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MUSICAL COMMUNITY the Blues Scene in North Richmond, California

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MUSICAL COMMUNITY the Blues Scene in North Richmond, California MUSICAL COMMUNITY The Blues Scene in North Richmond, California Jeffrey Callen TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS iii PREFACE iv CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER TWO: HISTORICAL BACKGROUND 16 CHAPTER THREE: THE BLUES COMES TO NORTH RICHMOND CHAPTER FOUR: CHANGING NATIONAL STYLES CHAPTER FIVE: NORTH RICHMOND AND THE “OAKLAND SOUND” CHAPTER SIX: THE MUSICAL COMMUNITY CHAPTER SEVEN: DECLINE OF THE BLUES SCENE CHAPTER EIGHT: CONCLUSION BIBLIOGRAPHY ANNOTATED DISCOGRAPHY i i LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Maps of the San Francisco Bay Area & North Richmond Photograph of Little Red and the Dukes of Rhythms Mid-1950s Set List of Little Red and the Dukes of Rhythms 1998 Photograph of the Former Site of Ollie Freeman's Jazzland Records ii i PREFACE The research upon which this book is based is the result of a fortuitous series of seemingly unconnected events. When I moved to the San Francisco Bay Area as a young adult, I was already an avid blues fan and had begun collecting the recordings of such notable artists as B.B. King and Muddy Waters. I settled in Oakland and began to investigate the local music scene. I was soon introduced to the rich blues heritage of the East Bay by friends, teachers and the radio shows of local record producer Chris Strachwitz and music critic Phil Elwood. I also had the occasion to meet three of the older stalwarts of the East Bay blues scene: L.C. “Good Rockin’” Robinson, Teddy Winston and Smiley Winters. When I went to graduate school to study ethnomusicology, I wanted to explore a thesis topic that captured my interest and allowed me the opportunity to gain experience in ethnographic research. My interest in the East Bay blues seemed a logical choice. Trying to establish contacts with local music experts, I called an acquaintance Annie O’Toole who was the booker for the Great American Music Hall in San Francisco. Annie suggested that I might want to consider research on the North Richmond blues scene because so much attention had already been paid to the Oakland scene. I began to do my background research and discovered that the blues scene in North Richmond was an important aspect of the history of African American music in California that had been largely ignored. Discussing the research with my wife C.J. Callen, I discovered that she was iv currently working with individuals from a number of community organizations in North Richmond who might be willing to offer me their assistance. She graciously introduced me to three individuals who became invaluable guides and resources for this research: Annie King-Meredith, Corrine Saine and Fred Jackson. They not only shared their recollections and knowledge but also introduced me to other individuals in the community who were willing to acts as informants. These individuals offered their recollections and their hospitality. I am especially indebted to Clarence “Little Red” Tenpenny who was so gracious with his time and his personal collection of memorabilia from his days as a club musician and band leader. The background research for this project would not have been possible without the assistance of the staffs of the Oakland, Berkeley and Richmond public libraries and Bay Area music writer and musicologist Lee Hildebrand. Professors Scott Marcus (Music) and Denise Bielby (Sociology) of the University of California at Santa Barbara offered invaluable assistance in framing the approach to this research and in improving the quality of this work. Finally, this work would not have been possible without the loving support of my wife C.J. Callen who always challenges me to see more and try to do better. v INTRODUCTION Like the spirituals, the blues affirms the somebodiness of black people, and they preserve the worth of black humanity through ritual and drama. The blues is the transformation of black life through the sheer power of song. They symbolized the solidarity, the attitudes and the identity of the black community and thus create the emotional forms of reference for endurance and for artistic appreciation. In this sense, the blues are that stoic feeling that recognizes the painfulness of the present but refuses to surrender to its historical contradictions.1 The “Musical Community” of a locality is composed of the musical products, individuals and institutions that are an essential part of communal life. The Musical Community supplies a variety of valuable social, economic, cultural and imaginative resources. It provides occasions for social interaction and fellowship, entertainment and release, economic opportunity, creative self-expression and mentorship. For some communities, it also provides a road to success and, often, a way out. The Musical Community links a community to tradition and forms a platform from which individuals can imagine future possibilities. Questions of personal and communal identity are defined, contested and negotiated within the parameters of the Musical Community. A sense of musical identity is neither a mirror that reflects the value and priorities of individuals within a community nor the inevitable result of historical, social or economic factors.2 The articulation of a community's musical identity is a multi-faceted and dynamic process that is dependent upon a complex system of 1 James Cone, The Spirituals and the Blues (New York: The Seabury Press, 1972), 117. 2 Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1973), 449. 6 supports—economic, social, cultural, and moral.3 The Musical Community is an essential facet of that system of supports.4 Changes in the Musical Community can profoundly affect daily life. The loss of critical institutions or individuals may signal the loss of valuable resources that may not be replaced. This work examines the impact that changes in the Musical Community of North Richmond, California had on communal life between the mid- 1940s and the late 1960s. World War II ushered in a period of dramatic economic, social and cultural change in North Richmond as it grew from a sleepy semi-rural community populated largely by European immigrants to a densely populated, predominantly African American community that quickly became one of the three significant centers of the "blues" in California.5 The thriving nightclub district that centered on Grove Street became an important component musical and economic life in North Richmond. However, by the late 1950s, changes in economic, social and cultural conditions—locally and nationwide—had begun another transformation by 3 See for example: Jocelyn Guilbault, Zouk. World Music in the West Indies (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), John Peterson, "Culture Studies through the Production Perspective: Progress and Prospects," in The Sociology of Culture, ed. Diana Crane (Oxford, U.K. and Cambridge, MA: Blackwell Publishers, 1994), Christopher Waterman, Jùju: A Social History and Ethnography of an African Popular Music (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990). 4 See, John Fiske, "The Cultural Economy of Fandom," in The Adoring Audience, ed. Lisa Lewis (New York: Routledge, 1992). 5 In this work, blues" refers to African American secular music in general. This usage draws upon the work of scholars such as Amira Baraka, James Cone and Albert Murray who have used the term to refer not to a particular musical genre but to the essence of African American musical sensibilities. When referring to the blues song form or a particular genre, such as Country Blues or Jump Blues, “Blues” is used. See, Amira Baraka, Blues People (New York: Quill (first published by William Morrow and Company), 1999/1963), Cone, The Spirituals and the Blues, Albert Murray, "The Blues as Dance Music," Black Music Research Journal 10, no. 1 (1990). 7 which North Richmond would become a marginalized, neglected and forgotten community. The transformation of North Richmond's Musical Community was an essential aspect of that process as the nightclub district faded and then disappeared; a valuable cultural, economic and social asset was lost to the community. The research for this work relied upon a mixed methodology. The primary sources of information were interviews, which took two distinct forms. The first were the oral histories of longtime residents of North Richmond.6 The second were shorter more directed interviews of local history scholars, local record company owner Chris Strachwitz, Bay Area music writer Lee Hildebrand, blues artist Jimmy McCracklin, and others. Other sources of information included archival material housed at the Richmond, Oakland, and Berkeley Public Libraries, and the popular and scholarly literature on the blues and local history. 6 A number of sources provided guidance in the procedures of collecting and analyzing oral histories. Two of the most useful came from Kim Marie Vaz's collection of essays by researchers who collected oral histories of African-American women Kim Marie Vaz, Oral Narrative Research with Black Women (Thousand Oaks, London and New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1997). Georgia Brown's work outlines important aspects of the preparation and interview process, including suggested questions for a general life history (Georgia Brown, "Louisiana Black Women's Memoirs," in Oral Narrative Research with Black Women, ed. Kim Marie Vaz (Thousand Oaks, London and Delhi: Sage Publications, 1997). The analysis of interviews is a time-consuming process that requires an effective model for extracting the relevant data. The open coding, line-by-line, method of analysis of the transcribed interviews presented by Kim Marie Vaz provided a useful model for this research Kim Marie Vaz, "Social Conformity and Social Resistance: Women's Perspectives on "Women's Place"," in Oral Narrative Research with Black Women, ed. Kim Marie Vaz (Thousand Oaks, London and New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1997a). The aim of this method, which begins as soon as data is collected, is to identify relationships between categories that emerge from the data and generate new questions and hypotheses.
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