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Counting People: Nineteenth-Century Population History of Four Manila Arrabales Using the Planes de Almas

Francis A. Gealogo

Philippine Studies vol. 59 no. 3 (2011): 399–423

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http://www.philippinestudies.net Research Note

Francis A. Gealogo

Counting People Nineteenth-Century Population History of Four Manila Arrabales Using the Planes de Almas

Along with profound social and political transformation, the arrabales (suburbs) of , Manila, also underwent significant demographic changes during the nineteenth century as indicated by population growth, urbanization, rising population density, and changes in death, birth, and marriage rates. This paper utilizes quantitative data from the Planes de Almas, the numerical summaries of population data of different parishes found in the Archdiocesan Archives of Manila, to analyze the population history of these suburbs. These data concern burials, baptisms, and marriages, as well as reports on taxation and the confessional status of inhabitants.

Keywords: demographic history • urban population history • Spanish

PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) 399–423 © Ateneo de Manila University ince the publication of the landmark works of Wrigley (1966, difference involved a matter of days only (Gealogo 1995; Ng 1979). In most 1969), Henry (1968), and Hollingsworth (1968, 1969), studies established parishes, most children were baptized less than a week after their on demographic history have made major strides. In the birth, and internments were held within a week of the individual’s death. Philippines, Smith (1971, 1975, 1978), Doeppers and Xenos In other parishes, however, these patterns did not necessarily apply. These (1998), Owen (1987c), Cullinane (1998), Corpuz (1989, 1997), parishes included those with a significant number of non-Christian migrants Sand many others have pioneered and expanded the horizon of demographic (especially Chinese) who were being converted to Catholicism; peripheral, history by bringing to the fore the application of demographic techniques newly established colonial settlements where a number of infieles (non- to a number of Philippine archival materials. In the field of urban history, Christian “infidels”) were being converted to Christianity; or areas where a particularly the colonial history of urban Manila, Camagay (1982, 1992), number of unrecorded, undocumented inhabitants who were not integrated Reed (1978), Doeppers, (1972, 1974, 1984, 1998a, 1998b, 1998c), and within the organized municipalities had escaped the state’s enumeration and Medina (1994) have applied various techniques of historical analysis, with recording and therefore not incorporated in the parish registers. Those that remarkable emphasis on population history and demographic history. eluded the registers were labeled as remontados (literally, those who had gone These studies have proved instrumental in rediscovering new sources to the mountains), cimmarones (“wild”), malhechores (“evildoers”), infieles found in the rich collections of Philippine parish archives and the many (infidels), salvajes (“savages”), or simply indocumentados (undocumented/ repositories of historical documents found in different collections in the unregistered) (cf. Gealogo 1994). country. The essays by Cullinane (1998) and Doeppers (1998c), for instance, Aside from the various Libros found in parish archives, a systematic have highlighted the rich potential of the field as remarkably comparable tabulation of the vital events recorded in these books, along with other to studies based on sources found in other countries (Wrigley 1966; Xenos information about the parishes, were normally transmitted annually to the 1989; Willigan and Lynch 1982; Henry 1968; Hollingsworth 1968, 1969). religious superiors of the parish priests. During the nineteenth century, it was Studies using Philippine materials readily available in the archives have observed that there were significant improvements in recordkeeping by the been utilized to explain a number of historical issues relevant to population parishes occurring simultaneously with the state’s realization of the need to conditions of the past, particularly those related to fertility (Smith 1975), utilize these parish records to implement bureaucratic reforms and systematize mortality (Smith 1978; Owen 1987a, 1987b), family formation (Ng 1979), state functions connected with recordkeeping (Cullinane 1998, 300). These household composition and family composition (Gealogo 1995; Ng 1979), led to the increasing reliability of the tabulations coming from the parishes. and migration (Doeppers 1998a). Called Planes de almas (literally, plan or map of souls), these reports included information on the total population of the parish for the year; Parish Records as Data Sources the total number of baptismal, burial, and marriage ceremonies performed Various other sources can also be used in the study of Philippine demographic and recorded; and, in several instances, additional information such as the history. The parishes usually maintained Libros de bautismos (parish number of tribute payments collected; the number of exempted classes due baptismal registers), Libros de entierros/difuntos (parish registers of burial to illness, age, and elite status; the number of Indios, Spaniards, Chinese, and blessings), and Libros de matrimonios (parish marriage registers) to record mestizos de sangley (Chinese mestizos) in the population; and the number of Catholic events of baptisms, internments, and marriages—information children from birth to age 6 (parvulos), and single men and single women that can be translated easily into events indicating fertility, mortality, and at age of confession (solteros/solteras de solo confesion—a boy or girl who has nuptiality, respectively. While these categories do not present perfect made his or her first confession but has not yet taken communion, generally synchronicity of occurrence (i.e., a baptismal ceremony could occur at a between the ages of 7 and 11) and age of communion (solteros/solteras de date different from the date of birth, and the date of internment could be communion—generally a man between 12 and 18 and a woman between 12 different from the date of death), studies show that in most of the cases the and 20 years of age) (Doeppers and Xenos 1998, 381, 382).

400 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population 401 These Planes de almas were sometimes compiled and published in data collected during the previous year, with the Estados, Guias, and other statistical books, generally called Estados generales (general list or account), published materials generally providing data collected two to four years Estado general de almas (general accounting of souls), or Estados de almas previously. For example, the events reported in the Planes de almas of 1848 (accounting of souls), some published by the religious orders while others were published and indicated in the printed sources as having occurred in 1851 by the colonial government. The data in the Estados were usually based on or 1852. Therefore, crosschecking and verifying entries in these sources can be the Planes, reporting data that were compiled a year or two after the release extremely labor intensive and difficult. Moreover, because the tabulated data of the Planes. from most other sources were culled primarily from the Planes de almas, it is Examples of these aggregated annual summaries were the following: but logical to give more weight and credibility to data sets generated directly Estado de la poblacion de las yslas Filipinas correspondiente el año de from these sources in the Planes compared with other possible sources such 1817/1818 (1819/1820); Estado general y estadistica de los Ministerios y as the Guias or the Estados generales. For this study the verified entries from Misiones (1831); Estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1842 (1843); Estadistica de the Planes were utilized, with data from the Guias and the Estados given la Provincia de S. Nicolas de Tolentino de PP Agustinos Recoletos de Filipinas consideration for crosschecking and verification. However, this process did (1851); Estado general de los pueblos del Arzobispado de Manila, y de los not automatically make the tabulations error-free, as odd entries still became obispados de sufraganeos de Nueva Caceres, Nueva Segovia, y Jaro evident in the final tabulations. After the data had been tabulated and the (1886); Estado general de los religiosos de la provincial del santisimo nombre demographic rates computed, it was possible to explain the unusual entries, de Jesus de Agustinos calzados (1888); and Estado general de los religiosos particularly with the help of other sources of information. existentes en los conventos, colegios, las parroquias y misiones de la provincia de Agustinos del santisimo nombre de Jesus (1897). Four Arrabales and Intramuros: A General Discussion Aside from the Estados, guidebooks for travelers, foreign investors, and For the purpose of this study, five pueblos were chosen to serve as case diplomatic missions were also published under the general classification of examples in the analysis of urban and suburban population conditions in the the Guia oficial (1884, 1886, 1892, 1895) and the Guia de forasteros para nineteenth-century Philippines. Intramuros, considered the colonial capital el año 1842 and a similar Guia for 1844, to cite a few examples. These and the original Manila (Camagay 1992; Reed 1978), was chosen to indicate materials also included data on total population and some information on the population conditions of an urbanized locality. Outside of the city walls, the conditions of the local population; at times tabulations of data on births, the arrabales (suburbs) supported the city, supplied it with provisions and deaths, and marriages across historical time were also included. human power for its sustenance, and served as alternative communities with Published data on Philippine population can also yield significant commercial and economic potential outside of the walls. Two parishes north information on various population conditions in different localities, of the River, namely Tondo and , and two south of the Pasig including those by Beyer (1917), Blas de la Asunción (1910), Buzeta (1850), River, namely Paco and , were chosen as the major foci of this study. Canovas (1859), Cavada y Mendez de Vigo (1876), Comyn (1810), Diaz Data from the Planes de almas and other sources discussed above were Valero (1897), Huerta (1855, 1865), Jimeno (1884), Martin (1848), Montero used to compile and tabulate data on the total population from the total de y Vidal (1886), and the first Census of the Philippine under the almas (literally, the total number of souls), as well as the total number of Philippine Commission (1905). baptismal, burial, and marriage ceremonies performed in the city and the Caution must be made, however, in utilizing the data found in these four arrabales. The crude birth rates were computed utilizing the baptismal materials. Some of these obviously present some real challenges to the data and the total de almas, and the same process was repeated to calculate population historian, particularly concerning the reliability of the reports, the the crude death rates based on the burial data and the total population. The duplication of the entries, and the misreporting of the actual date when the crude rates of natural increase were then computed based on the difference count was made. As a general note, the Planes de almas normally reported between the computed crude birth and crude death rates.

402 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population history of manila 403 The data clearly show that Intramuros, with a total population of 15,896 equally high crude death rates—which would mean a stationary population, in 1893 (table 1), was not the biggest pueblo during the nineteenth century. as in the case of the southern arrabales. The fourfold increase in the The biggest pueblos were found north of the Pasig, as exemplified by Tondo population of the bigger northern arrabales necessitates the identification with a population of 31,963 in 1862 (table 2) and Binondo with a population of other demographic factors contributing to the population increase. of 33,438 in 1858 (table 3). The arrabales south of the were Migration into these areas can be considered the most viable explanation also relatively small in terms of population: Paco had a population of 5,927 for the continuous increase in population, despite the high mortality figures. in 1856 (table 4), while Ermita had 7,578 in 1857 (table 5). In fact, the This explanation affirms the earlier studies made by Doeppers (1998a, 1998b) population figures of Paco and Ermita indicate that these pueblos were regarding migration toward the bigger arrabales north of the Pasig River. even smaller in population than some big parishes in the countryside, like Nagcarlan, (12,905 by 1881) (Ng 1979); some parishes like Counting Souls: Total Population San Roque (13,939 by 1854), (12,768 in 1858), Imus (17,403 in If one were to consider only the total number of souls counted at the 1861), Maragondon (14,012 in 1857), and Silang (10,212 in 1857) (Gealogo beginning and end of the century, it would show that Intramuros doubled its 2005); or San Jose, Batangas (18,177 in 1875) (Gealogo 1995). population, Tondo and Binondo experienced a fourfold increase, while Paco More remarkable was the increase in the population of these arrabales. and Ermita either stagnated or declined in total population count. Such Tondo and Binondo increased its total population more than fourfold in the generalizations, however, fail to note the observable fluctuations in the total course of the nineteenth century, although there were significant fluctuations population count of the five communities under study(see fig. on page 406). between the years. In contrast, the population of Paco and Ermita initially All four arrabales actually experienced a steady rise in population in the increased, nearly doubling toward midcentury, only to decline and return to first half of the century, with Tondo tripling its population from 10,592 in its early nineteenth-century level at the end of the century. 1802 to 31,963 in 1862 (table 2). Binondo, for its part, registered its highest These findings are consistent with what earlier studies had shown. population of 33,438 in 1858, a figure that was already more than double Camagay (1992), for example, underlined the divide between the north and the population total of 15,913 forty years earlier (table 3). Although their south arrabales, with the former registering more economic development, increase in total population was not as dramatic as those of the northern population density, and concentration of resources and population than the arrabales, the smaller arrabales south of the Pasig also recorded their peak latter. Doeppers (1998a, 1998b) has also pointed out that the human power population numbers at around the same period. The highest reported requirements of the city were provided by migrants most of whom settled in the population of Paco, which stood at 5,927, was noted in 1856 (table 4), while northern banks of the Pasig. Moreover, as Smith (1978), Camagay (1982), de Ermita’s highest population count of 7,578 was made in 1857 (table 5). The Bevoise (1995), and Owen (1987a) have indicated, the nineteenth century was decrease in the population of Paco and Ermita would be most noticeable marked by increasing population pressure characterized by virulent epidemics after the 1860s. that resulted in what Smith (1978) has called crisis mortality. The data in Researchers should take into account some noticeably odd entries in the Planes de almas of the four arrabales validated these earlier observations. the reports of the total population of some communities. The data for Tondo The epidemics that visited the country in 1820–1821 were repeated with an offer some glaring examples (table 2). Compared with the preceding and almost regular frequency since the 1860s, with the 1882–1883 epidemic being succeeding years, the entries for 1849 and 1891 would make the data for the most virulent. In these years, all parish records manifested higher crude these years totally unreliable. The recorded population of Tondo in 1849 was death rates compared with their corresponding crude birth rates, pointing to a 56,821 while the 1848 population stood at 29,257 and the 1850 population negative crude rate of natural increase. was 27,866 only. The sudden spike in 1849 raises issues of reliability. For The data also show that, by and large, the nineteenth-century population 1891 Tondo’s reported population was 43,409, an unusually high figure, of these pueblos tended to exhibit very high crude birth rates tempered by considering that the locality’s reported population in 1889 was 25,755. If we

404 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population history of manila 405 take the 1889 total count of 25,755 as the more plausible figure than that of 1891, then Tondo’s total population for that year amounted to 2.5 times higher than the 1802 population count—not quite the fourfold increase during the century noted earlier. The 1889 level was significantly lower than Tondo’s peak population count in 1862; nevertheless, Tondo remained one of the biggest arrabales in terms of total population. The same can be observed for Binondo, with the final entry for the year 1892 showing an additional population of more than 22,000 inhabitants compared with the preceding year, a large jump difficult to comprehend. If one were to disregard the 1892 report of total population reaching 63,000 and consider the 1891 figure of 40,695 as the final one for this period, the Planes de almas increase in population from 1818 (15,913) to 1891 (40,695) would be 2.5 times only, which would not be as dramatic as the originally noted fourfold increase from 1818 to 1892. Moreover, the 1891 total would be only slightly higher than the peak population count in 1858.

Counting Baptisms: Crude Birth Rates The continuous, albeit fluctuating, increase in the population of the communities included in this study was partly due to the increase in birth rates, as can be deduced from the increasing number of baptisms. Almost all parishes in the arrabales under study exhibited a steady increase in the number of baptisms during the nineteenth century. Tondo had 340 recorded baptisms in 1818 compared with 1,092 in 1889. Binondo had 1,202 baptisms in 1818 compared with 1,619 in 1888. In contrast, Paco had 102 baptisms in 1818, the figure rising to 288 in 1891; Ermita had 171 baptisms in 1812, while in 1891 the recorded figure was 239. If we consider baptisms as proxy events for births of children, the figures would mean a steady increase in the crude birth rates. Unlike the observations in the total number of population, however, the noticeable increase in the crude birth rates of the arrabales occurred in the third quarter of the century. Although the absolute number of baptisms tended to remain at a constant level in Tondo (table 2), except for the unreliable 1892 report, the high crude birth rates in the range of the low 50s were most pronounced from the 1870s onward. The rate per 1,000 population was 50.0 for 1875 and 1876, 56.2 for 1877, 52.8 for 1882, and 50.0 for 1885. For most of the other years, the rates were in the high 20s to the middle and high 40s. While these rates are high compared with contemporary modern populations, these would Total population of Binondo, Ermita, Intramuros, Paco, and Tondo for given years in the nineteenth century, based on the for given years in the nineteenth century, population of Binondo, Ermita, Intramuros, Paco, and Tondo Total

406 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population history of manila 407 be considered comparatively low in a premodern demographic context. the entire community. But because Ermita and Paco were relatively small This trend would be in line with the earlier assertion that it was a migrant- communities, they yielded consistently high crude birth rates. In Paco, for receiving locality, and therefore had a comparatively greater number of adult example, all of the crude birth rates in all of the reported years from 1861 population adding to the total population count, compared with a locality to 1891, except for 1883, were higher than 50, with the years 1874 (72.5), where the additional population resulted from increases in fertility. 1879 (70.1), and 1886 (69.1) exhibiting the highest rates. Ermita had more Binondo tended to have higher absolute numbers of baptisms as well moderate rates, usually in the order of 30s to 40s, compared with Paco. as higher rates of crude birth (table 3). As a matter of fact, it had the highest However, there were peak years in the early 1820s, the late 1860s, the late rates compared with all of the other localities in this study. The reported 1880s, and the early 1890s when the crude birth rates hovered in the mid data for all years, except one, from 1859 until 1882 yielded crude birth 50s to mid 70s. rates of over 50, with the years 1868 and 1869 registering rates of 76.5 and 74.0, respectively. Although it is tempting to conclude that the community Counting Burials: Crude Death Rates exhibited higher birth rates for the periods mentioned, one must consider Perhaps the single most dramatic factor that contributed to the fluctuations the high incidence of adult Catholic conversions in this locality arising in the population count of communities was the number of deaths. All the from Chinese and Chinese mestizo adults being baptized as new Christians. arrabales under consideration here experienced crisis mortality in the course The baptisms recorded in Binondo, therefore, do not necessarily mean an of the nineteenth century, with the almost decadal spikes in the number of increase in the number of children being born and eventually baptized, burials signifying dramatic increases in crude death rates. which in other places would be indicative of birth rates, but rather show the Tondo was one arrabal that was most severely affected by crisis mortality. increase in the number of Catholic conversions by previously non-Christian The years 1863–1864, 1872, 1877, 1882–1884, and 1891 were times of sections of the population. Moreover, the period from the late 1850s to the extremely high mortality (table 2), with crude death rates per 1,000 climbing early 1880s coincided with the period of increasing socioeconomic and not only to the 60s and 70s but, in the case of 1882 and 1883, to as much as political expansion in the roles played by Chinese and Chinese mestizos not 205.7 and 129.3, respectively. As a result, there were noticeable decreases in only in Binondo but also in other communities where trade and agricultural the total population count of Tondo for these years, the outcome of which production had experienced significant development. Being baptized a was a negative crude rate of natural increase in twenty-three reported years Catholic gave one’s increasing socioeconomic status a religious character, in for the entire century. This meant that in twenty-three instances the crude addition to the expediency that conversion served. death rate for the arrabal was higher than its crude birth rate. In seven of The same cannot be said when dealing with the number of baptisms those years, the crude rate of natural increase was in the range of negative 20 and the crude birth rates for Paco (table 4) and Ermita (table 5). Without or lower, with the years 1882 and 1883 posting the lowest rates of negative a comparable number of new converts to Catholicism as in Binondo or a 153 and negative 87.7, respectively. As earlier studies of epidemics in the massive in-migration as in Tondo, Paco and Ermita exhibited high crude Philippines during the nineteenth century have shown, these years were also birth rates that at times were even higher than comparable rates in the larger the years of high mortality resulting from the outbreak of virulent epidemics, arrabales. In terms of absolute figures, the number of children that were particularly cholera (Smith 1978; Camagay 1982; de Bevoise 1995; Owen baptized in Ermita and Paco (mostly in the 300 level) were comparatively 1987a). lower than the thousands of baptisms in Tondo and Binondo. Tondo had The predominantly Chinese and Chinese mestizo populations of twenty-four reported years while Binondo had thirty-eight such years when Binondo were not spared these trends. Although not as dramatic as Tondo, the number of baptisms exceeded 1,000. In contrast, Paco had ten years and the crude death rates for Binondo were also as high as the crisis mortality in Ermita had fourteen years when the reported baptisms exceeded 300. In Tondo for almost the same years (table 3). High death rates were noticeable both Paco and Ermita, there was no record of more than 400 baptisms for for 1864, 1867–1868, 1872, and 1882–1883. Negative crude rates of natural

408 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population history of manila 409 increase were manifested in twenty of the reported years, with the worst rates regime of crisis mortality that characterized population conditions in the found for 1864 (-31.5), 1882 (-69.4), and 1883 (-40.8). past. Urbanization created uneven population centers in the suburbs, with The arrabales of Paco and Ermita, south of the Pasig River, also did not majority of the population concentrating on the northern banks of the Pasig escape the regime of high mortality for most of the nineteenth century. In River, leaving the arrabales south of the Pasig with a smaller population. twenty-eight reported years, the crude rate of natural increase was negative In both cases, however, the high crude birth rates that characterized these for Paco (table 4), while there were thirty-two recorded years with negative populations were tempered by the high crude death rates that were exhibited crude rates of natural increase for Ermita (table 5). The years 1864–1865, in almost all cases, which, during outbreaks of epidemics, even surpassed the 1868, 1872, 1877, 1883–1884, and 1891 were also crisis years for Paco, birth rates and resulted in negative crude rates of natural increase. Only the with crude death rates higher than 70; the years 1820–1821, 1864, 1883– in-migration from other areas tended to support the steady increase in the 1884, 1888, and 1890–1891 were years of very high crude death rates that population of Tondo and Binondo. exceeded 70. No arrabal under study, therefore, was spared the incidence of The other conclusion from this study is methodological in nature. high mortality caused by the outbreak of virulent epidemics. While the archival sources that contain population statistics of historical Another observable trend was the very high crude death rates even for communities may be regarded initially as too voluminous and numerous as noncrisis years. In all of the localities examined, not a single year reported to intimidate the researcher, it is possible to apply simple computations and had a single-digit crude death rate. In “normal” years, mortality figures present the data in organized form to illuminate population conditions in the remained very high, with rates in the 30s and 40s. Moreover, the crisis years past. The quantitative data provide additional insights that supplement the were concentrated mostly in the second half of the nineteenth century, with existing historical narratives presented in earlier studies, particularly those extremely high mortality figures occurring almost every decade from the on the imbalanced nature of the development of the population structure 1860s onward. This pattern is consistent with the observation made by a of the arrabales north and south of the Pasig; the impact of migration and number of scholars about the growing virulence of epidemics that affected ethnicity on the growth and expansion of local communities, particularly in the country toward the second half of the nineteenth century (Smith 1978; Binondo and Tondo; and the effects of the outbreak of epidemics in Manila Camagay 1982; de Bevoise 1995; Owen 1987a). The high mortality figures and contiguous areas. This study thus showcases the potential contribution limited the growth of population, which had already reached their peak of quantitative data analysis to the expansion of historical studies. numbers toward the end of the first half of the century. With the increase in the number of deaths, communities either stagnated in terms of their total population or grew very slowly during the second half of the century.

Conclusion This brief discussion has demonstrated some possibilities with how demographic data, while giving due consideration to its limitations, can complement existing studies of the social and urban history of nineteenth- century Manila and its suburbs. The enormous data derived from the voluminous materials, primarily in the files of the Planes de almas found in the Archdiocesan Archives of Manila and other archival and printed historical materials, illumine a new dimension of the historical profile of the city. The impact of the epidemiological crises of the nineteenth century can be clearly studied to demonstrate what other scholars have termed as the

410 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population history of manila 411 Table 1. Total population, baptisms, burials, marriages, crude Table 2. Total population, baptisms, burials, marriages, birth rates (CBR), crude death rates (CDR), and crude rate crude birth rates (CBR), crude death rates (CDR), and crude of natural increase (CRNI) of Intramuros, 1818–1893 rate of natural increase (CRNI) of Tondo, 1803–1892

Year Population Baptisms Burials Marriages CBR CDR CRNI Year Population Baptisms Burials Marriages CBR CDR CRNI 1818 377 136 87 1803 10,592 1820 7,612 362 387 76 47.6 50.8 -3.3 1818 14,610 340 276 85 23.3 18.9 4.4 1824 8,519 404 156 47.4 18.3 29.1 1831 15,499 749 431 172 48.3 27.8 20.5 1825 9,213 267 111 29.0 12.0 16.9 1842 22,138 983 646 142 44.4 29.2 15.2 1826 9,463 418 112 44.2 11.8 32.3 1845 25,880 919 776 127 35.5 30.0 5.5 1828 9,625 402 132 41.8 13.7 28.1 1846 24,115 877 963 264 36.4 39.9 -3.6 1846 376 241 51 1847 28,691 673 980 225 23.5 34.2 -10.7 1847 424 222 39 1848 29,257 877 1,064 126 30.0 36.4 -6.4 1849 382 223 30 1849 56,821 919 885 175 34.3 33.0 1.3 1850 390 280 34 1850 27,866 1,074 1,350 207 38.5 48.4 -9.9 1859 454 233 57 1854 29,793 1,095 973 257 36.8 32.7 4.1 1871 263 187 69 1855 30,690 783 859 150 25.5 28.0 -2.5 1872 237 256 63 1857 31,063 1,011 1,068 149 32.5 34.4 -1.8 1875 237 146 94 1858 31,167 903 1,151 148 29.0 36.9 -8.0 1876 12,314 268 185 77 21.8 15.0 6.7 1859 31,382 1,074 941 205 34.2 30.0 4.2 1879 357 200 74 1860 31,689 1,080 1,064 187 34.1 33.6 0.5 1892 14,500 1861 31,788 1,199 1,501 200 37.7 47.2 -9.5 1893 15,896 401 260 98 25.2 16.4 8.9 1862 31,963 1,087 952 145 34.0 29.8 4.2 1863 31,876 1,161 1,463 143 36.4 45.9 -9.5

Sources: AAM 1812–1840; 1831–1849; 1850–1861; 1862–1870; 1871–1879; 1880–1887; 1887; 1864 31,756 1,033 2,137 181 32.5 67.3 -34.8 1888–1893; 1892–1911 1865 31,518 1,018 1,715 108 32.3 54.4 -22.1 1866 32,079 887 1,045 136 27.7 32.6 -4.9 1868 32,094 954 1,091 124 29.7 34.0 -4.3 1869 31,615 947 859 155 30.0 27.8 2.2 1870 31,354 1,029 1,278 170 32.8 40.8 -7.9 1871 20,600 934 1,190 281 45.3 57.8 -12.4 1872 20,640 899 1,587 287 43.6 76.9 -33.3 1873 20,092 974 1,155 188 48.5 57.5 -9.0 1874 20,560 829 930 255 40.3 45.2 -4.9 1875 20,800 1,040 930 226 50.0 44.7 5.3 1876 21,058 1,052 1,083 225 50.0 51.4 -1.5 1877 21,614 1,214 1,393 206 56.2 64.4 -8.3

412 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population history of manila 413 Table 2. (continued) Table 3. Total population, baptisms, burials, marriages, crude birth rates (CBR), crude death rates (CDR), and crude rate of natural increase (CRNI) of Binondo, 1818–1892

Year Population Baptisms Burials Marriages CBR CDR CRNI Year Population Baptisms Burials Marriages CBR CDR CRNI 1879 22,971 1,145 1,154 138 49.8 50.2 -0.4 1818 15,913 1,202 522 218 75.5 32.8 42.7 1881 24,653 1,077 1,361 250 43.7 55.2 -11.5 1819 16,928 1,560 262 670 92.2 15.5 76.7 1882 18,992 1,002 3,907 183 52.8 205.7 -153.0 1843 39,952 1,085 1,563 136 27.2 39.1 -12.0 1883 18,513 771 2,394 299 41.6 129.3 -87.7 1845 38,841 954 1,006 128 24.6 25.9 -1.3 1884 22,800 1,084 1,757 304 47.5 77.1 -29.5 1846 37,620 975 1,114 221 25.9 29.6 -3.7 1885 22,614 1,231 991 311 50.0 40.3 9.8 1847 28,341 1,128 934 176 39.8 33.0 6.8 1886 28,715 1,181 884 249 41.1 30.8 10.3 1849 25,916 966 1,017 181 37.3 39.2 -2.0 1887 29,820 1,287 1,264 196 43.2 42.4 0.8 1850 27,267 1,206 1,474 148 44.2 54.1 -9.8 1888 30,936 1854 32,375 1,248 1,122 198 38.5 34.7 3.9 1889 25,755 1,092 894 184 42.4 34.7 7.7 1855 31,272 1,229 1,201 204 39.3 38.4 0.9 1891 43,409 1,091 2,310 244 25.1 53.2 -28.1 1856 32,690 1,290 1,383 205 39.5 42.3 -2.8 1892 45,000 1,805 1,674 328 40.1 37.2 2.9 1857 32,935 1,135 1,467 160 34.5 44.5 -10.1 1858 33,438 1,113 1,331 203 33.3 39.8 -6.5

Sources: AAM 1812–1840; 1831–1849; 1850–1861; 1862–1870; 1871–1879; 1880–1887; 1887; 1859 22,810 1,366 1,146 216 59.9 50.2 9.6 1888– 893; 1892–1911 1860 23,896 1,210 1,336 197 50.6 55.9 -5.3 1861 24,193 1,408 1,885 190 58.2 77.9 -19.7 1862 24,180 1,320 1,172 206 54.6 48.5 6.1 1863 24,135 1,316 1,448 60 54.5 60.0 -5.5 1864 24,103 1,093 1,853 151 45.3 76.9 -31.5 1865 22,662 1,206 1,385 150 53.2 61.1 -7.9 1866 22,662 1,050 923 124 46.3 40.7 5.6 1867 15,263 986 1,176 118 64.6 77.0 -12.4 1868 14,244 1,090 1,047 168 76.5 73.5 3.0 1869 15,373 1,138 788 174 74.0 51.3 22.8 1870 15,756 1,026 1,198 175 65.1 76.0 -10.9 1871 15,908 1,042 1,128 174 65.5 70.9 -5.4 1872 16,389 895 1,247 167 54.6 76.1 -21.5 1873 17,269 1,090 918 157 63.1 53.2 10.0 1874 16,467 1,002 875 179 60.8 53.1 7.7 1875 17,388 1,133 879 168 65.2 50.6 14.6 1876 18,467 1,082 1,000 191 58.6 54.2 4.4 1877 19,576 1,130 1,089 325 57.7 55.6 2.1

414 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population history of manila 415 Table 3. (continued) Table 4. Total population, baptisms, burials, marriages, crude birth rates (CBR), crude death rates (CDR), and crude rate of natural increase (CRNI) of Paco, 1818–1891

Year Population Baptisms Burials Marriages CBR CDR CRNI Year Population Baptisms Burials Marriages CBR CDR CRNI 1879 22,341 1,263 891 190 56.5 39.9 16.7 1818 5,145 102 122 51 19.8 23.7 -3.9 1880 1,280 1,123 208 1820 5,215 128 101 40 24.5 19.4 5.2 1881 22,946 1,333 960 284 58.1 41.8 16.3 1821 4,371 181 423 44 41.4 96.8 -55.4 1882 22,999 1,307 2,902 419 56.8 126.2 -69.4 1822 4,369 186 195 65 42.6 44.6 -2.1 1883 24,460 1,041 2,040 504 42.6 83.4 -40.8 1828 4,424 204 274 41 46.1 61.9 -15.8 1884 33,886 1,588 1,460 683 46.9 43.1 3.8 1829 4,281 181 123 27 42.3 28.7 13.5 1885 34,919 1,530 800 366 43.8 22.9 20.9 1830 3,793 1886 35,385 1,587 770 407 44.8 21.8 23.1 1831 4,652 1888 37,701 1,629 1,324 378 43.2 35.1 8.1 1842 5,556 1891 40,695 1,619 1,488 389 39.8 36.6 3.2 1845 5,739 208 237 36 36.2 41.3 -5.1 1892 63,000 1,006 1,129 272 16.0 17.9 -2.0 1846 5,498 233 255 65 42.4 46.4 -4.0 1847 5,601 206 211 55 36.6 37.7 -1.1 Sources: AAM 1812–1840; 1831–1849; 1850–1861; 1862–1870; 1871–1879; 1880–1887; 1887; 1848 5,397 205 241 52 38.0 44.7 -6.7 1888–1893; 1892–1911 1850 5,469 250 286 52 45.7 52.3 -6.6 1854 5,825 259 268 73 44.5 46.0 -1.5 1855 5,857 265 241 67 45.2 41.1 4.1 1856 5,927 280 367 60 47.2 61.9 -14.7 1857 5,581 263 309 45 47.1 55.4 -8.2 1858 5,593 219 279 46 39.2 49.9 -10.7 1859 5,604 271 223 70 48.4 39.8 8.6 1860 5,706 252 282 69 44.2 49.4 -5.3 1861 5,291 280 332 51 52.9 62.7 -9.8 1862 5,255 290 205 45 55.2 39.0 16.2 1863 5,241 302 356 45 57.6 67.9 -10.3 1864 5,183 287 396 52 55.4 76.4 -21.0 1865 5,018 252 425 38 50.2 84.7 -34.5 1866 5,126 303 291 64 59.1 56.8 2.3 1867 5,299 269 345 44 50.8 65.1 -14.3 1868 5,109 297 367 40 58.1 71.8 -13.7 1869 5,203 288 222 52 55.4 42.7 12.7 1870 5,299 303 315 57 57.2 59.4 -2.3 1871 5,174 283 285 59 54.7 55.1 -0.4

416 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population history of manila 417 Table 4. (continued) Table 5. Total population, baptisms, burials, marriages, crude birth rates (CBR), crude death rates (CDR), and crude rate of natural increase (CRNI) of Ermita, 1812–1892

Year Population Baptisms Burials Marriages CBR CDR CRNI Year Population Baptisms Burials Marriages CBR CDR CRNI 1872 5,137 279 392 61 54.3 76.3 -22.0 1812 4,260 171 82 47 40.1 19.2 20.9 1873 5,118 310 242 36 60.6 47.3 13.3 1818 3,510 126 136 56 35.9 38.7 -2.8 1874 4,689 340 217 65 72.5 46.3 26.2 1819 3,413 260 134 70 76.2 39.3 36.9 1876 4,620 259 294 56 56.1 63.6 -7.6 1820 3,181 223 540 49 70.1 169.8 -99.7 1877 4,631 303 333 68 65.4 71.9 -6.5 1821 3,387 244 245 69 72.0 72.3 -0.3 1879 4,635 325 251 46 70.1 54.2 16.0 1824 265 243 53 1881 4,790 314 309 51 65.6 64.5 1.0 1825 4,046 284 197 74 65.2 48.7 16.6 1883 4,424 216 558 50 48.8 126.1 -77.3 1826 5,386 251 199 43 46.6 36.9 9.7 1884 4,456 267 311 84 59.9 69.8 -9.9 1828 6,008 272 185 53 45.3 30.8 14.5 1886 4,601 318 179 55 69.1 38.9 30.2 1831 6,400 251 350 50 39.2 54.7 -15.5 1888 4,652 309 303 69 66.4 65.1 1.3 1842 7,784 329 320 43 42.3 41.1 1.2 1891 4,567 288 468 29 51.7 84.1 -32.3 1843 7,784 354 447 42 45.5 57.4 -11.9 1846 7,595 280 397 82 36.9 52.3 -15.4

Sources: AAM 1812–1840; 1831–1849; 1850–1861; 1862–1870; 1871–1879; 1880–1887; 1887; 1847 7,569 298 349 71 39.4 46.1 -6.7 1888–1893; 1892–1911 1849 7,623 320 356 50 42.0 46.7 -4.7 1850 7,612 334 434 54 43.9 57.0 -13.1 1854 7,440 259 338 35 34.8 45.4 -10.6 1855 7,575 318 394 63 42.0 52.0 -10.0 1856 7,554 301 362 52 39.8 47.9 -8.1 1857 7,578 302 475 47 39.9 62.7 -22.8 1858 7,410 193 349 66 26.0 47.1 -21.1 1859 7,489 381 287 78 50.9 38.3 12.6 1861 7,552 312 310 49 41.3 41.0 0.3 1862 7,513 271 310 43 36.1 41.3 -5.2 1863 7,524 329 508 32 43.7 67.5 -23.8 1864 7,066 299 670 59 42.3 94.8 -52.5 1865 7,072 311 447 33 44.0 63.2 -19.2 1866 7,503 276 321 32 36.8 42.8 -6.0 1867 7,324 271 474 36 37.0 64.7 -27.7 1868 6,782 263 365 46 38.8 53.8 -15.0 1869 5,972 327 255 57 54.8 42.7 12.1 1870 6,021 336 324 55 55.8 53.8 2.0

418 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population history of manila 419 Table 5. (continued) ———. 1888–1893. Planes de almas (1888–1893), Shelf/row/box 35.C.8. ———. 1892–1911. Planes de almas (1892–1911, 19th centur), Shelf/row/box 35.C.9. Beyer, H. Otley. 1917. Population of the Philippine Islands 1916. Manila: Philippine Co., Year Population Baptisms Burials Marriages CBR CDR CRNI Inc.

1871 5,818 245 364 59 42.1 62.6 -20.5 Blas de la Asunción, Gregorio Fidel. 1910. Labor evangelica de los padres Agustinos Recoletos en las 1872 5,632 261 112 93 46.3 19.9 26.5 islas Filipinas. Zaragosa: Estab. Tipog. de Pedro Carra. 1873 6,479 260 227 39 40.1 35.0 5.1 Buzeta, Manuel. 1850. Diccionario geográfico, estadístico, histórico de las Islas Filipinas. Madrid: Imp. de D. José de la Peña. 1874 7,129 238 221 59 33.4 31.0 2.4 Camagay, Ma. Luisa. 1982. Manila: A city in the throes of epidemics. Historical Bulletin 26(1–4): 1875 7,570 260 259 49 34.3 34.2 0.1 103–12. 1876 7,051 234 240 40 33.2 34.0 -0.9 ———. 1992. Kasaysayang panlipunan ng Maynila, 1765–1898. : Toyota Foundation. 1877 6,747 255 319 36 37.8 47.3 -9.5 Cánovas, M. 1859. Noticias históricas, geográficas, estadísticas, administrativas y militares de las 1879 6,858 212 218 127 30.9 31.8 -0.9 Islas Filipinas. Madrid: Imp. y litog. Militar del Atlas. 1881 6,755 236 308 50 34.9 45.6 -10.7 Cavada y Méndez de Vigo, Agustin de la. 1876. Historia geográfica, geológica y estadística de Filipinas. 1882 5,939 203 750 48 34.2 126.3 -92.1 Manila: Impr. de Ramirez y Giraudier.

1883 5,632 177 502 64 31.4 89.1 -57.7 Comyn, Tomas. 1820. Estado de las Islas Filipinas en 1810. Madrid: Imp. de Repulles.

1885 4,975 270 254 52 54.3 51.1 3.2 Corpuz, Onofre. 1989. The roots of the Filipino nation. Quezon City: Aklahi Foundation.

1886 5,000 282 208 58 56.4 41.6 14.8 ———. 1997. An economic history of the Philippines. Quezon City: University of the Philippines Press. 1887 4,699 293 309 53 62.4 65.8 -3.4 Cullinane, Michael. 1998. Accounting for souls: Ecclesiastical sources for the study of Philippine 1888 4,726 310 391 48 65.6 82.7 -17.1 demographic history. In Population and history: The demographic origins of the modern Philippines, ed. Daniel Doeppers and Peter Xenos, 281–46. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 1890 4,546 288 353 39 63.4 77.7 -14.3 De Bevoise, Ken. 1995. Agents of apocalypse: Epidemic disease in the colonial Philippines. Princeton: 1891 4,676 239 450 34 61.1 96.2 -45.1 Princeton University Press. 1892 4,546 Diaz Valero, Mariano. 1897. Diccionario geográfico, judicial y estadístico de todos los Ayuntamientos. Madrid: Tipog. Herres. Sources: AAM 1812–1840; 1831–1849; 1850–1861; 1862–1870; 1871–1879; 1880–1887; 1887; Doeppers, Daniel. 1972. Development of Philippine before 1900. Journal of Asian Studies 31(4): 1888–1893; 1892–1911 769–92.

———. 1974. Ethnic urbanism and Philippine cities. Annals of the Association of American Geographers 6:549–59.

———. 1984. Manila: 1900–1941. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. References ———. 1998a. Migration to Manila: Changing gender representation, migration field and urban structure. In Population and history: The demographic origins of the modern Philippines, ed. Archdiocesan Archives of Manila (AAM). 1812–1840. Planes de almas (1812–1840), Shelf/row/box Daniel Doeppers and Peter Xenos, 253–63. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. 35.A.1. Cultural Heritage Offices, Roman Catholic Archbishop of Manila. ———. 1998b. Migrants in the urban labor markets: The social stratification of Tondo and Sampaloc ———. 1831–1849. Planes de almas (1831–1849), Shelf/row/box 35.A.2. in the 1890s. In Population and history: The demographic origins of the modern Philippines, ed. . 1850–1861. Planes de almas (1850–1861), Shelf/row/box 35.A.3. ——— Daniel Doeppers and Peter Xenos, 139–79. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press. ———. 1862–1870. Planes de almas (1862–1870), Shelf/row/box 35.B.4. ———­ . 1998c. Civil records as sources for Philippine historical demography. In Population and ———. 1871–1879. Planes de almas (1871–1879), Shelf/row/box 35.B.5. history: The demographic origins of the modern Philippines, ed. Daniel Doeppers and Peter Xenos, ———. 1880–1887. Planes de almas (1880–1887), Shelf/row/box 35.B.6. 347–63. Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.

———. 1887. Planes de almas (1887), Shelf/row/box 35.C.7.

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422 PHILIPPINE STUDIES 59, no. 3 (2011) gealogo / 19th century population history of manila 423