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Home , Andrew Kettle, Boycott (novel), Charles Stewart Parnell, Coercion Act, Edmund Leamy, Fanny Parnell

Appendix 1 Background Notes on Irish Economic History

It is the fate of some countries ... to live in a state of almost constant suffering; such countries, like sick people, like to change position - each movement gives them the hope of feeling better. Comte de Segur, Memoires au Souvenirs

People in torment must squirm. Anna Parnell, The Tale of a Great Sham

The nineteenth century in has been called the Age of Reform. In it might be termed the Age of Agitation. For more than half the century some parts of Irish civil liberties guaranteed by British law were suspended under Coercion Acts as the government responded to three armed (and abortive) uprisings, 1 the tithe war, agrarian secret societies, O'Connell's mass movements for Catholic emancipation and repeal of the Act of Union, and agitation for and . For readers unfamiliar with Irish history in this troubled century a short and very general summary of the economic conditions which led up to the formation of the Land Leagues of 1879 and 1881 is provided here; many of the events and personalities mentioned are the subject of more detailed study in the chapters of this book. No attempt is made here to explore the ancient and rich civilisation of Ireland or to enter into the details of its long history of conquest by the British which began several hundred years ago and ended only in this century.

By the Act of Union of 1 January 1801, the Irish Parliament which had enjoyed a certain amount of autonomy since 1782 was abolished and Ireland became part of the United and Ireland. Henceforth 100 members of Parliament out of a total of 600 would be elected in Ireland to represent their country at Westminster. By 1820 all customs duties between the two countries had been discontinued and the Irish and British exchequers were amalgamated. Thus were united two utterly different economies; Great Britain was an expanding indus• trial society, Ireland was a backward agricultural one, totally reliant on

252 Appendix 1 253 the land with no industry to drain off its surplus population. 2 Under such conditions, the Union was all to the advantage of England. The abject poverty and degraded conditions of life of the Irish peasant had been remarked on by many writers throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Swift, ·de Beaumont, de Tocqueville, Arthur Young, Harriet Martineau to name but a few. 'I do most firmly believe that in no other country under the sun are there to be found men so wretched in every respect,'3 Lord Dufferin wrote in 1849 after a trip to the West of Ireland. According to the census of 1841 over 75 per cent of families in Ireland, excluding , relied on cultivation of the land for the necessities of life; including Ulster it was still a very high 66 per cent. Yet out of a population of eight million there were only 10000 actual land owners, most of whom were Protestant and of British stock. Although the land• owners comprised only 1 per cent of the population, they held all the im• portant administrative and political posts of the country, both nationally and locally; they were the members of parliament, justices of the peace, poor law guardians, high sheriffs and so on. An estimated one-third of all landlords were absentees, living mainly in England. The vast majority of the population on the other hand - overwhelmingly Catholic and native Irish outside Ulster- were landless tenant farmers. Although they were responsible for improvements to their holdings which in England were by custom the responsibility of the landlord, they were not entitled to financial compensation for such improvements once the tenancy was concluded. Moreover, most tenants just prior to the Famine held year• to-year leases and were therefore subject to increases in rent or eviction at the landlord's will. In these circumstances, a tenant who had improved his land with drainage, fencing or fertilisation might find his rent was raised in consequence of the increased value of his land due to those very improvements; if he refused to pay the new rent he could be evicted from his holding without receiving any monetary compensation for his improvements. In such conditions tenants had little incentive to improve their holdings or to adopt better methods of cultivation. Since the enormous pressure of a growing population with no alternative forms of employment created a desperate need for land to support life, landlords could always find a new tenant who would agree to pay a rent which was far in excess of what the land could produce. 4 In desperation the tenant would pay everything short of the potatoes which were his family's sole food, fall into arrears and in turn become subject to eviction. 'His was the gambler's life with this difference, that a gambler has the possibility of large gains while the Irish tenant has only the prospect of a bare livelihood as his highest prize.' 5 Although evictions were relatively infrequent after the Great Clear• ances of the early 1850s, many landlords routinely sent out eviction 254 Fanny and Anna Parnell notices which they had no intention of acting upon but which served to remind their tenants of the power a single landlord held over their lives. A mixture of awe and fear of this all too real power created a feeling of powerlessness and apathy in the Irish peasantry; they treated 'His Honour' in the Big House on whose good will their lives depended with servile obsequiousness. The exaggerated respect accorded the landlords in Ireland was very precious to them; it confirmed their belief in their own in-born superiority and in the inherent incapacity and inferiority of the Irish tenant farmers and labourers. In the words of William Parnell, 'those whom we oppress we learn to despise.'6 The rapid increase in the population of Ireland from the late eight• eenth century up to the of 1845-49-when it stood at eight million - had been made possible by reliance on the potato as the main, often the sole, source of food for the vast majority of the people. Easily and cheaply grown and extremely nourishing, especially when boiled in their skins and mixed with butter or buttermilk, enough of this crop could be produced on a tiny plot to feed a family. 7 Consequently, due to the pressure of a rapidly growing population; land was continually subdivided into minuscule holdings. Cottiers gladly furnished their labour to a tenant-farmer or landlord in exchange for a potato plot, labouring for the right to grow food and, sometimes, for a hovel in which to live. Labourers existed on the small wages earned during the growing and harvesting season, and were frequently unemployed and unable to find even a subsistence for their families. The countryside swarmed with beggars. The Irish peasant's hold on life under such conditions was extremely precarious. High rents left the small only a subsistence; he had no security of tenure in his holding and relied on a single food crop for survival; most other crops raised went to pay the rent. Any failure of the crops such as occurred in 1817 and 1822 led to widespread distress and in some areas to starvation. When potato blight hit Ireland in 1845 and the staple food supply of the peasantry was virtually wiped out in the succeeding two years, the result was a loss of one million lives to famine and famine-related illness and a further loss of one million to emigration. During most of the nineteenth century Ulster had enjoyed relative prosperity. This was attributed to its slightly wider industrial base and to the prevalence of Ulster Custom or 'tenant right' which gave compensation to tenants for improvements to their holdings when the lease was terminated. Thus they had some incentive to employ good farmings methods. They also enjoyed a certain security of tenure although they too were subject to rent increases and could be evicted if they fell into rent arrears. Since the landlord could reimburse himself for any arrears out of the monetary compensation due to the tenant, Ulster tenants who fell into arrears due to poor harvests or lowered prices for Appendix 1 255 agricultural prices could also find themselves evicted and destitute. Nevertheless Ulster tenants were better off than farmers in the rest of Ireland who, unprotected by custom or law from the worst of economic competition for the land, turned to the 'weapons of the weak'. Secret societies were formed to exert pressure on offenders against peasant solidarity. Land-grabbers- farmers who took a holding from which a previous tenant had been evicted - were a common target of agrarian violence; clearly the landlord could have no interest in evicting if he was unable to find another· tenant. Most of the violence was directed at fellow farmers and labourers, although harsh and over-exacting land• lords and their agents could also find their hay-ricks burned or their cattle maimed in night-time raids. Murders, although rare, did occur. This sort of rough justice has always existed in agricultural societies where a large part of the population believes that the law is for the benefit of their oppressors and does not serve their own needs. 8 The secret societies were local reactions to immediate and pressing grievances, such as eviction from a holding or the exaction of onerous tithes to the established Protestant . 9 They were pragmatic rather than ideological, without continuity of purpose or action. The short-term goals of the peasant earned him harsh words from reformers like Marx who saw in him an indifferent supporter of revolution. Certainly Irish revolutionaries who ignored the all-engrossing dis• satisfaction with the land situation doomed themselves to failure. The three abortive and easily quashed armed uprisings against British rule in the nineteenth century, Robert Emmett's in 1803, the Young Irelanders in 1848 and the in 1867, had little general support in the country. Not until the Land League was founded in 1879 would a sustained and concerted effort be made to harness the cause of land reform to a movement dedicated to legislative independence for Ireland.

In 1849, just as Ireland was recovering from the Great Famine, the Encumbered Estates Act was passed, making it possible to sell off estates heavily weighted with debt to more solvent owners. It was hoped that the new owners would consolidate the uneconomical midget pre-famine plots into larger holdings which they would improve with capital investment. This would lead to improved farming methods and greater prosperity for all. Indeed, the object of this legislation was to encourage the growth of capitalist farming in Ireland as it was pursued in England; in the process the former small tenant farmers, living on the edge of destitution would, according to the 'scientific' laws of econ• omics, be converted into prosperous wage-earning farm labourers. 256 Fanny and Anna Parnell

In fact the new owners of the encumbered estates found that they could realise the greatest profit by clearing the people off the land and converting to more lucrative grazing. In the Great Clearances of 1849-53 close to 47000 families were evicted from their smallholdings to make way for cattle and sheep, further increasing the flood of emigrants to America who would carry in their meagre baggage a gigantic hatred of landlords and of British rule in Ireland. Their ardent desire to free their native land from these two plagues would lead them to provide enor• mous financial and moral support first to the Fenians and later to the Land League. Farm holdings were indeed consolidated after the Famine and sub• dividing was avoided by keeping down the pressure of population through uniquely Irish methods of birth control - emigration, celibacy and late marriages. Throughout this period and up until the mid-1870s, relative prosperity, (termed 'mitigated misery' 10 by Anna Parnell) was enjoyed by Irish farmers in all but the West and South-west of the country where people had been obliged to move to the hilly and barren lands when more fertile fields were given over to grazing. Gradually the more prosperous tenant farmers began to press for what would be known as the three 'Fs': fair rent, that is, rent based on the yield of the land and not on what the market would bear, fixity of tenure or the right to remain in the holding as long as rent was paid, and free sale of the tenants' improvements to the land to the incoming tenant (or to the landlord) when the tenancy was terminated. The Irish Tenant League, formed in 1851, attempted to create a parliamentary party pledged to oppose all parties that would not grant the three 'Fs' but the party was disbanded before any success had been achieved. During the next decades a number of bills designed to give tenants some form of the three 'Fs' were introduced into Parliament by determined Irish members but they were seldom given a hearing. The rights of property were seen as absolutes by a mainly English legislature in which landowners formed a substantial majority. Nevertheless dis• satisfaction with land tenure and the continued unsettled state of the country caused by the activities of the Brotherhood (or Irish Republican Brotherhood) 11 led Gladstone to pass the Land Act of 1870. He believed that this Act, coupled with the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland the previous year, would settle the 'Irish question' for good. In fact it did nothing of the sort. Many of the clauses of the Act which were meant to give the tenants security of tenure and compensa• tion for improvements were so watered down in committee and in the that the Act remained a dead letter for all but the most prosperous of tenant farmers. 12 It was evident that only a native parliament could legislate to the best advantage of Ireland. Since 'the Fenian rebellion in 1867 had made it Appendix 1 257 impossible for anyone to speak of armed rebellion without seeming ridiculous', 13 hopes were now placed in peaceful means for obtaining Irish legislative independence. 14 In 1870 formed the Home Government Association, not to repeal the Act of Union but to obtain by constitutional means some form of self-determination. The constitu• tional means were to be persuasive and gentlemanly. By pointing out the reasonableness of their request the Irish members would induce the largely English legislature to concede Home Rule, a particularly naive belief since history offers few examples of the powerful giving up their privileges because of an appeal to their reason, unless of course, their reason tells them that it would be to their advantage to do so. As Anna Parnell was to point out in her Tale, while Home Rule was easily seen to be to Ireland's advantage, no one could state why it would be to the advantage of England. By the mid-1870s it was evident that parliamentary tactics as they were being pursued were not succeeding in bringing Home Rule any closer; Irish bills on that question as well as ones designed to improve the Irish tenants' situation were literally laughed out of the House. A more dynamic policy was required and this was supplied by the small group within the Home Rule party called 'Obstructionists', led from 1877 onwards by the young Irish member from Meath, . Never more than a handful, they succeeded nevertheless in obstructing or delaying parliamentary consideration of English bills, forcing the unwilling attention of Parliament onto Irish affairs. Thus 'a minority had seized an unexpectedly magnificent opportunity . . . and turned the national rudder against the dead weight of the majority'; 15 by 1880 Parnell was the official leader of the Home Rule party and 'the uncrowned king of Ireland'. 16 During the same period- from the mid-1870s onwards- a steep drop in agricultural prices had occurred. This was caused by a world-wide depression coinciding with the arrival on the British and European markets of vast amounts of wheat and other products from the newly• opened western lands of the North American continent. The decline in Irish prosperity combined with poor harvests in 1877, 1878 and 1879 brought Ireland once more to the verge of famine. In the South and South-west of the country distress was particularly harrowing; penniless owners of tiny hillside plots were unable to pay their rent, the farmers were in debt to shopkeepers, evictions were increasing and only a vast outpouring of charity largely from North America staved off actual starvation when the potato crop failed in 1879. As early as October 1878 the tenant farmers of Mayo, fearing large• scale evictions and famine, banded together under the leadership of , editor of the Connaught Telegraph in , to demand changes in the land-tenure system - basically the three 'Fs'. As the 258 Fanny and Anna Parnell situation deteriorated in early 1879 and the small farmers and cottiers were obliged to eat their seed potatoes, a series of mass protest meetings were held throughout Mayo to demand rent reductions. 17 Gradually the local agitation was taken over as a national movement; in October 1879 the Irish National Land League was officially founded in with as head of its organisation but with Charles Stewart Parnell, the leader of the advanced nationalists in the House of Com• mons, as its president. Thus were land reform and Home Rule at last united under the leadership of one man and the story of the land leagues (and their aftermath), with which the later chapters of this book are principally concerned, began in earnest. Appendix 2 The Poetry of Fanny and Anna Parnell and Friends

EXTRACTS FROM THE POETRY OF

AFTER DEATH Shall mine eyes behold thy glory, 0 my country? Shall mine eyes behold thy glory? Or shall the darkness close around them ere the sunblaze Break at last upon thy story? When the nations ope for thee their queenly circle As a sweet new sister hail thee, Shall these lips be sealed in callous death and silence, That have known but to bewail thee? Shall the ear be deaf that only loved thy praises, When all men their tribute bring thee? Shall the mouth be clay that sang thee in thy squalor, When all poets' mouths shall sing thee? Oh the harpings and the salvos and the shoutings Of thy exiled sons returning! I should hear, tho' dead and mouldered, and the grave-damps Should not chill my bosom's burning. Ah! the tramp of feet victorious! I should hear them 'Mid the shamrocks and the mosses. And my heart should toss within the shroud and quiver, As a captive dreamer tosses. I should turn and rend the cere-clothes round me, Giant sinews I should borrow - Crying, '0, my brother, I have also loved her In her loneliness and sorrow! 'Let me join with you the jubilant procession; Let me chant with you her story; Then contented I shall go back to the shamrocks, Now mine eyes have seen her glory!' (Written in 1882)

259 260 Fanny and Anna Parnell

HOLD THE HARVEST! Now are you men, or are you kine, ye tillers of the soil? Would you be free, or evermore the rich man's cattle toil? The shadow on the dial hangs that points the fatal hour - Now hold your own! or, branded slaves, forever cringe and cower. The serpent's curse upon you lies - ye writhe within the dust, Ye fill your mouths with beggars' swill, ye grovel for a crust Your lords have set their blood-stained heels upon your shameful heads, Yet they are kind - they leave you still their ditches for your beds!

Oh!, by the God who made us all- the seigneur and the serf• Rise up! and swear, this day to hold your own green Irish turf; Rise up! and plant your feet as men where now you crawl as slaves, And make your harvest-fields your camps, or make of them your graves.

Following are the last verses:

The hour has struck, Fate holds the dice, we stand with bated breath; Now who shall have our harvest fair- 'tis Life that plays with Death; Now who shall have our Motherland?- 'tis Right that plays with Might; The peasant's arms were weak, indeed, in such unequal fight.

But God is on the peasant's side, the God that loves the poor; His angels stand with flaming swords on every mount and moor. They guard the poor man's flocks and herds, they guard his ripening grain; The robber sinks beneath their curse beside his ill-got gain.

0 pallid serfs! whose groans and prayers have wearied Heav'n full long, Look up! there is a law above, beyond all legal wrong; Rise up! the answer to your prayers shall come, tornado-borne, And ye shall hold your homesteads dear, and ye shall reap the com!

But your own hands upraised to guard shall draw the answer down And bold and stem the deeds must be that oath and prayer crown; God only fights for those who fight - now hush the useless moan, And set your faces as a flint, and swear to Hold Your Own. (Written in 1879) Appendix 2 261

EXTRACTS FROM THE POETRY OF ANNA PARNELL

MIDDLE AGE I am longing to be gone, Though my years are not two score, Though my course is but half-run, I've no wish to travel more.

I have borne the morning's chill - Morning dark with lowering cloud - I have borne the noon-day heat; Fain I'd wear the night's cold shroud.

Afternoon and evening long, Gladly would I leave them out; Though they're still to me unknown Of their nature I've no doubt.

Hope is but a phantom guide, Wat'ry gleam through blinding haze, Yet its rays are better far Than the light of other days.

Lurid glare of soul consumed In the flames of this world's hell; If in death that light is quenched, Then indeed to die is well. (Published in 1905)

22nd JUNE, 1897 Three score of years to-day Have passed by in their glory, And passed by in their shame, Since first they told the story Of the fair young maid who came, To take her place, By God's good grace, As head of a mighty nation, On a throne all stained, By filth ingrained, And the blood that cries to Heaven. And now they say the throne Is white as the maiden's hair, Who sixty years has been 262 Fanny and Anna Parnell

Of Heaven's best gifts the heir, And sixty years a Queen; It may be so, For aught we know If blood and tears can leave no mark, And an empire built On blackest silt Can be clean at its highest point.

22nd JANUARY, 1901 Not four more years have passed to-day And now the Queen, the Famine Queen Herself has passed away, And that dread form will never more be seen, In pomp of fancied glory and of pride, Or humbled, scorned, defeated as she died; For by God's will she was amongst the first to fall Beneath those mills of His that grind so wondrous small. THE BRITISH EMPIRE The red wind sweeps from North to South, From West to the burning East, And where it blows no good thing grows; But man, and woman, and beast All wither and pine, and bodies and souls are blighted and slain, And the things that thrive are dull despair, Disease and vice, and sorrow and care, And want and hate, and grief and pain. LOVE'S FOUR AGES Two children playing by a stream, Two lovers walking in a dream, A married pair whose dream is o'er, Two old folks who are quite a bore.

BY THEFROTHYEXECUTNE I sing the champions of the noble cause Who fight for freedom against alien laws No whiskered pandoors they - or fierce hussars But soft-eyed maids escaped from their mamas Their names and graces aid me, muse, to sing. Fair aphrodite, inspiration bring. Appendix 2 263

1 First there is pidgen, she should be called widgen She's the wildest wild bird of them all With her eyes and her glasses The rest she surpasses And her tongue is alternatively honey and gall The dear little beauty, bar when she's on duty All hearts she's sure to ensnare Her waist is so tight and her step is so light The sunshine has left its bright hues in her hair.

2 Hast seen the silent waters flow In the Indian summer night As deep and clear two eyes I know As full of flashing light. As fair her brow as hawthorne spray Her name, what better name than May?1 She sits at a table all day long and never a word says she Sure the sound of her voice Would be sweet as song If she'd say but a word to me. But her heart it is given to stockings and night caps and marking ink, But sometimes I ween that her hazel eyes roam In search of a stealthy wink Oh May, sweet May, whatever they say you're the greatest rogue in the League today.

3 Next it is Jennie, the sweetest of any Whose grey eyes are a wonder to see She keeps tattered old books hidden in sly little nooks Oh a tattered old book sure it's I'd like to be. 2 Though I don't like complainin' This bright Jennie maiden I can't help regretting she's ever seen (To her shame be it said) Robed in sassenach red As if beauty could borrow No lustre from green. Yet I'd ne'er think of colour Once I could see those Bright Irish eyes looking fondly on me. 264 Fanny and Anna Parnell

4 Virginia3 comes next who so often perplexed The claimants for grants with her dear little ways When she once comes in sight All the priests take to flight And will never come back to the end of their days Though her thoughts they are bent On preaching no rent There's a sly little look in her eyes after all And I'd not like to bet that She's not a coquette But that sly glance on me she has never let fall.

Such is the frothy executive Well fitting the name, for tradition can tell How ages ago near the Isle of the Free Venus sprang up from the foam of the sea But no fair foreign goddess Unsprung from the foam Can beat our own frothy maidens at home. Notes and References

Throughout the notes and references the following abbreviations have been used for brevity and convenience: AP Anna Parnell Baker B~er Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. DJT Delia Jarvis Tudor (Delia I) DSP Delia Stewart Parnell (Delia III) DTS Delia Tudor Stewart (Delia II) ETG Emma Tudor Gardiner FP Fanny Parnell FT Frederic Tudor Houghton Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. LSE School of Economics MHS Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Mass. NLI National Library of Ireland, Dublin RHG Robert Hallowell Gardiner SPO State Paper Office, Archives of , Dublin TCD Trinity College, Dublin WT William Tudor WT, ]r William Tudor, Jr

PREFACE

1. M. Davitt, The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland: Or the Story of the Land League Revolution (London and New York, 1904). This is Davitt's own account• written twenty years after the fact - of the origins, activities and results of the Irish National Land League of which he was the founder and prime mover although Charles Stewart Parnell was its titular head. 2. T. N. Brown, Irish-American Nationalism, 1870-1890 (Philadelphia and New York, 1966) p. 115. 3. F. S. L. Lyons, Charles Stewart Parnell (London, 1977) p. 178. 4. (a) A chapter in Margaret Ward's Unmanageable Revolutionaries (Dingle, 1983) gives a coherent and sympathetic account of the Ladies' Land League. It suffers the defect of reliance on none too reliable secondary sources; (b) R. F. Foster, Charles Stewart Parnell: The Man and his Family (Hassocks, Sussex, 1976) contains a chapter on each of the sisters and takes a refreshingly objective view of their lives and characters; (c) M. O'Neill, 'The Ladies' Land League' appeared in the Dublin Historical Record of September 1982; (d) T. W. Moody's short study, 'Anna Parnell and the Land League', published in Hermathena: A Dublin University Review, Vol. CXVII (1974), pp. 5-17; (e) Finola Collins, MA Thesis, The Ladies' Land League ( University, 1973). Unfortunately efforts to obtain access to this work were unavailing. 5. Knowing that Fanny and Anna were in contact with their great aunt, Mrs Fenno Tudor of Boston, and hoping to discover letters from Fanny or Anna among her correspondence, I traced her papers to the Baker Library, Harvard Business School. A brief note, dated 1942, is appended

265 266 Notes to Preface

to the index of the voluminous papers of her husband, Frederic. It reads: 'The papers of Mrs Tudor were returned to the family.' Although a businesswoman in her own right and active in the women's suffrage movement, a founder of a hospital and so on, her papers were not considered worthy of shelf space. They have now disappeared. 6. Barbara Tuchman, Producing History (New York, 1981) p. 23. 7. This two-page sketch, 'Miss Anna Parnell', re-printed in the Irish Cana• dian, 27 July 1882, from Labouchere's London Truth, was described by the Irish Canadian () as 'an anecdotal sketch'. Henry Labouchere, a Radical MP who espoused the Irish cause, was the editor and undoubted author of the article in question. His sympathetic biographer, Thorvald Algar, makes no attempt to disguise Labouchere's extreme economy with the truth. Labouchere was fiercely anti-feminist. In 1887, when a petition for the suffrage signed by 257000 women from all parts of the United Kingdom was exhibited in Westminster Hall, he called the attention of the Speaker to the 'unseemly display' and insisted on its removal. 8. T. W. Moody, Davitt and Irish Revolution 1846-82 (Oxford, 1982) p. 8. 9. See Chapter 2, p. 40. 10. F. S. L. Lyons, op. cit., p. 114. 11. J. H. Parnell, C. S. Parnell: A Memoir (London, 1916). 12. John Parnell believed that his grandfather, Commodore Stewart, fought in the American Revolutionary War. In fact he served in the -14. See J. H. Parnell, op. cit., p. 8. 13. , The Green Flag (London, 1976); Michael Hurst, Parnell and (London, 1968); and more surprisingly, R. F. Foster, Modern Ireland: 1600-1972 (London, 1988). In his previous work Charles Stewart Parnell: The Man and His Family, op. cit., Foster had got it right but inexplicably reverts (in Modern Ireland) to the notion of Delia Parnell's 'romantic nationalism' (p. 375£) and states that Charles Parnell inherited 'anti-Britishness from his American side' (p. 401). 14. AP to the Editor, Gaelic American, 16 January 1907, reprinted in , 16 February 1907. Hereafter, AP to Gaelic American, 16 January 1907. I am indebted to Dr Roy Foster for drawing my attention to this important letter, written by AP to refute the many errors contained in R. O'Brien's, The Life of Charles Stewart Parnell, 1846-1891, 2 vols (London, 1898). 15. The Gardiner family papers, still in the private possession of the family, are preserved at 'Oaklands', Gardiner, Maine. Hereafter cited as Gardiner papers. 16. F. S. L. Lyons, op. cit., p. 113. 17. The celebrated American children's author and illustrator, Tasha Tudor, is a direct descendant of Frederic Tudor, the 'Ice King' of Boston and great• uncle of Fanny and Anna Parnell. 18. Anna Parnell, The Tale of a Great Sham (Dublin, 1986), edited and with an introduction by Dana Hearne. Hereafter cited as Tale. 19. AP to the Editor, Freeman's journal, 14 February 1886. Although this letter was not published, a copy was sent toT. D. Sullivan who preserved it in his papers. Sullivan papers, MS 8237, NLI. Hereafter cited as AP to Freeman's journal, 14 February 1886. 20. FP, 'Hints to a Young Lady on Marriage', American Register, 28 March and 4 and 11 April1874; 'Reflections of a Wallflower', American Register, 16 and 23 May 1874; 'Evil Speaking', American Register, June 1874. 21. F. S. L. Lyons, op. cit., p. 228. Notes to Prologue 267

22. Propaganda Fide (Society for the Propagation of the Faith) had jurisdic• tion over Irish Church affairs. 23. Emily (Parnell) Monroe Dickinson, A Patriot's Mistake: Reminiscences of the Parnell Family, by a Daughter of the House (London, 1905).

PROLOGUE

1. This account of the meeting at Claremorris is taken from lengthy reports in the Connaught Telegraph and the Dublin Nation, 19 February 1881. 2. T. W. Moody, Davitt and Irish Revolution (London, 1982) pp. 482-3. 3. The unofficial national anthem of Irish nationalists, adapted from a poem by T. D. Sullivan celebrating the words uttered by the ' Martyrs' when they heard the sentence of death passed on them. It was sung to the tune of 'Tramp, tramp, tramp, The boys are marching'. 4. Charles Stewart Parnell. 5. Celtic Monthly, Vol. III, No. 5 (May 1880), pp. 469-72; No. 6 (June 1880), pp. 537-41; Vol. IV, No. 1 (July 180), pp. 17-21. Hereafter Ladies' Cage. 6. Jennie Wyse-Power, Words of the Dead Chief (Dublin, 1894). Lengthy excerpts from AP' s introduction to this work were cited in the Irish Weekly Independent, 13 October 1894. 7. See J. H. Tuke, Irish Distress and its Remedies (London, 1880), a pamphlet describing the conditions in Mayo and other parts of the West of Ireland in the near famine year of 1880. 8. Author of Progress and Poverty (New York, 1879) in which he makes a case for a form of land nationalisation as the only solution to the chronic poverty that accompanied industrial progress. (See Chapters 10 and 15.) 9. Although Mill was considered to be the principal proponent of economic , in fact his views on land tenure and peasant land ownership were not in accordance with 'laissez-faire' doctrine. 'The land of Ireland, the land of every country, belongs to the people of that country' and 'peasant rents ought never to be arbitrary, never at the discretion of the landlord; either by custom or law they must be fixed' were two of his statements quoted by leaders of the Land League as justification for interfering with the 'sacred rights of property'. 10. Connaught Telegraph, 12 February 1881. 11. Women like Mary Livermore, who had earned her celebrity as a journalist and a member of the Women's Central Committee during the Civil War, earned as much as $20 000 a year lecturing in public with the Redpath Lecture Bureau. 12. This was a reference to a group of peasant women from the small town of Carraroe who had prevented the bailiff from serving notice of eviction for non-payment of rent on several local families. The bailiff was accom• panied by a 'protecting' party of soldiers and Constabulary. 13. Connaught Telegraph, 17 February 1881. Daly none the less believed the ladies' services could be dispensed with; even under Coercion there would be no need for them since any man 'flinching from his post or place of business at the threat of the passing of a is not better than an arrant coward and a knave' and 'any man who advocates the abdication of the men in favour of a Ladies' Land League is not a shade better.' 14. AP, Tale, p. 107. 15. AP, Tale, p. 107. 268 Notes to Chapter 1

16. In this she differed from her brother Charles who, still a young man, no doubt felt obliged as party leader to project a sober, dignified image in public. His speeches are almost totally devoid of attempts at humour although he reputedly enjoyed a joke in private. Anna was unconcerned with the image she projected.

1 THE TUDORS OF BOSTON

1. FP, The Hovels of Ireland (New York, 1880). Hereafter cited as Hovels. 2. FP, 'Hints to a Young Lady on Marriage', American Register, 28 March 1874. Hereafter cited as Hints. 3. , French Life in Town and Country (London, 1901) p. 189. 4. AP, 'The Ladies' Cage', Celtic Monthly, Vol. III, No.5 (May 1880). 5. Deacon Tudor's Diary is held in the Tudor collection at the Baker Library, Harvard; a published version of the diary, edited by Deacon Tudor's great-grandson, William (son of Frederic), was printed in Boston in 1896 by the press of Wallace Spooner. 6. John Tudor, Jr, to Moody Noyes, 7 November 1800. Tudor Collection, Baker. 7. The published correspondence of John Adams contains scores of letters to and from William Tudor until the death of the latter in 1819. See R. J. Taylor (ed.), The Adams Papers, Series III; G. L. Lint, R. J. Taylor and C. Walker (eds), Papers oflohn Adams, 6 vols (Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1977-83). For William Tudor/John Adams correspondence during the Revolutionary War, see Vol. V, 1-4; V, 7-9; V, 135; V, 36-7; V, 43-5; V, 123. 8. WT to Deacon John Tudor, 14 September 1776. Tudor Collection, MHS. 9. Ibid. 10. FT to WT, 21 April 1819. Tudor Collection, Baker. 11. DTS to WT, Jr, 9 April 1826. Tudor Papers, Houghton. A series of over fifty letters written between 1824 and 1829 by DTS to her brother WT, Jr, are contained on Microfilm No. 86 (the Tudor papers), Houghton. Hereafter cited as Microfilm No. 86. 12. Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, Vol. III, p. 409. 'Thus he laid a foundation of a discipline which in time brought our troops to a Capacity of contending with British Veterans, and a rivalry with the best Troops in France.' 13. Delia I was a friend of Elizabeth Peabody, the Transcendentalist and . educationalist and sister-in-law of Nathaniel Hawthorne. She wrote plays and poetry, read historical biography, philosophy and theology and enjoyed the use of all her faculties until her death at the age of 91. 14. William Jr (1779-1830); John (1780-1802); Frederic (1783-1864); Emma Jane (1785-1865); Delia (1787-1860); Henry, called Harry (1791-1864). 15. FT to his brother Harry, 20 April 1817, Baker. 'So curiously irregular and whimsical has been the education of all the family that we are hardly to be blamed for not being able to follow the old jog-trot road so successfully trod by other people.' 16. Comte de Segur, Memoires ou souvenirs et anecdotes, 3 vols (Paris, 1927) Vol. I, p. 407. The Count also remembered Delia I for her 'witty writings'. 17. By an act of the legislature of Massachusetts, Robert Hallowell changed his name to Gardiner in accordance with the requirement in his grand- Notes to Chapter 1 269

father's will. The original estate of Dr Sylvester Gardiner was part of the Kennebec purchase and was 100000 acres. 18. Robert was a member of the famed Anthology Society of Boston and an honorary member of the Maine Historical Society. In 1822 he founded the Gardiner Lyceum, the first technical and agricultural college in the , which he endowed with a 122-acre farm. On 21 September 1821 his wife, Emma Tudor, a 'woman of unusual mental activity and culture' presented to the Philosophical Society of America a learned paper, The Vocabulary of the Penobscot Indians, which was to serve as an important source material for later scholars such as Albert Gallatin. Gardiner papers. 19. Robert Hallowell Gardiner, Early Recollections of Robert Hallowell Gardiner, 1782-1864 (Hallowell, Maine, 1936). Hereafter cited as Recollections. 20. William's son Frederic, after many years of debt and setbacks, realised his ambition of becoming 'inevitably and unavoidably rich' by making a great fortune in the ice trade which he pioneered and developed with a single• minded determination and concentration. When, however, he attempted to increase his wealth by speculating in coffee futures on the side he ended up with a debt of $250 000 which took him fourteen years to pay off out of the profits of his ice business. 21. With his fortune now gone, William relied on his influential friends to procure him a poorly paid but honourable sinecure as Secretary of State for Massachusetts. Later he became the Clerk of the Supreme Court of Massachusetts, a post he held until his death in 1819. 22. Among the 14 original members were William Emerson, father of Ralph Waldo, Edmund Trowbridge Dana, brother of R. H. Dana Sr, John Stevens Buckminster, Rev. John Sylvester and John Gardiner, pastor of 1'rinity church. They were later joined by John Quincy Adams, James Savage and Emma Tudor's husband, Robert Hallowell Gardiner. 23. William Dean Howell's, looking back on this period nearly one hundred years later, doubted 'if anywhere in the world there was ever so much taste and feeling for literature as there was in that Boston'. L. P. Simpson, The Man of Letters in New England and the South (Baton Rouge, Louisiana, 1973) p. 59. 24. See Chapter 8, pp. 111-12. 25. See W. Tudor, Jr, Miscellanies (Boston, 1821). 26. C. F. Adams (ed.), Memoirs o!John Quincy Adams, comprising portions of his Diary from 1795-1845, 12 vols (Philadelphia, 1876) Vol. VIII, pp. 135-6. William Tudor Jr's diplomatic correspondence is summarised in J. H. Hopkins, M. W. Hargreaves and R. Seager II (eds), The Diplomatic Papers of Henry Clay (University of Press, 1959-84) Vols IV-VIII. 27. See DSP toT. D. Sullivan, 21 January 1880. Sullivan papers (MS 8237(6)), NLI. 28. FT to RHG, 23 September 1811. Tudor papers, Baker. The gentleman in question was Samuel Williams, an American who had made a fortune as English agent for American traders and was more than twice Delia's age. 29. RHG, Recollections, p. 168. 30. Hammersley's Naval Encyclopaedia (Philadelphia, 1881) p. 780. This short accurate summary of Stewart's career, written and signed by F. S. Bassett, Lieutenant, US Navy, is based on naval records. 31. DJT to WT, Jr, 17 April 1829. Tudor papers, MHS. 32. RHG, Recollections, p. 169. 270 Notes to Chapter 1

33. Ibid. 34. Their first born, William, died as an infant. 35. This large canvas figured prominently in a 1987 exhibition at the Philadel• phia Museum of Art honouring the life and times of Federal Philadelphia. The catalogue describes the portrait as 'an elegant representation of the spirit of an age in which Americans were ready to proclaim new heroes and invest in them the power and the glory of leadership'. 36. Charles Stewart, An Appeal to Congress (Philadelphia, 1857). A change in the naval regulations had removed Stewart's name from the active naval lists. He felt this as a personal injury which impaired his 'own fame and honor' and appealed successfully to Congress to reinstate him to the active ranks although he was then 78 years of age. From 1857 until his death in 1869 he was 'awaiting instructions'. 37. J. Harding, Biographical Sketch and Services of Commodore Charles Stewart of the United States Navy (Philadelphia, 1838) p. 13. 38. See John Henry Parnell to Hallowell Gardiner, Jr, 5 February 1838. Gardiner papers. 39. See P. S. Klein, President James Buchanan (University of Pennsylvania Press, 1962) pp. 139-41. 40. 'Old Ironsides', so named because its oak hull resisted cannon shot as effectively as iron might have done, is still a main attraction at the naval docks near Boston. During the 1987 celebrations of the bicentenary of the American Declaration of Independence the old ship was trundled out for a brief sail around the harbour from which it first sailed nearly 200 years before. 41. DJT to WT, Jr, 19 October 1824. Tudor papers, Houghton. 42. DTS to WT, Jr, 15 December 1826. Microfilm No. 86. 'Extravagance was the charge against me which developed from the horrid pecuniary restrictions to which I had been subjected - the humiliating unheard of trials I had been exposed to for the sake of a few hundred dollars.' 43. The entire Tudor family borrowed money whenever and wherever they could and seemed to regard the wealthy and generous Robert H. Gardiner as a sort of milch cow; in letters of 12 April and 21 June 1818 to his wife Robert mentions money he sent to Delia I, Delia II and William Tudor, Jr. Gardiner papers. 44. This was the only time Delia III ever accompanied her father on duty, although would state, erroneously, in his memoir of his brother that 'My mother frequently accompanied her father on his naval cruises abroad.' See J. Parnell, C. S. Parnell: A Memoir (London, 1916) p. 10. 45. DTS to WT, Jr, 9 April 1825. Microfilm No. 86. 46. The 'Monroe Doctrine' was formulated in 1823. 47. See 'Court Martial Records', case No. 433, from Record Group 125. Navy Records, US National Archives. Also DTS letters to WT, Jr, 1825-30. Microfilm No. 86. 48. DTS to WT, Jr, 1 October 1824. Microfilm No. 86. 49. DTS to WT, Jr, 9 April 1825. Microfilm No. 86. 50. William Tudor, Sr, died in 1819. 51. Charles Stewart in his Appeal to Congress, 1857. 52. DTS to Commodore Stewart, 8 December 1825. A copy sent to WT, Jr, is to be found on Microfilm No. 86. 53. DTS to WT, Jr, 3 May 1826. Microfilm No. 86. Although Stewart never Notes to Chapter 2 271

legally divorced Delia, he referred to his companion as 'Mrs Stewart' and regarded her son, Robert Field, as his step-son. 54. Delia II borrowed money with a total disregard for propriety; she was in debt to that notorious rake, Joseph, brother of Napoleon and an exile in Bordentown, as well as to Sam Williams, 'the old bachelor' whose proposal she had refused in London. However, both her brother William and her father also borrowed substantial sums from Sam Williams, possibly on the expectation that Delia would accept his suit. See Recollec• tions, p. 176. 55. RHG to William M. Meredith, 21 July 1826. Meredith Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 56. RHG to William Meredith, 25 September 1826. Meredith papers, Histori• cal Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. Gardiner had undertaken the difficult task of working out the final settlement between Delia's lawyer (Meredith) in Philadelphia and Stewart's lawyer (Hopkinson) in Borden• town. 57. DTS to WT, Jr, 1 October 1828. Microfilm No. 86. 58. DJT to WT, Jr, 23 September 1828. Tudor papers, Houghton. 59. Ever fearful of being stuck with his wife's future debts, Stewart stipulated that the quarterly instalments should be made over to Robert Gardiner who in turn agreed to pay any bills Delia had run up in the previous quarter before directing the remainder to her. A copy of the agreement is kept in the Gardiner papers, Maine Historical Society Library, Portland Maine. 60. DTS to Daniel Webster, 10 February 1828. C. M. Wiltse (ed.) The Papers of Daniel Webster, 4 vols (Hanover, NH, 1974-80) Vol. I, p. 493. 61. RHG, Recollections, p. 167. 62. The name then given to the President's residence. 63. Young Charles attended a top boarding school near Baltimore. He later trained as an engineer and studied law. As a young man he worked on the Reading Railway. (See Charles Tudor Stewart to L. P. Grant, April 1838 to January 1840, Atlanta Historical Society, Grant Collection, Mss 100, box 2.) Despite his deep attachment to his mother and sister, Charles established a friendly relationship with his father's companion, Mrs Field, and her son Robert. Like his uncle William Tudor, Jr, Charles remained a bachelor. See also note 16, Chapter 5. 64. As she is described by her daughter Emily in her memoir, A Patriot's Mistake, p. 5. 65. DJT to WT, Jr, 11 December 1828. Tudor papers, Houghton. 66. DJT to the Gardiners, 1 July 1832. Gardiner papers. 67. DTS to WT, Jr, 9 April 1825. Microfilm No. 86. 68. ETG to RHG, 22 January 1834, Gardiner papers. 69. DJT to the Gardiners, 20 May 1835. Gardiner papers. 70. Charles Tudor Stewart to ETG, 14 June 1835. Gardiner papers. 71. Ibid. 72. Ibid. 73. Ibid.

2 THE PARNELLS OF AVONDALE

1. Sir John is credited with the dubious honour of uttering an Irish Bull. In 272 Notes to Chapter 2

the Irish House of Commons during a 1795 debate on the leather tax, the Chancellor of the Exchequer observed that 'in the prosecution of the present war, every man ought to be ready to give his last guinea to protect the remainder'. (W. Le Fanu, Seventy Years of Irish Life (London, 1893) p. 224. 2. P. J.P. Tynan, The Irish National Invincibles and Their Times (London, 1896) p. 51. 3. W. Parnell, An Historical Apology for Irish Catholics (London, 1803) p. 37. 4. WT, Jr, Gebel Teir (Boston, 1829). 5. AP to editor of Freeman's Journal, 14 February 1886. Sullivan Papers, NLI. 6. The physical vitality and robust good health of the Tudors and the Stewarts seemed to be lacking in the Parnells. William's son John (father of Anna and Fanny) was to die suddenly at 48; Fanny would likewise die suddenly at 33 and her brother Charles at 45. 7. This commonly held view of John Parnell as landlord is difficult to prove or disprove. References to high rents and restrictive leases during his lifetime - and which were modified by his son Charles - also appear in newspaper articles during the land agitation. 8. FP, Hovels. 9. Dion Boucicault, Colleen Bawn. 10. Quoted in P. B. Ellis, A History of the Irish Working Class (London and Sydney, 1972) p. 130. 11. D. Bowen, The Protestant Crusade in Ireland, 1800-1870 (Dublin and Montreal, 1978) p. xii. 12. In 1834 Lord Shaftesbury, although in a period of relative financial stringency, sent a donation to the ' Diocesan Society founded for the education of benighted papists in the most benighted district of Ireland'. See G. Battiscombe, Shaftesbury (London, 1974) p. 116. 13. See W. B. Neatby, A History of the Plymouth Brethren (London, 1902). 14. The Wigrams spent a fortune on publishing: in 1839 The Englishman's Greek Concordance to the New Testament (London), in 1843 The Englishman's Hebrew and Chaldee Concordance of the Old Testament (London), and in 1867 The Herbraist's Vade Mecum. When his wife Catherine died in 1867, Wigram claimed from the estate of Avondale the £10 000 which was Catherine's marriage portion. Doubtless he required the money for his expensive scriptural researches and publications. 15. DJT to Robert and Emma Gardiner, 20 May 1835. Gardiner papers. 16. K. O'Shea, Charles Stewart Parnell: His Love Story and Political Life, 2 vols (London, 1914) Vol. II, p. 135. 17. Archives of the Prefecture de Police, Paris; Police report 180901. 18. And indeed, as William Tudor Junior pointed out in his Gebel Teir, the most strenuous objections to Catholic emancipation came from the Established Churches of England and Ireland. 19. as quoted in D. Bowen, The Protestant Crusade in Ireland, 1800-1870 (Dublin and Montreal, 1978) p. xii. 20. AP, Old Tales and New (Dublin, 1905). 21. FP, 'What Shall We Weep For?', 1881. 22. FP, Hints, 4 April 1874. 23. Wisely, John Parnell maintained correct relations with the local parish priests whose parishioners included his own tenants. In his diary he refers to priests in general, and more particularly those in Mexico, as villainous objects of contempt. 24. FP, Hovels. 25. K. O'Shea, op. cit. Vol. II, p. 246. Notes to Chapter 3 273

26. All quoted excerpts in this section are from letters in the private posses• sion of the Gardiner family, 'Oaklands', Gardiner, Maine. The collection is very sketchily catalogued; many of the letters from Delia I are to be found in a file marked 'Unsorted'. 27. R. M. McWade, in his The Uncrowned King: The Life and Public Services of the Hon. Stewart Parnell (Philadelphia, 1891) p. 46 quotes Delia as saying she 'lost an infant son, five years old, William Tudor, through bad vaccina• tion'. This is evidently a misprint and should be 'five months' since the infant died in 1836, the year he was born. 28. John Parnell to Hallowell Gardiner, 5 February 1838. Gardiner papers. 29. C. S. Parnell: A Memoir, p. 11. John Parnell gives his own year of birth as 1843. A letter from his grandmother, DJT, to the Gardiners dated 27 November 1842 announces the birth of 'another little Parnell' who is to be named John Howard. 30. In her memoir to McWade, Delia Parnell speaks of the sons of George III gathered around her mother's piano in London and more than likely they did. The conquest of these rackety royal dukes would have been a very small feather in her social cap. 31. Charles Tudor Stewart to ETG, 16 September 1844. Gardiner papers. 32. E. Somerville and M. Ross, Irish Memoires (London, 1925) p. 14. 33. A responsibility undertaken with extreme insouciance since neither Charles nor his brother John had any kind of regular schooling during their father's lifetime, although he did take some trouble to see that they had biblical studies. 34. Pat Jalland, Women, Marriage and Politics, 1860-1914 (Oxford, 1986) p. 86. 35. Ibid., p. 9. 36. DSP to James Buchanan, 29 August 1855, Buchanan Papers, Roll 24, Historical Institute of Pennsylvania. 37. Ibid. 38. There is little evidence in this letter that Delia 'was the dominant partner in the marriage' as affirmed by T. W. Moody, op. cit., p. 8. 39. All three letters are to be found in the James Buchanan papers, Roll 24, Historical Institute of Pennsylvania.

3 CHILDHOOD

1. The initials 'J. W.' carved into the inside of the main door has lead to the unsubstantiated and no doubt erroneous assumption that the architect was the celebrated James Wyatt. Samuel Hayes was a noted amateur architect who possibly designed Avondale himself. SeeM. Bence-Jones, Burke's Guide to Country Houses, Ireland (London, 1978). 2. The estate, which is now in the possession of the Irish Forestry Commis• sion, was celebrated in its time for its magnificent trees. 3. Emily (Parnell) Monroe Dickinson, A Patriot's Mistake: Reminiscences of the Parnell Family, by a Daughter of the House (London, 1905) p. 8. 4. J. H. Parnell, C. S. Parnell: A Memoir (London, 1916) p. 16. 5. Charles never attempted to hide his limited literary interests. 6. The magnificent mahogany serving table from the dining room which fitted exactly the shape of the apse was sold at auction in 1905 when the contents of Avondale were disposed of. The table is now to be found in a restaurant in the second arrondissement in Paris, one floor above the Irish pub the Kitty O'Shea. 274 Notes to Chapter 3

7. Although most historians give Fanny's birth date as 1849, the records of the Church of Ireland in Rathdrum clearly proclaim the correct date was 1848. She was christened not Frances but the diminutive 'Fanny', perhaps after the poem of that name by her ancestor, . 8. FP, Hints, 28 March 1874. 9. R. M. McWade, The Uncrowned King: The Life and Public Services of the Hon. Stewart Parnell (Philadelphia, 1891) p. 50. In order to stress how very religious was Miss Denby (one of Charles's early childhood teachers) Delia states that she was a Dissenter - not a point of view likely to endear her to staunch members of the Established Church. 10. DSP toT. D. Sullivan, 21 January 1880. Sullivan papers, NLI. 11. FP, Hints, 28 March 1874. Fanny writes: 'Oh that word of fear, Old Maid! At five years of age, and sometimes younger, the feminine bosom is already imbued with a deep and shuddering horror at the portentous meaning contained in that terrible word.' 12. Pat Jalland, Women, Marriage and Politics 1860-1914 (Oxford, 1986) p. 22. 'The London Season was certainly perceived by young girls as a marriage market and they knew that only two or three seasons were allowed to achieve their goal of matrimony.' 13. The custom of a dowry was not prevalent in the United States. When Lawrence Jerome's daughter Jenny accepted the proposal of Lord Ran• dolph Churchill, her father was stunned by the aggressive demands of the Churchill family in the way of marriage portion for his daughter. 14. FP, Hints, April 1874. 15. Stephen Gwynn, Charlotte Grace O'Brien, Selections From Her Writings and Correspondence (Dublin, 1909) p. 55. 16. AP, Tale, p. 49. 17. J. Morley, Recollections, 2 vols (New York, 1917) Vol. I, p. 383. 18. Her father, William Smith O'Brien, was the leader of the abortive uprising of 1848. 19. Cited in S. Gwynn, op. cit., pp. 20-1. 20. FP, Hovels. 21. By law children belonged to the father alone and he could remove them from his wife's care or appoint a stranger as their guardian. Sir Ralph Howard, their great-uncle, was named guardian of the Parnell children who were still minors. 22. Emily states in her memoir (p. 37) that her American grandfather invited her to come and live with him. In order to save Emily from the dubious moral atmosphere of the old Commodore's home, her Wigram aunt and uncle deposited a sum of money in her name with the Chancery Court, thereby making the penniless Emily a Ward of Court (which could be relied upon to refuse permission for her to leave Ireland). 23. R. M. McWade, The Uncrowned King: The Life and Services of the Hon. Stewart Parnell, and a long, handwritten letter toT. D. Sullivan, 21 January 1880. Sullivan papers, Ms 8237/6, NLI. 24. DSP to T. D. Sullivan, 21 January 1880, Sullivan papers, NLI. 25. AP, Tale, pp. 85-6. 26. John Parnell resented the fact that his unprofitable estate was 'further burdened by annuities to my sisters'. See J. Parnell, C. S. Parnell: A Memoir, p. 115. 27. Delia had made over her dower right of £100 annually to Emily. Notes to Chapter 3 275

28. See Chapter 18, pp. 239-40. 29. John Howard Parnell's handwriting is a barely legible scrawl, resembling that of a near-illiterate which suggests he may have suffered from dyslexia; although he is reputed to have finished engineering studies in Dublin, his schooling was even more irregular than that of Charles and there was no attempt to tutor him with Charles for Cambridge entrance. 30. E. Dickinson, A Patriot's Mistake: Reminiscences of the Parnell Family, by a Daughter of the House (London, 1905) p. 34. 31. It is highly unlikely that the shares ever yielded an annual income of £4000, as John claimed· on p. 115 of his memoir. See also Chapter 5, p. 80. 32. J. Parnell, op. cit., pp. 82-3. 33. Sophia Evans (the daughter of Sir John Parnell) and Catherine Parnell Wigram, the daughter of William (the great-aunt and aunt, respectively, of Fanny and Anna), had been provided with handsome marriage portions by their fathers. 34. AP, 'The Fates', Old Tales and New. 35. Charles Tudor Stewart to James Buchanan, 9 December 1856. Buchanan papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 36. Although a supporter of the Union, Charles Stewart's residence in New Orleans where he practised law for some years had no doubt given him a certain sympathy with the 'states' rights' stand of the South. 37. John C. Calhoun (1782-1850) of Charleston, South Carolina, was Vice• President and in the Cabinet. He was consistently pro-slavery and fought to exclude anti-slavery petitions from Congress. 38. Letters of the Hon. Joseph Holt, the Hon. Edward Everett and Commodore Stewart on the Present Crisis (Philadelphia, 1861). 39. FP, Hovels. 40. Ibid. See also AP, Tale, p. 68. 41. N. Annan, Leslie Stephen: The Godless Victorian (London, 1984) p. 52. Compare Josephine Butler: 'Feeling ran very high, public opinion among the upper and educated classes, led by , was almost universally in favour of the Southern Party.' Cited inN. Boyd, Josephine Butler, Octavia Hill and Florence Nightingale: Three Victorian Women who Changed Their World (London, 1982) p. 16. 42. to Charles Sumner, 10 October 1862. Cited in F. M. Trevelyan, The Life of John Bright (London, 1913) p. 320. 43. DSP to editor of Irish World, 9 February 1881. 44. Jane Woolsey, member of a prominent New England family and active in the Women's Central Relief Association (see Chapter 5), in a letter to William Henry Huntingdon, says Gladstone sympathised with the South because 'friendship of the rebel section (granted independence) would be better for trade'. Quoted in Anne L. Austin, The Woolsey Sisters of New York (Philadelphia, 1971) p. 75. 45. RHG gives 1861 as the year of Delia II's death. Her daughter, Delia Parnell, informed the Justice of the Peace in Paris that her mother died in 1860 and it is unlikely that she was mistaken. 46. R. H. Gardiner, Recollections. Also correspondence between Delia Jarvis (Delia I) and her fiance William Tudor, 1774-7, the Tudor papers, MHI. According to the romantic conventions of the time Delia signed her letters 'Felicitas' and William signed 'Crito'. See also W. H. Sumner, A History of 276 Notes to Chapter 4

East Boston (Boston, 1858), p. 354, and DSP to McWade; Delia III's factually accurate account of her early family history as given to McWade and T. D. Sullivan was based on family correspondence then in her possession and now in the MHI. 47. DTS to William Tudor, Jr, 25 April 1825. Microfilm No. 86, Houghton.

4 IRISH PEOPLE

1. At some point in his career Charles Tudor Stewart acquired the title of Colonel. It has been impossible to ascertain whether this was earned for military service during the Civil War- unlikely since he was 43 years old when it began - or whether he simply assumed it during his years in the South where men of standing in the community were given the title as a mark of respect. 2. Because of this resemblance Charles named his first daughter Claude Sophie. CSP to K. O'Shea, 30 March 1882. Cited inK. O'Shea, Charles Stewart Parnell: His Love Story and Political Life, 2 vols (London, 1914), Vol. I, p. 242. 3. M. O'Connor Morris, Dublin Castle (London, 1889), p. 251. 'Lord Carlisle was as hospitable as the typical prelate as sketched by the Apostles to the Gentiles ... there was a tolerable blend of men and women of all creeds and conditions at the Castle and the Lodge.' 4. Recollections of Dublin Castle and of Dublin Society by a Citizen (London, 1902), pp. 130-1. 5. Frances Power Cobbe, The Life of Frances Power Cobbe, By Herself, 2 Vols (London, 1894), Vol. I, p. 270. 6. Ibid., Vol. I, p. 52. 7. AP to Gaelic American, 16 January 1907. 8. Cobbe, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 60. 9. The name, meaning the followers of Finn, a legendary Gaelic hero, was coined by John O'Mahony, a survivor of the 1848 rebellion then living in the United States. 10. J. O'Leary, Recollections of Fenians and Fenianism, 2 vols (London, 1896), Vol. II, pp. 30-1. 11. AP to Gaelic American, 16 January 1907. Since it is unlikely that the young Parnells were short of food, clothing or warmth, the 'necessaries of life' were more than likely the small luxuries important to adolescent girls not yet accustomed to penny pinching. 12. Ibid. 13. J. O'Leary, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 30-1. 14. In the Fenian lexicon 'patriotic' or 'nationalist' signified agreement with Fenian views on freeing Ireland by physical force. 15. Irish People, 5 and 19 November 1864. 16. Y. Kapp, Eleanor Marx, 2 vols (London, 1985), Vol. I, p. 36. Marx also 'took offence at any suggestion that his daughters should attempt to earn their living and ... training for a profession was unthinkable' (p. 44). 17. O'Leary, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 30-1. 18. FP to T. D. Sullivan, 4 February 1881. Sullivan papers, NLI. 19. FP, Hints, 4 April1874. 20. H. H. Asquith: Letters to Venetia Stanley (Oxford and New York, 1982), p. 26. Venetia Stanley, in January 1913, writes to Asquith as follows: 'Fanny Parnell's poem [Will mine eyes behold thy glory?] is very remark- Notes to Chapter 5 277

able but I suppose it is open to your criticism. It is one of the few good poems in the book [The Oxford Book of Victorian Verse].' Asquith thought the poem 'rather too throbbing and strident'. I am indebted to James Doyle of Dublin, for drawing my attention to the correspondence. 21. AP to Gaelic American, 16 January 1907. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid. Also, seeR. F. Foster, Charles Stewart Parnell: The Man and His Family (Hassocks, Sussex, 1976), p. 92. 24. L. Edel, Henry James: A Life (London, 1987), p. 190. 25. Labouchere was well known for his malicious pen portraits. In comparing Anna's very proper attire to 'bloomers' he subtly bestows upon her the ridicule and contempt associated with this garment.

5 LA VIE P ARISIENNE

1. The Athenaeum, 22 June 1861, p. 831. 2. J. Hillairet, Evocations du vieux Paris (Paris, 1953) p. 527. 3. The building is still standing, although its fa~ade has been modernised with plain slabs of marble, and the balconies and wrought iron have disappeared. From the courtyard, however, one can still see the un• touched rear elevation of the building as it was constructed during the early years of the Second Empire. 4. Henry James, The American (London, 1921). 5. FP, 'Reflections of a Wallflower', American Register (Paris), 16 May 1874. Hereafter, cited as FP, Reflections. 6. Almanach du Commerce (Paris, 1869-74). 7. Now the Travellers' Club of Paris. 8. Archives de la Seine, report of the Justice of the Peace, No. 19427, 9 April 1874. The day after Stewart's death in Rome a Justice of the Peace from the 8th arrondissement made an inventory of the apartment and of its contents. Fanny and her brother John, who was then visiting Paris, signed the JP' s inventory. 9. Figaro, 14 February 1881. 10. FP, Hints, 11 April 1874. 11. Letter from Charles Tudor Stewart to James Buchanan, 9 December 1856. Buchanan papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 12. Leo Andre, 'La Colonie Americaine', Le Guide Paris, 1867. 13. Charles Tudor Stewart to ETG, 16 September 1844. Gardiner papers. 14. Oliver Wendell Holmes, The Autocrat of the Breakfast Table (London, 1891) p.125. 15. Almanach du Commerce (Paris, 1869-74). The building still stands. A 'McDonald's' occupies the ground floor. 16. Prince Lucien Murat returned to France from his home in Bordentown after the Revolution of 1848 and was elected to the National Assembly. In 1849 he was a member of the Chamber of Deputies and helped his cousin Louis-Napoleon to stage the coup d'etat of 1852. Thereafter he became a senator with the title of prince, a handsome settlement from his cousin, now the emperor, and became a member of Napoleon III's civil family, serving for a time as Chambellan. Through his friendship with Murat (while both were young men in Bordentown) Charles Tudor Stewart had obtained lucrative lumber contracts with the French navy which formed the basis of his personal fortune and enabled him to settle permanently in Paris. 278 Notes to Chapter 5

17. Elihu Washburne, Recollections of a Minister to France 1869-1877 (London, 1887). 18. FP, Hints, 7 May 1874. 19. A list of books compiled from the writings of Anna and Fanny reveals a wide reading in history, economics, politics, philosophy and French, American and English literature, as well as in the ancients and in scripture. 20. F. Lagrange, Life of Monseigneur Dupanloup, Bishop of Orleans, translated by Lady Herbert, 2 vols (London, 1885) Vol. II, pp. 345-8. 21. 'I was raised hidden and alone.' 22. F. A. Dupanloup, Les alarmes de l'ipiscopat fran~ais justifiees par les faits (Paris, 1868) pp. 199-200. 23. The memoirs of Lady Randolph Churchill Oenny Jerome) recount in some detail the many restrictions on the movements of ladies in London which were nevertheless far less severe than in France. 24. Leo Andre, 'La Colonie Americaine', Le Guide Paris 1867. Leo Andre was the nom de plume of Leodile Champceix, a feminist and communarde. Unlike most male commentators who mistook the freedom of movement of American girls for true political and social influence and power, Andre recognised that in the United States 'the theory that makes a woman "a queen in chains" governing by grace and charm holds full sway; the husband must provide his wife idleness and luxuries.' 25. M. Goodbody, Five Daughters in Search of Learning: The Sturges Family 1820- 1944 (Bristol, 1986) p. 24. 26. Katharine Tynan, Twenty-five Years (London, 1913) p. 98. 27. In Hovels Fanny speaks of the East Coast Americans taking their anti-Irish views from the English newspapers. Anna, in her Tale, refers to 'for• eigners who mostly take their ideas of Ireland from the English press', p.45. 28. At a single costume ball where there were less than 400 guests, the couturier Worth made $200000 worth of gowns and Lillie Moulton found she needed seven trunks and a maid to cope with the twenty-one new gowns required for a six-day visit to Compiegne. See L. de Hegermann• Lindencrone, In the Courts of Memory, 1858-1875 (New York, 1912) p. 97. 29. Figaro, 14 February 1881. 30. Paris scrapbook, 1870. Preserved with other personal papers at Norlands, the Washburne homestead, Livermore, Maine. 31. Figaro, 14 February 1881. 32. Hannah Lynch, The Prince of the Glades (London, 1891) pp. 215-16. 33. Figaro, March 1880. 34. American Register, 3 April 1869. 35. From 's 'Lallah Rook'. 36. R. M. McWade, The Life and Public Service of the Han. Stewart Parnell, pp. 70-2. 37. F. Hugh O'Donnell, A History of the Irish Parliamentary Party, 2 vols (London, 1910) Vol. II, p. 148. 38. Marie Bashkirtseff, The Journal, translated by M. Blind, 2 vols (London, Paris and Melbourne, 1890) Vol. II, p. 65. 39. Leo Andre, 'La colonie americaine', Le Guide Paris 1867. 40. FP, Reflections, 16 May 1874. 41. Testimony to the polished manners and intellectual pursuits of the American women is to be found in numerous memoirs of the period, including Washburne, Leo Andre, and others. Notes to Chapter 5 279

42. This, at least, is the version given by John Parnell in his memoir of his brother Charles. Katharine O'Shea, however, states in her book that the young woman's father refused to 'dower' his daughter. (K. O'Shea, Charles Stewart Parnell: His Love Story and Political Life, 2 vols (London, 1914) Vol. I, p. 138. 43. See Introduction ofT. Evans, History of the American Ambulance Established in Paris During the Siege of 1870-71 (London, 1873). I am indebted to Mr John Whittock, archivist of the Evans papers at the University of Pennsyl• vania, for lending me a copy of this rare book. 44. 'Ambulance' in French had the meaning of a temporary hospital installa• tion with all the supplies and personnel necessary for its operation; the vehicles used to transport the war wounded were termed 'ambulance waggons'. 45. A number of studies in both French and English have been devoted to the life and times of this colourful American dentist. The most recent is by G. Carson, The Dentist and the Empress: The Adventures of Dr. Tom Evans in Gas• lit Paris (Boston, 1983). 46. 'Extractions were performed at street corners or by fakirs at fairs where the howls of victims were drowned by the beating of drums, the clash of cymbals and the laughter and applause of the delighted crowd.' 47. Evans was to be no fair weather friend, however. He would remain a loyal confidant of Eugenie during her long widowhood when she no longer had patronage to offer those friends who remained loyal after the fall of the empire. 48. The only two men in Paris with such knowledge who did not take advantage of it in order to found personal fortunes were Napoleon III and Baron Haussman, both of whom died relatively poor men. 49. The full title is La Commission sanitaire des Etats-Unis, son origine, son organisation et ses resultats, avec une notice sur les h6pitaux militaires aux Etats• Unis et sur le reforme sanitaire dans les armees europeennes. 50. Among the '92 best known and most influential ladies of New York' who called a meeting in the early days of the war at the Women's Infirmary in order to do something about the state of unpreparedness in the country and whose initiative lead to the formation of the US Sanitary Commission were Mrs General Dix and Mrs Parke-Godwin, members of the American colony in Paris in the late 1860s. See C. J. Stille, History of the United States Sanitary Commission (New York, 1868). 51. For obvious reasons (given the position of women at the time) it was composed entirely of men since they were required to convince Washing• ton authorities of the need to accept the volunteer aid originally proposed by the '92 best known and most influential ladies of New York'. 52. T. Evans, The History of the American Ambulance, op. cit., p. 13. 53. Cited in A. Horne, The Fall of Paris: The Siege and Commune, 1870-71 (New York, 1966) p. 174. Horne termed the description 'perhaps harsh'. 54. H. Labouchere, Diary of a Besieged Resident (London, 1871) p. 208. 55. The celebrated journalist, as Paris correspondent to the London Daily News, made his reputation with his entertaining and anecdotal account of the Siege of Paris which he viewed mainly from his comfortable quarters in the Grand Hotel (one floor above but well isolated from the Ambu• lance). While he continues to be quoted liberally by any account of the Siege written in English, the French are less apt to be taken in by his colourful fabrications. See T. G. Bowles, The Defence of Paris: Narrated as It Was Seen (London, 1871). 280 Notes to Chapter 6

56. J. Turquan, Les Femmes de France pendant l'Invasion (Paris, 1893): 'No praise is too high for those truly devoted women who cared for the wounded with generosity and high-mindedness ... if by chance any had come out of morbid curiosity they would not have been tolerated in any ambu• lance,' p. 201. 57. Constitutionel, 22 November 1870. 58. La Liberti, December 1870. 59. T. Evans, The History of the American Ambulance, op. cit. (page number unavailable). 60. Ibid. 61. T. G. Bowles, The Defence of Paris, op. cit., p. 151. 62. AP to the editor, Irish World, 13 August 1881. 63. AP, Gaelic American, 16 January 1907. 64. The Correspondence of Berthe Morisot with her family and her friends, compiled and edited by D. Rouart, translated by B. W. Hubbard (London and Bradford, 1957). 65. FP, 'Hints', American Register, 4 April1874. Fanny's uncle George Wigram was in London at that time involved in doctrinal disputes with fellow 'Brethren'. 66. See Chapter 3, pp. 47-8. 67. These stocks, too, must have been drastically reduced in value since the stock market crash had repercussions throughout the Western world. 68. R. M. McWade, The Life and Public Services of the Hon. Stewart Parnell, p. 65. 69. Stewart's will is on file at the office of the County Clerk, Mount Holly, Burlington County, New Jersey.

6 THE BEGINNINGS OF POLITICAL ACTION

1. In his travel diary, John Henry Parnell appraises all the young ladies he meets- in most respectful terms- in the light of their suitability as a wife. Colonials are rigidly ruled out as they 'dream of the glories of London as they imagine them to be'. John Henry Parnell, as we have seen, was never interested in the glories of social life in London or elsewhere. 2. Whether or not he then envisaged complete legislative independence for Ireland or simply a measure of Irish control over internal affairs we cannot know. Charles Parnell would never put pen to paper to explain the origin or evolution of his political thought. 3. Anna Parnell to the editor, Irish Times, quoted in Wicklow Newsletter, 31 October 1891. 4. Gardiner papers. Emma Gardiner's letter was written after the birth of Hayes Parnell (who was the eldest living son of Delia and John Henry Parnell until his death at age fifteen). 5. Even Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, vain though he was of his outstanding good looks, was proud to be told he and Charles Parnell looked very much alike. See E. Longford, Pilgrimage of Passion: The Life of Wilfrid Scawen Blunt (London, 1979) p. 429. 6. Figaro, 19 February 1881. 'I am the dog who always looks a man straight in the eye'. 7. It was Charles's indifference to Katharine O'Shea's dinner party invita• tions that first piqued her interest and led her to extend an invitation in person, thus initiating their long, personally rewarding but politically disastrous relationship (see Chapter 17). Notes to Chapter 6 281

8. , unpublished diary, in the possession of The Historical Library of the Religious Society of Friends, Dublin. 9. W. E. Gladstone, as quoted in John Morley, Recollections, 2 vols (New York, 1917) Vol. I, p. 241. 10. Officially known as the School of Art of the Royal Dublin Society, it was re-named the Dublin Metropolitan School in 1877, several years after Anna had left the school. 11. A young assistant drawing master at the school from 1870-1, Richard Catterson Smith, was briefly engaged to Fanny, if her brother John's memoir can be believed. John attributed the break-up of the romance to Charles's disapproval of a penniless fiance. Certainly Catterson Smith's salary of £47 per annum combined with Fanny's £100 would have ruled out marriage at that time. Catterson Smith later had a successful career as Director of Art Education for the city of Brimingham and published in 1921 (London) Drawing from Memory and Mind Picturing, a short but thoughtful and well-researched book on artistic creation. See John Parnell, C. S. Parnell: A Memoir, p. 46. 12. I am indebted for much of the information concerning the School of Art in Dublin to J. Turpin, 'The Royal Dublin Society and its School of Art, 1849- 1877', Dublin Historical Record, Vol. XXXVI, No.1 (December 1982), pp. 2- 20. 13. Minutes of the meeting of the Fine Arts Committee, Royal Dublin Society, 17 November 1869. Archives of the RDS, Dublin. 14. Her son John also believed that Delia was a talented artist. John himself was an amateur artist and two of his oil paintings now hang in Avondale. T. D. Sullivan, in Recollections of Troubled Times in Irish Politics (Dublin, 1905) p. 197, considered Anna Parnell to be 'an artist of great skill'. 15. Works Exhibited at the Royal Society of British Artists 1824-1893, c~mpiled by Jane Johnson (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 1975) p. 354. 16. The others were the Royal Institute and the British Institution. 17. These paintings are held in a private collection in . 18. H. Lynch, The Prince of the Glades, Vol. I, p. 217. 19. DTS to WT, Jr, 25 April 1825. Microfilm No. 86. 20. A two-level front veranda or portico supported by four pillars was added at a later date. 21. Caroline Murat (Princess), My Memoirs (London, 1910) p. 41. She was the daughter of Lucien Murat, the nephew of Napoleon I who lived with his wife Georgina Frazer and their five children in Bordentown until the successful coup of Murat's cousin Napoleon III in 1851 brought them back to Paris where they lived in splendour as members of the emperor's civil family. See note 16, Chapter 5 of this book. 22. Stewart's son by his union with Mrs Fields (and consequently Delia Parnell's half-brother) E. L. Stewart, continued to live in this house after the death of his father. See Chapter 16, pp. 221-2. 23. Deed Book G8, Clerk's Office, Mount Holly, Burlington County, New Jersey. 24. Most of which Delia sold at auction in 1884. 25. A number of photographs of the interior of 'Ironsides', taken circa 1880 and reproduced in an unidentified American periodical, are held in the Bordentown Historical Museum. 26. Charles Stewart to C. Ingersoll, 23 September 1845. Ingersoll papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 27. According to the custom of the day an enemy ship was sold with its 282 Notes to Chapter 7

contents at auction and the money was divided among admiral, captain, crew and ship-owner, with a large proportion going to the captain of the victorious vessel. Stewart was prompt to claim whatever prizes he felt were due to him. Although the British ship Cyane which he captured in 1815 was almost immediately recaptured by the British, Stewart never• theless claimed - unsuccessfully - his prize money from the American government. 28. J.D. Magee (ed.), Bordentown, 1682-1932. An Illustrated Story of a Colonial Town (Bordentown, 1932) contains a largely anecdotal account of the life of Commodore Stewart which first appeared in the Bordentown Register in several instalments in 1878. 29. Charles Tudor Stewart to RHG, 5 September 1849. Gardiner papers. 30. See DSP to Septimia Randolph Meikleham 7 April 1882. Alderman Library, University of Virginia, Special Collection Department, No. 4726-9. 31. Justin McCarthy believed that 'an error in spelling was as offensive to him [Charles Parnell] as the sight of a black beetle is to many a man'. (Cited in F. S. L. Lyons, Charles Stewart Parnell (London, 1977) p. 30.) If so, his brother's letters must have been a severe trial to Charles. 32. John Howard Parnell to George Gardiner, 1 June 1866, Gardiner papers. 33. John Howard Parnell to Robert Hallowell Gardiner, Jr, 26 May 1866. Gardiner papers.

7 THE LADIES' CAGE

1. Illustrated London News, 12 February 1870. 2. Ibid. 3. Ibid. 4. Unless indicated otherwise, all quotations in this chapter are taken from 'How they do in the House of Commons: Notes from the Ladies' Cage, Celtic Monthly, Vol. III, No. 5 (May 1880), pp. 469-72; No. 6 Gune 1880), pp. 537-41; Vol. IV, No.1 Guly 1880), pp. 17-21. Hereafter cited as Ladies' Cage. 5. Yet another ancient tradition allowed any member to exclude all 'stran• gers' from their sittings by simply calling attention to their presence. Long fallen into disuse, it was employed by to oblige the Prince of Wales to quit the House in 1875, causing great indignation among the English members. 6. Women's Suffrage Journal, 1 May 1885. Many of the details concerning the history of the Ladies' Gallery are recounted here and in the Report from the Select Committee, 1908, on House of Commons (Admission of Strangers), together with the Proceedings of the Committee, and Minutes of Evidence (printed 16 December 1908). 7. No provisions seem to have been made for permitting women to enter the temporary quarters - the Court of Requests - used by MPs until the new Chamber, built by Sir Charles Berry, was ready for occupation in 1852. 8. A vote of 1839 had confirmed the earlier decision to exclude women visitors from the Chamber. 9. to Helen Taylor, 25 September 1885. Mill-Taylor Collec• tions, Vol. XVII, LSE. 10. The Women's Suffrage Journal reported fully all attempts on the part of friendly members of parliament to have the offending screen removed Notes to Chapter 8 283

and tendered 'hearty and appreciative thanks' to anyone who supported such motions in the House of Commons. 11. Henry Buckle (1821-62) was an English historian and follower of J. S. Mill. He was celebrated in his day for History of Civilization in England (pub• lished in 1857 and 1861) in which he puts forth his theory of history. Like Kant, Buckle believed that in the long run individuals count for nothing. Luther, Bacon and Wilberforce are 'useful as they are only to be regarded as tools by which that work was done which the force and accumulation of preceding circumstances had determined should be done.' This theory is diametrically opposed to Carlyle's 'great men of history' theory which, because of Carlyle's glorification of Cromwell, the 'hangman' of Ireland, would be repugnant to Anna Parnell. 12. William Tudor, Jr, was primarily a man of letters and his targets were pedantry, pomposity and pretentiousness. His Miscellanies (Boston, 1821) long out of print but available in the libraries of many American universities in New England, makes entertaining reading. It is made up of articles from The Monthly Anthology and the North American Review. 13. Edited by Jennie Wyse-Power, a former member of the Ladies' Land League, and published in 1894, a year after Charles's death. 14. Or, as she would put it in her Tale (p. 172), 'a minority being able to seize some unexpectedly magnificent opportunity and by its aid turn the national rudder against the dead weight of the majority.' 15. AP, Tale, p. 38. 16. Annual Register 1876, p. 29. 17. No notice of motion could be introduced after 12.30 a.m. (the House only sat in the evenings) if a notice of opposition to it was on the order paper, or if a motion was given only the preceding day. 18. A clause inserted by Dr Kenealy and Mr Parnell had the effect of treating political prisoners as first-class misdemeanants, no longer subject to the harsh prison conditions endured by Fenians such as O'Donovan Rossa and Michael Davitt. The first political prisoners to benefit from this clause would be Parnell himself and other Land League leaders imprisoned in 1881. 19. Previously there had been 59 nominal Home Rulers who frequently voted with the government against Irish bills or, at best, did not support them with much enthusiasm. They looked to the Liberal government, their traditional ally, to reward them with office and preferment when they formed the government. The 1880 elections returned 63 nominal Home Rulers, of whom 24 were 'Parnellites'. 20. The over-anxious government minister had thought that Parnell was expressing a desire to thwart the House of Commons, which would indeed have been out of order. 21. AP, Tale, p. 52.

8 THE HOVELS OF IRELAND

1. It also increased Anna's contempt for Gladstone 'who had worked himself into a pathetic and public state of grief and indignation over the sorrows of political prisoners in Italy, while he had yielded to no one in his savage treatment of Fenian prisoners when he was in power.' AP, Tale, p. 56. 2. Robert Magraw, France 1815-914, The Bourgeois Century (Oxford, 1983), p. 66. 284 Notes to Chapter 8

3. Although the absolute numbers appear unimpressive, the realisation that landlords were prepared to evict in a time of agricultural distress had a serious effect on morale, recalling the Chinese proverb 'Shoot one man, frighten 10 000.' 4. T. W. Moody, Davitt and Irish Revolution, 1846-1882 (Oxford, 1981) p. 230. 5. AP, Tale, p. 38. 6. Freeman's journal, 7 June 1879. Pope Leo XIII's encyclical condemning , and almost any opposition to legally constituted authority, no matter how unjust, since this would lead to 'social disorder', had been issued in December 1878 and MacHale' s letter echoed the same sentiments. 7. Freeman's journal, 9 June 1879. 8. AP, Tale, p. 57. 9. The Mayo Land League, formed by James Daly and Michael Davitt in August 1879 was in fact converted into a national organisation - the Irish National Land League. 10. AP, Tale, p. 53. 11. The rent the tenants offered was most often 'Griffith's valuation'. That is, the value placed on the holding during the coqtprehensive valuation of holdings in Ireland carried out between 1852 and 1865 by Sir Richard Griffith, Commissioner of Valuation. Although the valuation was twenty years out of date, the tenants considered it a measure of reasonable rent because of the drastic fall in agricultural prices during the 1870s. Rents higher than Griffith's valuation were considered to be rack rents or economic rents - that is, rents that were set by the play of supply and demand in the market-place but were nevertheless in excess of the product of the soil. 12. The Bright clause had been ineffective because it required the tenants to put down one-third of the purchase price of their holding, with the other two-thirds loaned by the government at a fixed rate of interest. The poorer tenants were unable to come up with the necessary down payment. There were other impediments to the working of the clause and it remained pretty well dead. 13. Davitt, Killen, James Daly and three others were tried at the Sligo Assizes. Although the charges were quietly dropped by the government, the preliminary trial had attracted scores of journalists from around the world who gave the Land League and its aims publicity on a scale it could not have hoped to have obtained otherwise. 14. Ground corn meal which was mixed into a sort of 'stirabout' or gruel and comprised the major part of the diet of the most impoverished farmers when their potatoes gave out. 15. Henry George to Patrick Ford, 10 November 1881. Henry George's letterbook for 1881. Henry George papers, New York Public Research Library. Hereafter cited as George papers. 16. This was one of the stated aims of the Land League. 17. New York Herald, 3 and 5 December 1879. 18. F. L. Mott, A History of American Magazines 1865-1885, 5 vols (Cambridge, Mass., 1957-1966) Vol. III, p. 278. 19. Noel Annan, Leslie Stephen: The Godless Victorian (London, 1984) p. 52. 20. Fanny, in her Hovels, would agree that the Irish were in disproportionate numbers in prison but maintained that their crimes were minor ones caused mainly by drink and quarrelling, and not the more serious offences such as murder and robbery. Notes to Chapter 9 285

21. John Joseph Lynch, Archbishop of Toronto, Letter to Irish Bishops on the Evils of Wholesale and Improvident Emigration 1864. Lynch papers, Archives of the Archdiocese of Toronto. Lynch sent a second letter to Irish bishops (in November 1883) on the evils resulting from the mass emigration of an impoverished people. He again mentions the tragic fate awaiting so many girls and young women 'who come here in great numbers entirely with• out protection. God alone knows their sufferings and the battles they must wage. We can only speak of them with respect. The fact that so many of them keep their faith and their virtue is nothing short of miraculous.' This unusually enlightened view is typical of this remarkable churchman who, unfortunately, has not found a biographer in this century. 22. AP, Tale, p. 50. 23. Earl F. Niehaus, The Irish in New Orleans 1800-1860 (Louisiana State University Press, Baton Rouge, 1965). 24. This pamphlet is extremely difficult to find. Copies are kept in the New York Public Library and the Archives of Boston College. 25. F. L. Mott, A History of American Magazines 1865-1885, 5 vols (Cambridge, Mass., 1957-68) Vol. III, p. 31. 26. Fanny's practical knowledge derived from her life at Avondale as well as her management of her mother's farms in Bordentown. Her theoretical knowledge came from extensive readings of English and continental writers on the land question, notably and the Belgian economist Emile de Laveleye, whose La question agraire was published in Paris in 1868 and from which Fanny quotes extensively in Hovels of Ireland. 27. F. L. Mott, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 277. 28. In fact the climate and soil of most of Ireland are best adapted to grazing. Tillage was greatly increased towards the end of the eighteenth century in order to take advantage of the high prices for grain prevailing during the Napoleonic wars. 29. New York Herald, 3 December 1880. 30. Although the article was not published until the March edition, it was necessarily written and in the hands of the editors well in advance of this date. 31. Charles Endicott, in his eulogy of Fanny (Boston Pilot, 25 July 1882), states that 'she realized thoroughly the responsibility placed upon her to reach out her hand and heart in the endeavour to raise the weary and heavy laden to higher material and intellectual condition.' 32. George owed much of his political and economic thought to the eighteenth-century pioneers of land reform, Thomas Spence, William Ogilvie and . The first modern proponent of the 'single tax theory' was Spence. 33. A speech made by CSP in 1878 and quoted in F. S. L. Lyons, Charles Stewart Parnell (London, 1977) p. 85, states that unless they went in for revolution he did not see how they could achieve radical reform of land tenure. Therefore, he proposed compensation for the landlords.

9 FAMINE RELIEF AND THE LAND LEAGUE FUNDS

1. See also A. Voglaire, La theorie economique de la famine a l'epreuve des faits: le cas de la grande famine irlandaise, 1845-49 (master thesis for the Faculte Universi• taire Notre Dame de Ia Paix, Namur, 1988) for an interesting analysis of 286 Notes to Chapter 9

modern famine theory as applied to the Great Famine in Ireland. See also Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines (Oxford, 1980). 2. Gray continued to be hostile to Parnell until October 1880 when he veered over to the side of the peasants and the Land League. 3. Bennett despised working journalists and boasted_that he could hire all the brains he wanted for $25 a week. Among his hired 'brains' at this time was one but this ardent Irish nationalist had no more influence on the editorial policy of the newspaper - consistently hostile to Parnell and the Land League- than the newsboy on the corner. Devoy left the Herald to found his own newspaper, Irish Nation, in 1881. 4. FP, Hovels. 5. That is, American Fenians. 6. The Duchess of Marlborough Fund raised £180 000; the Dublin Mansion House Fund raised £250 000. 7. AP, Tale, p. 59. 8. Irish Canadian, 10 March 1880. 9. The Land League leaders were constantly on the move, addressing mass meetings of tenant farmers every Sunday as they attempted to stiffen their opposition to evictions and the payment of unjust rents. 10. All quotations from AP's letters concerning the funds are from Land League papers, Ms 8291, NLI. 11. AP, Tale, p. 50. 12. AP, speech at Poulaphuca. Nation, 5 March 1881. 13. T. M. Healy, Letters and Leaders of My Day, 2 vols (London, 1929) Vol. II, p. 81. 14. See W. O'Brien and D. Ryan (eds), Devoy's Post Bag (Dublin, 1948), W. Carroll to J. Devoy, Vol. I, pp. 467, 468, 487, 518, 520, 522, 530. 15. FP to Patrick Collins, 10 September 1881. Patrick Collins papers, Boston College Library. 16. Which officially wound up in November 1880 but which had collected the bulk of its funds by June. 17. Sullivan papers, NLI. 18. An unfortunately worded telegram from Davitt had suggested that the danger of famine was over. 'If not,' Dillon wrote to Charles Parnell on 26 April 1880, 'make a fierce row in the House when the session begins. Notice will be taken in America and money will start to flow to the Famine Fund again.' He also sent a list of Irish-American newspapers to which accounts might be sent of clashes between the people and the Constabu• lary which would also encourage renewed contributions from indignant supporters in America. Land League papers, NLI. 19. Fanny arranged with the Postmaster General of the United States in November 1879 to place Famine Fund collection boxes in post offices. The funds collected were sent to the Nun of Kenmare and Fanny's name duly appears in the list of contributors printed up quarterly by Sister Mary Frances Clare. See the Boston Pilot, 2 December 1879. 20. A copy is preserved among the papers of John Joseph Lynch, Archbishop of Toronto, Archives of the Archdiocese, Toronto. 21. Her efforts (from 1882 onwards) to establish shelters and training schools in Ireland and North America for emigrating Irish girls and women met the implacable hostility and opposition of bishops in both countries who expelled her from their dioceses in spite of the Pope's support for her proposed work. Eventually, in retaliation, the nun left the church and Notes to Chapter 10 287

went on the lecture circuit, telling the world all it hoped to hear about scandalous doings in convents and monasteries. 22. F. S. L. Lyons, Charles Stewart Parnell (London, 1977) p. 114. 23. This was a signal honour to be accorded a foreigner who held no official position in his own government. 24. Boston Pilot, 17 January 1880. 25. After her husband's death Effie Tudor had her name legally changed to Mrs Fenno Tudor. 26. Quotations are from the private diaries of Frederic Tudor, held in Baker Library, Harvard. After her husband's death in 1864 Mrs Tudor went through the diaries, pen in hand, and corrected the record by writing in the margins her own version of certain facts and incidents related by Frederic. Although her additions are few, they are etched in acid. 27. It was in Montreal that first referred to Charles as 'the uncrowned king of Ireland', a title that was to stick but which was not designed to please who, however much she disliked the Irish, considered herself their queen and did not like to have her titles usurped. 28. Theodosia's marriage contract shows her as the possessor of a sizeable fortune in bonds and stocks. Chances are they were worth considerably less than the face value due to the enormous depreciation of shares in the successive financial crises of the 1870s. 29. Davitt papers, no. 1088, TCD. 30. W. E. Gladstone, during the debates (in the House of Commons) on the government's Compensation for Disturbance Bill Oune/July 1880). 31. AP to Michael Davitt, undated but about 16 June 1880. Michael Davitt papers (9378/1087), TCD. 32. AP, Tale, p. 174.

10 THE LADIES' LAND LEAGUE IN THE UNITED STATES AND CANADA

1. O'Reilly was a former Fenian, imprisoned for recruiting Irish soldiers in English regiments to Fenianism. He appeared in Boston in 1872. As editor and co-owner (with the Catholic diocese of Boston) of the Pilot, he attempted to unite moderate Irish nationalism and Catholicism in a respectable creed which would help Irish-Americans to move into the middle classes where they might achieve status and power. Where he appealed to the 'respectable' Irish-Americans, Patrick Ford aimed his Irish World at the labouring classes. 2. 'To a Friend', 10 July 1880; 'Hold the Harvest', 21 August 1880; 'She is not Dead', 4 September 1880; 'Erin, Oh Erin', 18 September 1880; '', 23 October 1880, and so on. 3. Bordentown Register, 28 July 1882. 4. The name of the poem eulogising Archbishop Croke. 5. FP toP. Collins, 10 November 1881. Collins papers, Boston College. 6. Ibid. See Chapter 15. 7. Hannah Lynch, The Prince at the Glades, 2 vols (London, 1891) Vol. I, p. 176. 8. John Boyle O'Reilly, The Poetry and Songs of Ireland (New York, undated but circa 1885) p. 742. 9. Ibid. pp. 742-3. 288 Notes to Chapter 10

10. Irish World, 5 August 1882. In all twenty of Fanny's poems are printed on the front page of this edition. 11. FP toT. D. Sullivan, 4 February 1881. Sullivan papers, MS 8237, NLI. 12. Celtic Monthly, December 1880 refers to a recent issue of the Illustrated London Weekly in which Sala writes: 'She certainly knows how to write ringing verses. Her latest poem is almost as stirring as Mrs. Julia Ward Howe's famous paraphrase of "John Brown's Body Lies Mouldering in the Grave" published during the great American Civil War.' 13. Bordentown Register, 26 April 1882. 14. Ellen A. Ford to Hanna Sheehy Skeffington, 11 January 1904. MS 24096, NLI. 15. Contributions of only $3000 had been received during the period Septem• ber 1880 to February 1881. 16. Reprinted in Nation, 20 August 1880. 17. Thomas Brown in Irish-American Nationalism, 1870-1890 (Philadelphia and New York, 1966), assumes that Irish-American women were little concerned with the prejudices against Irish immigrants and their descen• dants. 'It is not easy to determine how far this spirit of resentment cut into the Irish and to what extent it colored their lives. For the women, busy with home and children, it was very likely not a matter of great moment', p.23. 18. Planned and given by Peter Cooper, industrialist and philanthropist and opened in New York in 1859 as a free-school for working men and women. Situated between Fourth and Fifth Avenues, it was a popular place for large meetings and became the scene of many history-making events. 19. Irish World, 20 November 1880. The account of this meeting is taken largely from Irish World which continued to cover in much detail all meetings of the Ladies' Land League in the USA. Unless otherwise indicated, all quotations are from Irish World. 20. In speeches he referred to landlords as 'cormorant vultures' and warned that the 'wolfdog of Irish vengeance bounds over the Atlantic'. See T. W. Moody, Davitt and Irish Revolution 1846-1882 (Oxford, 1981), pp. 323 and 449. 21. The victims were stripped and scraped with a steel comb used for carding wool. 22. Laming the animals by cutting their hamstrings. 23. A participant in the Young Ireland movement, McGee emigrated to the United States and later to Canada where he became a vociferous opponent of Fenianism and violent revolution. He was elected member of parlia• ment for Montreal for several terms. McGee, a Father of Canadian Confederation, was shot on Sparks Street, Ottawa, on 7 April 1868 by an irate Fenian. 24. Later, when George was seeking elected office as mayor of New York, he would refine his theory to exclude state nationalisation of land since this was decidedly unpopular with American electors. Henceforth he would allow private owners to retain title to their land but it would be taxed to its full value exclusive of improvements. In essence, this is the single tax theory for which he is best known to economists today. 25. The English Democratic Federation would appear in Ireland in mid-1881 to study this 'living laboratory'. 26. Irish World, 8 January 1881. 27. Irish World, 6 August 1881. Notes to Chapter 10 289

28. Irish World, 15 January 1881. 29. Irish World, 5 March 1881. 30. Irish World, 19 March 1881. 31. Nation, 20 August 1881. 32. E. Forrest to Sir John A. Macdonald. The Macdonald Collection, Vol. 61, pp. 25256-68, National Archives of Canada. 33. A charming portrait of the young Rossa comes to us from Hannah Lynch's autobiography. Rossa lived in a house beside her grandfather's and was (c. 1865) 'a bright faced lad with a flown down upon his lip ... eternally singing or whistling ... "Love among the Roses". He would spring over the hedge just like a mythical personage, and tumble unexpectedly on the grass-plot beside me, and my daisy-chains were matter of absorbing interest to him. Then what stories he had about blue dragon-flies, humming birds and bewitched crows!' 34. Boston Pilot, 14 May 1881. 35. The Grimke sisters, Lucretia Mott, and others who were active in abolitionist circles. 36. Irish News, 18 October 1856. 37. Many reasons have been advanced for the Irish-American stand: they were on the lowest rung of the economic scale and feared the competition that 4 000 000 freed blacks would represent, hence they staged the anti• conscription riots of 1863 in New York; they were fanatically loyal supporters of the Democratic Party which was the pro-slavery party; Irish Catholics suspected the New England Yankees who led the abolitionist cause of being 'Know nothings', anti-immigrant and anti-Catholic, a charge vehemently denied by . One notable exception to the pro-slavery stance was that of Patrick Ford who, as a young man, worked on Lloyd Garrison's Liberator. 38. Thanks to the effective, quiet diplomacy of Lynch himself who worked with Sir John A. Macdonald at the time of Confederation in 1867 to have English-Protestant education rights in Quebec traded off for similar English (that is, Irish) Catholic rights in Ontario. 39. Although ritual rivalry between Catholics and Orangemen often took on an ugly tone during the Orange parades on the Glorious 12th (of July), and the had made Irish Catholics highly unpopular for a time, religious bigotry impinged little on their daily life. 40. The wily prime minister contrived to send the money to the Colonial Secretary in London for distribution in Ireland as he saw fit. Thus he avoided offending the British government. The money was eventually used to assist the West-coast fishermen with the purchase or repair of boats and gear. Mrs McDougall, special correspondent for the Montreal Witness in Ireland, reported that 'fishing boats along the coast [were] named Montreal, Toronto, and other Canadian names in affectionate remembrance of the Canadian dollars that paid for them' (quoted in the Perth Courier, 1 July 1881). The final report of the committee distributing the money confirms in every detail the Irish nationalist contention that a fishing industry supported initially by even modest financial assistance from the government could enable the impoverished people of the West to become self sufficient. See Report of the joint committee selected from the committees of the Duchess of Marlborough Relief Fund and the Dublin Mansion House Fund for the Relief of Distress in Ireland to administer the sum of 100,000 dollars voted by the parliament of the Dominion of Canada towards the relief of distress in Ireland, HC 1881 (326), LXXV, 859-94 (12 July 81). 290 Notes to Chapter 11

41. Nation, 23 July 1881; Irish Canadian, 7 July 1881. 42. Irish Canadian, 14 July; Nation, 23 July 1881. 43. Irish Canadian, 14 July 1881. 44. R. M. McWade, The Uncrowned King: The Life and Public Services of the Hon. Stewart Parnell (Philadelphia, 1891). 45. The vote to disband the Land League in America was a close one with Delia voting against the motion.

11 HOLD THE HARVEST

1. C. G O'Brien to Lord Monteagle, 17 February 1881. Cited in S. Gwynn, Charlotte Grace O'Brien, Selections from her Writings and Correspondence (Dublin, 1909) p. 52. 2. The estate of the dowager Countess of Kingston at , Co. Cork, which was the scene of extensive evictions in the summer of 1881, had a nominal rent roll of £18 000. When mortgage and other charges were paid she was left with a net annual income of £8000 from the estate. A crippling mortgage of £236 000 was a legacy from former and exceptionally profligate Earls of Kingston. 3. The Bill would oblige the landlord to pay monetary compensation to tenants evicted for non-payment of rent if they could prove inability to pay. There was no intention of allowing solvent tenants to avail them• selves of the respite. The measure was to be of temporary duration. Since the Bill followed so closely upon the heels of the Irish Party's unsuccessful attempt to introduce legislation designed to halt evictions, Charles Parnell could- and did- take credit for forcing the government to bring in its own 'Compensation for Disturbance' Bill. 4. See F. S. L. Lyons, Charles Stewart Parnell (London, 1977) p. 92. 5. See p. 253, note 4. 6. AP, in Tale, p. 54, writes of 'the callousness shown by the tenants themselves either to take evicted farms or to condone land-grabbing by others, thus aggravating as they perfectly well know the evils they are always so clamorous about ... ' See also J. Morley, Recollections, 2 vols (New York, 1977). 'The efforts of the League have been as much directed against the covetousness of tenants in face of one another as against the covetousness of landlords and agents' (Vol. I, p. 182). 7. See Lyons, op. cit., p. 134. 8. William Bence-Jones, 'Ireland- its Social State' in Macmillan's Magazine, Vol. XLII (May-October, 1880). 9. None of these acts were in fact legal offences. 10. Gladstone and Bright would later blame Forster for exaggerating the amount of crime in Ireland. Forster in turn would feel aggrieved that the permanent officials in Dublin Castle had misled him in claiming that a few miscreants known to the police were responsible for the violence in the country. 11. AP, in a speech at Claremorris, 13 February 1881. 12. FP to Michael Davitt, 9 November 1880. Davitt papers (1091), TCD. 13. AP, Tale, p. 88. 14. Charles held moderately advanced views concerning female suffrage. In a speech on 13 March 1879 in the House of Commons - reprinted in its entirety in a grateful Woman's Suffrage journal- he supported a resolution Notes to Chapter 12 291

to extend the vote to unmarried or widowed adult women. In his step-by• step rebuttal of the more popular arguments against female suffrage one may detect the helping hand of his sisters, Anna and Fanny. This is not to suggest that they dictated his position but rather that it is unlikely that his interest in the question was sufficient to inspire such a comprehensive analysis. 15. AP, Tale, p. 88. See also, The Times, 27 January 1881. 16. Y. Kapp, Eleanor Marx, 2 vols (London, 1979) Vol. I, p. 213. 17. It was during this prison sojourn that Davitt had time to read and digest Henry George's Progress and Poverty. When he emerged from prison it would be as a committed follower of George's land nationalisation theories.

12 THE LADIES' LAND LEAGUE IN IRELAND: THE BEGINNING

1. Anna is concerned with the ability of a political majority to impose upon a minority unjust laws which deprive them of civic and legal rights. She particularly castigates the acquiescence of the minority in this injustice. 2. Lynch frequently dedicated her and short stories to the person who had inspired the plot or from whose life the principal events are drawn. The heroine of Denys d'Auvrillac is inspired by Mabel Robinson, a dedicated amateur painter who lived and painted in France where Hannah knew her. 3. Katharine Tynan, Twenty-five Years (London, 1913) p. 81. 'The Land League was the expression of the Nationalist spirit in Ireland. I think a good many of us felt the uninspiringness of it, but there it was!' A very large number of novels have been based on the , including the most recent, The Rising of the Moon, by Peter Beresford Ellis; none of note have dealt with the land agitation. George Moore's A Drama in Muslin is set during the days of the land agitation in Ireland but the itself deals more with the Castle life and marriage market of upper-class Ireland than with the agitation itself. See also A. Trollope, The Landleaguers. 4. Lynch's portrait of Camilla agrees in so many details with other recollec• tions of Anna Parnell a$ provided by Katharine Tynan and Jennie O'Toole, and is faithful to Anna's character as it comes down to us through her own words and actions. 5. In reality this was more a 'cause' than a 'hero'. 6. H. Lynch, The Prince of the Glades, 2 vols (London, 1891) Vol. I, pp. 126, 215-19. 7. Katharine Tynan, op. cit., p. 75. 8. A. Kettle, The Tools of Victory (Dublin, 1958) p. 48. 9. Journalists generally omitted the given name of ladies while always including their courtesy title (Miss, Mrs). This combined with the pres• ence of several sets of sisters in the league- the Walshes, the Byrnes and the Lynches- make it difficult to identify all the women concerned. 10. Anne Deane gave the nuns her husband's family home in Foxford in which the factory was established, made them substantial loans and when times were hard arranged at her own expense to have delivered to the nuns each day their evening meal. 11. Mother Arsenius was cut out of the same cloth as the Nun of Kenmare and consequently raised the ire of a clergyman, James 292 Notes to Chapter 12

Owen Hannay, who wrote under the name of George . The sight of a nun organising flourishing businesses, establishing an industrial fair and advertising the products of 'her' mill with confident business acumen was too much. He wrote a satirical novel, Hyacinth, in which the convent, in a modest country home, was described as a building of ostentatious luxury. 12. E. Longford, Passionate Pilgrim, the Life of Wilfrid Scawen Blunt (London, 1979) p. 228. 13. A. Kettle, Tools of Victory (Dublin, 1958). 14. The Nation, 3 December 1881, notes that the imprisonment of Mr Molony in (rather than in Kilmainham which was in Dublin) was considered 'a peculiar hardship since it will have a serious effect upon the management of his business ... his wife and associates having to travel some distance to receive his advice and instructions'. 15. Katharine Tynan, op. cit., p. 89. 16. AP to the Editor, The Peasant and Irish Ireland, 5 October 1907. 17. Her letters to the Academy (in the 1890s) which covered almost every noteworthy aspect of French life, literature and politics, attest both to her broad culture in English, French and Spanish and to her wide humani• tarian views. From the earliest days she espoused the cause of the Dreyfusards and speaks eloquently of the right of women to the suffrage, to education and to the professions. 18. See Free State Parliamentary Companion, p. 112. Some of the positions held by Wyse-Power in later life were: executive member of the Sinn Fein organisation from its foundation and for many years one of it honorary treasurers; one of the founders and first president of Cumman na mBann; member of many important boards and commissions; a District Justice for the City of Dublin; and, finally, a senator from 1922 until the Senate was abolished by de Valera in 1936. (A new upper house was established by the Constitution of 1937.) 19. Reportedly engaged for a time to Michael Davitt. 20. Their brothers, P. W. and 'Scrab' Nally, and Patrick Walsh were all active Fenians and Land Leaguers in the West of Ireland. 21. Katharine Tynan, op. cit., p. 76. 22. Later editor of , a nationalist MP and one of the 'faithful few' during Charles Parnell's last year of life when the Irish Party split into the Parnellites and anti-Pamellites. Tynan describes the young Leamey as 'one of the most delightful personalities of the movement', Katharine Tynan, op. cit., pp. 88-9. 23. Katharine Tynan, op. cit., p. 89. 24. T. W. Moody, Davitt and Irish Revolution (Oxford, 1981) p. 433. 25. 5 February 1881. 26. Nation, 19 February 1881. 27. Ibid., 12 March 1881. 28. Ibid., 7 March 1881. 29. The first clear functions allotted to the newly formed womens' dubs of the French Revolution, such as 'Amies de la Verite' were philanthropic. Only later did more militant groups such as the Club des Citoyennes Republi• caines et Revolutionnaires form, leading to the suppression of all the womens' clubs less than two years later. Even violent revolutionaries have trouble making room for women. 30. Florence Arnold Forster, in her diary entry of 1 March 1881: 'I hear from her [Miss Burke, sister of the Permanent secretary] that the season is a Notes to Chapter 12 293

very gay one ... the Cowpers [the Lord Lieutenant] are entertaining well.' See F. Arnold-Forster, Irish Journal, eds T. W. Moody, R. Hawkins and M. Moody, (Oxford, 1988). 31. Katharine Tynan, op. cit. p. 74. 32. H. George to Patrick Ford, 22 November, 1881. Letter copybook for 1881, George papers. 33. J. Wyse-Power, Sinn Fein Weekly, 16 October 1909. 34. Wyse-Power strenuously opposed the new Constitution of 1937 which, with its taint of 'vocationalism', firmly relegated women to the private sphere. Wilfrid Scawen Blunt wrote that 'there is nothing more absurd than to speak of Home Rule as Jacobinism. Ireland, under her own Parliament, would infallibly be retrograde.' See E. Longford, op. cit., p. 310. 35. J. Wyse-Power, Sinn Fein Weekly, 16 October 1909. 36. Egan, the treasurer of the Land League, had quietly left for Paris about the time the Coercion Law was due to come into effect, taking with him the funds of the League to avoid confiscation by the government. From Paris he disbursed funds to the Land League and the Ladies' Land League in Ireland and also continued to receive contributions from the Irish diaspora. 37. AP, Tale, p. 90. 38. H. Lynch, The Prince of the Glades. 39. Nation, 3 March 1881. Bishop Nulty, quoting instructions issued by John Bright at Rochdale for the guidance of popular movements. 40. A Special Commission appointed to investigate the charge printed in The Times that Charles Parnell had been aware of and approved of the murder of the Chief Secretary and the Permanent Secretary for Ireland in in May 1882. The letters from Parnell which 'proved' this collusion were in fact shown to be forgeries. The Special Commission held hearings for over a year during which all of The Times' charges against the Land League were investigated. See Chapter 17. 41. Florence Arnold-Forster records in her diary of 20 June 1881: 'a melancholy change in the manner of the people - except a few women who persist in curtsying ... 'On 21 June she records that 'Lord Monteagle, just returned from Limerick is saddened at the change in the bearing and manners of the people since he was there in the winter. The Land League edict against "courtesy" to the landlord has had its effect.' Like all power elites, the Anglo-Irish deluded themselves into believing that the deference and 'courtesy' shown them by their dependents was motivated not by fear and apprehension but by love and respect for their own superior qualities. Many landlords were deeply hurt and disillu• sioned when 'their men' joined the land agitation and voted not for them but for advanced Home Rulers. See Mark Bence-Jones, Twilight of the Ascendancy (London, 1987) p. 30. 42. Harpinder Kaur, Gandhi's Concept of : A Study with Special Reference to Thoreau's Influence on Gandhi (New Delhi, 1986) p. 68. 43. This accords well with statements Charles had made in his Manifesto from Paris in February 1881 in which he exhorts the 600 000 tenant farmers to remember that the honour of Ireland was in their keeping, that if they collapsed and started back at the first pressure they would show them• selves unworthy of all that had been done for them - and would 'prove to the world that they are fit only for the lot of slavery which has been theirs'. See AP, Tale, Appendix 1, p. 182. 294 Notes to Chapter 12

44. A famous illuminated medieval manuscript, found in a bog at Kells, now preserved in the library at Trinity College, Dublin. 45. See C. Lloyd, Ireland under the Land League (London, 1892) pp. 51-3. Major Clifford Lloyd, a police magistrate who was to become the bete noire of Anna Parnell and indeed of all the Land Leaguers, states in his memoir: 'The RIC can best be described as an army of occupation, upon which is imposed certain civil duties'. The RIC was made up of Irishmen in its lower ranks with English or Anglo-Irish officers. They were trained in barracks at Phoenix Park in Dublin where the routine of a regiment was maintained. The constables were fully armed and lived in barracks remote from the people in whose district they served. If a constable married a local woman he was immediately transferred out of the district. 46. Compare Gandhi in Young India, 19 September 1921: 'Has not the sepoy been used to hold India under subjection ... has been used more often than not as a hired assassin than as a soldier, defending the liberty or honour of the weak and the helpless.' 47. AP derided the childish habit of defying landlords by hissing at them as they walked in the street. In Cork, on 8 August 1881, she told a Ladies' Land League meeting to 'leave that [hissing] to the little boys, a practice they are better adapted for than you' (Irish World, 2 September 1881). 48. Among the personal and political papers left by John Dillon may be found a long anonymous poem entitled 'The Ladies' Land League, Miss Par• nell's Mission', evidently written soon after Anna's visit to Claremorris. Although written in the feminine voice it expresses very masculine concerns about modest Irish ladies becoming cigar-smoking, revolver• carrying americanised amazons, and one is tempted to suspect that the unknown author might be none other than young John himself. The poet is particularly exercised by Miss Parnell's advice to young Irish women to reject RIC constables as sweethearts and concludes that, given a chance, 'Miss Parnell would not turn down an officer's glance'. Dillon papers, TCD. 49. AP, Tale, p. 66. 50. Jessie Craigen, a member of the English Democratic Federation's delega• tion to Ireland in the summer of 1881, made a notable impression during a speech on Ireland by dumping out of her bag onto a table in front of her the entire contents of an evicted Irish tenant's hovel - a broken three• legged stool. See H. M. Hyndman, Further Reminiscences (London, 1912) pp. 8-11. 51. , in New York Tribune, 10 November 1881; C. P. Crane, Memoirs of a Resident Magistrate, 1880-1920 (Edinburgh, 1938). 52. Nation, 19 February 1881. 53. AP to William Forster, 10 June 1881. Printed in the Nation. At a Ladies' Land League meeting in Cork on 8 August 1881 Anna would state: 'I think all women are Quakers in this way. They detest bloodshed.' 54. Nation, 2 April 1881. 55. Helen Taylor, The Claim of Englishwomen to the Suffrage Constitutionally Considered, undated, but about 1869. Fawcett Library, London. 56. Nation, 26 March 1881. Also Leinster Express, 26 March 1881. 57. Ibid., 21 March 1881. 58. Ibid., 26 March 1881. 59. AP to G. Sigerson, 12 December 1907. MS 8100 (8), NLL Notes to Chapter 13 295

13 THE LADIES' LAND LEAGUE AND THE CHURCH

1. Freeman's journal, 12 March 1881. 2. Ibid. 3. Irish Canadian, 7 April 1881. 4. AP, Tale, p. 90. 5. Irish Canadian, 7 April 1881. 6. Harriett Martineau, Letters from Ireland (London, 1853) pp. 65-72. 7. Irish Canadian, 14 April1881. 8. Ibid. 9. Croke gave visible proof of the fidelity of Irish Catholics by presenting to Pope Leo XIII an embroidered silk purse containing the handsome sum of £2800, the Peter's Pence of his diocese and the largest to be offered by any of the Irish bishops. 10. Some letters supporting the cause were also received in the Vatican, most notably from Archbishop Lynch of Toronto who pleaded for understand• ing of the Irish demand for Home Rule as it was enjoyed in Canada where, Lynch pointed out repeatedly, Catholics freely practised their religion and enjoyed parochial schools supported at public expense. 11. See H. George to Patrick Ford, 10 November 1881. Letter copybook for 1881, George papers. 'He (Bishop Nulty] told me the English and Irish landowners have been deluging Rome with complaints.' Also George to Ford, 8 December 1881: 'Dr. Duggan confirmed that absolute orders from Rome are holding back men like him and Nulty.' 12. Nation, 19 October 1850. 13. Abbott Smith Papers, St Paul's Outside the Walls, Rome. 14. E. Longford, Pilgrimage of Passion, the Life of Wilfrid Scawen Blunt (London, 1979) p. 268. 15. McCabe to Croke, 19 March 1881. Croke papers, Archives of the Archdiocese of Cashel. 16. Croke to McCabe, 20 March 1881. McCabe Papers, Archives of the Archdiocese of Dublin. 17. During a meeting of the Irish bishops on 15 March 1881, Dr McCabe had spurned the suggestion that the bishops should speak with one voice and maintained that he would continue to speak out, declaring that he would be bound by one authority alone, the Holy Father. 18. Archives of the Propaganda Fide, Rome. SC (Irlanda), Vol. XL, ff. 738-60. 19. Croke to McCabe, 8 April1881. Croke papers, NLI. 20. Errington to Smith, 12 April 1881. Abbott Smith Papers, Rome. 21. Croke to Tobias Kirby, Rector of the Irish College, Rome, 13 April 1881. Croke papers, NLI. 22. AP, in a speech at a Ladies' Land League meeting in Thurles, the seat of the diocese of Archbishop Croke. Nation, 26 March 1881. 23. United Ireland, 22 July 1882. 24. Excerpts of the 'Address by the Catholic Bishops' are cited in M. Tierney, Croke of Cashel: The Life of Archbishop Thomas William Croke, 1823-1902 (Dublin, 1976) pp. 136-7. 25. Freeman's journal, 12 July 1882. 26. Their mother was Protestant, their father Catholic. According to the custom of the time, the girls were raised in the religion of their mother, the boys in that of their father. When the Crokes' mother died, the two girls, then in their late teens, converted to Catholicism. 296 Notes to Chapter 14

27. Her absorbing War Diary throws a new and interesting light on Florence Nightingale's run-ins with the Irish nuns under their formidable leader, 'General' Bridgman. The diary, which unfortunately is as yet unpub• lished, is kept in the convent of the Sisters of Mercy, Charleville. 28. The Irish Canadian, 30 March 1882. 29. See I. Bassett, The Parlour Rebellion: Profiles in the Struggle for Women's Rights (Toronto, 1975) pp. 194-7. 30. United Ireland, 30 December 1882.

14 THE LADIES' LAND LEAGUE IN IRELAND: THE MIDDLE PERIOD

1. S. Gwynn, Charlotte Grace O'Brien, Selections from her Writings (Dublin, 1909) p. 51. O'Brien waged a successful campaign to have conditions on emigrant ships improved. She opened at her own expense (and adminis• tered in person) a boarding house at Queenstown which sheltered over 3000 women and girls who were awaiting ships to emigrate. She also published articles on the land question in Nineteenth Century and Fortnightly Review, and through her personal correspondence with John Morley, editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, had considerable influence on that journal's fair coverage of the land agitation. Her novel Light and Shade, published in 1878 and based on the Fenian rising, was widely serialised in Irish, Irish• American and Canadian newspapers during the land agitation. 2. Catholic Times, 18 March 1881. 3. Nation, 3 September 1881. 4. AP, Tale, p. 99. 5. Printed in the Nation, 2 April 1881. 6. That is, if a tenant managed to pay his arrears just before the Land Act came into effect he could, as a 'present' tenant (in possession of his holding at the time the Act came into force) with no rent arrears, enter the Land Courts and would not be evicted. 7. The Renfrew Mercury, 11 April 1881: 'It is said the Property Defence Association and the Orange Emergency Committee have done more than the Coercion Act to injure the Irish Land League ... the League is honor• bound to make good the losses of the tenants who obey orders and a great drain is thus caused by the landlord association.' 8. AP, Tale, p. 96. In a letter of 19 February 1908 to Mrs Mary Lennon (the former Mary McGurrin, secretary of the Ladies' Land League in Kilty• clogher) Anna Parnell states that she first realised the futility of the policy of No-Rent at the point of the bayonet in August 1881 during evictions on the estate of Colonel Tottenham. 9. Anna expressed frequently her admiration for Quaker beliefs and her contempt for Quakers like Bright and Forster who, belonging to a sect that discountenanced violence, nevertheless supported a regime of 'legalized violence' in Ireland. This was a conspicuous example of lack of 'fidelity to principle' - that is, actions not in accord with beliefs - that she abhorred. 10. Those arrested under the terms of the Coercion Act were not entitled to legal advice since they were imprisoned 'on suspicion' by authority of a paper signed by the Lord Lieutenant. 11. A speech at Thurles, reported in the Nation, 26 March 1881. 12. Nation, 20 August 1881. 13. Nation, 2 July 1881. Notes to Chapter 14 297

14. AP, Tale, p. 107. 15. AP to Dr O'Sullivan, Limerick, 11 September 1881, Limerick Museum. Nothing seems to have come of this suggestion possibly because the men's league was declared illegal and disbanded shortly afterwards. I am indebted to Larry Walsh, librarian of Limerick Museum, for sending me a copy of this letter. 16. Land League papers, MS 17701, NLI. Several letters in the same vein, including three received on one day, 7 November 1881, are contained in this file of close to 150 letters received in the Ladies' Land League headquarters during a three-week period in October-November, 1881. How these letters survived the destruction of League papers remains a mystery. 17. Another tenant on the estate. The police and bailiffs destroyed his furniture and broke into his dairy. 18. See Chapter 17, p. 232, note 20. 19. AP, Tale, p. 101. 20. AP, at a speech at Thurles, Nation, 26 March 1881. 21. Major Clifford Lloyd, Ireland Under the Land League: A of Personal Experience (Edinburgh and London, 1892) p. 211. 22. In his testimony before the Times-Parnell Commission, Charles intimated that he had always disapproved of defending prisoners. In fact he seems only to have resented this practice while he was in Kilmainham (October• April) when he wished to preserve as much of the Land League funds as possible for future parliamentary purposes. He stated several times his irritation at the Land League's decision to 'starve' the parliamentary party of funds, although the League leadership had expressly promised Irish• Americans that money they contributed to the land agitation would not be used for parliamentary purposes. See also note 82, Chapter 15. 23. Quoted in F. S. L. Lyons, Charles Stewart Parnell (London, 1975). Lyons's sources are given as: CSO., Registered papers, 33858/82, especially the reports by Superintendent Mallon of 22 April and 4 May 1882. 24. Both left for England after being severely boycotted. 25. Cork Daily Herald, 25 March 1881. 26. London Standard, 2 July 1881. The Nation, 24 December 1881: Taylor addressed the Hatcham Labour Club on behalf of Irish Political Prisoners; 28 January 1882, Taylor spoke on Ireland when a branch of the Democratic Federation was formed in . 27. See Chapter 18, p. 246. 28. Taylor's generosity was legendary. When Eleanor Marx helped set up a committee to collect funds for families of citizens expelled from German cities under the anti-Socialist law, she was able to send to Karl Kautsky the sum of 40 marks- all contributed by Helen Taylor. See Yvonne Kapp, Eleanor Marx, 2 vols (London, 1979) Vol. I, pp. 212-13. 29. Taylor has yet to find a sympathetic biographer. Her direct manner of speaking and of facing opposition head on is viewed as abrasive and confrontational and thus less successful than charm and persuasion as a means to an end. SeeP. Hollis, Ladies Elect (Oxford, 1987), also J. Kamm, John Stuart Mill in Love (London, 1977). 30. Taylor wrote to the editor of Echo on 17 October 1881 (Mill-Taylor Collection) to disclaim having called Gladstone a 'hoary old humbug'. 'He may be one but I do not like the alliteration. I did not even call him a dastardly recreant but I did call him a dastard and a recreant and believe half of England would echo those words if polled.' 298 Notes to Chapter 14

31. Jennie (O'Toole) Wyse-Power, Sinn Fein Weekly, 16 October 1909. Several witnesses testified to the same state of affairs at The Times-Parnell Commission hearings. 32. In a pastoral letter of 1871 condemning secret societies, Bishop Nulty also condemned the conditions of Irish peasant life which brought such societies into being. He describes an eviction at which he was present- an elderly dying man carried out of his hovel on his bed and left to die in the rain. He was minutely examined on the 'incontrovertible facts' by a committee of the House of Commons in 1871. Irish World, 2 July 1881. 33. AP to Irish World, published 13 August 1881, but dated 20 July 1881. 34. C. Lloyd, Ireland Under the Land League (London, 1892) p. 81. 35. Ibid, p. 53. 36. Ibid, p. 84. 37. Florence Arnold-Forster, diary entry (p. 332). 38. Jessie Craigen, The Police in Ireland (London, 1882). Printed privately. Available at the London Library. 39. The meeting took place on 8 August in Cork and was reported in Irish World on 2 September 1881. Interestingly enough, Lloyd makes no mention whatever of the Ladies' Land League in his memoir. 40. Land League papers, 17701, NLI. Designed to establish a register of all persons imprisoned for League activities whether under the Coercion Act or the ordinary law, its searching questions were also meant to document what Anna believed were the abuses of the Coercion law. A copy of this interesting form appears on p. 187. 41. Connaught Telegraph, 23 April 1881. 42. A letter of 6 October 1881 to Jennie O'Toole from a 'suspect' in Kil• mainham thanks the Ladies for sending Silas Marner, Daniel Deronda, The Life of Gibbons, The Volunteers and United Irishmen, Hamilton Rowan (Land League papers, NLI.) 43. When Davitt, no doubt embittered by Daly's repudiation of the Land League leadership, wrote his Fall of Feudalism in 1904, he omitted all reference to Daly's important role as co-founder of the League. During the Times-Parnell Commission hearings he would say of Daly: 'In my belief he never had the courage to be anything.' 44. Connaught Telegraph, 9 and 30 July, 12 August and 10 November 1881. 45. In his Fall, Davitt commends the Ladies' initiative in forming 'boys' leagues'. The leagues were, of course, for girls as well as boys. It is unthinkable that Anna Parnell would have agreed to anything else. 46. AP to the Nun of Kenmare, printed in the Nation, 30 September 1881. 47. Ibid, 1 October 1881. 48. Ibid. 49. Canon Dehenny of Kanturk. See letter from Ladies' Land League of Kanturk in the Nation, 24 December 1881. 50. Ibid. 51. Ladies' Land League of Newry to AP, 2 November 1881. See Land League papers, MS 17 701, NLI. AP's reply is written across the top of the letter. 52. Nation, 2 July, 1881. 53. John Dillon at Loughrea, , 17 March 1881. (P & C Part 1, p. 69.) 'Do not allow, do not consent to pay an unjust rent until you are compelled to do it ... the tenantry on every estate shall do the same thing together and no man shall be base or traitorous enough as to ... not act in common.' See Parnellism and Crime: The Special Commission, 35 vols (London, 1889-90) Part 1, p. 69. Notes to Chapter 14 299

54. Reynolds Newspaper, 5 June 1881. 55. Quoted in the Leinster Express, 4 June 1881. 56. Quoted in the Nation, 20 August 1881. 57. AP to the editor, Freeman's Journal, August 1881. 58. AP, Tale, p. 78. 59. See Land League papers, MS 17791, NLI, for many letters requesting grants for unnamed 'sacrifices' made for the Land League. 60. FP to Patrick Collins, 25 September 1881. Collins papers, Boston College Library, Boston. 61. Bishop Gilmour of Cleveland had condemned Irish World in a pastoral letter of 1879. 62. FP toT. D. Sullivan. Sullivan papers, NLI. 63. Fanny Parnell to the editor of the Boston Pilot, 9 February 1881. 'We have been told that the first arrest would be the signal for a general strike against rent. Well, Davitt has been arrested, and no strike has been called.' While Fanny seems to be challenging her brother to make good his promise, given at a public meeting on 17 January of that year, that the first arrest under Coercion would be the signal for a rent strike, the letter was written before Charles's manifesto to the Irish People (of 13 February) was made public. In the manifesto Charles implicitly renounces the idea of a general strike against rent and recommends that the case of the Irish be taken before the English and Scottish working people who had no interest in oppressing the Irish. Fanny accepted his decision. See Chapter 1, p. 200. 64. FP to Patrick Collins, 25 September, 1881. Collins papers, Boston College Library, Boston. 65. Ibid. 66. FP to Patrick Collins, 10 November 1881. Collins papers, Boston College Library, Boston. 67. Ibid. 68. Ford was born in Ireland but had been taken to the United States at the age of eight. At the age of 19 he joined Lloyd Garrison's Liberator, a name he later incorporated into his own Irish World, which for a time became the Irish World and Industrial Liberator. 69. FP to Patrick Collins, 10 November 1881. Collins papers, Boston College Library, Boston. 70. The call was also signed by T. P. O'Connor, Father Eugene Sheehy and T. M. Healy. 71. Boston Globe, 10 December 1881. 72. At the first annual convention of the American Land League held in Tranor Hall in May 1880 in the presence of Michael Davitt, it had been decided that all contributions should be sent through Father Walsh. This was an attempt to prevent the funds from falling into the hands of the . In fact, branches of both the mens' and womens' leagues continued to send through various channels including Irish World, the Pilot, Father Walsh, direct to Dublin, and to Egan in Paris. 73. Proceedings of a farewell dinner for James Redpath, 1 June 1881 (New York, 1881). This pamphlet is to be found in the NLI and the New York Public (Research) Library. 74. Irish Canadian, 15 December 1881. 75. A central headquarters such as existed in Dublin was never organised for the Ladies' Land League of the USA. Since their main purpose was to raise money for the land agitation, each branch sent its money to Egan in 300 Notes to Chapter 15

Paris, through the Land League treasurer, Father Walsh in Waterbury, Connecticut, or through the Irish World, The Boston Pilot and so on. 76. The Standard, 18 October 1881.

15 THE LADIES' LAND LEAGUE IN IRELAND: THE END

1. Gladstone had given a deliberately provocative speech a few days earlier at Leeds (on 7 October 1881) in which he attacked Parnell and his attitude to the Land Act. Parnell obligingly responded with a speech in the same vein. See T. W. Reid, Life of the Right Honourable , 2 vols (London, 1888) Vol. II, p. 353. 2. The attitude of the advanced Irish party towards the Land Bill when it was proposed in February was a delicate balancing act. They did not dare reject it out of hand since this would have displeased the tenant farmers who, they knew well, would wish to take advantage of any benefit offered. They decided therefore to remain cool towards the Bill while attempting (unsuccessfully, as it turned out) to improve its clauses in committee. This decision did not please Irish-Americans like Patrick Ford who thought the Bill should have been rejected and no rent at all offered to the 'land thieves'. 3. Hansard, H.C. Debates (17 January 1881). 4. FP, Nation, 26 February 1881. The letter was dated 9 February. 5. On 13 February 1881 Charles Parnell sent a manifesto to the Irish people from Paris in which he implicitly rejects the idea of a general strike against rent. He stated that the land agitation was to be carried on as before but its field of action was to be enlarged by laying the Irish case before the English and Scottish working classes who had no reason to wish to oppress Ireland. See F. S. L. Lyons, Charles Stewart Parnell (London, 1977) p. 153 and Diana Hearne (ed.), AP, Tale, p. 182. 6. See Anna Parnell's speech at Navan, 28 February 1881, as reported in Nation, 5 March 1881. 7. See T. Harrington to Charles Parnell, 12 October 1881 (MS 8578, NLI), in which Harrington informs Parnell of the almost total collapse of the Land League organisation throughout the country. 8. Charles Stewart Parnell to Katharine O'Shea, 13 October 1891. Cited in K. O'Shea, Charles Stewart Parnell: His Love Story and Political Life, 2 vols (London, 1914) Vol. I, p. 207. 9. The law officers had informed Forster in October that the Land League could only be suppressed by . See F. Arnold-Forster, Irish Journal, eds T. W. Moody and R. Hawkins with M. Moody (Oxford, 1988) p. 360, and Reid, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 352-3, 362. 10. Archbishop Nulty of Meath, who saw nothing 'immoral' in the Manifesto, was so disappointed by Croke's condemnation of it that he exclaimed to Henry George, 'Et tu, Brute!' (George to P. Ford, 10 November 1881. Letter copybook for 1881, George papers.) 11. Jennie Wyse-Power, Sinn Fein Weekly, 16 October 1909. 12. FP to Patrick Collins, 10 November 1881. Collins papers, Boston College Library, Boston. 13. AP, Tale, p. 112. 14. A Quaker and a member of the Mansion House Relief Fund of the previous year, he was at that time - February 1882- engaged in assisting prospective emigrants with money for clothing and, when necessary, Notes to Chapter 15 301

passage money. James Hack Tuke, A Memoir, compiled by the Rt Hon. Sir Edward Fry (London, 1899) pp. 147-8. 15. United Ireland, 29 October 1881. 16. AP, Tale, p. 151. 17. Letter from Coyne, Galway Land League, to Thomas Brennan, 20 August 1880. Land League papers, MS 8291, NLI. 18. All these details are taken from Ladies' Land League correspondence in the NLI (MS. 17701). 19. Although these huts are always referred to as Land League huts, they were in fact only built under the supervision of the Ladies' Land League. 20. Tenants evicted for non-payment of rent had six months during which they could reclaim their holding by paying the due rent. 21. When Lloyd was appointed Special Magistrate by Forster in November 1881 he deeply regretted that he was not given the title of 'District Commissioner' since the almost unlimited powers given to him and four other special magistrates approximated those of a district commissioner in India. 22. Hansard, 18, 20 and 28 April 1882. 23. AP, Nation, 16 June 1882. 24. In 1913 the Suffragette Emily Wilding Davison stepped out in front of the King's carriage at Epsom and was trampled and killed. Although she was thought to have committed suicide, she may have been emulating Anna Parnell's dangerous example and seeking an opportunity to ask the king why he did not give the vote to women. 25. H. George to P. Ford, 22 November 1881. Letter copybook for 1881, George papers. 26. H. George toP. Ford, 8 December 1881. Letter copybook for 1881, George papers. 27. See AP to G. Fisher, 31 May 1882. Fisher Family collection (MS papers 103), Archives of New Zealand. 28. One exception to this rule was Helen Taylor who was over fifty years of age when she travelled to various centres in Ireland for the Ladies' Land League, either to help with the establishment of League huts or to interview victims of police brutality. See Jennie Wyse-Power's lecture to Sinn Fein, reported in Sinn Fein Weekly, 16 October 1909. Also, Henry George letters and his reports to the Irish World. 29. AP, Tale, p. 113. 30. AP, letter to the 'Ladies of America' sent to the editor of the Irish World, published 10 November 1881. 31. United Ireland, 3 December 1881. 32. Land League papers, MS 17 701, NLI. 33. See speech of G. Fisher, Mayor of Wellington, New Zealand, at the inaugural meeting of the Wellington branch of the Ladies' Land League in August 1881. Fisher family papers (MS 103), National Library of New Zealand. 34. See J. Talbot to Attorney-General, 23 December 1881, SPO, Archives of Dublin Castle. The Attorney-General's comments are added to Talbot's letters. 35. The petroleuses were women who, during the last weeks of the Commune, supposedly set Paris on fire by thrusting bottles of paraffin (petrole) into the cellars of buildings. No single case of a 'petroleuse' was ever authenticated during the exhaustive and lengthy trials of the Com• munards. Interestingly enough, the anonymous poem on Anna Parnell's visit to Claremorris which was found in the papers of John Dillon also compares the Ladies' Land League to the petroleuses. 302 Notes to Chapter 15

36. Florence Arnold-Forster, Irish Journal, p. 378. The lady referred to is Bea Walsh. 37. AP, Tale, p. 121. 38. Nation, 26 January 1882. 39. The women were: Hannah Lynch, Anne Kirke, Mary O'Connor and Bridget McCormack from the Ladies' Land League in Dublin; Mary Lenehan, Anne Lenehan and Mary Twomey from Kantaturk (Boherboy Ladies' Land League); Annie McAuliffe, Margaret Daly and Ellen Han• negan from Dromcollegher Ladies' Land League; and Minnie O'Carrol and Minnie Curtin. 40. The government later had recourse to the same statute in order to imprison suffragettes. 41. Alfred Webb papers, NLI. 42. Under the terms of Coercion, persons were imprisoned under direct order from the Lord Lieutenant. For many of the details concerning the imprisonment of Lady Land Leaguers see Marie O'Neill, 'The Ladies' Land League', Dublin Historical Record, September 1982. See also Police Reports concerning the imprisonment of the women in 1881-2, SPO, Archives of Dublin Castle, Dublin. 43. See Nation, 7 January 1882. 44. Jennie Wyse-Power, Sinn Fein Weekly, 16 October 1909. 45. Nation, 4 February, 1882. 46. The government might then have had to admit that the men's League was illegally suppressed by Forster. 47. Published in the Irish Canadian, 19 January 1882. 48. Letter copybook for 1881, George papers. 49. The clipping was sent to Helen Taylor by Alfred Webb who thought there 'was no harm to be prepared for that spirit. It is so far so good that the writer is ashamed to write his name', Taylor-Mill Collection, LSE. 50. The prison diet consisted mainly of bread, potatoes, oatmeal and tea. Catholic Times, 25 November 1881. 51. The Irish Canadian, 24 November 1881. By mid-January there were 500 prisoners and costs of £500 weekly. (Nation, 21 January 1881.) 52. K. O'Shea, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 218. 53. See Nation, 19 November 1881. 54. Ibid. 55. In fact, as George discovered to his disgust, the men in the London office did nothing for over two days about printing and then only agreed to consult Egan in Paris. 56. H. George to P. Ford, 7 January 1882. Letter copybook for 1882, George papers. 57. Ibid. 58. J. Wyse-Power, Sinn Fein Weekly, 16 October 1909. See also police report for 20 December 1881 entitled 'Lady Land Leaguers', SPO, Archives of Dublin Castle. On at least one occasion AP and 'the unknown female' accompanying her were shadowed by detectives from Holyhead to Liverpool. 59. AP, Tale, p. 123. 60. Ibid. 61. Ibid. 62. Henry George. Letter copybook for 1882, George papers. 63. Ibid. 64. Croke to Simeoni, 10 February 1882, Croke papers, NLI. Notes to Chapter 15 303

65. Since only those tenants in possession of a holding at the time the new Land Act came into effect were eligible to apply to the land courts for a rent reduction, the landlords wished to evict as many as possible of these 'present tenants' in order to replace them later with new ones who could not apply to the court. 66. CSP to K. O'Shea, 16 March 1882. K. O'Shea. 67. H. George toP. Ford, 6 June 1882. 'In spite of all that has been said about the failure of No-Rent a good many have stood by it even to letting their farms go.' H. George, letter copybook for 1882, George papers. 68. AP, Tale, pp. 92-3. 69. Letter from E. Rowan, enclosed in the Minute Book of the Marlborough (Queen's County) Ladies' Land League. MS 2070, NLI. 70. On 15 May the government brought in its amended Arrears Act which provided that one third of the arrears should be paid by the tenant, one third by the government and remainder remitted by the landlord, an arrangement described by AP in a letter to The Times (9 May 1882) as: 'Landlords are to have the balance of their unjust demands paid by public money.' The Act came into effect in August 1882. 71. AP, Tale, p. 135. 72. See Katharine Tynan, Twenty-five Years (London, 1913) p. 91. 73. Countess Fingall, Seventy Years Young, memoirs told to Pamela Hinkson (London, 1937) p. 50. 74. Ibid. 75. F. Sheehy-Skeffington, Michael Davitt (Dublin, 1907) p. 109. 76. AP, Tale, p. 142. 77. Ibid. 78. Croke to McCabe, 17 May 1882. McCabe papers, Archives of the Arch• diocese of Dublin. 79. A. Webb, unpublished diary, Historical Library of the Religious Society of Friends, Dublin. 80. AP, Tale, p. 143. 81. AP to Mrs Lennon, 16 February 1908. In the private collection of Mrs Mary Slevin, Kiltyclogher. 82. During The Times-Parnell hearings, Charles Parnell spoke of the policy of the League to 'starve the party' when in fact the funds had been contributed on the express promise that they would not be used for parliamentary purposes. Having tried agitation, Charles perhaps believed he now had a right to apply the money that remained to constitutional parliamentary agitation. See Parnellism and Crime, The Special Commission, 35 vols (London, 1889-90) Part XXX, p. 38. 83. H. George to P. Ford, 6 June 1882. 'He [Kettle] knew it was surrender when the amended Land Bill was drawn and sent out ... and gave up ... then and there and so did Anna Parnell who wanted to resign.' H. George, lettercopy book for 1882, George papers. 84. Henry George to Helen Taylor, 1 October 1882. Mill-Taylor collection, Vol. XVII, Item 81, LSE. 85. Anna Parnell to Helen Taylor, 14 July 1882. Mill-Taylor collection, Vol. XVIII, LSE. 86. H. George toP. Ford, 3 August 1882. Henry George Letter copy book for 1882, George papers. 87. AP, Tale, p. 116. 88. D. Cashman, The Life of Michael Davitt (London, 1883) p. 233. It is not clear from this account whether or not the money spent on 'provision for 304 Notes to Chapter 16

coercion prisoners' came from the 'Prisoners' Sustentation Fund' or from the Land League funds sent from Paris by . If the estimated £20 000 raised for the PSF covered this item from December 1881, the Ladies' expenditure from Land League funds is correspondingly reduced. In October 1882 Egan handed over to the , the successor to the Land League, a sum of £31000. 89. AP, Tale, p. 155. 90. Ibid. 91. On 10 August 1882 at a special meeting the Ladies' Land League dissolved itself.

16 THE DEATH OF FANNY

1. DSP to P. A. Collins, 11 April 1882. Collins papers, Boston College Library, Boston. 2. Ellen Ford, although expelled from the New York branch of the Ladies' Land League, continued her fund raising and public speaking activities on behalf of the Ladies' Land League in Ireland. 3. No separate tally has been made of the amount of money sent from the Ladies' Land League of America. However, large sums from Ladies' Land League branches are regularly noted in the columns of Irish World, Boston Globe, Dublin Nation and Freeman's Journal, which acknowledged separate contributions as they arrived. 4. In times of national emergency, room is always made for the talents and energies of women - although when the emergency is over it's 'jobs for the boys and the women back to the washing-up'. However, this 'room' seldom includes a place on decision-making bodies. 5. DTS to WT, Jr, 25 April 1825. Microfilm No. 86, Houghton. 6. Bordentown Register, 28 July 1882. Fanny's sister, Emily Monroe Dickinson, gives the most likely cause of Fanny's early death: she 'suffered severely from the malaria of the country, which induced rheumatic fever, that left the seeds of heart disease.' See E. Dickinson, A Patriot's Mistake: Reminis• cences of the Parnell Family, by a Daughter of the House (London, 1905) p. 121. 7. Most obituaries and accounts of the funeral put Fanny's age at about 25 to 28. Only the Boston Globe's John Boyle O'Reilly, who knew Fanny well, got it right. She was just two months short of her thirty-fourth birthday. The most complete account of the funeral is in Irish World, 5 August 1882. 8. Bordentown Register, 28 July 1882. 9. E. L. Stewart's eldest daughter, born in 1878, was named Elizabeth Tudor, possibly in honour of Charles Tudor Stewart who no doubt displayed the same kindly interest in his half-brother as he had in his father's stepson, Robert Field. Both of E. L. Stewart's daughters (and consequently, Com• modore Stewart's granddaughters) are buried in the plot of the Raymond family in the churchyard of the Episcopalian church in Bordentown. 10. The small house now serves as the infirmary for the Johnstone Training and Research Center for the mentally handicapped. 11. See Nation, 11 October 1882. 12. The vault now contains the bodies of more than twenty of Fanny's Tudor relatives. 13. As late as 14 September 1934 Niall Harrington (son of the loyal Parnellite, Tim Harrington) was in correspondence with J. Finnegan, a Boston Notes to Chapter 17 305

lawyer, on this subject. Finnegan informed him that their last attempt to move the body - around the turn of the century - had been blocked by a lady in England who they presumed was now dead. The removal, he thought, would not be too expensive. Nothing further appears to have been done. I am grateful to Mrs Nualla Jordan for permission to read this correspondence which is in her private possession. 14. In a letter of January 1907 to Gaelic American, Anna stated that it was not her agreement but that of her whole family which was required if Fanny's body was to be moved to Ireland. This was true, but it was not the whole truth; a refusal by any one of Fanny's heirs would block such a move and it was Anna's refusal which was the stumbling block. 15. Bordentown Register, 28 July 1882. 16. Ibid. 17. Lady Gregory: 'The frailty of the Irish is their incorrigible genius for myth making.' 18. J. J. Roche, Life of John Boyle O'Reilly (Philadelphia, 1891). 19. Hannah Lynch, The Prince of the Glades, 2 vols (London, 1891). 20. Kate Molony to John Dillon, 23 November 1904. John Dillon papers, TCD. John Parnell wrote (in his C. S. Parnell: A Memoir (London, 1916) p. 211) that Anna, on hearing of Fanny's death, 'fell into a fit which very nearly proved fatal' - a Victorian euphemism suitable for disguising a suicide attempt but which induced St John Ervine to affirm that Anna suffered from epilepsy! (See St J. Ervine, Parnell (London, 1936) p. 302: 'She fell into an epilepsy ... and thereafter became unaccountable.') 21. H. George to H. Taylor, 1 October 1881: 'Miss Parnell is well but has not been to the offices since her illness.' Mill-Taylor collection, Vol. XVII, Item 81, LSE. 22. Michael Davitt papers, TCD. Also, United Ireland, 5 August 1882, reports that a letter from Anna Parnell was received by the Ladies' Land League of Ballinascreen, thanking them for a letter of sympathy on the death of her sister. 23. Jennie Wyse-Power, Sinn Fein Weekly, 16 October 1909.

17 LIFE AFTER THE LADIES' LAND LEAGUE

1. Ethel Leach, the first woman to be elected to the School Board of Greater Yarmouth, was a friend and admirer of Helen Taylor. She was an Irish sympathiser and, through Taylor, became acquainted with Anna Parnell with whom she corresponded for many years. See Mill-Taylor collection, LSE. 2. AP to Helen Taylor, 5 November 1885. Mill-Taylor collection, Vol. XVIII, LSE. 3. 'For these feelings [of satisfaction at Taylor's decision to stand] I have reasons in addition to those which may be supposed to influence the majority of your supporters and to which it is not necessary for me to allude just now.' AP to H. Taylor, 5 November 1885. Mill-Taylor collection, Vol. XVIII, LSE. 4. The Times, 25 November 1885. 5. Ibid. 6. E. Longford, Passionate Pilgrimage: The Life of Wilfrid Scawen Blunt (London, 1979) p. 220. Blunt had attempted unsuccessfully to win the Tory nomina• tion for North Camberwell. 306 Notes to Chapter 17

7. M. Davitt to H. Taylor, 12 November 1885. Mill-Taylor collection, Vol. XIII, Item 195 LSE. 8. Letters cited or quoted concerning the Molonys' financial problems are to be found in the John Dillon papers (6745), TCD. 9. The Comtessa settled a sum of money on Nannie sufficient to secure her from want in her old age. The Lynch sisters always worked for foreign families, sharing their social and intellectual life. 10. In Land League days when it was feared that the government might seize league funds Webb was required to store bundles of notes amounting to tens of thousands of pounds in his office safe. On one occasion Parnell wired him to store them in his home for safer keeping. See A. Webb, unpublished diary, Historical Library of the Religious Society of Friends, Dublin. 11. Again in his memoirs, Webb recounts a meeting in New Zealand withJ. P. McAllister, once his under-secretary in the who had embezzled some funds and emigrated to New Zealand. He returned the money but later committed suicide after entering again on a course of misappropriation of money in New Zealand. 12. Katharine Tynan, Twenty-five Years (London, 1913) p. 97. 13. Book of Deeds for 1884, Clerk's Office, Mount Holly, Burlington County, New Jersey. 14. See Washington Post, 20 February 1886. Quoted in the Wicklow Newsletter, 20 March 1886 (and cited in R. J. Foster, Charles Stuart Parnell: The Man and His Family (Hassocks, Sussex, 1976) p. 227). 15. Two more daughters were born - in 1883 and 1884 - to Charles and Katharine O'Shea. 16. Earle W. Hucke!, 'Montpellier, the home of Commodore Charles Stewart', Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, Vol. 69, No. 2, April 1951. 17. AP to H. Taylor, 26 December 1889. Mill-Taylor collection, Vol. XVIII, Item 84, LSE. 18. AP to H. Taylor, 20 April1887. Mill-Taylor collection, Vol. XVIII, Item 83, LSE. 19. AP to H. Taylor, 26 December 1889. Mill-Taylor collection, Vol. XVIII, Item 84, LSE. 20. In Part 1, page 9 of Parnellism and Crime, the charge of The Times' solicitor is quoted: 'The following are persons who are guilty of crime or advocat• ing of treason, sedition, assassination and violence with whom it is alleged the MPs associated - ... Anna Parnell, H. Reynolds, H. Lynch, Mrs. Moloney [sic], Clara Stritch, Mrs. Moore, members of the Ladies' Land League who paid for the commission of crime.' 21. Alfred Webb, unpublished diary. 22. Charles had refused to contest O'Shea's suit charging his wife with adultery with Charles Stewart Parnell. Had he successfully proved O'Shea's (undoubted) collusion in Katharine's adultery, the divorce would not have been granted and he and Katharine could not have married. Now that their affair was public knowledge Charles wanted above all else to marry the woman he deeply loved, who had borne him three children and whom he had considered his wife in all but name for over a decade. Joyce Marlow, in The Uncrowned Queen of Ireland (London, 1975), gives a detailed account of the divorce trial. 23. 19 November 1890. Cited in D. MacCarthy and A. Russell (eds), Lady John Russell, A Memoir (London, 1926) p. 275. 24. The fury of the party when Parnell defied Gladstone's letter implying that Notes to Chapter 18 307

Charles must resign his leadership was caused, Webb says in his diary, 'by the despair at seeing Home Rule within their grasp and then losing it ... The cup of hope had been dashed from our lips and we were maddened. That is the best that can be said for us.' He later amended this analysis to: 'We must not, however, be too certain that Home Rule would have been as easy and approximate an accomplishment as we then believed.' 25. Anna Parnell in her introduction to Jennie Wyse-Power' s Words of the Dead Chief, 1894. Excerpts were published in Irish Weekly Independent, 13 October 1894. 26. Parnell's conversion to the notion of independence from any English party was as sudden as that of Gladstone to Home Rule in 1886. Indeed, Gladstone's conversion just when he needed the support of the Irish Party to regain power appeared to many people, including Anna Parnell, as 'the most dramatic since Christianity overtook Saul on the road to Damascus' ijoyce Marlow, op. cit., p. 157). See also Helen Taylor to Henry George, 26 August 1886. Taylor speaks of Gladstone's 'tardy conversion' as a 'sudden movement on the political chessboard'. George papers. 27. AP to the editor of Gaelic American. Quoted in Irish People, 16 February 1907. 28. AP's letter to was quoted in the Wicklow Newsletter, 31 October 1891, and cited in R. F. Foster, op. cit., p. 283. 29. Burlington County Times (New Jersey), 18 October 1985. After Delia's death the estate was purchased for $15000 by the state of New Jersey. The mansion house was torn down and replaced by an administrative building which still stands. In 1953 the old industrial school was converted to the Johnstone Training and Research Center for the mentally handicapped.

18 THE TALE OF A GREAT SHAM

L See Chapter 10, p. 133. 2. AP, The Peasant and Irish Irelander, 5 October 1907. AP wrote a number of letters to The Peasant and Irish Irelander in October and November 1907 in which she attacked the Dublin newspaper for, among other things, citing Fall of Feudalism as a true account of the Land League. 3. AP to Harper & Brothers, 14 May 1905. Davitt papers. TCD. 4. John had ceased paying her annuity. 5. The letters quoted or referred to from this point until the end of Part I of this chapter are contained in the Dillon Papers (6745), TCD. 6. In her memoir, Emily speaks of Anna's generosity in the following words: Generous to a fault, most of her money was liberally spent on others and she could never bear suffering without wishing to relieve it. 7. Anna's brother John had been given a decently paid sinecure by the Irish Party, presumably because of his connection with the 'dead chief'. As a woman, Anna could not hope to receive anything but charity. 8. The Dillon papers contain yet another set of letters from Nannie Lynch and Jennie Wyse-Power who, from 1916-18, were attempting to come to the financial assistance of Kate Molony, then nearing seventy and close to destitution herself although she had worked hard all her life in various business ventures with her husband. 308 Notes to Chapter 18

9. Dillon first approached M. H. Gill but they declined his offer, fearing 'that the matter might not be of such a kind as to help in our reputation as publishers'. This no doubt refers to the political content as much as to the quality of the poetry. 10. G. Meredith, Diana of the Crossways. 11. The letters cited or quoted from in the following pages concerning Anna's libel threat and Davitt's replies are from the Michael Davitt Papers, 9511/ 5599-5604, TCD. 12. This whole reasoning may have been suggested by an editorial in United Ireland of 18 February 1882, in which the Ladies' Land League was seen to have vanquished Mr Forster by refusing to be intimidated by threats of imprisonment, by carrying on quietly with their work. However, the newspaper's conclusion differed radically from Davitt's: 'The true moral of the victory of the Ladies' Land League is that passive resistance is as possible now as ever, and as powerful,' the editorial stated. 13. Although Davitt was a party to the 'Avondale' treaty of August 1882, he had nothing to do with the new National League (the successor to the Land League), founded in October 1882, which was to be the instrument of Parnell. See F. S. L. Lyons, Charles Stewart Parnell (London, 1977) p. 230. 14. At a public meeting in Cork just prior to his departure for the United States Davitt stated that he was going to America 'to make an appeal toward the support of Anna Parnell and the Ladies' Land League, and to contradict the lying rumour of a split in the League.' Irish Canadian, 15 June 1882. 15. Parnellism and Crime, Part XXXI, pp. 210-15. 16. In a private letter of 6 June 1882 to Patrick Ford, Henry George (then in Ireland) writes of a conversation with which raised 'the suspicion in my mind that Mr. Parnell in some way compromised himself with the violent section and that while he was in prison the League organisation and funds were being compromised in this way and seeing murders and outrages increasing and fearing worse he was urged by the most powerful motives to make a compromise [the ]'. See, Henry George, letter book for 1882, George papers. 17. Michael Davitt to Bebe Nally, 5 December 1888, 22827, NLI. Davitt also boasts to Bebe Nally that he cross-examined a sub-constable in such a way as to oblige him to admit that the Fenians disapproved of secret crime. 18. AP to Harper's, 14 May 1905. Davitt papers, TCD. 19. T. W. Moody, Davitt's biographer, carefully catalogued the correspond• ence to and from Anna Parnell and therefore was well aware of its implications. He may not have wished to devote the time to investigating the motivations and actions of Anna Parnell and her Ladies' Land League - a necessary preliminary to dealing fully with Davitt's description of the Ladies' Land League in the Fall as well as with his reaction to Anna's threatened libel charge. Moody treats the Ladies' Land League fairly- if briefly- and certainly did not subscribe to Davitt's depiction of it. 20. Even Counsel for The Times fell under the spell of Davitt's charm. 'I think', he stated in his summing-up speech of 31 October 1889, before The Times• Parnell Commission, 'there are few men who have been in contact with Mr. Davitt who would not feel it a repugnant task to trace to him conduct involving bad motives or errors of judgment.' Parnellism and Crime, Part XXXII, p. 27. 21. It must be pointed out that Anna did not help her own case by her enigmatic and imprecise allusions to the distortions in Davitt's Fall. Notes to Chapter 18 309

22. The 'Grande Mademoiselle' was a cousin of Louis XIV, and even the most sympathetic biographer, while deploring the king's treatment of her - preventing her from marrying in order to keep her great fortune for his own illegitimate children - see in her a rather foolish and vain woman. She threw herself energetically into the 'Fronde' rebellion against the monarchy thereby ensuring the hostility of her cousin the King. She fancied herself as a great warrior and had herself painted in the attributes of the goddess of war. 23. F. H. O'Donnell, The History of the Irish Parliamentary Party, 2 vols (Lon- don, 1910) Vol. II, pp. 51-3. 24. Lord Eversley, Gladstone and Ireland (London, 1912) p. 185-6. 25. AP to The Peasant and Irish Irelander, 5 October 1907. 26. Anna was not a determinist, however. She considered 'actions of particu• lar individuals are unimportant in history while the actions of groups, classes etc. of persons are most important because the former are not met with again. Not that an individual's actions are unimportant only that it does not matter what particular individual does them, except in so far as he or she represents a number of persons.' (AP to Helena Molony, 7 July 1910, MS 12 144, NLI.) 27. She did consider the advisability of adding 'some explanations of a more personal nature' but rejected the idea as contrary to her principles. (AP to Helena Molony, 7 July 1910, MS 12 144, NLI.) 28. She became an officer in the Irish Citizen Army, one of the founders of the Irish Women Workers' Union, and an early member of Cumman na mBann. 29. Sinn Fein Weekly, 16 October 1909. 30. In Tale, p. 178, AP writes: 'continuing to offer a compromise for England's acceptance, after it has been refused for 34 years, is highly undignified on our part .... To inform her that her government is intolerable and that Ireland is a separate country by the act of nature, and therefore cannot be well-governed except by herself ought to be enough.' 31. Ibid. 32. More than likely the capital of £1500 of which Anna was possessed when she died came to her from her mother's estate which had only been settled in 1910. The estate, including the few shares of some value and the proceeds from the sale of 'Ironsides' (for $15 000) to the state of New Jersey amounted to about $18000 (about £3500). Since Theodosia left almost the same capital sum as Anna (having been dispossessed of all else by her husband's will of 1917), they and their sister Emily may have shared out their mother's estate. 33. Helena Molony was arrested during the anti-Royal address campaign in 1911 when she broke a window in Grafton Street containing a picture of the King. Because she refused to pay the fine of 40 shillings' she was imprisoned for a term of one month. To her surprise she was released after fourteen days and only later discovered that Anna Parnell had paid the fine in order to enable Molony to go on editing the Tale. (R. M. Fox, Rebel Irishwomen, Dublin, 1935, p. 123.) 34. During the summer months up to twelve lodgers could be accommodated in the house. 35. Ilfracombe Gazette and Observer, 22 and 29 September 1911. 36. Her landlady, Mrs Rowe, with her sister and two friends, the lessee of the Tunnels Baths and two Baths attendants. 37. Mary Robinson Duclaux, On Writing History (London, 1901). 310 Notes to Epilogue and Appendix 1

EPILOGUE

1. AP,Tale,p.69. 2. W. B. Yeats, in his poem Easter 1916. 3. Irish Press, 22 December 1959. I am indebted to Mrs Margaret Moody for sending me this clipping. 4. AP to editor of Freeman's Journal, 14 February 1886. Sullivan papers, NLI.

APPENDIX 1: BACKGROUND NOTES ON IRISH HISTORY

1. The uprising of Robert Emmett of 1801, Young Irelanders led by William Smith O'Brien in 1848, and the Fenian rising of 1867. 2. There was some milling and brewing in Dublin and a certain amount of general industrial activity in ; outside these cities dependence on agriculture was almost complete with no commercial middle class to speak of. 3. Lord Dufferin to Lady John Russell, 10 September 1849. Cited in D. MacCarthy and A. Russell (eds), Lady John Russell, A Memoir with Selections from her Diaries and Correspondence (London, 1926) p. 104. 4. These were called 'rack-rents' or 'economic rents' since they were arrived at by the free play of supply and demand in the market-place. There was in fact no market since the tenant bidding for a holding had no alternative way of investing his capital and, in most cases, no capital outside his labour to invest. He had to take the land at the price demanded or do without the means of subsistence. In modem terms this was a 'coercive offer'. 5. AP, Tale, p. 54. 6. William Parnell, An Historical Apology for the Irish Catholics (Dublin, 1807) p. 89. 7. An agricultural labourer would eat up to 14lb of potatoes a day. 8. See James C. Scott, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, Conn., and London, 1985), an account of the ongoing struggle between small tenant farmers and their 'improving' landlords in Malaysia. Also, D. Mooney, The Origins of Agrarian Violence in Meath', Records of Meath Archaeological and Historical Society, Vol. III, No. 1, 1987. 9. Catholic priests who pressed too hard for money from their parishioners could also be victims of the secret societies. 10. AP, Tale, p. 38. 11. Including the abortive Fenian uprising of 1867, the rescue of three Fenian leaders from a police van in Manchester during which a police guard was accidentally shot, and the unsuccessful attempt to rescue others from Clerkenwell jail which resulted in the death of a number of innocent bystanders. The Fenians, with some justification, claimed credit for Church disestablishment and the Land Act of 1870, although neither measure was designed to please them since their aim was to establish a non-sectarian . 12. Ulster Custom, where it existed, was given force of law by the Act. 13. AP, Tale, p. 38. 14. The Fenians staged farcical (and abortive) 'invasions' of Canada from the United States in the years immediately after the Civil War. 15. AP, Tale, pp. 171-2. This statement, while used in another context, serves equally well in this instance. Notes to Appendix 2 311

16. The term was first used by T. M. Healy in Montreal in March 1880 during Charles Parnell's first and only visit to Canada. 17. The meeting in Irishtown, , in April1879, chaired by James Daly but largely organised by Michael Davitt, is where the land agitation on a national scale is considered to have officially begun.

APPENDIX 2: THE POETRY OF FANNY AND ANNA PARNELL AND FRIENDS

1. Katharine Tynan described May (Bebe) Nally as having a 'a piquant little French face'. 2. Jennie O'Toole was the 'librarian to the prisoners in the various Irish gaols during the Land League agitation'. See Free State Parliamentary Companion, p. 112. 3. Henry George in a letter to Patrick Ford on 3 August 1882 speaks of Virginia Lynch's disgust with the tenant farmers and their priests who try by every means to get some 'of the money that is going' whether they were destitute or not. See Letter copybook for 1882, George papers. Bibliography

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Abbott Smith, see Smith, Bernard Anthony, Susan, 136 Abercom, Lord and Lady, 35 Aristocrat at the Breakfast Table, The, 68 abolition and abolitionists, 50, 51, 58-9, Arlen House, Dublin, xvi 136, 141, 143-4, 163 Amold-Forster, Florence, 292n.30, The Academy, 159 298n.37, 300n.9, 302n.36 Act for the Better Protection of Property Arrears Act, 213, 214, 216, 303nn.70 & 83 and Persons in Ireland, see Coercion Act Arsenius, Mother, 159, 291n.ll Act of Union (1801), 28, 31, 252 Asquith, H. H., 276n.20 Adam, Robert, 41, 42 Adams, Abigail, 23 Ballina, 213-16 Adams, John, 14-16, Ballot Act (1872), 84 Adams, John Quincy, 19, 24 Baltic, SS, 125 Adams family, 37 Bassett, Isabel, 296n.29 'Address by the Catholic Bishops' (1882), Bassett, Lieutenant F. S., 269n.30 175 Bashkirtseff, Marie, 278n.38 agrarian outrages, 137-8, 151, 255 Batavia, SS, 140 agrarian societies, see secret societies Battiscombe, G., 272n.12 (Confederate ship), 51, de Beaumont, Gustave, 112, 253 d' Alembert, Denis, 16 Bedford, Duke of, 36 'Aleria' (nom de plume of Fanny Parnell), Beecher, Henry Ward, 35 60 Bence-Jones, Mark, 273n.1 Algar, Thorvald, 266n.7 Bence-Jones, W., 151, 185 Alma-Tadema, Sir Lawrence, 88 Bennett, James Gordon, 110, 116-17, ll8, Alma-Tadema, Lady Laura, 88 120, 131 Almanach du Commerce, 277n.6 Bernhardt, Sarah, 69, 77 American Ambulance, 65, 77, 78, 79, 135 Berry, Sir Charles, 282n.7 American Civil War, 49-51, 58, 62, 75-6, Bessborough Commission, 148 89, 91, llO, 132, 135, 136, 267n.11, Bessborough, Lord, 211 288n.12 Biggar, Joseph, MP, 93, 97, 98, 100, 152 American colony (Paris), xvi, 69, 73 Birmingham, George, see Hannay, James American International Sanitary Owen Committee, 77 'Black Friday' (1869), 90 American Irish National Land League, see Blunt, Wilfrid Scawen, 159, 173, 280n.5 The Land League (US) Bonaparte, Joseph, 89, 221 American Register, xvi, 65, 69, 73, 75, 82, Book of Kells, 164 268n.2; see also 'Hints to a Young Lady Bordentown Register, 134, 224, 282n.28 on Marriage'; 'Evil Speaking'; and Boucicault, Dion, 272n.9 'Reflections of a Walflower' Bourke, Canon Ulrick, 4, 5 American War of Independence, 14-16, Bowen, Desmond, 272nn.ll & 19 38, 88 Bowles, Thomas, 78 Ancient Order of Hibernians (ADH), 120 Boycott, Captain and Mrs, 150, 151, 186 Andre, Leo, 71, 277n.12, 278nn.24, 39 & boycotting, 149-51, 237-8, 41 Boyd, N., 275n.41 'The Anglo-American's Creed', 131-2 Boyle, Patrick, 146, 147, 172 Anglo-American War of 1812-14, see War Braby, Fred and Co. (Glasgow) 204 of 1812-14 Brennan, Thomas, 152, 155, 162, 190, 200 Anglo-Irish, xv, 8, 13, 31-2, 58-9, 163, Bridgman, Mother ('General'), 176, 293n.41; see also landlords 296n.27 Annan, N., 275n.41, 284n.19 Bright, John, 51, 114, 152 Annual Register, The, 283n.16 Bright clauses, ( of 1870 and Anti-Com Law League, The, 135, 152 1881), ll3, ll4, 152, 181 Anthology Society, The, 18-19, 269n.l8 'The British Empire', 262 An Appeal to Congress, 21, 23, 270nn.36 & 51 Brooke, Sir Arthur, 28

319 320 Index

Brooke, Laetitia Charlotte, see Parnell Collure (), 47 Bronte, Anne and Charlotte, 56 'La colonie americaine,' 278n.24 Brown, T. N., 265n.2, 288n.17 Commune (of Paris), 79-80, 204, 207 Buchanan, James, 39, 40, 49 Compensation for Disturbance Bill (1880), Buckle, Thomas Henry, 95 148 Buckminster, John Stevens, 269n.22 , Cheshire, 28 Bunker Hill, 52 Congleton, second Baron, see Parnell, Burke, T. H., 213 John Vesey, second Baron Congleton Bushey Park, 31, 36 Connaught Telegraph, 4, 6, 105, 191, 267n.l Butler, Josephine, 275n.41 Constabulary, The, see Royal Irish Butt, Sir Isaac, 62, 84, 96, 97, 98, 100,101,257 Constabulary (RIC) Byrne, Jane, 135,136 Constitution, USS, xiii, 20, 22, 92 Byrne, Kate, 190 Constitutionnel, 280n.57 Byrne, Miss, 158, 205 Contemporary Review, 132 Cooper Union (New York), 136-7, 140 Calhoun, John C, 50 Cork Daily Examiner, 174 Cambridge University, 55 Cork Herald, 174 Canada, 118 Craigen, Jessie, 189, 192, 210, 227, 228, and Fenian 'invasions', 92, 103 294n.50 as British dominion, 145 Crane, C. P., 294n.51 Land Leagues, 143 Crane, Dr, 82 famine relief, 146 Croke, Archbishop Thomas of Cashel, Cantwell, Mrs, 159, 211 130, 131, 163, 202, 300n.10 Cantwell, Teresa, 159 and Ladies' Land League, 168-76, 211, 'carding', 137, see also agrarian outrages 215 Carlisle, Lord, 54 Croke, Isabel (Mother Joseph), 176 Carlyle, Thomas, 283n.l1 Croke, Margaret (Mother Ignatius), 176 Carroll, Dr William, 121 Cromwell, Oliver, 283n.ll Carson, Gerald, 279n.45 Cronin, Robert, 183 Castle, The, see Dublin Castle C. S. Parnell: a memoir, xiv, 48, 270n.44, Catterson-Smith, Richard, 281n.11 273nn.4 & 29, 274n.26, 305n.20 Cavendish, Lord Frederick (Chief Cullen, Archbishop (later Cardinal), 170 Secretary for Ireland), 213 Cusack, Margaret Anna (Sister Mary Celtic Monthly, 2, 92, 93-101, 111, 268n.4, Frances Clare), see Nun of Kenmare 282n.4, 288n.12 Cyane, 21, 28ln.27 Centennial Exhibition of 1876 (USA), 92 Chicago Convention (Land League, US), Daily News (London), 78 196-8 Dana, Edmund Trowbridge, 269n.22 Children's Land League, 191-2 Dana, R. T., Sr, 269n.22 Childs, George A., 50 Daly, James, 4, 5, 105, 106, 108, 109, Churchill, Lord Randolph, 274n.13 190-1, 257 Churchill, Lady, see Jerome, Jennie, Daniel Deronda, 41 Civil War, US, see American Civil War Darby, John, 33 'The Claim of Englishwomen to the 'Darbyites', 33 Suffrage Constitutionally Considered', Dartmoor prison, 102 294n.55 Davis, Jefferson, 51 Clan na Gael (US), see Fenians Davis, Thomas, 58, 146 Clearances, The, 13, 44, 256 Davis, Annie Osborn, 146 Clifford Lloyd, see Lloyd, Major Clifford Davison, Emily Wilding, 301n.24 Cobbe, Frances Power, 276nn.5, 6 & 8 Davitt, Michael, xi, xii, xvi, 108, 109, 130, Coercion Acts, 93, 138, 253 133, 141, 143, 162, 164, 197, 200, 213, Coercion Act (1881), 6, 128, 141, 152, 178, 214, 216, 218, 220-1, 283n.18 179, 185, 200, 207, 210 and Fenians, 102-4 Coercion Act (1882) (The Crimes Act), 228 and The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland, xvi, 'Coercion - Hold the Rent', 133-4 133, 237-9, 241-6 Collins, F., 265n.4 and land agitation, 105, 106 Collins, Patrick, 141, 144, 196, 197, 198, and Land League (US), 126-9 202, 220, 221 and Ladies' Land League (US), 135-40 Index 321

and Ladies' Land League (Ireland), 1, Emmett, Robert, 310n.l 153-5, 161, 221 Encumbered Estates Act, 31, 255 Davitt, Mrs (mother of Michael), xiii Endicott, Charles, 285n.31 Davitt, Sabina (sister of Michael), 197, 220 Engels, F., 31 'The Dead Singer', 224 English Democratic Federation, 189, Deane, Anne (nee Duff), 154, 158, 159, 287n.24, 288n.25, 297n.26 166 Erne, Lord, 150 Deane, Hugh, 158 d'Erina, Mile Rosa, 222, 223 'A Death Bed Farewell', 59 Errington, George, 173 du Deffand, Mme, 16 evangelicalism, 30, 32-5, 70 Denvir, Annie, 186, see also Ladies' Land Evans, Sophie (nee Parnell), 36, 275n.33 League, England and Scotland Evans, Dr Thomas, 72, 75, 76, 77, 78 de Valema, E. 292n.18 Everett, the Hon. Edward, 275n.38 devotional revolution, 70, 177 'Evil Speaking', 82, 206n.20 Devoy, John, 104, 120, 121, 126, 198, Eugenie, Empress, of France, 63, 72, 75 286n.3, evictions, 51, 113, 127, 135, 149, 179-81, Devoy's Post Bag, 63, 286n.14 182, 184, 188, 192-5, 256 Dickinson, Arthur Monroe, 46, 53, 84 Dickinson, Emily, see Parnell, Emily The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland, or The story Dillon, John, 106, 116, 118, 119, 121, 122, of the Land League, xi, xvi, 237-9, 241-6; 124, 130, 146, 152, 154, 158, 159, 162, see also Parnell, Anna (Later Life); 190, 200, 203, 213, 216, 217, 225, 229, Davitt, Michael 234 famines, 3, 13, 44, 45, 103, 254, 285n.l Dillon, John Blake, 158, 159 famine funds, 3, 115, 116-26; see also Dillon, Monica (later Duff), 158 Duchess of Marlborough Relief Fund; Disraeli, Benjamin (Lord Beaconsfield), Land League Relief Fund; Mansion 125 House Relief Fund; Nun of Kenmare; Dix, Mrs General, 279n.50 Herald Famine Fund Dixie, Lady Florence, 191 famine theory, 285n.l Dublin Castle, 54-5, 62, 151, 153, 161 'The Fates', 240 Dublin Historical Record, 265n.4 Fay, 'Mr', 229 Dublin Mansion House Fund for the Fay & Co., Dublin, 229 Relief of Distress in Ireland, see Fenians and fenianism, 57-63, 80, 97, Mansion House Relief Fund 103-4, 107, 117, 245, 253, 256-7, 291n.3, Dublin Metropolitan Police, 185, 211 296n.l Dublin Metropolitan School, 281n.10 Fenno Tudor, Mrs, see Tudor, Euphemia Duchess of Marlborough Relief Fund, Fields, Mrs, 23, 271n.63, 281n.22 116-17, 284n.7 Field, Robert, 23, 271n.63 Duclaux, Mary Robinson, 240, 310n.37 Figaro, 280n.6 Duff, Monica, see Dillon, Monica Fingall, Countess Elizabeth, 214 Dufferin, Lord, 253 Fisher, G. (Mayor of Wellington, NZ), Duparloup, Felix-Antoine (Bishop of 301n.33 Orleans), 69-70, 171 Ford, Ellen, 135, 136, 137, 139, 140, 141, Duruy, V., 69-70, 171 142, 143, 196, 197, 198 Ford, Patrick, 115, 119, 136, 139, 141, 179, Easter Rebellion (1916), 250 196, 197, 199, 201, 205, 209, 211, 217, Eastman, Mary, 125 220, 287n.l, 289n.37, 300n.2, 308n.16 Edel, Leon, 66 Forrest, Ellen, 143 Egan, Patrick, 135, 147, 152, 162, 200, 205, Forster, William, 151, 152, 153, 166, 181, 218 182, 183, 189, 199, 216, 218, 211, 213, 'Eily', 61 214 ejections, see evictions Fort Sumter, 50 Ellis, Peter B., 272n.l0, 291n.3 Fortnightly Review, 296n.l Eliot, George, 35, 41, 157 Foster, Ray, 265n.4, 266n.14 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 19, 114 Franco-Prussian War (1870-1), 75-9 Emerson, William, 269n.22 Franklin, USS, 22 emigrants and emigration, 59, 103, 110, Free State Parliamentary Companion, 111 292n.18, 311n.2 322 Index

Freeman's Journal, 106, 116, 160, 172, 174, Grattan, Henry, 29, 108 175, 194, 209, 210, 225, 266n.19, 272n.5 Gray, Edmund Dwyer, 116, 117 French Life in Town and Country, 268n.3 Great Hunger, The see famines Fremont, John Charles, 49 Greely, Horace, 69 Froude, A., 112, 114 'The Green Flag', 266n.13 'The Frothy Executive', 262-4 Griffith, Sir Richard, 284n.11 Fry, Elizabeth, 94 Griffith's Valuation, 284n.11 Fuller, Margaret, 19 Grimke sisters, 289n.35 Gwynn Stephen, 274nn.15 & 19 Gaelic American, 266n.14, 276nn.7 & 11, 277n.22, 280n.63, 305n.14, 307n.27 Hannay, James Owen, 291n.11 Gallatin, A., 269n.18 Harding, J., 270n.37 Gandhi, M., 293n.42, 294n.46 Harrington, Niall, 305n.13 Gardiner family, xiv, 17, 35 Harrington, Tim, 234, 300n.7, 305n.l3 Gardiner Lyceum, 269n.18 Harrison, Henry, 234 Gardiner, Anne (later Richards) Harvard University, 14 Gardiner, Emma Jane, see Tudor Haussman, Baron, 67, 75 Gardiner, George, 91 Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 19, 268n.13 Gardiner, Hallowell, 50 Hayes, Samuel, 41; see also Parnell Family Gardiner, John (pastor of Holy Trinity Tree, p. 11 Church), 269n.22 Healy, Timothy, 122, 126, 284n.l4, Gardiner, Robert, 50 311n.l6 Gardiner, Robert Hallowell, 17, 24, 26, 41, Hearne, Dana, xi, 266n.l8 133, 269nn.22 & 28, 270n.43, 272n.15 Hemans, Felicia, 61 Gardiner, Robert Hallowell Jr, 36, 91 Hennessy, Kent, 183 Gardiner, Dr Sylvester, 17 Herald, (New York), 110, 113, 116, 119, 137 Garrison, William Lloyd, 145, 289n.37 Herald Famine Relief Fund, 116-18 Gautier, Theophile, 67 Hermathena, 265n.4 Gebel Teir, 272nn.4 & 18 Hillier, Inspector (RIC), 183, 208, 209 George, Annie, 211 'Hints to a Young Lady on Marriage', 82, George, Henry, 3, 94, 112, 114, 115, 139, 266n.20, 268n.2, 272n.22, 274nn.8&, 11, 140, 196, 205, 210, 211, 212, 217, 221, 277n.l0, 278n.18 226, 245n.l6; see also Progress and Pcrverty An Historical Apology for Irish Catholics, George III, 273n.30 29-30, 310n.6 'The Geraldine', 237 A History of American Magazines 1865-1885, Ghent, Treaty of, 21 112, 284n.l8, 285n.25 Gillooly, Laurence, Bishop of Elphin, 192 History of Civilization in England, 283n.ll Gilmour, Richard, Bishop of Philadelphia, A History of East Boston, 275n.46 177 A History of the Irish Parliamentary Party, Gladstone, William Ewart, 51, 99, 108, 307n.23 112, 127, 128, 152, 160, 181, 199, 210, 'Hold the Harvest', 132 213, 214, 232, 233, 256, 272n.l0, 281n.9, Hollis, P., 297n.29 283n.l Holmes, Oliver Wendell, 277n.l4 cemetery, 224, 234 Holt, Joseph, 275n.38 '', 2, 267n.3 Home Government Association (later Irish Godbout, (Premier of Quebec), 177 Home Rule League), 257 Goncourt brothers Oules and Edmond), Home Rule Confederation of Great 67, 77 Britain, 91 Gonne, Maud, 58 Hopkinson, Francis, 88 Gonzage, the Prince and Princess, 39, 40 Horne, Alistair, 279n.53 Goodbody, M., 278n.25 'houghing', 138; see also agrarian outrages Grace, Thomas Langdon, Bishop of St The Hovels of Ireland, xvi, 32, 111, 114-5, Paul, Minn., 177 129, 268n.l, 272n.8, 273nn.39 & 40, Grandbien, Louis, 81 278n.27, 285n.24 La Grande Mademoiselle, 308n.18 'How They Do in the House of Grant, L. P., 27ln.63 Commons: Notes from the Ladies' Grant, President , 91 Cage' 2, 92, 93-101, 111 Lord Granville, 196 Howard, Colonel Hugh, 30, 36 Index 323

Howard, Sir Ralph, 46, 48, 80, 91 Jameson, Anna, 69 Howard, Lady, 39, 46, 80 Jay Cooke & Company, 81 Howard, Frances, see Parnell Jefferson, Thomas, 114 Howe, Julia Ward, 125, 132, 133, 136 Jerome, Jenny, 67, 274n.13, 178n.23 Howells, William Dean, 269n.23 Jerome, Lawrence, 274n.13 Huckel, Earle, 306n.16 The Johnstone Training and Research Hugo, Victor, 161 Center for the Mentally Handicapped, Hurst, Michael, 266n.13 307n.29 Hyndman, H. M., 294n.50 Jones, Hannah, 220 Jordan, Nualla, 305n.13 Ice King, The, see Frederic Tudor Josephine, Empress of France, 18, 38 Ilfracombe Gazette and Observer, 310n.35 Journal des De?Jats, 68 Illustrated London News, 282nn.1, 2, 3 'The Journey', 240 Ingersoll, C., 281n.26 Judge, Mrs. E. M., 158 IRB (Irish Republican Brotherhood), see Fenians and Fenianism Kamm, J., 297n.29 'Ireland, Mother', 131 Kapp, Yvonne, 276n.16, 291n.16, 297n.28 Irish Free State, 162 Kauffmann, Angelica, 42 Irish Ladies' Land League, the Ladies' see Kaur, Harpinder, 293n.42 Land League Kay, Sir Joseph, 112 Irish American Nationalism, 1870-1890, Kee, Robert, 266n.13 265n.2, 288n.17 Kelly, Thomas, 111 Irish Canadian (Toronto), 115, 146, 147, Kenmare Publications, 123 172, 198, 266n.7 Kenny, Mrs. J. E., 158 Irish College (Rome), 175 Kettle, Andrew, 159, 308n.16 Irish Forestry Commission, 235 Kickham, Charles, 58, 60 267n.7 Irish Distress and its Remedies, Kildare, Lord, 38 Irish Intermediate Education Bill, 101 , 7, 131, 179, 190, 199, Arnold-Forster, Florence Irish Journal, see 200, 206, 213 'The Irish Land Question', xi, 111-14 'Kilmainham Treaty', 213, 226, 228 (New York), 286n.3 The Irish Nation King, M. L., 178 Irish National Land League, The Land see Kingsley, Charles, 230 League Kingsley, M., 122 Irish National Land League Famine Relief Kingston, Dowager Countess of, 183, 192, Fund, Land League Famine Relief see 194-5 Fund; famines Irish National Land League of America, Kirby, Tobias, Rector of Irish College, Rome, 175 see The Land League, US Kirke, Miss Anne, 204, 302n.39 Irish National League, 147, 304n.88 The Irish in New Orleans Life, 1800-1860, Klein, P. S., 270n.39 Kittie O'Shea, The, 273n.6 285n.23 Irish Peasant, 134, 247 Irish People, 56-63, 104, 266n.14, 307n.27 Labouchere, Henry ('Labby'), 64, 77, Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB), see 266n.7 Fenians and Fenianism Ladies' Cage, The, see 'How They do in Irish Sisters of Charity, 169 the House of Commons: Notes from the Irish Weekly Independent, 267n.6, 307n.25 Ladies' Cage' Irish World (New York), 114, 119, 120, Ladies' Gallery (House of Commons), 130, 135, 136, 140, 142, 143, 152, 166, The, 1, 92, 93-5 175, 179, 196, 197, 205, 280n.62 Ladies' Irish National Land League, The, 'Ironsides' (Old Ironsides), 21, 25, 27, 36, see The Ladies' Land League 51, 88-90, 92, 222, 230, 236, 270n.40, Ladies' Land League, Canada, The, 145-7 307n.29, 309n.32; see also USS Ladies' Land League (England and Constitution Scotland), The, 7, 170, 186, 210 Ivory, Patrick, 158 Ladies' Land League (New Zealand), The, 301n.27 Jalland, Pat, 273nn.34 & 35, 274n.12 Ladies' Land League (Ireland), The James, Henry, 66, 277n.4 and the Catholic Church, 70, 169-77 324 Index

Ladies' Land League (Ireland) - continued Lee, William, 25 Davitt's slander of, 237-46; see also Leech, B. B., 203 Parnell, Anna; Parnell, Fanny; Parnell, Lennon, Mary (nee McGurrin), 247, Delia 303n.81 end, 7, 216-19 Leo XIII, Pope, 131, 284n.6 executive, 7, 158-60, 205 de Lespinasse, Mile, 16 finances, 217-18 'Letter to the Irish Bishops on Wholesale food for prisoners, 209-10, 190, 193 and Improvident Emigration', 285n.21 founding, 1, 4, 127, 154-5 Letters and Leaders of My Day, 286n.13 proclaimed, 208 Levant, 21 public meetings, 1-8, 163-8, 182 The Liberator, 289n.37 relations with Land League, 162-3 Light and Shade, 296n.1 and RIC, 188-90, 206-8 Livermore, Mary, 136, 227, 267n.11 Ladies' Land League (US), The, 8, 78, Lloyd, Major Clifford, 185, 188-90, 191, 134, 154 204, 294n.45 dissension, 195-6 Lloyd Garrison, William, 145 founded, xi, 134-6 Longfellow, Henry, 112 fund raising, 142-3, 304n.3 Longford, Elizabeth, 280n.5, 292n.12, public meetings, 136-40, 141-3, 144, 295n.14 198 Louise, Princess (England), 64 relations with Land League (US), 196-8 'Love's Four Ages', 262 see also, Fanny Parnell; Delia Parnell Lowell, James Russell, 2, 97, 131 'The Ladies' Land League: Miss Parnell's Lowther, James, 95 Mission', 294n.48 Luby, Thomas Clarke, 58, 60 Ladies' Provisional Central Committee, Lyne, Edwin, 87 158 Lynch, Hannah, 131, 156, 157, 159, 162, Lafayette, General, 52 268n.3, 281n.18, 289n.33 Lalor, Fintan, 179 Lynch, Virginia, 158, 159, 162, 217 Land Act of 1870, 113, 127, 134, 152, 179, Lynch, John Joseph, Archbishop of 256, 300n.2 Toronto, 111, 145, 285n.21, 295n.10 Land Act of 1881, 152, 153, 178, 179, 196, Lynch, Nannie, 158, 159, 162, 203, 210, 199, 200, 201 226, 229 Land League, (Australia), The, 177 Lyons, F. S. L., xiv, 265n.3, 266n.10, Land League (Canada), The, 147 269n.21, 282n.31, 285n.33 Land League (Ireland), The, xv, 1, 4, 99, 101, 104, 110, 115, 116, 117 MacDermott, Alfred, 53 aims, 107, 126 MacDermott, Sophia, see Parnell declared illegal, 7, 201 Macdonald, Sir Jo.!ln (Prime Minister of founded, 106 Canada), 103, 143, 289n.40 see also, Parnell, Anna; Parnell, Charles; MacHale, John (Archbishop of Tuam), Parnell, Fanny; Ladies' Land League 105, 284n.6 (Ireland) Madison, President James and family, 37 Land League (US), The Maine Historical Society, 269n.18, 271n.59 dissension, 141, 196-8 The Man of Letters in New England and the finances, 126-7, 134 South, 269n.23 founded, 125 'Manifesto to the Irish People', 200 see also Parnell, Anna; Parnell, Charles; Malleson, Lady Constance, 39 Parnell, Fanny; Ladies' Land League Mallon, Superintendent John, 185 (US) , The, 267n.3 Land League Famine Relief Fund, The, Mansion House Relief Fund, 116-17, 118-27 301n.14; see also famine funds landlords and landlordism, xvi, 127, 135, Marie Antoinette, Queen of France, 16 253-5; see also Anglo-Irish Marlborough, Duchess of, see Duchess of Laveleye, Emile, 131, 285n.26 Marlborough Relief Fund, The Leach, Ethel, 162, 227, 231 Marlow, J., 306n.22, 307n.26 Leamy, Edmund, 160, 262 Martineau, H., 169, 253, 295n.6 Lebrun, Madame Vigee, 87 Marx, Eleanor, 155, 276n.16 Lee, Mary, 25 Marx, Karl, 60-1, 254 Index 325

Mary I, Queen of England, 30 Mount Jerome, 46, 222, 234 'Masada', 59 Murat, Princess Caroline, 89 Massachusetts Bay Colony, 14 Murat, Prince Lucien, 277n.16 Mayo Land League, 284n.9 My Story of the War, 227 McCabe, (later Cardinal) Edward, Archbishop of Dublin, 161, 202, 215 Nally, May (Bebe), 160, 308n.17. 3lln.l criticizes the Ladies' Land League, Napoleon I, 18, 38, 89 169-77 Napoleon III, 66, 75, 79, 142, 277n.l6, McCarthy, Justin, 214, 232, 282n.31 281n.21 McCauley, Admiral Charles Stewart, Nation, 58, 108, 121, 160, 161, 165, 200, 49-50 207, 267n.l McDougall, Mrs, 289n.40 National Enquirer, 38 McDowell, Maeve Cavanagh, 250 National Women's Suffrage Association, McGee, Thomas D' Arcy, 138 125 McGurrin, Mary, see Lennon, Mary Neatby, W. B., 272n.13 McWade, R. M., 273nn.27 & 30, 275n.46 Nehru, Jawaharwal, 163 Meagher, Colonel T., 144 'the ', 104 Memoires ou Souvenirs et Anecdotes, 268n.16 New Jersey and Amboy Railway, 89-90 Meredith, George, 157 New York Herald, 110, 112, 113, 116, 122 Meredith, Owen, 61 New York Herald Relief Fund, 117 Meredith, William, 271nn.55 & 56 New York Times, 199 'Middle Age', 240 New York Tribune, 108, 110, 112 Mill, John Stuart, xvi, 2, 4, 97, 186 Newcastle Chronicle, 209 Mill, Harriet Taylor, 186 Niehaus, E. F., 285n.23 Miller, K., 13 Nightingale, Florence, 77, 296n.27 millenarianism, 33 'No Rent Manifesto', 7, 131, 200-2, 203, Miscellanies (William Tudor, Jr) 269n.25, 210, 211-12, 217, 226; see also Parnell, 283n.12 Anna; Parnell, Charles 'Miss Anna Parnell', 64, 266n.7 Noddle Island (now East Boston), 51 Mitchel, John, 144-5 Nolan, John 'Amnesty', 102 Moine Abbey, 36 North Camberwell elections, 227-9 Moine, Lady, 36 North American Review, xi, 19, 110, 111, Molleson, Lady Constance, 39 112, 113, 114, 283n.12 Molony, Helena, 247, 249, 250-1, 309n.33 Northcote, Sir Stafford, 100 Molony, Kate, 158, 159, 161, 210, 225, Nulty, Thomas, Bishop of Meath, 118, 226, 229 130, 163, 179, 209. 293n.39. 298n.32, Molony, William, 229-30, 292n.14 300n.10 'Monks in the West', 102 Nun of Kenmare, 122-4, 146, 191, 'Monica Duff', The, 158 286n.l9, 291n.ll Monroe Doctrine, 270n.46 Monroe, James, 23 'Oaklands', 41 Montalembert, 102 Obstructionists and , 2, 16, Monteagle, Lord, 178 86, 93-101, 155, 257 Monthly Anthology, xi, 18-19, 283n.12 O'Brien, Charlotte Grace, 45, 148, 178 Montpellier, see 'Ironsides' O'Brien, Mary Frances Xavier, 126 Montreal True Witness, 289n.40 O'Brien, R. Barry, 266n.14 Moody, T. W., 265n.4, 266n.8, 267n.2, O'Brien, William, 201, 210, 234 273n.38, 308n.19 O'Brien, William Smith, 274n.l8, 310n.l Moore, George, 291n.3 O'Connell, Daniel, 108, 145, 153, 252 Moore, Mrs, 205 O'Connor, Arthur, 217 Moore, Thomas, 41, 66, 73 O'Connor, Mary, 302n.39 Moran, Patrick, Bishop of Ossory, 174 'An Odd Pair', 45 Morisot, Berthe, 79-80 O'Donovan Rossa, Jeremiah, 58, 63, 143, Morisot, Madame, 79-80 221, 283n.l8 Morley, John, 274n.17, 281n.9, 296n.l O'Donnell, F. Hugh, 100, 246, 278n.37 Mott, Lucretia, 289n.35 Ogilvie, William, 285n.32 Mott, F. L., 112, 284n.l8 O'Keefe, Patrick, 183, 194, 195 Mount Auburn, 220, 222, 223 O'Kelly, J.J. 213 326 Index

'Old Ironsides', see 'Ironsides' published works, see 'How They Do in Old Tales and New, 240-1, 261-2, 272n.20 the House of Commons: Notes from O'Leary, Ellen, 158 the Ladies' Cage', Old Tales and New, O'Leary, John, 58-63 and The Tale of a Great Sham O'Mahony, John, 276n.9 and religion, 33-5, 43, 60, 209 'On Freedom', 2, 97 O'Neill, Marie, 265n.4, 302n.42 ACTIVE POLmCAL LIFE O'Reilly, John Boyle, 119, 126-7, 130, 144, American social climbers, contempt for, 196, 197, 224 117 O'Shea, Katharine Wood (later Parnell), Ballina and Phoenix Park murders, 213 33, 37, 52, 124, 199, 201, 209, 212, 216, the Boycott affair, 150 230, 232, 233, 234, 245, 279n.42, 280n.7 and the Catholic Church, 169-77 O'Shea, Henry (photographer), 63 Charles, break with, 219, 232, 233 Otis, James, 156 and children's Land League, 191 O'Toole, Jennie, see Wyse-Power and Davitt, Michael, 102, 126-9, 237-45 dedication, esteem of co-workers, 161 Paddy Kiely, 45 Dublin, rooms in, 158 Paget, Claude, 125 at evictions, 185-6, 192, 194-5, 203 Paget, Theodosia, see Parnell Fanny's death: suicide attempt, 225 Paine, Thomas, 88, 285n.32 and George, Henry, 205 'La Paiva', 67 and Kilmainham Treaty, 227 Pall Mall Gazette, 181, 296n.1 land agitation, beginnings of, 104, Paris, Siege of, 69, 104, 279n.55 107-8, 109-10 Parke-Godwins, 72, 279n.50 Ladies' Land League, effective head of, Parnell family, xii, xiii, 14, 18, 28, 272n.6 156-7, 204 LLL, end of the, 216, 218 Parnell, Anna (Catherine Maria Anna and Land League Famine Relief, 115, Mercer, 1852-1911) 118, 119, 124, 127-7 and Ladies' Land League finances, EARLY LIFE 216-17 alienation from Anglo-Irish, xvi, 51-2, Ladies' Land League (Ireland), 58-9' 72, 259 founding, 1, 154-60 appearance, 1, 63-4, 210 LLL, gathers executive for, 158-60 artistic ability, 69, 88, 281n.14 and Ladies' Land League huts, 203-4 art studies, 42, 71, 86-8 and Ladies' Land League, proclamation attitude to marriage, 44, 64-5 of, 208-9 birth and christening, 13, 41 and legal defence of Land Leaguers, character and tastes, 4, 7, 15, 49, 63-5, 182-3, 185 96-7 and Land League in US, 119-21, 126-9 at Dalkey, 48-9, 71 letters to editors, xv, 108-10 early life, 42-52, 71 moral and physical courage, 204 education, 13, 41, 55-6, 278n.19 and Mother Joseph Croke, 176 erroneous depictions of, xi, xii, xiii, xvi, and the No-Rent Manifesto, 202-3, 212, 237-9 217 and Fanny's poetry, 59 and the Nun of Kenmare, 191-2 influence of American ancestry, 15, 18, and obstructionism, 88, 92-101, 111 25, 52, 96, 191 and prisoners' food, 191 193, 208, 209- inheritance, 46, 80, 81 10 at Kingstown, 49 and Rent at the Point of the Bayonet, knowledge of peasant life, 45-6, 165-6 181, 195-6 life in Dublin, 53-65 and the Royal Irish Constabulary, life in Paris, 63, 66-72 164-5, 181-2, 188-90, 206 personal and political philosophy, 27, speeches at: Claremottis (first public 30, 95-7, 251, 309n.26 speech), 1-7, 163-4, 294n.48; and US Civil War, 49-51 Mullingar, 166; Athy, 166, 167; political judgment, 2, 95, 101, 128-9, Rathdowney, 166; Poulaphuca, 166; 165, 168, 250 Kanturk, 166; Charleville, 167, 174; as public speaker, 7, 64 Draperstown, 168; Kiltyclogher, 181; Index 327

Dromcollegher, 192; Kilmallock, 174; and Ladies' Land League, 154, 185, Mitchelstown, 192-4; Cork, 189-90; 216-19, 228 Liverpool, 186; Holyhead, 210; 'Miss Woods', xiv, 74, 84 Greenock, 210; Glasgow, 210 named for uncle, 37 Taylor, Helen, friendship with, 186-8, and the No-Rent manifesto, 200-1, 212 209 and obstructionism, 16, 86, 92-101 and United Ireland, 210-11 and Phoenix Park, 214-15 and Vigilance Committees, 183 political beliefs, xiii, 27, 61, 62, 112, 113, 168, 266n.13, 280n.2 LATER LIFE political influence of uncle, 27, 84-5 and Davitt's The Fall of Feudalism, xvi, as public speaker, 7, 85-6 237-9, 241-6 relationships with Anna and Fanny, 43, and death of Charles, 234 49, 102, 112, 154, 185, 219, 224, 232 elections North Leitrim, 247 religious beliefs, 33-5, 43, 60 fails to find a publisher, xvi, 246-9 and the RIC, 165 financial difficulties, xvi, 225, 239-40, 'Times-Parnell' Commission 309n.32 on trial (1880), 152 and Helen Taylor's election campaign, and United Ireland, 211 227-9 in USA (1876), 90-2 helps Kate and William Molony, 229-30 in USA and Canada (1880), 21, 114, makes her will, 235 116-25, 145, 146 painting in Marazion, Cornwall, 231 publishes Old Tales and New, 65, 240 Parnell, Delia (Delia IV, later Thompson), settles in Ilfracombe, 248-9 213 and The Tale of a Great Sham, 246-7 Parnell, Delia Tudor, (Delia III) nee drowns at Tunnels Baths, 249 Stewart (1816-98), mother of FP and burial, 249 AP, 13, 16, 19, 28, 87 and American Civil War, 49-51 Parnell, Catherine, see Wigram appearance, 64, 141 brother Charles, death of, 81-2 Parnell, Charles Stewart (1846-91), xi, xiii, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii, 2, 15, 24, 49, courtship and marriage, 25-7 52, 68, 126, 140, 142, 153, 161, 170, in Dalkey and Kingstown, 48-52 186, 197, 198, 229, 230, 231, 249, death, 236 282n.31 depictions of, xii, xiii birth, 22, 35 early married life, 35-8 and boycotting, 149-51 education of children, 39-40 character and appearance, 15, 46, 53, and the Fenians, 62-3 54, 61, 85-6, 105, 225, 242, 268n.16 financial speculation, 15, 18, 235 and Davitt, 102-4 and husband's will, 46-7 death, xvi, 224, 234, 272n.6 influence on children, xiii-xiv divorce trial, 232-3, 242 Ladies' Land League, President of, 136, education, 42,43, 55 143, 147 elected to House of Commons, 29, 85 life in Dublin, 53-5 'the fall of Parnell', 233,-4 life in Paris, 46, 66-82 and Famine Relief Funds, 116-18, political naivety, xiv, 40 121-2, 136 public speeches, 138-9, 141-3, 147, 198 Fanny's death, 222-3 return to Bordentown, 88-92 and female suffrage, 290n.14 temperament and education, 23-5, 37 financial speculation, 18, 84 Parnell, Delia (IV) (1837 -8?) later imprisonment (October 1881), 7, 140, Thompson, xiv, 36, 39, 44, 48 199-200 Parnell, Emily Laetitia (later Dickinson) inherits Avondale, 46-8, 83 1841-1918, xiv, xvii, 37, 39, 43, 44, 46, interests and abilities, 41, 42, 55, 83-4 53, 54, 234, 239, 274n.22, 275n.30, Kilmainham Treaty, 213 304n.6, 307n.6 and Land League, 7, 105-7, 108-9, 112, 127, 258 Parnell, Fanny Isabel (1848-82), xi, xii, and Land League of US, 125 xiii, xiv, xv, 29, 47, 61, 102, 116, 152 328 Index

Pamell, Fanny Isabel (1848-82) - 'After Death', 259; 'The Anglo• continued American's Creed', 131-2; and American Ambulance, 75-9, 135 'Coercion-Hold the Rent', 33-4, American ancestry, influence of, 15, 25, 238; 'Erin, 0 Erin', 287n.2; 'The 29, 52 Great Archbishop', 131; 'Hold the and American Civil War, 49-52 Harvest':, 132, 152, 260, 287n.2; American Register, writes for, xvi, 65-82 'Ireland, Mother', 131; 'John and American social climbing, 117, 131 Dillon', 287n.2; 'The Land Bill of Anglo-Irish, alienation from, xvi, 13, 32, 1881', 132; 'She is Not Dead', 131, 51-2, 58-9 287n.2; 'To A Friend', 287n.2; appearance, 63-4, 73, 144 'What Shall We Weep For?', 131 attitude to marriage, 44, 65, 73-4, political views, xiii, 27, 32, 51, 59, 104, 281n.11; see also 'Hints to a Young 106, 115, 133-4, 168, 238 Lady on Marriage' public meeting, first, 136-40 birth, 13, 42 public speaker, poor, 64, 141 Bordentown, returns to, 88-92 religious views, 33-5, 43, 60, 80, 131 in Boston, 144-5 study, love of, 82, 278n.l9 character and personality, 15, 33, 55, 63-4, 120, 121, 197, 225 Parnell, Frances nee Howard, 30-1 Coercion and the Land Act, 179 Parnell, Hayes (1838-54), 37, 38, 43, and Collins, Patrick, 131, 144 280n.4 and correspondence, xii Parnell, Sir Henry, 36 in Dalkey, 48-9 Parnell, Henry Tudor (1850-1915), 43, 48, death and burial, 81, 221-4, 225, 231, 234, 235 272n.6 Parnell, Sir John (1744-1801), 28-30 early life, 41-52, 55 Parnell, John Vesey (second Baron education, 13, 42, 55-6, 69 Congleton), 33 eulogies, 224 Parnell, John Henry (1811-59), father of evangelicalism, influence of, 32-3 FP and AP, xiii, 13, 270n.38, 280n.1 and the Famine, 33-6 birth and inheritance, 31 and the Fenians, 63, 80, 104 education and trips to North America, and Ford, Ellen, 141, 195-6 25,36 illness, 195-8, 220 as father of daughters, 28, 41, 46-8 inheritance, 47, 80-1 as landlord, xiii, 31, 43 'The Irish Land Question' and The political, social and religious views, 27, Hovels of Ireland, xvi, 32, 111-15 32, 43, 273n.23 Irish patriotism, 52, 61 Parnell, John Howard (1842-1924), xiii, Irish People, 56-63; see also poems xiv, xvii, 14, 28, 37, 47-8, 54, 55, 61, 80, Irish World, dislike of, 196-7 85, 91, 92, 137, 221, 222, 249, 270n.44, in Kingstown, 49 274n.28, 275nn.29 & 31, 277n.8, and Land League Famine Fund, 119-22, 279n.42, 281n.14, 282n.31, 307n.4, 124, 154 308n.7 and Ladies' Land League in US, xi, 8, Parnell, Laetitia Charlotte, nee Brooke, 28 134-6, 154 Parnell, Sophia (later MacDermott) (1845- letters to editors, 107-8, 110 77), 39, 43, 53, 54 life in Paris, 63, 65, 66-82 Parnell, Theodosia (later Paget) (1853- and men's League (US), 196-8 1920), 38, 43, 55-6, 66, 79, 124, 125-6, in Montreal and Quebec City, 145-7 234, 235, 248, 249 and O'Reilly, John Boyle, 130, 144, 196 Parnell Thomas (poet), 274n.7 as organiser, 140-1, 154 Parnell, William (1780-1821), grandfather parents, influence of, xiv, 31, 47 of FP and AP, 29-31; see also An peasantry sympathy with, 32, 44-5 Historical Apology for Irish Catholics poems, in Irish People Parnell, William (1836-36), infant, 36 'A Death Bed Farewell', 59; 'Eily', 61; Parnellism and Crime, 299n.53, 303n.82, 'Masada', 59; 'The Poor Man to his 306n.20, 308n.15, 309n.20; see also The Country', 59, 60; 'A Sonnet', 59; Times-Parnell Commission critiques of, 60, 61, 130, 132-3 Patmore, Coventry, 172 poems, Land League A Patriot's Mistkae, xvii Index 329

Patti, Adelina, 69 Redpath, James, 110, 118, 141, 146, 197 Peabody, Elizabeth, 268n.13 Redpath Lecture Bureau, 265n.11 Pearse, Patrick, 250 'Reflections of a Wallflower', 82, 266n.20, peasantry, attitudes and conditions of life, 277n.5, 278n.40 3, 14, 31-2, 128-9) 165-6, 253, 290n.6, Reid, T. W., 300nn.1&9 293n.41 , 153 The Peasant and Irish Irelander, 292n.16, Report of the Irish Local Government 307n.2, 309n.25 Board, 109 'Peri at the Gates of Paradise', 73 'Rent at the Point of the Bayonet', 180, Perth Courier (Ontario), 289n.40 195 'petroleuses', 206 Reynolds, Hannah, 205, 207 Pettet, Rev., 222 RIC, see Royal Irish Constabulary Philippe's restaurant, 68 Rice, Allen Thorndike, 111 Phoenix Park, 54, 189, 211 Richards, Anne, 36 Phoenix Park murders, 213-14, 215-16, Richards, Francis, 36 231 Richards, Henry, 133 Pilot, (Boston), 119, 130, 134, 144 Richards, Laura (nee Howe) 133 Pius IX, Pope, 4, 70 'The Rising of 1916' see Easter Rebellion Plymouth Brethren, 33 Robinson, William E., 138 'The Poetry and Songs of Ireland', 287n.8 Rochefort, Henri, 161 'Point Breeze', 89 Rossa, Jeremiah O'Donovan, see The Police in Ireland, 298n.38; see also O'Donovan Rossa Craigen, Jessie The Rotunda (Dublin) 106 Polk, James, 21 Royal Dublin Society School of Art, 86 Portland prison, 200 Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC), 5, 6, 62, Potter, Beatrix, 122 150, 164, 179, 183, 188-90, 192, 200, Power, John O'Connor, 91, 102 204, 206, 208, 209, 213, 294n.45 Powerscourt, 33, 35 Royal Society of British Artists, 88 Powerscourt, Lady Theodosia (Aunt 'Do'), Russell, Alfred, 140 33, 35, 36 Russell, Lady John, 232, 310n.3 Powerscourt, Lord, 25 Pride and Prejudice, 20 St Saviour's (Rathdrum), 42 The Prince of the Glades, 156-7 278n.32, Sainte-Beuve, Charles-Augustin, 67 281n.18, 293n.38, 304n.88 Sala, George Augustus, 132 Prisoners' Sustentation Fund, 209-10 Sand, George, 13 Progress and Poverty, 139, 140, 267n.8, Sanders, Mr (landlord), 186 291n.17; see also George, Henry Sanitary Commission, see US Sanitary Propaganda Fide (Society for the Commission Propagation of the Faith), xvii, 211 Savage, James, xii, 269n.22 The Property Defence Association, 180 Schneider, Hortense, 69 'Protection of Persons and Property Act' Scott, James C., 310n.8 (1881), see Coercion Secret Ballott Act (1872), 84 The Protestant Crusade in Ireland, 1800-1870 secret societies, 57, 212, 255 272nn.11 & 19 de Segur, Comte, 16, 55 Purser, Sarah, 87 Sellan, Priscilla, 123 Pusey, Edward, 122, 123 Sen, Amartya, 285n.1 Senior, Professor Nassau, 112 La Question Agraire, 285n.26 Sexton, Thomas, 152, 190, 200 Quinn, Joseph P., 1 Shaftesbury, Lord, 35, 272n.12 Shannon River, 1, 161 rack rents, 149, 310n.4 'She is not Dead', 131 Rathdrum, , 42, 161 Sheehy, Father Eugene, 174, 189 Recollections of Solferino, 76 Sheehy-Skeffington, Francis, 215 Recollections of Fenians and Fenianism, Sheehy-Skeffington, Hannah, 134 276,n.10 Simeoni, Giovanni (Cardinal and Prefect Reddy Brothers (Dublin), 191 of Propaganda Fide), 211, 212 Redmond, John, 235 Simpson, L. P. 269n.23 Redmond, William, 220, 221 Sinn Fein, 247 330 Index

Sligo Champion, 249 283nn.14,15,&21, 284nn.5,8&10, Smith, Bernard, OSB, 173, 175 285n.22, 286nn.7&11, 287n.32, Society in America, 169 290nn.6&13, 291n.15, 293nn.37&43, Somerville, E. and Ross, M., 273n.32 294n.49, 296nn.4&8, 297nn.14&19, 'A Sonnet', 59 299n.58, 300n.5, 301nn.13,16&29, South African Federation Bill, 99, 100 302n.37, 303nn.59,68,81,76&80, South Kensington Schools of Design, 71, 304n.87&89, 309n.30, 310nn.1,5&10, 86, 88 311nn.13&15; see also Anna Parnell, Spence, Thomas, 285n.32 LATER LIFE Spencer, Lord, 204, 214 Taine, 67 The Standard, 206, 215 Taylor, Harriet, see Mill, Harriet Taylor Stanley, Venetia, 276n.20 Taylor, Helen, xvi, 140, 186-8, 209, 210, Stephen, Leslie, 112 217, 227-9, 231, 282n.9, 294n.55, Stephens, James, 57 301n.28, 307n.26 Stewart family, xv, 14, 272n.6 'tenant right' 264 Stewart, Captain Charles (later tenants' rights associations, 104 Commodore and Rear-Admiral, 1778- Thebaud, Father, 112 1869), xiii, xiv, xv, xvi, 18, 20-1, 22, 23, La theorie economique de Ia famine ill'epreuve 25, 26, 27, 36-7, 49, 50, 51, 68, 71, 82, des faits, 285n.1 88-90, 266n.12, 270n.36 Thompson, Delia (Delia IV) 1837-8?, see Stewart, Charles Tudor (maternal uncle Parnell, Delia of FP and AP) 1818-74, 24, 27, 35, 53, Thompson, Henry, 213 72, 74, 90, 276n.1 Thompson, James Livingston, 44 birth, 22 Thoreau, Henry David, 18, 164 death, 81-2 'The Three Fs', 152, 179, 257 education, 23, 271n.63 Tierney, Mark, 296n.24 in Paris, 67-8, 71-4, 79 The Times 51, 71, 194,109, 197,185, 214, loss of fortune, 81 215, 225, 230, 231 in Paris, 67-8, 71, 71-4, 79 Times (New York), see New York Times political views, 26, 49, 68, 275n.36 Times-Parnell Commission, The, 163, relationship with sister, 26 185, 230, 231, 297n.22, 298n.31; see also Stewart, Delia (Delia II, maternal Parnellism and Crime grandmother of FP and AP), see Tudor de Tocqueville, Alexis, 2, 55, 97, 253 Stewart, Delia Tudor (mother of FP and Tottenham, George, 181 AP), see Parnell Tractarians, 122 Stewart, E. L., (son of Commodore Treaty of Ghent, 21 Charles Stewart), 222 Tribune (New York), 108-10, 117, 141 Stewart, Elizabeth Tudor, 222 Trollope, Anthony, 112, 291n.3 Stewart, Frances (later Cockie), 222 Truth, 64, 266n.7; see also Labouchere, Stille, c. J., 279n.50 Henry Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 35 Tuchman, Barbara, 266n.6 Stritch, Claire, 158, 194, 203 Tudor family, xiv, xv, 14, 15, 272n.6 The Subjection of Women, 186 Tudor, Delia nee Jarvis (Delia I) 1753- Suffolk Street Gallery, 88 1843, 15, 16, 17, 18, 38, 52, 867, 125, Sullivan, A.M., 172 270n.43, 275n.46 Sullivan, Frances, 159 Tudor, Delia (Delia II) 1787- 1860, (later Sullivan, T. D., 121, 266n.19, 267n.3, Stewart), grandmother of FP and AP, 269n.27, 274n.23 15-17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 25, 27, 36, 38, Sumner, Charles, 275n.42 49-52, 87, 275n.45 Survilliers, Comte de, see Bonaparte, Joseph Tudor, Emma Jane (later Gardiner, great Swift, Jonathan, 253 aunt of FP and AP, 1785-1865), 16-8, 'Syllabus of Errors', 4 24, 41, 85, 87, 133 Sylvester, Reverend John, 269n.22 Tudor, Euphemia (Effie) nee Fenno, 124-5, 223, 276n.5 Talbot, Captain G., 207 Tudor, Frederic, (the 'Ice King' of Boston) The Tale of a Great Sham, xi, xv-xvi, 47, 1783-1864, great uncle of FP and AP, 218, 246-8, 266n.18, 267nn.14&15, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 84, 125, 265n.5, 268n.4, 275n.40, 278n.27, 266n.17, 269n.20, 287n.26 Index 331

Tudor, Henry (son of Frederic), 144, 221 Ward, Margaret, 265n.4 Tudor, Deacon John 1709-96, 14-5, 17 Warren, Mercy Otis, 83 Tudor, Tasha, 266n.17 Washburne, Elihu, 72, 77, 78, 278n.41 Tudor, William 1750-1819 (maternal great Washington, General George, 14 grandfather of FP and AP), xiii, 14-15, Watt, George, 88 16, 17, 18, 38, 52, 270n.50, 275n.46 Webb, A., 86, 162, 208, 215, 216, 229, 230, Tudor, William Jr, 1779-1830 (great uncle 232, 233, 302n.49, 307n.24 of FP and AP), 17, 18, 19, 42, 43, 45, 81, Webber, W., 192 96, 111, 114, 156, 191 Webster, Daniel, 25 Tuileries palace (Paris), 66, 68, 75, 80 West Point, Georgia, 91 Tuke, James Hack, 202, 267n.7 'What Shall We Weep For?' 272n.21 Turpin, J. 281n.12 White, Captain Philip, 25 Turquan, J. 280n.56 Wigram, George Vicesimus, 33, 34, 37, '22nd of June 1897', 261 274n.22 '22nd January 1901', 262 Wigram, Catherine, 31, 33, 36, 37, 39, Tynan, Katharine (later Hinkson), 58, 116, 274n.22, 275n.33 160, 162, 230 Wilberforce, William, 35 Tynan, P. J.P. (Number One), 272n.2 Wilde, Lady, 134 Wiseman, Cardinal, 123 Ulster Custom, 311n.12; see also tenant right The Witness, (Montreal), 289n.40 United Ireland, 166, 210-11, 308n.12 women in history, xi, xii Universal Exhibition (1887), 78 Women Marriage and Politics, 1860-1914, US Sanitary Commission, 75, 76, 135, 136; 273nn.34&35, 274n.12 see also Women's Central Association Women's Central Association of Relief, of Relief 76, 135, 275n.44; see also US Sanitary Commission Vale of Avoca, 41, 222 Women's Central Committee, 267n.11 de Valera, E., 162 Women's Freedom League, 94 Varney, Jane, 14 Women's Suffrage Journal, 283nn.6&10 Vigee-Lebrun, Mme, 87 'Woods, Miss', xiv, 74, 84 Vigilance committees, 183 Words and Women, 13 Vocabulary of the Penobscot Indians, 269n.18 Words of the Dead Chief, 267n.6 Voglaire, Agnes, 285n.1 World, (New York) 118 Voltaire, 16 Wyatt, James, 273n.1 Wyse-Power, Jennie, 159, 190, 205, 206, Walsh, Beatrice, 158, 160, 162, 205, 302n.36 211, 240, 267n.6, 293n.34, 311n.2 Walsh, Margaret, 160, 162 Walsh, Rev. Lawrence; see also Land League, US, 197 Yeats, W. B., 58, 162 War of 1812, xiii, xv, 19, 90 Young, Arthur, 253 War of Independence, (US), see American Young India, 294n.46 War of Independence Young Ireland, 97, 254, 288n.23