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© Copyright 2013 David E. Merrell © Copyright 2013 David E. Merrell Normative Pluralism in Kyrgyzstan National, Community, and Individual Perspectives David E. Merrell A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Washington 2013 Reading Committee Veronica Taylor, Chair Clark L. Lombardi Arzoo Osanloo Scott Radnitz Program Authorized to Offer Degree: University of Washington School of Law University of Washington Abstract Normative Pluralism in Kyrgyzstan National, Community, and Individual Perspectives David E. Merrell Chair of the Supervisory Committee: Professor Veronica Taylor School of Law Current Knowledge: Normative pluralism (plural sources of social ordering) has existed in in Central Asia (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan ) since pre-Tsarist times. Respected male elders (aksakals), for example, led nomadic groups where customary laws prevailed and sedentary groups where Islamic laws prevailed. During Tsarist times, Kyrgyz aksakal elders’ courts processed disputes alongside Islamic and Russian courts. The Soviets abolished such courts. In post-Soviet times, Kyrgyzstan incorporated a reinvented version of Kyrgyz aksakal courts into the state judicial system. Today, however, some people reject their authority. This state manipulation and popular rejection of a Kyrgyz normative order reflects how majority populations shape normative pluralism in Kyrgyzstan. Research Gap: Most English-language works explore normative pluralism in Kyrgyzstan from a state / majority perspective (e.g. Tsarist, Soviet, and Kyrgyzstani manipulation of majority Kyrgyz aksakal elders’ councils). Few studies explore how minority groups or women shape normative pluralism. Therefore, several research questions remain unanswered. Do minority groups in post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan maintain their own normative orders? Do they rely upon male elders as sources of authority? If so, do some people now reject their authority and why? Do women also act as sources of authority? Contribution of this Dissertation: Based on original fieldwork, this dissertation helps to answer these questions on a national, community, and individual level for minority Uyghurs in post-Soviet northern Kyrgyzstan. Part I explores how the “Ittipak” Uyghur Society of Kyrgyzstan created and maintains throughout Kyrgyzstan a normative order based on respected male Uyghur elders. Part II explores why a community of Uyghurs in Toshtemir City (pseudonym) rejected that order in their city in northern Kyrgyzstan. It argues that the rejection occurred due to a normative cleavage between the two groups. Part III explores how one prominent Uyghur Muslim woman in Toshtemir exerts normative authority in the way that she mediates bride kidnapping cases. Conclusion: A better understanding of how Uyghurs shape norms and normative orders will help complete the picture of normative pluralism in Kyrgyzstan. This is important given ethnic tensions in Kyrgyzstan. It also contributes to a paucity of English-language research on Uyghurs in Central Asia. Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................ 11 Chapter 1 – The Research Problem ................................................................................. 11 A. Current Knowledge ............................................................................................. 12 B. Research Gap ....................................................................................................... 14 C. Contribution of this Dissertation........................................................................ 14 D. Conclusion ............................................................................................................ 18 Chapter 2 – The Research Site and Population ............................................................... 22 A. Kyrgyzstan ........................................................................................................... 22 B. Toshtemir ............................................................................................................. 26 C. Salomat Alimova .................................................................................................. 37 Part I: How Does Ittipak Create Uyghur Sources of Authority in Kyrgyzstan? ............. 41 Chapter 3 – How Does Ittipak Create and Maintain an Uyghur Normative Order? .. 44 A. The Kyrgyzstan Assembly of Nations ................................................................ 44 B. The “Ittipak” Uyghur Society of Kyrgyzstan ................................................... 45 Chapter 4 – How Does Meshrep Evidence Uyghur-Based Norms? ............................... 59 A. Tetz Religious Meshrep ....................................................................................... 60 B. My first Meshrep .................................................................................................. 61 C. My second Meshrep ............................................................................................. 62 Part II: Why do Toshtemir Uyghurs Reject Ittipak’s Influence? ..................................... 65 Chapter 5 – How do Osh Ceremonies Evidence Neighborhood-Based Norms? .......... 66 A. Socio-Religious Ceremonies in Toshtemir’s Mahalla Neighborhoods ............ 66 B. My Experience Attending Osh Ceremonies for Men ....................................... 70 Chapter 6 – How do Community Organizations Evidence Neighborhood-Based Norms? ................................................................................................................................ 74 A. Quarter Committees ............................................................................................ 74 B. Diaspora Committees .......................................................................................... 76 C. Male Muslim Leaders .......................................................................................... 78 D. Women Muslim Leaders (otin-oyi) ..................................................................... 81 Part III: How Does Salomat Act as a Minority Female Source of Authority? ................ 85 Chapter 7 – What is the Dominant Kyrgyz Norm of Bride Kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan? ........................................................................................................................ 89 A. Bride Kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan ....................................................................... 89 B. The Legality of Bride Kidnapping in Kyrgyzstan ............................................ 90 C. 2013 Postscript (Aynuru Altybaeva) .................................................................. 98 Chapter 8 – How Does Salomat Adopt Kyrgyz Bride Kidnapping Norms?............... 100 A. Salomat’s Bride Kidnaping Cases .................................................................... 100 B. Uzbek / Uyghur Kidnappings in Northern Kyrgyzstan ................................. 106 Chapter 9 – How Does Salomat Attempt to Shape Kyrgyz Bride Kidnapping Norms? ............................................................................................................................................ 110 A. Teaching Gender Equality at that Uzbek School ........................................... 111 B. Teaching Gender Equality at Home ................................................................ 118 C. How Muslims Should Process Bride Kidnapping Cases ................................ 119 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 125 Bibliography ......................................................................................................................... 133 Appendix A: Table of Participant Observations............................................................... 140 Appendix B: Table of Archival Documents ....................................................................... 142 Appendix C: Joint Ethnography of Ittipak ....................................................................... 144 Appendix D: Table of Respondents .................................................................................... 148 Preface Where are the White Beards? Originally I intended to study how Uzbek mahalla (Central Asian urban neighborhood) leaders process disputes in Osh, Kyrgyzstan. My expectation was that mahalla neighborhood committees of respected male elders (aksakals, literally “white beards”) process disputes.1 In the power vacuum after the 2010 revolution in Kyrgyzstan, however, ethnic violence broke out between Kyrgyz and Uzbek populations in southern Kyrgyzstan and Osh. Thus, I moved my research site to Toshtemir City (pseudonym) in northern Kyrgyzstan where Uzbeks also live in mahalla neighborhoods. On my first day in Toshtemir, however, I began to realize that most people there no longer use mahalla neighborhood elders to process disputes.2 My Uzbek teacher, Salomat Alimova (pseudonym) confirmed this phenomenon, as did most people I later spoke with in Toshtemir. Ranjbar confirms it in other parts of the country.3 Therefore, I asked myself, “Where are the white beards and do women influence normative ordering?” In my search for white beard dispute processing and in my lengthy discussions with Salomat, an Uyghur woman, I discovered a few examples of how Uyghurs shape normative pluralism (plural sources of social ordering) in Kyrgyzstan.
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