For this period, though, the letters

to his wife were extremely meaty. - 7h —

The use of secondary m aterial is lim ited by the fact that Hamlin is so rarely mentioned; however, the file in the genealogy room at the Library of Congress turned up a number of works on M assachusetts p o litics. Yet where

Hamlin is mentioned in secondary sources, the accounts tend to bear out the impression ope gets from the Hamlin

P a p e r s , BIBLIOŒUPHÏ primary Sources — Manuscript Collections

Charles S. Hamlin Papers, Lihra^ of Congress,

The indispensable source for this study,

Elbert A, Kincaid, "Selective Inventory of U23 Boxes (of the Carter Glass Papers) in the Alderman library of the University of Virginia with Special Reference to Material Concerning the Federal Reserve System." Library of Congress,

This guide shows the Carter Glass papers to be rich with correspondence between Glass and Hamlin, particularly from 1 9 2 6 t o 1 9 3 3 , Much o f th e correspondence is personal and is concerned with the authorship of the Federal Reserve Act and Glass’ book o f 1 9 2 7 . Ihis would tend to show that Hamlin had an Important relationship with Glass during the 1 9 1 3 - 1 9 1 ii period. Ihis index convinces me that the Glass papers would be an indispensable source in studying the Federal Reserve System or Hamlin after 19lU,

William Gibbs McAdpo Papers, Library of Congress,

I examined the correspondenoe between McAdoo and Hamlin from March 1 0 , 1 9 1 3 to October 1 0 , 1 9 1 3 * The rest of the ccorrespondence in the 1 9 1 3 -1 9 1 U period had been sent away to be bound and was thus unavailable, Every volume of correspondence had some letters from McAdoo to Hamlin, but most were routine and irrelevant.

Woodrow Wilson papers. Library of Congress.

The material on Hamlin in the Wilson Papers is exceedingly scanty. I used the Executive Office File under every conceivable topic and examined four or five personal letters to Hamlin referred to in the index to the Wilson Papers. - 76 - .

Primary Sources — P u b lish e d L e tte r s , Papers, and Memoirs,

Glass, Carter, ^ Adventure in Constructive Finance> Garden City, New Torict Doubleday, page and Company, 1 9 2 7 ,

In this memoir Carter Glass presents his . case for the credit for the Federal Reserve Act. and takes issue with the claims of Colonel House and others for authorship of this Act* Aithbugh Hamlin is not mentioned by name in this book, Glass states that he showed the manuscript to a "half-dozen critical friends," (p. x), one of , whom was Hamlin, (See index to Glass Papers, p, 213, Box 10$, Item 5.)

Laughlin, J, Lawrence, The Federal Reserve Act, Its Origin and Problems, New Toric* Macmillan Cooipany~T933*

This is essentially a memoir, and it is typical of moat a ll the books written about the origin and the early days of the Federal Reserve System in that it makes no mention of Hamlin,

McAdoo, William Gibbs, Crowded Years, Cambridge* Die Riverside Press, 1931,

McAdoo had nothing but good things to say about Hamlin, however, he only mentions Hamlin briefly four times, This memoir is another important account of the origins and workings of the Federal Reserve System, conflicting, of course, with the accounts of others of its would-be authors.

Ne vins, Allan, ed. Letters of Grover CJ^yeland, 1850-1908, B oston and New York: Houghton "Miff li n Company, 1935*

Useful in that it contains several letters to Hamlin, This correspondence suggests a warm; • friendly relationship between Cleveland and Hamlin wid suggests that Cleveland thought very highly of Hamlin, - 77 -

Seymour, Charles, The Intim ate Papers of Colonel House » Boston and New Yortci Houghton î/H-fflin Company, 1926, vol. I,

Useful in throwing light on ïfcAdoo's influence in getting Hamlin appointed to the Federal Reserve B o a r d ,

Warburg, Paul M,, Federal Reserve System, Its Origin and Growth* Reflections and Recollections, New York; Macmillan Conçai^, 1956', V o l . I ,

Warburg relates the critical situation when Governor Hamlin's term expired in 1916. " T h e f o u r appointive members had nothing but the friendliest feelings for îfr. Hamlin; but they had made up their minds that, if the prestige and independence of the Board were to be preserved there would have to be at its head a governor whose friendship for, and loyalty to, the Secretary of the TYeasury might not prove a menace to the independence and dignity of the Board." ( p .

Other Primary Sources

Banking and Currency Legislation, "Miscellaneous Suggestions Received by ttw Committee of Bardcing and Currency, United States Senate" (pp. 166-172) Washington, D. C.i

Government Printing O ffice, 1913<)

Hamlin wrote a le tte r to Senator Robert Owen, on J u l y 17, 1913, in which he enclosed an article he wrote for the Springfield Republican (pubiished July 12, 1913), Hamlin also suggested to Senator Owen specific changes that would remedy the currency b ill's short­ c o m in g s .

Boston A dvertiser, December 10, 1913 t o M a rch 7, 1911,

These are the dates given by Arthur Link in The New Freedom for hie statem ent that "the movement toward segregation in a ll departments was not only checked but was In part reversed in the {Dreasury Department,"

"Congressional Testimony of Board Members and Staff of the Federal Reserve System, 1913-1956" Index Compiled from - 78 -

Material in the library of the United States Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System Library,

According to this index Hamlin appeared before Congressional committees on seven different occasions. All of them, however, are well after I9 IU. This would certainly be a useful aid if the latter portion of Hamlin's, career were being studied.

O fficial Report of the Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention,~T90l. New York* Publishers Printing Company, l90H*

Substantiates somewhat the account of the Convention, and particularly of the Resolutions Coianittee, in Hamlin's Diary,

Secondary Sources — Books

Aaron, Daniel, Men of Good Hope* A Story of American Progressives. New York* Oxford University Press, 1^1,

Aaron takes the position in this study of selected progressives that Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson were too conservative to be properly■given the label "progressive,"

Abrams, Richard, Conservatism in A Progressive Era* Massachusetts Poli lies 1900-39Ï2. CtobrTdgeT Harvard University press, 1961*.

This is the best study of Massachusetts politics that I have used, and the bibliography is also excellent. . I feel, though, that Hamlin is more significant than Abrams seen^ to consider him. If twelve votes had been lost in the mall and Hamlin had been nominated instead of Foss in 1910, I wonder how this would have affected Abrams ' thesis, (See pages 3 3 through 37 of the text of this paper. )

Blodgett, Geoffrey, The Gentle Reformers * Massachusetts Democrats in the ClevelariSTBra, Cambridge* Harvard University Press, ] ? 6 5 : ------

This is an immensely valuable study of Democratic politics - 79 -

in Massachusetts from 1861* through I 8 9 6 , One of his basic points is that I 8 9 6 sapped the power of the Cleveland Democrats and forced the Massachusetts Democracy into iaçotoncy and internal,j3trife, I object, however, to his assertion that "(t)he year I8 9 6 made an old-fashioned young man of Charles S. Hamlin," (p, 27U,) His quotes from Hamlin's speeches are not representative, Blodgett has used almost a ll of the important primary sources employed in this paper, but I disagree with him strongly on his reading of the Hamlin Papers and his evaluation o f Hamlin,

Chalmers, David Mark, The Social and P olitical Ideas of the ^fuckrakers. Mew York, %e Citadel Press, l$bU.

Useful in analyzing the progressive thought of selected rauckrakers. Chalmers finds them to be largely without anti-Negro, anti-immigrant, antiMirban and anti-labor prejudices. On labor they took a moderate position, sympathizing from time to time with labor's plight, but offering few solutions and falling to conceive of unions vying with capital for power,

Faulkner, Harold U», %e Quest for Social justice, I6 9 8 -I 9 IU. New York* Macmillan7™13^1.

Helpful on labor history. It has a good bibliographic essay.

Ganley, Albert C., The Progressive Movement : Traditional Reform, New York; M acm illan, 1961*.

A useful interpretation of progressivism as a moderate, complex, and broad-based reform movement.

Goldman, Brio, Rendezvous With Destiny* A History of Modern American Reform. New York; Knopf, 195^

Useful in this study mainly for its bibliographic notes. Except for Hamlin's more liberal racial views, he i s a good example o f th e p r o g r e ssiv e Goldman considers to be typical. — 80 —

Graham, Otis, Encore for Reform; pie Old Progressives and the New Deal. New Yor¥* Oxford, 1967.

This study is useful in throwing some light on the thought of William Qibbs McAdoo. Hamlin, however, is not part of the sample, nor are any of the progressive types of Massachusetts, Surely a representative sample should include Eugene Foss, David I, Walsh, George Fred W illiams, or some one else of the Bay State besides Brands is . Tîie bibliography and the bibliographic essay are extremely helpful.

Hart, Albert Bushnell, ed. Commonwealth History of Massachusetts. New Yorlcï Russell “and RusselX, l9bb, vol. V.

The chapter by Hennessy, "Social and P olitical Readjustments, 1889-1929" is particularly helpful.

Hays, Samuel P., The Response to Industrialism, 1885-191U. Chicago; University of Chicago Press, 1957.

Excellent on the Wilson Administration's attitude toward labor.

Hennessy, Michael E., Four Decades of Massachusetts Politics, 1890-1955^ The Norwood Press, Ï9 3 ^ . 'î’his is a clearly written, chronologically arranged, event-ly-event chronicle of four decades of Massachusetts politics by a Boston Globe reporter who knew Hamlin personally. Its value to the scholar is diminished by the absence of both footnoting and bibliographical information.

Twenty-Five Years of ^^sachusetts Politics ; From Russell to McCall 1890-1915» Boston; Practical Politics, Inc., 1 9 1 7 .

This is helpful as a narrative of political events in these years, but it is not indexed or footnoted. Neither does it provide any bibliographic inform ation. - 81 -

Hofstadter, Richard, Age of Reform, From Bryan to F. D. R. New York; Knopf ,1 9 ^ ,

This is a scholarly and provocative study, but Hofstadter does not prove his "status revolution" th e sis *

James, Henry, Richard Qlney and His Public Service. Boston* Houghton M ifflin Company, 1^25.

I was interested in this book the two references made to Hamllh in^ fir st­ one simply confirmed.thç: date.of a meeting between Olney and Lamont HaWlih ' s reference to his private Diary* The second confirms Hainlin's actiyities in booming Olney in I 9 0 I+* Obviously . Hamlin's ;Dt^^ scrapbooks were not available to Henry James.

Kolko, Gabriel, The Triumph of Conservatism* A Reinterpretation of American lïistory, 1995-1916. New York? Free ï^es s of oTencoe, 1^63,

Useful primarily on the Federal Reserve Act, Kolko stresses the conservatism of the Federal Reserve Act and shows how the act "was initiated and sustained by big bankers seeking to offset . . . the diffusion and decentralization within banking." (p. 253), In discussing the decade-long war between various individuals (W illis, Glass, Warbin'g, Laughlih) for the credit for the Act, Hamlin is not mentioned nor are th e RaraHn , A lso j Kolko a p p w e n tly does not think too h i^ ly of Hamlin* s achievements as Governor, . Altlhough bei^. not mention Hamlin by nairie; he states, that, the Fèderàl Reserve Board ?'f or many years" was ** either seriously divided or handicapped ■ by directors who had lio special leadership, abilities -- there was, in brief> a lack of firm, strong leadership with a definite policy. Warburg, the only real contender for such a role, left the board in 1918," (p. 2$2), Kolko based this judgment, however, on a ll the important primary sources the Laughlin papers, the Glass Papers, the Wilson Papers, etc. - 82 -

Levine, Donald. Varieties of Reform Thought. Madison* The State H istoricalSociety of Wisconsin, 196U,

A helpful study of selected progressives,

Lindsey, Almont. The Pullman Strike* The Story of a Unique Experiment and of a Great Labor Upheaval. Chicagoi University ofcHTcago Press, Ï9U2.

Useful for the chronology of events as weH as for opinion, both of participants and of the press.

Link, Arthur S., Wilson* The New Freedom. Princeton* Princeton University Press, 1956,

"Die discussion of segregation in the departments was the most useful part of the book. Also, this study contains footnotes whereas Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era does not.

, Wilson* The Road to the White House. Princeton * Princeton University Press, l9U7*

I was particularly interested in Chapter I "The Formative Years" in order to have some basis of com- / . paring Hamlin to a prominent progressive, I was also interested in whether Wilson voted for McKinley or palmer and Buckner in I6 9 6 , I thought he had voted for McKinley, but found I was wrong. Link apparently did not usé the Hamlin papers; however, his bibliography i s u s e fu l.

___ , Woodrow Wilson and the Progressive Era, I9 IQ-I9 1 7 . New York* Harper and Row; l95U.

A good study of Wilson's Administration. The bibliography is excellent.

Mann, Arthur, Yankee Reformers in the Urban Age. Cambridge* Harvard University Press,

This study of social reform in Boston from I 8 8 O-I9 0 O makes no mention of Hamlin and hardly mentions anyone with whom Hamlin associated. Chapter T ill, "The Workers" is the most useful part fcac this study. - 83 -

Mowry, George, The of pieodore Roosevelt and The Birth of Modern AiMr£ca,~l9Ù5-Ï912, Few York* Harper and Row,

Chapter T ill, " The Progressive P rofile,” as well as the excellent bibliography, is the most useful part of this book. Mowry presents a relatively traditidhal profile of typical progressives and agrees eeâentiàilÿ^ that loss of status in s ociety was "a thaj^ progres sive irnpul^

Nevins, Allan. Grover Cleveland, A Study in Courage. New York* Dodd, Mead and Company, 1932V

This book contains over a dozen references to Hamlin; however, practically a ll of them simply make reference to material from what Mr, Nevins calls the "invaluable diarv of Charles S. Hamlin." (p. 5U2)

Pease, Otis, e d ., Die P rogressive Y ears* Die S p ir it and Achievement of American Re form! îîew York* George Braziller, 1952.

This collection of contemporary articles on various aspects of progrès sivism and progressive concerns contains a helpful introductory essay by the editor, .He sees the progressive years as a period of moderate reform, and he considers Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson to be reform leaders*

Southern, David W.j Die Ltalighant Heritage* Ya^ee Progressives anTlEhe Negro Question, 1901-19lh. Chicago* Loyola ÜnîvëïsKy Press, 1968,

A useful and inmortant study of a long-negiected v:v:- % . problem "the Supreme b lin d spot, o f th e progrès s iv e s , " (pi, 85} bo# Yet there wérë mpre. . than just :a haii^ Mprefieiid. S^réÿ^, and Charles Suhmer Hamlins (whom Southern predibtabTy neglects to mention by name). Southern lists only two or three daily newspapers

V s -Ga­

in his bibliography. If he had used some Boston newspapers, for example, he would have found much more sentiment for racial justice than he accounts for. This study contains a useful bibliography.

Synon, îÆary, McAdoo, Indianapolis t Bobbs-Merrill, 192a.

Very little attention is paid to H^lin in ^ book; his name is mentioned but ttoèe times, %iis . study is a classic interp^etatipn Of; ^ progressive school of lilstory, hs the author considers the essence of United states history tc be the con­ frontation of "tvro great p«urties; the one essentially democratic, the other essentially aristocratic," (p. 75).

Wiebe, Robert H., Businessmen and Reform* A Study of the P rogressive Movement. Cambridge * Harvard U n iv e r sity Press, 1 9 6 2 .

Contains a useful definition of progressivism and is helpful on attitudes towards labor.

Secondary Sources — Articles

Chandler, Alfred D., "The Origins of progressive Leadership," in Elting D. MOrlson, ed,. The Letters of Theodore RooSevelt . Cambridge * Harvard University Press, 195U, Appendix III of Vpl, VIII.

A useful suryey of progressive backgrounds which takes régional differenees into consideration.

"Color Caste at Washington," Congregational and Christian World, XCIX, November 19, 191b, p , 6 8 2 .

Emphasizes mainly the Trotter Case and makes no mention of Hamlin's policies.

"Hamlin, Charles Sumner," Dictionary of American Biography, Hew York* Charles S crib n er's ^ T " S on s, 1958, V o l. Xa II, pp. 273-275.

An adequate article, on Hamlin's career except that it — 85 “

makes no mention of his political career on.the state l e v e l .

Huthinacher, J. Joseph, "Urban Liberalism- and the Age of Reform," M ississippi VaU.ey Historical .Review, Vol. XLIX, No, 2 , September I 9 6 2 , pp. 231-21*1.

This article is more suggestive than definitive, as Huthraacher admits liimself. Although he uses Massachusetts as an example, he concerns himself with the years after 1 9 1 2 rather than the years encompassed . in ray study. The references to additional sources in thé footnotes are also of little value in my study.

McOovern; p., "David Grziham Phillips and the V irility impuise pf: progrès New England Quarterly, 39 *33ii-55> September I 9 6 6 .

This interpretation is based on the psÿçholdgical theories of Freud, Erickson, Terraany . Although h is presumptions are often as iricpncîûsivB as the status revolution of the "dd^nani .Mo^ school" (p, 3 3 U), this htu^ dbes represent a fresh approach,

McGregor . v se g r e g a t' n in th e Departments," H y p e r 's Vfeékly, L3X, December 26, 191i*, pp. 26U-262,

A helpful contemporary article on segregation in the Bureau of printing and Engraving,

Men of Massachusetts, Boston* Boston press Club, 1902,

This book of photographs includes a picture of Hamlin with a brief caption underneath.

Mowry, G eorge, "The P ro g ressiv e Era I9 OO-I9 I 8 ," Washington, Dt C,i Service Center for Teachers of H isto ry , 1961*. . * * A very useful bibliographic essay. — 86 —

Representative Men of Massachusetts, Everett, Massachusetts * MaesacRuaetta P u b lis h in g Company, 1 8 9 8 , pp. 61*-65.

This includes a detailed account of hie genealogy and a fairly thorough sketch of his career through his term as Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. All of this material, however, is contained word-for-word in various places in the Hamlin scrapbooks.

Sherman, Richard B., "The Status Revolution and Massachusetts Leadership," P o litical Science Quarterly, LXXVIII, March, 1963, pp. 5 9 -6 5 1

He examined fifty leaders of the Progressive Party, thirty-six leaders of the Republican Party, and thirty- four leaders of the Democratic Party for the 1912-1913' period to see whether the special characteristics out­ lined in Mowry's and Chandler's "progressive profile" were also characteristic of the regular Democratic and RepubUcan leaders. He found that they were. He con­ cluded that many other factors besides loss of status must account for the progressive impulse. This article i s not p a r tic u la r ly h e lp fu l on Hamlin or any other Individual because the names of the party leaders, • with a few exceptions, are not mentioned.