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GALA) – the University of Greenwich Open Access Repository Greenwich Academic Literature Archive (GALA) – the University of Greenwich open access repository http://gala.gre.ac.uk __________________________________________________________________________________________ Citation: Bartlett, Deborah Mary Frances (2011) The history of coppicing in south east England in the modern period with special reference to the chestnut industry of Kent and Sussex. PhD thesis, University of Greenwich. __________________________________________________________________________________________ Please note that the full text version provided on GALA is the final published version awarded by the university. “I certify that this work has not been accepted in substance for any degree, and is not concurrently being submitted for any degree other than that of (name of research degree) being studied at the University of Greenwich. I also declare that this work is the result of my own investigations except where otherwise identified by references and that I have not plagiarised the work of others”. Bartlett, Deborah Mary Frances (2011) The history of coppicing in south east England in the modern period with special reference to the chestnut industry of Kent and Sussex. ##thesis _type## , ##institution## Available at: http://gala.gre.ac.uk/9085/ __________________________________________________________________________________________ Contact: [email protected] THE HISTORY OF COPPICING IN SOUTH EAST ENGLAND IN THE MODERN PERIOD WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE CHESTNUT INDUSTRY OF KENT AND SUSSEX DEBORAH MARY FRANCES BARTLETT A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the University of Greenwich for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2011 i ABSTRACT THE HISTORY OF COPPICING IN SOUTH EAST ENGLAND IN THE MODERN PERIOD WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE CHESTNUT INDUSTRY OF KENT AND SUSSEX This thesis focuses on coppice woodland management in South East England, the region with the greatest concentration of woodland in the UK, with Kent the county with the highest proportion of ancient semi-natural broadleaved woodland. The woodland management practice of coppicing has declined, particularly since the Second World War, generally attributed to loss of markets for products fashioned from small diameter roundwood. This thesis begins by asking questions about the decline in the coppice industry particularly the extent of the decline and the significance this has for ecology and landscape, as well for the livelihoods of both woodland owners and the workforce. This is set in context by a review of the historical background, focusing on the modern period, the previous research into the industry, and the changes in policy that have taken place over the last fifty years. The evidence for the decline and the attempts that have been made to address it are evaluated. A series of investigations have been undertaken, including interviews, questionnaires and focus groups. These provide evidence that coppicing is still taking place over a wide area, and that there is a strong demand for products, both here and abroad, particularly for chestnut fencing. Claims by earlier researchers that the workforce is diminishing, with the majority nearing retirement, are refuted. Profiling the workforce has revealed the existence of separate groups, with distinct characteristics. These do not operate in the same way, indicating that considering the industry as a single entity is no longer valid. The importance of the chestnut workers, with a craft tradition handed down through the generations should be acknowledged. The current political context highlights the importance of involving all stakeholders in decision making. Recommendations are made for further research to incorporate this and so enable more successful development of the coppice industry in the future, whether this is for environmental, economic or social reasons. Deborah M F Bartlett BSc Msc CMLI FIEEM ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS During the course of this research many people have generously contributed their time to helping me. Special thanks are due to all the coppice workers who, overcoming their initial reluctance, now greet me with requests for forms to fill in. Without the active participation of this group this research would not have been possible. I am grateful to Professor Ted Collins who has, during his supervision of this thesis, challenged me to clarify my thinking and focus on the relevant issues and keep within the modern period. Despite most of this ending up on the equivalent of the cutting room floor, I enjoyed the days in the archives and British Library which have deepened my understanding of land use history and policy. Since the mid-1990s Dave Rossney, of Esus Forestry and Woodlands, has been steadfast in his support for the research into the coppice industry, particularly with the chestnut group, and taking part in invaluable development work including pig roasts and butchering deer as well as delivering training and dealing with the mountains of paperwork generated by the funding streams. An early supervisor, Dr Peter Buckley deserves mention for encouraging an interest in woodland management while I was studying for my masters degree, as does Professor Martin Snowden for giving the chance to undertake this research. I am grateful to Tony Witts, former student, now a collaborator and stalwart dormouse monitor, for being invaluable in dealing with technological crises. Last but not least I must thank all the friends who, while failing to understand my continued interest in the coppice industry, tolerate it. In particular I would like to thank those who have shared woodland walks and talks with me over the years. Most important of all are Dr A I Bartlett and Dr E M Bartlett, of whom I am very proud. Thanks to you all. iii CONTENTS Abstract i Acknowledgements ii Table of Contents iii List of Figures vi List of Tables vii Abbreviations ix Chapter 1 Introduction 1 Chapter 2 Background 4 2.1 Definition of woodland 7 Chapter 3 Coppice Systems 10 3.1 Definitions of coppice, coppice with standards and pollarding 12 3.2 Coppice cycles 14 3.3 The principal coppice species 16 3.4 Regional characteristics 17 3.5 Chestnut in the South East 19 Chapter 4 On Chestnut Fencing 21 Chapter 5 Methodology 28 5.1 Interviews 28 5.2 Investigation into the area of woodland coppiced 31 5.3 Previous investigations into the coppice workforce 33 5.3.1 Supply chain research 33 5.3.2 Health and Safety workshops 34 5.3.3 INTERREG projects and database 34 5.4 Coppice Workforce Questionnaire 2008-9 35 5.5 Focus Groups 36 5.6 Development activities 37 Chapter 6 Historical Background 38 6.1 The distant past 38 6.2 The 16th Century 43 6.3 The 17th Century 45 6.4 The 18th Century 49 iv 6.5 The 19th Century 52 6.6 The Early Years of the 20th Century 60 6.6.1 The Agricultural Depression and rural policy 62 6.6.2 The Rural Crafts Survey of the early 1920s 64 6.7 The later 1920s and 1930s 71 6.8 The Second World War and the post war years 74 6.9 The 1970s 80 6.10 The 1980s 86 6.11 The Post-1980 decline 90 6.12 The last decade of the 20th Century 91 6.13 The early 2000s 95 Chapter 7 The 20th Century Decline in Coppicing 98 7.1 The broad base for concern 99 7.2 A theoretical analysis 101 7.3 The hazel based coppice sector 106 7.4 The chestnut coppice industry 108 7.4.1 The impact of the decline on landowner income 112 Chapter 8 The Impact of the Decline and Efforts to Address it 115 8.1 The value of coppice 116 8.1.1 Value for biodiversity 116 8.1.2 Cultural heritage 122 8.1.3 The woodland owners‟ perspective 124 8.1.4 The non-market benefits of coppiced woodland 125 8.1.5 Wood fuel 127 8.2 Addressing the decline in coppicing 128 8.2.1 Market based Initiatives 129 8.2.2 Addressing the decline by encouraging management 134 8.2.3 Coppice associations 137 8.2.4 Workforce development 140 8.2.5 Training in the coppice sector 144 8.2.6 Capital funding for the woodland sector 148 Chapter 9 Results 151 9.1 Interviews 151 9.2 Investigation into the area of woodland coppiced 151 9.3 Research into the coppice workforce 155 9.3.1 Age of the workers 155 9.3.2 Location 157 9.3.3 Length of time in the industry 158 9.3.4 The reason for joining this industry 158 9.3.5 The involvement of family members in the coppice sector 160 v 9.3.6 Self description 161 9.3.7 Whether they fell coppice or buy in cut material 162 9.3.8 Annual area cut 162 9.3.9 Employment status 162 9.3.10 Woodland ownership 163 9.3.11The principal coppice products 164 9.3.12 Seasonal working and supplementary income 165 9.3.13 Distance travelled to work 165 9.3.14 Quality of material 167 9.3.15 Earnings and business prospects 167 9.3.16 Method of selling products 168 9.4 The new entrants 169 9.5 Focus groups 171 9.5.1 SWOT analysis 172 9.5.2 Coping with change 175 9.5.3 New challenges for the businesses 177 9.5.4 Proficiency 177 9.5.5 Business management 183 Chapter 10 Discussion 189 10.1 The coppice decline 189 10.2 Evaluation of the decline in Kent 190 10.3 The significance of the perceived decline 192 10.3.1 The significance for agencies and local government 193 10.3.2 The significance for woodland owners 195 10.3.3 The significance for nature conservation organisations 196 10.3.4 The significance for the public 197 10.3.5 The significance for the workforce 199 10.3.6 The overall significance of the decline 200 10.4 The workers in the coppice sector 201 10.4.1 Historical investigations into the workforce 201 10.4.2 Current Research into the workforce in the South East 204 10.5 The organisation of the coppice sector 217 10.6 Issues
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