Processing Mwes: Neurocognitive Bases of Verbal Mwes and Lexical Cohesiveness Within Mwes
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Processing MWEs: Neurocognitive Bases of Verbal MWEs and Lexical Cohesiveness within MWEs Shohini Bhattasali Murielle Fabre Cornell University Cornell University / Ithaca, NY, USA Ithaca, NY, USA INSERM-CEA / Paris-Saclay, France [email protected] [email protected] John Hale Cornell University / Ithaca, NY, USA DeepMind / London, UK [email protected] Abstract Multiword expressions have posed a challenge in the past for computational linguistics since they comprise a heterogeneous family of word clusters and are difficult to detect in natural lan- guage data. In this paper, we present a fMRI study based on language comprehension to provide neuroimaging evidence for processing MWEs. We investigate whether different MWEs have distinct neural bases, e.g. if verbal MWEs involve separate brain areas from non-verbal MWEs and if MWEs with varying levels of cohesiveness activate dissociable brain regions. Our study contributes neuroimaging evidence illustrating that different MWEs elicit spatially distinct pat- terns of activation. We also adapt an association measure, usually used to detect MWEs, as a cognitively plausible metric for language processing. 1 Introduction This study focuses on how Multiword Expressions are processed in the brain and provides a functional lo- calization of different facets of MWEs using neuroimaging data. If MWEs are indeed non-compositional, then perhaps their comprehension proceeds through a single, unitary retrieval operation, rather than some kind of multistep compositional process. If we assume a single retrieval operation for these MWEs, how do the differences in their grammatical category affect their processing? Are they observable on the neuronal level? Proceeding from this general hypothesis, this paper investigates the neural substrates of different types of MWEs and MWEs with different levels of compositionality. Firstly, verbal MWEs are distinguished from non-verbal MWEs and the neural bases of each are compared. Additionally, to model lexical co- hesivenss of MWEs we use Pointwise Mututal Information, PMI (Church and Hanks, 1990), which is an association measure and traditionally used to identify MWEs. This gradient metric of cohesiveness within MWEs is correlated with brain activity to illustrate whether MWEs with varying degrees of com- positionality evoke different patterns of activation in the brain. In this way, we provide further insight about MWE processing during natural language comprehension. 2 Background 2.1 Previous MWE Processing studies MWE comprehension has been shown to be distinct from other kinds of language processing. For in- stance, it is well-established at the behavioural level that MWEs are produced and understood faster than matched control phrases due to their frequency, familiarity, and predictability (Siyanova-Chanturia and Martinez, 2014), in accordance with incremental processing (Hale, 2006). This would follow if MWEs were remembered as chunks, in the sense of Miller (1956) that was later formalised by Laird, Rosenbloom and Newell (1986; 1987). This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. License details: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/. 6 Proceedings of the Joint Workshop on Linguistic Annotation, Multiword Expressions and Constructions (LAW-MWE-CxG-2018), pages 6–17 Santa Fe, New Mexico, USA, August 25-26, 2018. , Eye-tracking and EEG work further documents this processing advantage across a wide range of MWE sub-types, e.g. • Binomials (Siyanova-Chanturia et al., 2011b), • Phrasal verbs (Yaneva et al., 2017), • Complex prepositions (Molinaro et al., 2013; Molinaro et al., 2008), • Nominal compounds (Molinaro and Carreiras, 2010; Molinaro et al., 2012), • Lexical bundles (Tremblay and Baayen, 2010; Tremblay et al., 2011), • Idioms (Underwood et al., 2004; Siyanova-Chanturia et al., 2011a; Strandburg et al., 1993; Laurent et al., 2006; Vespignani et al., 2010; Rommers et al., 2013). For example, Siyanova-Chanturia et al. (2011b), found their eye-tracking results illustrate that bino- mial MWEs such as bride and groom are processed faster that the reversed three-word phrase groom and bride, due to the high-frequency nature of the former expression. However, previous work has focused on a particular subtype of MWEs and to our knowledge, none of them have implemented a fMRI study of MWEs within a naturalistic text to either contrast between dif- ferent categories of MWEs or model the cohesiveness within them. Recent computational work (Savary et al., 2017; Cholakov and Kordoni, 2016; Gharbieh et al., 2016; Uresova et al., 2016) has focused on verbal MWEs in order to identify them within a corpus, rather than study how they are processed in a naturalistic setting. 2.2 MWEs and Compositionality The name MWE loosely groups a wide variety of linguistic phenomena including idioms, perfunc- tory greetings, character names, and personal titles. What unifies cases of MWEs is the absence of a wholly compositional linguistic analysis; they are “expressions for which the syntactic or semantic prop- erties of the whole expression cannot be derived from its parts” (Sag et al., 2002). The naturalistic story used as a stimulus in this study includes various types of MWEs and some examples from the stimulus, The Little Prince are given below. The bold expressions were identified using a MWE analyzer, ex- plained further in x4.2. Over half of the attestations in the text are headed by a verb and can be labelled as VPs (see x5.2.1). These encompass verb participle constructions, light verb constructions, and verb nominal constructions among others. The remaining attestations are a mixture of nominal compounds, greetings, personal titles, character names, and complex prepositions. (1) So I thought a lot about the adventures of the jungle and in turn, I managed with a coloured pencil to make my first drawing. (2) My little fellow, I don’t know how to draw anything except boa constrictors, closed and open. (3) When I drew the baobabs, I was spurred on by a sense of urgency. (4) ‘What are you doing there?’, he said to the drinker who he found sitting in silence in front of a number of empty bottles and a number of full bottles. (5) You must see to it that you regularly pull out the baobabs as soon as they can be told apart from the rose bushes to which they look very similar to when they are young. (6)“ Good morning”, said the little prince politely, who then turned around, but saw nothing. However, MWEs cannot be strictly binarized as compositional and non-compositional. These expres- sions fall along a graded spectrum of compositionality. To capture the varying degrees of compositional- ity within MWEs, we use an association measure, known as Pointwise Mutual Information (PMI). While PMI scores are commonly used in computational linguistics to identify MWEs as ngrams with higher scores are likely to be MWEs (Evert, 2008), in this study they are utilized as a gradient predictor to de- scribe the the lexical cohesiveness of MWEs. Intuitively, its value is high when the word sequence under 7 consideration occurs more often together than one would have expected, based on the frequencies of the individual words (Manning et al., 1999). More formally, PMI is a log-ratio of observed and expected counts: 1 c(wn) PMI = log2 1 (1) E(wn) MWEs can receive positive or negative PMI scores which indicate cohesion or repulsion respectively between the words in a sequence (Church and Hanks, 1990). MWEs that receive a higher PMI score are seen as lexically more cohesive, which is interpreted as more noncompositional (less compositional). Thus, these scores are repurposed in this study to describe the cohesive and noncompositional aspect of MWEs and utilized to obtain a quantifiable metric to correlate with the fMRI signal. Krenn (2000) also suggests that association measures such as PMI and Dice’s coeeficient (Dice, 1945; Sørensen, 1948; Smadja et al., 1996) are better-suited to identify high-frequency collocations whereas other association measures such as log-likelihood are better at detecting medium to low frequency collocations. Since MWEs are inherently high-frequency collocations, we chose PMI as a metric to describe the strength of association between these word clusters. 3 Research Questions To summarize, this study investigates the following: • Are the differences between the grammatical categories of MWEs observable at the cerebral level? Does processing of verbal MWEs implicate separate brain areas from non-verbal MWEs? Specif- ically, if the strong relationship between verbs and their arguments are encoded in different brain areas compared to non-verbal MWEs featuring no argumental structure? (c.f. Analysis 1 in x5.2.1 ) • Do MWEs with varying levels of cohesiveness tap into different cognitive resources? For example, are MWEs with higher PMI scores processed differently from MWEs with lower scores? Do they activate dissociable brain regions? (c.f. Analysis 2 in x5.2.2 ) 4 fMRI study 4.1 Method We follow Brennan et al., (2012) in using a spoken narrative as a stimulus. Participants hear the story over headphones while they are in the scanner. The sequence of neuroimages collected during their session becomes the dependent variable in a regression against word-by-word predictors, derived from the text of the story. 4.2 Stimuli & MWE Identification The audio stimulus was Antoine de Saint-Exupery’s´ The Little Prince, translated by David Wilkinson and read by Nadine Eckert-Boulet. It constitutes a fairly lengthy exposure to naturalistic language, comprising 15,388 words and lasting over an hour and a half. Within this text, 742 MWEs were identified using a transition-based MWE analyzer (Al Saied et al., 2017). Al Saied et al. use unigram and bigram features, word forms, POS tags and lemmas, in addition to features such as transition history and report an average F-score 0.524 for this analyzer across 18 different languages which reflects robust cross-linguistic performance. For an illustrated example of the MWE identification process with this analyzer, please see the Appendix.