DOCSLIB.ORG

Appendix 1 Background Notes on Irish Economic History

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Appendix 1 Background Notes on Irish Economic History Appendix 1 Background Notes on Irish Economic History It is the fate of some countries ... to live in a state of almost constant suffering; such countries, like sick people, like to change position - each movement gives them the hope of feeling better. Comte de Segur, Memoires au Souvenirs People in torment must squirm. Anna Parnell, The Tale of a Great Sham The nineteenth century in England has been called the Age of Reform. In Ireland it might be termed the Age of Agitation. For more than half the century some parts of Irish civil liberties guaranteed by British law were suspended under Coercion Acts as the government responded to three armed (and abortive) uprisings, 1 the tithe war, agrarian secret societies, O'Connell's mass movements for Catholic emancipation and repeal of the Act of Union, and agitation for Home Rule and land reform. For readers unfamiliar with Irish history in this troubled century a short and very general summary of the economic conditions which led up to the formation of the Land Leagues of 1879 and 1881 is provided here; many of the events and personalities mentioned are the subject of more detailed study in the chapters of this book. No attempt is made here to explore the ancient and rich civilisation of Ireland or to enter into the details of its long history of conquest by the British which began several hundred years ago and ended only in this century. By the Act of Union of 1 January 1801, the Irish Parliament which had enjoyed a certain amount of autonomy since 1782 was abolished and Ireland became part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Henceforth 100 members of Parliament out of a total of 600 would be elected in Ireland to represent their country at Westminster. By 1820 all customs duties between the two countries had been discontinued and the Irish and British exchequers were amalgamated. Thus were united two utterly different economies; Great Britain was an expanding indus­ trial society, Ireland was a backward agricultural one, totally reliant on 252 Appendix 1 253 the land with no industry to drain off its surplus population. 2 Under such conditions, the Union was all to the advantage of England. The abject poverty and degraded conditions of life of the Irish peasant had been remarked on by many writers throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Swift, ·de Beaumont, de Tocqueville, Arthur Young, Harriet Martineau to name but a few. 'I do most firmly believe that in no other country under the sun are there to be found men so wretched in every respect,'3 Lord Dufferin wrote in 1849 after a trip to the West of Ireland. According to the census of 1841 over 75 per cent of families in Ireland, excluding Ulster, relied on cultivation of the land for the necessities of life; including Ulster it was still a very high 66 per cent. Yet out of a population of eight million there were only 10000 actual land owners, most of whom were Protestant and of British stock. Although the land­ owners comprised only 1 per cent of the population, they held all the im­ portant administrative and political posts of the country, both nationally and locally; they were the members of parliament, justices of the peace, poor law guardians, high sheriffs and so on. An estimated one-third of all landlords were absentees, living mainly in England. The vast majority of the population on the other hand - overwhelmingly Catholic and native Irish outside Ulster- were landless tenant farmers. Although they were responsible for improvements to their holdings which in England were by custom the responsibility of the landlord, they were not entitled to financial compensation for such improvements once the tenancy was concluded. Moreover, most tenants just prior to the Famine held year­ to-year leases and were therefore subject to increases in rent or eviction at the landlord's will. In these circumstances, a tenant who had improved his land with drainage, fencing or fertilisation might find his rent was raised in consequence of the increased value of his land due to those very improvements; if he refused to pay the new rent he could be evicted from his holding without receiving any monetary compensation for his improvements. In such conditions tenants had little incentive to improve their holdings or to adopt better methods of cultivation. Since the enormous pressure of a growing population with no alternative forms of employment created a desperate need for land to support life, landlords could always find a new tenant who would agree to pay a rent which was far in excess of what the land could produce. 4 In desperation the tenant would pay everything short of the potatoes which were his family's sole food, fall into arrears and in turn become subject to eviction. 'His was the gambler's life with this difference, that a gambler has the possibility of large gains while the Irish tenant has only the prospect of a bare livelihood as his highest prize.' 5 Although evictions were relatively infrequent after the Great Clear­ ances of the early 1850s, many landlords routinely sent out eviction 254 Fanny and Anna Parnell notices which they had no intention of acting upon but which served to remind their tenants of the power a single landlord held over their lives. A mixture of awe and fear of this all too real power created a feeling of powerlessness and apathy in the Irish peasantry; they treated 'His Honour' in the Big House on whose good will their lives depended with servile obsequiousness. The exaggerated respect accorded the landlords in Ireland was very precious to them; it confirmed their belief in their own in-born superiority and in the inherent incapacity and inferiority of the Irish tenant farmers and labourers. In the words of William Parnell, 'those whom we oppress we learn to despise.'6 The rapid increase in the population of Ireland from the late eight­ eenth century up to the Great Famine of 1845-49-when it stood at eight million - had been made possible by reliance on the potato as the main, often the sole, source of food for the vast majority of the people. Easily and cheaply grown and extremely nourishing, especially when boiled in their skins and mixed with butter or buttermilk, enough of this crop could be produced on a tiny plot to feed a family. 7 Consequently, due to the pressure of a rapidly growing population; land was continually subdivided into minuscule holdings. Cottiers gladly furnished their labour to a tenant-farmer or landlord in exchange for a potato plot, labouring for the right to grow food and, sometimes, for a hovel in which to live. Labourers existed on the small wages earned during the growing and harvesting season, and were frequently unemployed and unable to find even a subsistence for their families. The countryside swarmed with beggars. The Irish peasant's hold on life under such conditions was extremely precarious. High rents left the small tenant farmer only a subsistence; he had no security of tenure in his holding and relied on a single food crop for survival; most other crops raised went to pay the rent. Any failure of the crops such as occurred in 1817 and 1822 led to widespread distress and in some areas to starvation. When potato blight hit Ireland in 1845 and the staple food supply of the peasantry was virtually wiped out in the succeeding two years, the result was a loss of one million lives to famine and famine-related illness and a further loss of one million to emigration. During most of the nineteenth century Ulster had enjoyed relative prosperity. This was attributed to its slightly wider industrial base and to the prevalence of Ulster Custom or 'tenant right' which gave compensation to tenants for improvements to their holdings when the lease was terminated. Thus they had some incentive to employ good farmings methods. They also enjoyed a certain security of tenure although they too were subject to rent increases and could be evicted if they fell into rent arrears. Since the landlord could reimburse himself for any arrears out of the monetary compensation due to the tenant, Ulster tenants who fell into arrears due to poor harvests or lowered prices for Appendix 1 255 agricultural prices could also find themselves evicted and destitute. Nevertheless Ulster tenants were better off than farmers in the rest of Ireland who, unprotected by custom or law from the worst of economic competition for the land, turned to the 'weapons of the weak'. Secret societies were formed to exert pressure on offenders against peasant solidarity. Land-grabbers- farmers who took a holding from which a previous tenant had been evicted - were a common target of agrarian violence; clearly the landlord could have no interest in evicting if he was unable to find another· tenant. Most of the violence was directed at fellow farmers and labourers, although harsh and over-exacting land­ lords and their agents could also find their hay-ricks burned or their cattle maimed in night-time raids. Murders, although rare, did occur. This sort of rough justice has always existed in agricultural societies where a large part of the population believes that the law is for the benefit of their oppressors and does not serve their own needs. 8 The secret societies were local reactions to immediate and pressing grievances, such as eviction from a holding or the exaction of onerous tithes to the established Protestant Church of Ireland. 9 They were pragmatic rather than ideological, without continuity of purpose or action.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Copyrighted Material
    Index Note: page numbers in italics denote illustrations or maps Abbey Theatre 175 sovereignty 390 Abbot, Charles 28 as Taoiseach 388–9 abdication crisis 292 and Trimble 379, 409, 414 Aberdeen, Earl of 90 Aiken, Frank abortion debate 404 ceasefire 268–9 Academical Institutions (Ireland) Act 52 foreign policy 318–19 Adams, Gerry and Lemass 313 assassination attempt 396 and Lynch 325 and Collins 425 and McGilligan 304–5 elected 392 neutrality 299 and Hume 387–8, 392, 402–3, 407 reunification 298 and Lynch 425 WWII 349 and Paisley 421 air raids, Belfast 348, 349–50 St Andrews Agreement 421 aircraft industry 347 on Trimble 418 Aldous, Richard 414 Adams, W.F. 82 Alexandra, Queen 174 Aer Lingus 288 Aliens Act 292 Afghan War 114 All for Ireland League 157 Agar-Robartes, T.G. 163 Allen, Kieran 308–9, 313 Agence GénéraleCOPYRIGHTED pour la Défense de la Alliance MATERIAL Party 370, 416 Liberté Religieuse 57 All-Ireland Committee 147, 148 Agricultural Credit Act 280 Allister, Jim 422 agricultural exports 316 Alter, Peter 57 agricultural growth 323 American Civil War 93, 97–8 Agriculture and Technical Instruction, American note affair 300 Dept of 147 American War of Independence 93 Ahern, Bertie 413 Amnesty Association 95, 104–5, 108–9 and Paisley 419–20 Andrews, John 349, 350–1 resignation 412–13, 415 Anglesey, Marquis of 34 separated from wife 424 Anglicanism 4, 65–6, 169 Index 513 Anglo-American war 93 Ashbourne Purchase Act 133, 150 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1938) 294, 295–6 Ashe, Thomas 203 Anglo-Irish Agreement (1985) Ashtown ambush 246 aftermath
    [Show full text]
  • Patrick John Cosgrove
    i o- 1 n wm S3V NUI MAYNOOTH Ollfctel na t-Ciraann W* huatl THE WYNDHAM LAND ACT, 1903: THE FINAL SOLUTION TO THE IRISH LAND QUESTION? by PATRICK JOHN COSGROVE THESIS FOR THE DEGREE OF PHD DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF IRELAND MAYNOOTH HEAD OF DEPARTMENT: Professor R. V. Comerford Supervisor of Research: Dr Terence Dooley September 2008 Contents Acknowledgements Abbreviations INTRODUCTION CHAPTER ONE: THE ORIGINS OF THE WYNDHAM LAND BILL, 1903. i. Introduction. ii. T. W. Russell at Clogher, Co. Tyrone, September 1900. iii. The official launch of the compulsory purchase campaign in Ulster. iv. The Ulster Farmers’ and Labourers’ Union and Compulsory Sale Organisation. v. Official launch of the U.I.L. campaign for compulsory purchase. vi. The East Down by-election, 1902. vii. The response to the 1902 land bill. viii. The Land Conference, ix. Conclusion. CHAPTER TWO: INITIAL REACTIONS TO THE 1903 LAND BILL. i. Introduction. ii. The response of the Conservative party. iii. The response of the Liberal opposition to the bill. iv. Nationalist reaction to the bill. v. Unionist reaction to the bill. vi. The attitude of Irish landlords. vii. George Wyndham’s struggle to get the bill to the committee stage. viii. Conclusion. CHAPTER THREE: THE PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES THAT FORGED THE WYNDHAM LAND ACT, 1903. i. Introduction. ii. The Estates Commission. iii. The system of price‘zones’. iv. The ‘bonus’ and the financial clauses of Wyndham’s Land Bill. v. Advances to tenant-purchasers. vi. Sale and repurchase of demesnes. vii. The evicted tenants question. viii. The retention of sporting and mineral rights.
    [Show full text]
  • Michael Davitt 1846 – 1906
    MICHAEL DAVITT 1846 – 1906 An exhibition to honour the centenary of his death MAYO COUNTY LIBRARY www.mayolibrary.ie MAYO COUNTY LIBRARY MICHAEL DAVITTwas born the www.mayolibrary.ie son of a small tenant farmer at Straide, Co. Mayo in 1846. He arrived in the world at a time when Ireland was undergoing the greatest social and humanitarian disaster in its modern history, the Great Famine of 1845-49. Over the five or so years it endured, about a million people died and another million emigrated. BIRTH OF A RADICAL IRISHMAN He was also born in a region where the Famine, caused by potato blight, took its greatest toll in human life and misery. Much of the land available for cultivation in Co. Mayo was poor and the average valuation of its agricultural holdings was the lowest in the country. At first the Davitts managed to survive the famine when Michael’s father, Martin, became an overseer of road construction on a famine relief scheme. However, in 1850, unable to pay the rent arrears for the small landholding of about seven acres, the family was evicted. left: The enormous upheaval of the The Famine in Ireland — Extreme pressure of population on Great Famine that Davitt Funeral at Skibbereen (Illustrated London News, natural resources and extreme experienced as an infant set the January 30, 1847) dependence on the potato for mould for his moral and political above: survival explain why Mayo suffered attitudes as an adult. Departure for the “Viceroy” a greater human loss (29%) during steamer from the docks at Galway.
    [Show full text]
  • The Home Rule Question
    Réussir l’agrégation d’anglais The Home Rule The Home Rule Question (1870-1914) Pauline Collombier-Lakeman Collombier-Lakeman Pauline Question Home Rule became a significant issue from the 1870s across the British Isles. Aspirations to limited legislative autonomy were notably strong in Ireland, where a Home Rule party progressively emerged and played a major role both on the island and at Westminster. While the question of Irish Home Rule came to dominate discussions, the quest for self- (1870-1914) government was not limited to Ireland but soon spread to other parts of the United Kingdom. In Scotland and Wales, Home Rule movements were also formed with their (1870-1914) own specific objectives. This led to exchanges on the idea of “home rule all round”. On Pauline Collombier-Lakeman a broader scale, Home Rule spurred cross-imperial solidarities and raised the question of the future of the British Empire and the possibility of an “imperial federation”. And although it aroused keen interest and support across Britain and the rest of the Empire, it also provoked intense opposition in the shape of loyalism or unionism. In doing so, Home Rule reshaped British politics along new lines. Pauline Collombier-Lakeman is a Senior Lecturer in British Studies at the university of Strasbourg. After studying at the ENS Fontenay-Saint- Cloud and passing the Agrégation, she was awarded her PhD from the Université Paris 3 – Sorbonne Nouvelle in 2007. Her research work has been focusing on Irish parliamentary nationalism and the relationship between Irish Home Rulers and the British Empire. CET OUVRAGE EST LE FRUIT D’UNE ÉTROITE COOPÉRATION ENTRE BELIN ÉDUCATION ET LE CENTRE NATIONAL D’ENSEIGNEMENT À DISTANCE, ÉTABLISSEMENT PUBLIC QUI DISPENSE Question The Home Rule DES FORMATIONS DE TOUS NIVEAUX À PLUS DE 320 000 INSCRITS RÉPARTIS DANS LE JO MONDE ENTIER.
    [Show full text]
  • Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising
    Chapman University Chapman University Digital Commons War and Society (MA) Theses Dissertations and Theses Spring 5-20-2019 Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising Sasha Conaway Chapman University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/war_and_society_theses Part of the Women's History Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Conaway, Sasha. Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising. 2019. Chapman University, MA Thesis. Chapman University Digital Commons, https://doi.org/10.36837/chapman.000079 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations and Theses at Chapman University Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in War and Society (MA) Theses by an authorized administrator of Chapman University Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising A Thesis by Sasha Conaway Chapman University Orange, CA Wilkinson College of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in War and Society May 2019 Committee in Charge Jennifer Keene, Ph.D., Chair Charissa Threat, Ph.D. John Emery, Ph. D. May 2019 Volunteer Women: Militarized Femininity in the 1916 Easter Rising Copyright © 2019 by Sasha Conaway iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank my parents, Elda and Adam Conaway, for supporting me in pursuit of my master’s degree. They provided useful advice when tackling such a large project and I am forever grateful. I would also like to thank my advisor, Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • From Ulster to Northern Ireland, 1600–1925 Unit 2: 1700–1914
    KEY STAGE 3: FROM ULSTER TO NORTHERN IRELAND, 1600–1925 UNIT 2: 1700–1914 UNIT 2: UNIT DESCRIPTION The activities in this unit aim to help pupils learn about and evaluate 1700–1914 the relative importance of each of these three historical periods in the process leading to partition and the creation of Northern Ireland: • 1700–1800: Penal Laws, 1798 Rising, Act of Union 1800 • 1800–1900: Nationalism and Unionism • 1900–1914: The Home Rule Crisis Unit 2 begins in the period after King William III’s victories of 1689–1691. Pupils will learn how the most powerful elements of the Protestant minority in Ireland set out to secure their position against the Catholic majority. They did this by introducing a series of Penal Laws against Catholics in the Irish Parliament. In 1798, a group of Presbyterians and Catholics joined together in an attempt to establish a secular Irish Republic which supported the ideals of the French revolution in Ireland: namely, a non-sectarian and democratic nation. The rebellion was rapidly suppressed and led to the Act of Union in 1800, which brought Ireland more closely under British control. Whether to preserve, modify or replace this Act defined the terms of political developments in Ireland, including Ulster, during the 19th century. Finally, pupils will discuss and evaluate how the emergence of Home Rule for Ireland as a policy from 1886 stimulated the growth of unionist opposition, reaching a climax in the period 1910–1914. The idea of Ulster being excluded from Home Rule became an aspiration for Ulster unionists and a strong possibility.
    [Show full text]
  • Ireland Between the Two World Wars 1916-1949, the Irish Political
    People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research University of Oran Faculty of Letters, Arts and Foreign Languages, Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages Section of English THE IRISH QUESTION FROM HOME RULE TO THE REPUBLIC OF IRELAND, 1891-1949 Thesis submitted to the Department of Anglo-Saxon Languages in candidature for the Degree of Doctorate in British Civilization Presented by: Supervised by: Mr. Abdelkrim Moussaoui Prof. Badra Lahouel Board of examiners: President: Dr. Belkacem Belmekki……………………….. (University of Oran) Supervisor: Prof. Badra Lahouel…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Prof. Abbès Bahous………………….. (University of Mostaganem) Examiner: Prof. Smail Benmoussat …………………..(University of Tlemcen) Examiner: Dr. Zoulikha Mostefa…………………………… (University of Oran) Examiner: Dr. Faiza Meberbech……………………… (University of Tlemcen) 2013-2014 1 DEDICATION …To the Memory of My Beloved Tender Mother… 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS By the Name of God the Clement and the Merciful First and foremost, I would like to thank my mentor and supervisor, the distinguished teacher, Professor Badra LAHOUEL, to whom I am so grateful and will be eternally indebted for her guidance, pieces of advice, encouragement and above all, her proverbial patience and comprehension throughout the preparation of this humble research paper. I am also profoundly thankful to whom I consider as a spiritual father, Professor, El Hadj Fawzi Borsali may God preserve him, for his inestimable support and instructive remarks. Special thanks to all my previous teachers through my graduation years: Lakhdar Barka, Moulfi, Maghni, Mostefa, Sebbane, Boutaleb, Layadi, Chami, Rahal, and those we lost Mr Bouamrane and Mr Benali may their souls rest in peace. I would also like to express my gratitude to Mr Moukaddess from England, for his valuable help, and to my friend Abdelkader Kourdouli for being very willing to help.
    [Show full text]
  • Revue Française De Civilisation Britannique, XXIV-2 | 2019 Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partit
    Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique French Journal of British Studies XXIV-2 | 2019 La Question du Home Rule 1870-1914 Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 L’Exclusion de l’Ulster et le nationalisme irlandais : consentir au principe de la partition, 1912-1916 Conor Mulvagh Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/3773 DOI: 10.4000/rfcb.3773 ISSN: 2429-4373 Publisher CRECIB - Centre de recherche et d'études en civilisation britannique Electronic reference Conor Mulvagh, « Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 », Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique [Online], XXIV-2 | 2019, Online since 19 June 2019, connection on 09 July 2019. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/rfcb/3773 ; DOI : 10.4000/ rfcb.3773 This text was automatically generated on 9 July 2019. Revue française de civilisation britannique est mis à disposition selon les termes de la licence Creative Commons Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International. Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partit... 1 Ulster Exclusion and Irish Nationalism: Consenting to the Principle of Partition, 1912-1916 L’Exclusion de l’Ulster et le nationalisme irlandais : consentir au principe de la partition, 1912-1916 Conor Mulvagh Introduction1 1 In settling the so-called “Irish question” between 1912 and 1922, two outcomes which could not have been foreseen at the outset were that six of Ireland’s thirty-two counties would be excluded from the jurisdiction of a Dublin parliament and that a majority of Irish nationalists from those counties would consent to time-limited exclusion.
    [Show full text]
  • Coffey & Chenevix Trench
    Leabharlann Náisiúnta na hÉireann National Library of Ireland Collection List No. 153 Coffey & Chenevix Trench Papers (MSS 46,290 – 46,337) (Accession No. 6669) Papers relating to the Coffey and Chenevix Trench families, 1868 – 2007. Includes correspondence, diaries, notebooks, pamphlets, leaflets, writings, personal papers, photographs, and some papers relating to the Trench family. Compiled by Avice-Claire McGovern, October 2009 1. TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction....................................................................................................................... 4 I. Coffey Family............................................................................................................... 16 I.i. Papers of George Coffey........................................................................................... 16 I.i.1 Personal correspondence ....................................................................................... 16 I.i.1.A. Letters to Jane Coffey (née L’Estrange)....................................................... 16 I.i.1.B. Other correspondence ................................................................................... 17 I.i.2. Academia & career............................................................................................... 18 I.i.3 Politics ................................................................................................................... 22 I.i.3.A. Correspondence ...........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • The Banshee's Kiss: Conciliation, Class and Conflict in Cork and The
    The Banshee’s Kiss: Conciliation, Class and Conflict in Cork and the All for Ireland League. Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by Patrick Joseph Murphy. August 2019 1 The Banshee’s Kiss: Conciliation, Class and Conflict in Cork and the All for Ireland League. ABSTRACT Historians have frequently portrayed constitutional nationalism as being homogeneous - ‘the Home Rule movement’- after the reunification of the Irish parliamentary party in 1900. Yet there were elements of nationalist heterodoxy all over the country, but it was only in Cork where dissent took an organised form in the only formal breakaway from the Irish party when the All for Ireland League (A.F.I.L.) was launched in 1910. The AFIL took eight of the nine parliamentary seats in Cork and gained control of local government in the city and county the following year. Existing historical accounts do not adequately explain why support for the Home Rule movement collapsed in Cork, but also why the AFIL flourished there but failed, despite the aspiration of its name, to expand beyond its regional base. The AFIL is chiefly remembered for its visionary policy of conciliation with unionists following the Damascene conversion of its leader William O’Brien, transformed from the enemy of the landed classes to an apostle of a new kind of bi- confessional politics. This would, he claimed, end the ‘Banshee’s Kiss’, a cycle of conflict in which each new generation attempts to achieve Irish freedom. However, conciliation was a policy which was unpopular with both nationalists and unionists and O’Brien therefore needed to develop an electoral base by other means with more popular policies.
    [Show full text]
  • The Irish National Land League 1879-1881
    THE UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS LIBRARY bis 3Vr '4 Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2013 http://archive.org/details/irishnationallanOOjenn THE IRISH NATIONAL LAND LEAGUE 1879 - 1881 BV WALTER WILSON JENNINGS THESIS FOR THE DEGREE OF BACHELOR OF ARTS IN HISTORY COLLEGE OF LIBERAL A UTS AND SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 1915 UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 191 THIS IS TO CERTIFY THAT THE THESIS PREPARED UNDER MY SUPERVISION BY ENTITLED IS APPROVED BY ME AS FULFILLING THIS PART OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF i.c^^^. ^ £. Instructor in Charge APPROVED: HEAD OF DEPARTMENT OF TABLE OF CONTENTS CHAPTER I Historical Sketch - the Remote Background: Elizabeth's system of colonization - Sir Charles Coote - Cromwell - Charles II - William III - Condi- tions in Ireland - Famine of 1847 and 1848 - Land Act 1 CHAPTER II Certain Conditions in Ireland. 1879-1881: Geography of Ireland - Population - Occupations - Products - Famine of 1879 - Land owners and their power - Evictions - Proposed remedies - Actual emigra- tion - Charity - Help from the United States - Relief committees - Duchess of Marlborough's Fund - Mansion— 9 CHAPTER III Organization. Ob.iects. and Methods of the Land League: Founding of the League - Support - Leaders and members - Executive meetings - Objects - Parnell's early plan - MasB meetings - Navan - Gurteen - Balla - Irishtown - Keash - Ennis - Ballybricken - Feenagh - Dublin demonstration - Dungarven local convention - General convention at Dublin - Newspapers - Frustra- tion of sales - Reinstatements - Boycotting - Some 22 CHAPTER
    [Show full text]
  • Boycott Divestment Sanctions (Bds) Against Israel an Anti- Semitic, Anti- Peace Poison Pill
    BOYCOTT DIVESTMENT SANCTIONS (BDS) AGAINST ISRAEL AN ANTI- SEMITIC, ANTI- PEACE POISON PILL BY DR. HAROLD BRACKMAN SIMON WIESENTHAL CENTER MARCH 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface 1 Executive Summary 2 Introduction 4 6 BDS and “the Durban Strategy” for Destroying Israel Not All Boycott Movements Are the Same 7 BDS Movement and Sharansky’s “3Ds” Test for Anti-Semitism 9 BDS’s Multiple Battlefields: From Boardroom to Union Halls To Supermarkets 12 Academic Institutions and the BDS’ Jihad Against Israel 14 BDS’ “Shaming” Cultural War on Israel 16 The Churches and the BDS’ Theology of Hate 17 In their own words: 19 Defenders of BDS 19 Critics of BDS: 20 Conclusion 23 Appendix: BDS Hall of Shame—A Chronology 24 Endnotes 30 copyright 2013 www.wiesenthal.com BOYCOTT DIVESTMENT SANCTIONS (BDS) AGAINST ISRAEL AN ANTI- SEMITIC, ANTI- PEACE POISON PILL 1 preface For decades, diplomats, politicians, and pundits have weighed in as to how best bring peace to the Holy Land. In 2013, U.S. President Barack Obama is paying his first presidential visit to Israel and the Palestinian Territories to try to reboot hopes for peace. There is, however, one campaign—BDS (Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions)—that presents itself as a pro-peace initiative but in reality is a thinly-veiled, anti-Israel and anti-Semitic “poison pill,” whose goal is the demonization, delegitimization, and ultimate demise of the Jewish State. Taking a page from the late twentieth century worldwide campaign against the South African Apartheid regime, BDS casts a global anti-Israel net on campuses, among unions, entertainers and Churches.
    [Show full text]