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Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002
Description of document: Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002 Requested date: 2002 Release date: 2003 Posted date: 08-February-2021 Source of document: Information and Privacy Coordinator Central Intelligence Agency Washington, DC 20505 Fax: 703-613-3007 Filing a FOIA Records Request Online The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is a First Amendment free speech web site and is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question. GovernmentAttic.org is not responsible for the contents of documents published on the website. 1 O ct 2000_30 April 2002 Creation Date Requester Last Name Case Subject 36802.28679 STRANEY TECHNOLOGICAL GROWTH OF INDIA; HONG KONG; CHINA AND WTO 36802.2992 CRAWFORD EIGHT DIFFERENT REQUESTS FOR REPORTS REGARDING CIA EMPLOYEES OR AGENTS 36802.43927 MONTAN EDWARD GRADY PARTIN 36802.44378 TAVAKOLI-NOURI STEPHEN FLACK GUNTHER 36810.54721 BISHOP SCIENCE OF IDENTITY FOUNDATION 36810.55028 KHEMANEY TI LEAF PRODUCTIONS, LTD. -
Competing Visions of the 1986 Lima Prison Massacres: Memory and the Politics of War in Peru
Vol. 11, No. 3, Spring 2014, 1-40 Competing Visions of the 1986 Lima Prison Massacres: Memory and the Politics of War in Peru Tamara Feinstein Carleton College In the bleak, grey winter of June 1986, the streets of Lima teamed with international dignitaries. Journalists, politicians and foreign heads of state filled the local hotels and restaurants, in eager anticipation of the Socialist International. All eyes rested on a freshly minted Alan García, one year into his first presidency. García was a rising star within the APRA (American Popular Revolutionary Alliance) party, one of the strongest and longest standing parties in Peru. Despite APRA’s age, numerical strength and populist appeal, García’s election in 1985 represented APRA’s first presidential win. Promising a return to APRA’s center-left roots, García saw the hosting of the Socialist International as a platform to announce his own brand of social democratic policies. This was a moment of great expectations for the young Peruvian president.1 Then, with unprecedented ferocity, the bitter war with the Maoist Shining Path insurgent group, Sendero Luminoso, previously relegated to 1 I would like to thank Steve Stern, Jaymie Heilman, Michele Leiby, Julie Gibbings and Yesenia Pumarada Cruz, as well as this journal’s anonymous readers, for their helpful comments on various incarnations of this article. Feinstein 2 the remote Andean highlands in the pages of the national press, violently exploded onto the Lima stage. Shining Path militants incarcerated in three separate Lima prisons staged simultaneous riots, took prison guards hostage and made vocal demands of the government. -
Outlawing Amnesty: the Return of Criminal Justice in Transitional Justice Schemes
Outlawing Amnesty: The Return of Criminal Justice in Transitional Justice Schemes * LISA J. LAPLANTE Introduction.......................................................................................... 916 I. Truth v. Justice: The Controversy of Amnesty Within Tran- sitional Justice Schemes ............................................................ 920 A. Amnesty in the Americas ................................................ 922 B. Promoting Truth Commissions over Criminal Justice .... 926 C. Foreshadowing Change: South African Victim- Survivors Challenging Amnesties ................................... 929 II. A Changing Global Context: A Legal Framework to Chal- lenge Amnesties ........................................................................ 931 A. International Criminal Law: Individual Accountability for Atrocities.................................................................... 932 B. Human Rights Law: The Right to Justice and the Duty to Prosecute ..................................................................... 935 C. Current Affairs: Qualified Amnesties ............................. 940 D. Calls for Clarity: The Uncertain Future of Amnesties in Human Rights Protection ............................................ 943 III. Peru: Legalizing Impunity Through Amnesty........................... 944 A. In the Name of National Security.................................... 944 * Visiting Assistant Professor, Marquette University Law School, and Deputy Director, Praxis Institute for Social Justice; Brown University, B.A., -
Peru External Document Embargo Date 16 May 1996
PERU EXTERNAL DOCUMENT EMBARGO DATE 16 MAY 1996 PERU: Human Rights in a time of impunity Captions General Rodolfo Robles Espinoza, who publicly stated that military members of the Grupo Colina “death squad” were responsible for the Barrios Altos and La Cantuta University massacres in 1991 and 1992 respectively. Demonstration in Lima, 1991. The banner reads: “Stop torture. We want peace”.© Virgilio Grajeda The parents of Ernesto Rafael Castillo Páez, with a picture of their son. A 22-year-old student, he “disappeared” in October 1990 after being detained by police officers. © Vera A. Lentz Detention by the security forces near Uchiza, San Martín department, in 1991. The de facto impunity for human rights violations enjoyed by the security forces became legalized in June 1995, with the introduction of the amnesty laws.© Alejandro Balaguer The children of prisoner of conscience Myriam Guadalupe Gálvez Vargas. She is serving a 20-year prison term for “crimes of terrorism”, imposed after an unfair trial. Above: Ángel Escobar Jurado, secretary of an independent human rights organization in Huancavelica, “disappeared” in 1990. He was last seen being taken towards a military barracks. Below: Felicita, wife of Ángel Escobar, and the couple's two children. They have joined the thousands of relatives searching for loved ones who have “disappeared”. Dr Augusto Zúñiga Paz recovering in hospital from injuries caused by a letter bomb. A human rights lawyer, he was then working on the “disappearance” of Ernesto Rafael Castillo Páez. Dr Zúñiga now lives in exile. © Vera A. Lentz CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 1. LEGALIZING IMPUNITY: THE AMNESTY LAWS 4 2. -
Peru/Chile: Serious Human Rights Violations During the Presidency of Alberto Fujimori (1990- 2000)
What can you do? Help share information about the serious human rights violations committed during the years Alberto Fujimori was president of Peru. Distribute this report as widely as possible amongst friends, contacts, etc. Go to our website : http://www.amnesty.org.uk/action/fujimori.shtml and sign the petition. Thank you. AI Index: AMR 46/007/2005 Amnistía Internacional – December 2005 Amnesty International – December 2005 AI Index: AMR 46/007/2005 Peru/Chile Serious human rights violations during the presidency of Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000) “…It happened around 10pm during a fundraising party, which was to collect donations for improvements to the residence block. Then, at that time, a group of six uniformed people entered abruptly, two were leading and had their faces covered. They started saying things like … miserable terrorists, you are going to get it now … they insulted us and ordered us to lay on the ground. There is the case of Tomás Livias, one of those present, he resisted … and they hit his back and chest with the butts of their rifles and threw him to the ground. One man stood up and said: I’m the one who organized this, do it to me. They shot him. They machined-gunned him and he fell. They went to the right, towards a room where … there were two girls. They went and finished them off with shots, they returned to attack us when we were on the floor. Then the massacre started…”1 This is how survivors of the Barrios Altos massacre recounted their testimony to the Comisión de la Verdad y la Reparación (CVR), Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Peru. -
The Captive State Organized Crime and Human Rights in Latin America
PRENSA LIBRE / GUATEMALA The Captive State Organized Crime and Human Rights in Latin America Introduction n February 19, 2007, three Salvadoran members of the Central American Parliament entered Guatemala accompanied by a Guatemalan security detail to Oattend a region-wide meeting. A few hours later, the parliamentarians and their driver were kidnapped. Their burned corpses were found on a ranch outside Guatemala City; they had been beaten and tortured, shot, and their bodies set on fire. In addition to the driver, Gerardo Napoleón Ramírez, the victims were José Ramón Gonzales, William Rissiety Pichinte, and Eduardo D’Aubuisson, the son of the founder of the Alliance of National Renovation (ARENA) political party and architect of death squads during the Salvadoran civil war, Roberto D’Aubuisson. The killings took place fifteen years to the day after the death of the elder D’Aubuisson. Initial investigations revealed that the murders had been perpetrated by members of the Guatemalan police. The weapons used in the killings were registered to the Criminal Investigations Division (DINC), and investigations pointed to police officers, among them two deputy inspectors of the Criminal Investigations Division and the head of its anti- organized crime unit. The officers were allegedly members of a criminal network operating from within the national police. On February 22, four of the officers were arrested and sent to El Boquerón maximum security prison. Three days later, shortly before they were to be interrogated by members of the FBI who were aiding in the investigation, the officers had their throats slashed and were shot inside their cells. -
In the United States District Court for the District of Maryland Southern Division
Case 8:07-cv-01809-PJM Document 28 Filed 02/04/2008 Page 1 of 70 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF MARYLAND SOUTHERN DIVISION TEÓFILA OCHOA LIZARBE, in her individual) capacity, and in her capacity as the foreign ) personal representative of the estates of Silvestra ) Lizarbe Solis, Gerardo Ochoa Lizarbe, Victor ) Ochoa Lizarbe, Ernestina Ochoa Lizarbe, ) Celestino Ochoa Lizarbe, and Edwin Ochoa ) Lizarbe, and ) ) Civil Action No. CIRILA PULIDO BALDEÓN, in her individual ) 8:07-cv-01809 capacity, and in her capacity as the foreign ) personal representative of the estates of ) Honorable Peter J. Messitte Fortunata Baldeón Gutiérrez and Edgar Pulido ) Baldeón, ) ) Plaintiffs, ) v. ) ) JUAN MANUEL RIVERA RONDÓN ) ) Defendant. ) __________________________________________) PLAINTIFFS’ MEMORANDUM IN OPPOSITION TO MOTION TO DISMISS Wade B. Wilson (Fed. Bar No. 15381) Mark N. Bravin (Pro Hac Vice granted) Thomas J. O'Brien (Pro Hac Vice granted) Morgan, Lewis & Bockius, LLP 1111 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20004 202.739.3000 OF COUNSEL Pamela Merchant Center for Justice & Accountability Attorneys for Plaintiffs TEÓFILA OCHOA LIZARBE and DATED: February 4, 2008 CIRILA PULIDO BALDEÓN Case 8:07-cv-01809-PJM Document 28 Filed 02/04/2008 Page 2 of 70 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page INTRODUCTION..................................................................................................................... 1 STATEMENT OF FACTS ....................................................................................................... -
P.O.V. 19S Discussion Guide
n o s a e P.O.V. 19S Discussion Guide The Fall of Fujimori A Film by Ellen Perry www.pbs.org/pov P.O.V. n o The Fall of Fujimori s Discussion Guide | a 19e S Letter from the Filmmaker MARCH 2006 Dear Colleague, I first saw Alberto Fujimori on CNN, just after his commandos stormed the Japanese Embassy in Peru, freeing hostages and ending a four-month crisis. As Fujimori delivered a powerful and emotional victory speech, I remember thinking, “Who is this Japanese guy, and how did he become president of Peru?” The next day in the New York Times, an article suggested that the commandos might have killed some of the rebels after surrendering. There seems to be more here than meets the eye, I thought. Perhaps this would make a good film. That was in 1997. At the time, I was in the middle of production for my first film, Great Wall Across the Yangtze, an unauthorized investigation of China’s contentious Three Gorges Dam project that focused on the plight of 1.5 million displaced persons. In China, I dodged government officials, stumbled onto a top-secret army base, and was even placed under house arrest by the military. Luckily, the soldiers never checked my bags or even suspected I was making a film, a process that requires government authorization and 24-hour supervision. Making The Fall of Fujimori has been equally memorable. In Peru, I often didn’t know if I was making a film or starring in one. In Lima, CIA operatives and the Peruvian secret police followed me. -
Inter-American Commission on Human Rights
INTER-AMERICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN RIGHTS .......................................................................................................... x : HUGO MUÑOZ SÁNCHEZ, BERTILA LOZANO TORRES, : ET AL (LA CANTUTA) : : v. : : PERU : : Case 11,045 : .......................................................................................................... x BRIEF OF ALLARD K. LOWENSTEIN INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS CLINIC AS AMICUS CURIAE IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONERS IN THE CASE OF LA CANTUTA ALLARD K. LOWENSTEIN HUMAN RIGHTS CLINIC Yale Law School P.O. Box 208215 New Haven, CT 06520-8215 Phone: (203)4327480; Fax: (203)432-8260 James J. Silk Executive Director Orville H. Schell, Jr. Center for International Human Rights Deena R. Hurwitz Robert M. Cover/Allard K. Lowenstein Fellow Dated: New Haven, CT December 3, 2001 On the brief: Erika Serran Molly Beutz Tania Galloni Matthew Kutcher Christine Lehmann Amy Meselson Jamie O’Connell Daniel Reich Joel Sayres PRIVILIGED AND CONFIDENTIAL ATTORNEY WORK PRODUCT TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................... 1 STATEMENT OF INTEREST ...................................................................................................1 STATEMENT OF FACTS ........................................................................................................... 2 ARGUMENT ..................................................................................................................................7 -
Mediating Post-Conflict Dialogue: the Media's Role in Transitional Justice
MEDIATING POST-CONFLICT DIALOGUE: THE MEDIA’S ROLE IN TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE PROCESSES LISA J. LAPLANTE* KELLY PHENICIE** I. INTRODUCTION ―Peru is like a double A battery: it lives permanently polarized,‖ a local journalist recently wrote in a Lima-based magazine.1 He wrote his observation nearly a decade after the conclusion of Peru‘s twenty-year internal armed conflict that began in 1980 in which state agents contributed to systematic and generalized human rights violations while fighting to defeat national subversive groups. During this conflict, print and broadcast media parted from objectivity as it became obligated to take a stand on government actions, choosing to either defend them or, alternatively, resist and face backlash. When Alberto Fujimori came to power in 1990, his authoritarian approach to national security included manipulation of the media intended to compel the public to support his repressive regime.2 Fujimori eventually fled the country in 2000 due to corruption scandals, 3 at which time a transitional government established the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission (PTRC) and initiated criminal trials to prosecute human rights abusers.4 Yet, even after issuance of the PTRC‘s nine-volume report in 2003 and the conviction of key perpetrators,5 including Fujimori, Peru still suffers intense * Visiting Assistant Professor, Marquette University Law School, and Deputy Director, Praxis Institute for Social Justice. ** Research Assistant and Project Coordinator, Praxis Institute for Social Justice, and independent researcher in conflict studies in Peru. 1. José Villaorduña, Un chifa a que es culpable, DEDOMEDIO (Peru), Apr. 2009, at 18, 19 (authors‘ trans.). 2. See infra Part III.A. -
LA CANTUTA) Peru March 11, 1999
REPORT Nº 42/99 CASE 11.045 HUGO MUÑOZ SÁNCHEZ, BERTILA LOZANO TORRES, DORA OYAGUE FIERRO, LUIS ENRIQUE ORTIZ PEREA, ARMANDO RICHARD AMARO CONDOR, ROBERT EDGAR TEODORO ESPINOZA, HERÁCLIDES PABLO MEZA, FELIPE FLORES CHIPANA, MARCELINO ROSALES CÁRDENAS, AND JUAN GABRIEL MARIÑOS FIGUEROA. (LA CANTUTA) Peru March 11, 1999 I. SUMMARY 1. In a petition submitted to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (hereinafter "the Commission") by the nongovernmental human rights organization Asociación Pro Derechos Humanos (APRODEH) on July 30, 1992, the Republic of Peru (hereinafter "Peru," "the State," or "the Peruvian State") was accused of violating the human rights of Hugo Muñoz Sánchez, a professor at the Enrique Guzmán y Valle National University (located in La Cantuta, Lima), and of Bertila Lozano Torres, Dora Oyague Fierro, Luis Enrique Ortiz Perea, Armando Richard Amaro Condor, Robert Edgar Teodoro Espinoza, Heráclides Pablo Meza, Felipe Flores Chipana, Marcelino Rosales Cárdenas, and Juan Gabriel Mariños Figueroa, all students at that same university, by abducting them from the university in the predawn hours of July 18, 1992, an operation carried out by troops of the Peruvian army, and by proceeding to torture and summarily execute them on that same date. 2. The petitioner claims that through these actions, the State violated the victims’ right to personal liberty, right to humane treatment, right to life, right to a fair trial, and right to judicial protection as enshrined in Articles 7, 5, 4, 8, and 25, respectively, of the American Convention on Human Rights (hereinafter "the Convention" or "the American Convention"). The State did not dispute the admissibility of the complaint. -
The Fujimori Trial: What It Means for Peru's Fight for Justice
Ash Kosiewicz ILASSA Conference Paper Submission Putis and the Fujimori Trial: The Fight for Social Justice In Peru through Disparate Lenses The pursuit of justice within the context of civil war is ripe with challenges and contradictions. The 20-year Peruvian civil war, which symbolically began with the Shining Path’s burning of ballot boxes in May 1980 in defiance of an impending return to democratic rule 12 years after a military coup, is a tragic history colored by geographic, cultural, and linguistic divisions within Peruvian society. A war that largely took place in the Andean highlands in the 1980s before arriving most consequentially to Lima in the 1990s, the conflict highlights the creation of the disposable “other” – the consequential marginalization of Quechua- speaking indigenous peoples caught between the brutality of the Shining Path and the Peruvian state. Peruvians still grapple with defining justice and understanding its role within a reconciliation process that remains largely ineffectual to this day. The ongoing Fujimori trial and the exhumation of the largest mass grave ever found in Peruvian history in Putis in May 2008 provide key insight into the complicated pursuit of social justice in Peru. Five years after the release of the final report of the Peruvian Truth and Reconciliation Commission in August 2003, the Fujimori trial and the Putis exhumation have renewed debate within Peruvian society over dual histories that many Peruvians still refuse to recognize as related or part of a shared history. Fujimori’s extradition from Chile to Peru in September 2007 marked the first time a former Peruvian president would be brought before the Peruvian legal system to stand trial for excesses committed during the country’s civil war.