Constructive Exceptionality 81 Spontaneous urbanization and recovered agency in Zaatari refugee camp

Sara al Nassir

Institute of Urban and Regional Planning | Technische Universität Dresden

DOI 10.7480/rius.6.95 These notions contradict traditional humanitarian perceptions. These notions contradict traditional KEYWORDS structure refugee camp, production of space, duality, agency, narrative approach, the main findings denote a constructiverefugees of inclusion consequential exceptionality a well as as creation space facilitates that that shows Al-Souq of construction spatial the Furthermore, camp. the in refugees are in fact active agents. Therefore, the paper concludes by offering necessarily not are they that i.e. camps, of conceptualization alternative an victims. aid-dependent not are they that i.e. refugees, as well as temporary, transformation of Zaatari is indisputable, there has been little investigation been little there has of Zaatari is indisputable, transformation This paper questions place. taken process has such a transformative into how space produces structure and agency human between interplay the how market main Al-Souq, the end, this To city. the eventually, and, camp, in the explorative an Employing study. case a as chosen been has Zaatari, in street Abstract market prominent one camp, refugee Zaatari urbanized increasingly the In city, thereby camp a of creation the to contributing as out stands Al-Souq, street, spatial the While settlements. temporary camps as view of the challenging

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, - - - indistinction border – provided by Google Maps (Google). Introduction A satellite image illustrating the location of the Zaatari refugee camp near the Syrian-Jordanian A satellite image illustrating the location of the Zaatari The scenario whereby camps gradually transform from tent-exclusive from transform camps gradually The scenario whereby 1. Agamben camps designated (1998) has as exceptional zones of Figure 1. of refugees, which in turn evolve to reflect the longevity of the camp itself, there is is Nevertheless, a general tendency neither novel nor uncommon. – to conceptualize standpoint a humanitarian camps as – particularly from spaces to emergent urban settlements in order to accommodate the needs to accommodate the in order settlements urban spaces to emergent adequate, specifically in regard to urban-type refugee camps. urban-type in regard to adequate, specifically and services. In view and services. In view the pigeonholing factors, of these of refugee camps as occupiedtemporary settlements by idle, helpless victims is restrictive and in ter. For example, it features identifiable districts and neighbourhoods; streets neighbourhoods; and districts identifiable features it example, For ter. and personalized are households grid; electrical an to connected and paved are vary in size; there are makeshift street markets offering a variety of products spontaneous urbanization of the Zaatari refugee camp (see Figure 1) suggests 1) suggests of the Zaatari refugee camp Figure (see urbanization spontaneous an entirely different situation.Today the camp exhibits multipleurban fea charac its defines which temporariness permanent the materialize that tures conceptualization, conceptualization, camps are perceived as static zones in which primary the bare life. This perceptionmaintenance of is the characteristic extended is often to viewing Yet the victims. of helpless camps as an agglomeration refugee where the discrepancies between inclusion and exclusion are blurred. In his In discrepancies where the blurred. and exclusion are inclusion between

------are perceived space as well as the camp . Discussions about detention or concentration the camp Conceiving urban-type refugee camps The common extension of biopolitics to conceptualize camps illustrates Beginning with the first concept, a basic problem in theorizing about 2. poses a problem of con refugee camps around discourse The standard In this paper I argue that by exploring the way camps urbanize and by and this paper by exploring In I argue that way camps urbanize the Thus even when camps persist for decades, they continue to be perceived to be perceived continue decades, they persist for camps when even Thus ceptualization, both as applied to theory and practice. Hence, it is necessary for us to concepts discuss how the of conceptual understanding of the camp as a (Al-Souq), street socially-produced market main Zaatari’s of creation space. the tracing by specifically, More under to seeking camp, the of spatiality produced the investigates paper this produced urbanity to the of tents an assembly from its transformation stand it is today. considering resulting how the spatiality is constituted, we can establish a useful lens to peer into lives the everyday of refugees inside such camps as counter the typical well as discern how they dependence, inactivity disso and ciation arising through encampment. This proposition entails an alternative accompanied by the spatial transformation of camps. While these may have have may these accompanied While of camps. by the spatial transformation informalities, distinctive are they in their own to urban some resemblance political situation, challenges and consideration. Hence, we require an alter native conceptualization of camps and refugees (Hartmann, Laue & formulate to Missel vocabulary new a for need the out points (2017) Sanyal 2015). witz of crisis”. refugee spaces beyond the mere “language thinking about our through a paradigm of temporality, which in turn is extended to the percep to the is extended turn which in of temporality, a paradigm through This settlements. urbanized inside these lead life they the and tion of refugees recursively produces a culture of dependence (Agier 2002; see Malkki 1995; Sanyal 2014). Living in a state of continuous temporariness is inextricably temporary, temporary, since acknowledging their permanence is misguidedly associated with the promotion of suffering anddeprivation. In fact, the policy of the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR 2014) is to pursue “alternatives to camps”; when a viola constitute as they temporary, remain such camps should established, and rights. freedom tion of refugees’ description of how refugees reconstruct their lives after displacement. description of how refugees reconstruct their lives after displacement. the point. While Agamben’s (1998) initial thesis was a criticism specific to states that the camp concentration camps, has replaced he nonetheless the refugee camps can be attributed to the grouping of all types of camps into a single category, namely an refugee camps, generating extended to urban-type often camps are thus overwhelmingly critical perception of those camps as well as their inhabitants. This lack of conceptual distinction unavoidably leads to shortcomings in the theoretically.

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- - - - - to the fore in space is concerned with is concerned individuals stripped individuals

ipso facto namely

, This view This view implausible is not if bare lives. homo sacers A criticism of the narrowness of the humanitarian paradigm has of the humanitarian A criticism narrowness of the 1 , whose inhabitants are , whose Both biopolitics and socio-spatial are in fact considerations appropriate Clearly, we require an alternative approach that recognizes the produced Numerous examples of urban-type refugee camps exist around the world. Well-known cases of what cases of Well-known world. the around camps exist refugee urban-type of examples Numerous has been often termed “camp cities” include the Dadaab camp in Kenya, the Palestinian camps ab the Palestinian Kenya, Dadaab camp in the termed “camp cities” include often has been to the most in Jordan in addition and Wehdat such as Shatila in Lebanon major cities sorbed within recent make-shift camp Kutupalong-Balukhali for Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. 1 situation. Evidently, the whole picture is too complex to be captured by one individual or another approach. For I argue here for a re-engage this reason, ment with Agamben’s notion of exception exploration in my of Zaatari as a tics and the term “exception”, Sanyal (2014) points out that the “exceptional the that out points (2014) Sanyal “exception”, term the and tics category of being a refugee” is employed by camp residents to enhance their camp as exceptional,camp as produce according to him its exceptionality not does bare life. Fresia and Von Känel (2015) suggest that normalization follows ex while critical Similarly, of biopoli encampment. after not and ception during ature on spatial camps, this criticism still revolves – as Oesch (2017) explains (2017) Oesch as – revolves still criticism this camps, spatial on ature – around an “exclusionary paradigm”. Specifically, the notion of exception can be read inversely. For instance, while Turner (2016) conceptualizes the to describe different aspects of the transformation of refugee camps. While are increasingly criticized of Agamben’s thesis liter in the shortcomings the issues of replacement, space and place. is, by definition, about losing one’s place and reconstruct their reconstruct their lives in All these insights their new are settlements. crucial in order to remedy understanding ofthe flaws camps current in and our their inhabitants. Remarkably, this lens is contentious even though displacement 2013; Hartmann et al. 2015; Jansen 2016; Katz 2015; Martin 2015; Peteet 2005; the phenomena, socio-spatial as camps Reading 2014). Sanyal 2013; Ramadan over and start the way they lives of refugees, aim is to explore everyday the spatiality of the camp. Specifically, an approach that brings brings that approach an Specifically, camp. the of spatiality any investigation of refuge, perceiving as the basis this of refugees’ and result Grbac 1989; Al-Qutub see 2009; Hilal & Abourahme 2015; (Abourahme actions Agier 2002; Sanyal 2014). Agier 2002; Sanyal we attempt to account for refugees’ productive for we attempt to account activities are in camps that urbanizing. 1995b; Malkki also (see reason very this for accounts various in reported been inception inception when suffering is therule. Biopolitics and the concept of bare life are also aligned with perception the humanitarian of camps as temporary settlements inhabited by victims. Such a view, however, breaks down when exception to reduced basic rights and of their we think of refugee settlements, especially during the initial phases of their city, allowing the adaptation of his biopolitics his biopolitics of adaptation city, the allowing of spaces, wider range to a most importantly refugee camps (see Diken & Laustsen 2002; Elden 2006; Minca 2006, 2015; Oesch 2017). Within this approach, the camp is perceived as an

2 ------temporary . atmospheres but also the appropriations 3 . Löw (2008) extends the central con in relation to camps, camps, to in relation it is note that we lived space ; action dimension of spatiality; Site selection and methodology structural 3. Site selection in the large and volatile Zaatari refugee camp is far from These space-constitutive dimensions inform the overall investigation the These space-constitutiveinform dimensions As Löw’s (2008) duality will prove fundamental for our exploration of the of exploration our for fundamental prove will duality (2008) Löw’s As Turning to the concept concept to the of Turning The camp covers an area of 5.3 km2 (UNHCR 2017b). 2 As originally defined by Giddens (1984). 3 The constitution of places and the development of The constitution of places and the The routinized paths of The transformations are harder to trace than others, street markets in a physical space of refugees’ actions. This is con form that is the sole result Zaatari space: Al-Souq. easy. Not is only the size of the camp daunting of space taking place are numerous and diverse in scale. While some of these - and structure of this paper. Additionally, by adopting Löw’s spatial concept, thereby providing I perceive a Zaatari as a problem of agency vs. structure, market main Zaatari’s of production the investigate to which from standpoint and restrict space for constitutive action. The two elements of action and of action and constitutive action. The two elements restrict space for and Finally, along with this premise reproduce each other. recursively structure of duality, Löw (2008, p. 36) adds a third symbolic element to identify three dimensions that constitute space: - - knowledgeability (practical and discursive). The fact that space is produced in produced is space that fact The discursive). and (practical knowledgeability refugees helps to portray manner camp in a simple bottom-up, the unplanned as active subjects rather than helpless victims. Moreover, structure is pro that are embedded in institutions of action. vided by the rules and resources enable and informal) (formal (material and immaterial) and rules Resources tribution of Lefebvre while placing equivalent weight on the role of action, a duality of action and structure. perceiving space as production and constitution of space in Zaatari the camp, refugee it is valuable to provide a here. This encompasses an element of duality summary agency: repetitive daily action is crucial of spacefor the constitution and is motivated by contribution towards the role of everyday life life contribution latter for her reformu and the everyday the role of towards lation of Giddens’ (1984) concept of duality. It is through Lefebvre’s (1991) approach that we understand space beyond the perception of a mere “con tainer” as socially produced through the interaction of three aspects, namely the and the physical, the mental socio-spatial phenomenon, i.e. a constructive exceptionality. exceptionality. a constructive i.e. phenomenon, socio-spatial of space the understanding through as socially produced that the perception of the camp falls short. Lefebvre’s (1991) and Löw’s of space for his triad here, the former space counts of and are fundamental (2008) ac

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- to

4 Programme), the Champs- the (running left (running Food Saudi World the by run es were collected during a field é (both Tazweed and Safeway (Arabic for market) are the central central the are market) for (Arabic . (for the connection between space, and the everyday 5 The main market streets in the Zaatari Refugee Camp; Al-Souq. The main market streets in the Zaatari Refugee Al-Souq supermarkets, two Figure 2. has (running top (running sorts of shops existto bottom). All in Al-Souq selling In the following, the In I employ a narrative approach to explore the way in which Zaatari currently has four street markets (see Fig. 2). The two main The narrative approach was chosen for theoretical and logistical reasons, namely in order to obtain order to reasons, namely in logistical for theoretical and was chosen The narrative approach gether known as “the mall” the security permit needed to access the camp. based on a UNHCR map collected during fieldwork. AutoCad-generated map of Zaatari by the author 4 Zaatari 5 Al-Souq was produced shopkeepers 44 of narratives The 2015). al. et Fischer-Nebmaier see narration, with stores in both Saudi and Champs-Elys space interaction in Zaatari, of a place socialize where refugees interact, and protest to voice their claims, celebrate Eid or Ramadan and even go on dates Bork‐Hüffer et al. 2016). of street markets, see (for more on the significance Elysées basic foodstuffs, domestic supplies, main the is it transaction; pet of space food a only not andis Al-Souq even that note to bridal dresses.important It is streets forming forming streets to right) along with the oldest and most famous street known as firmed by the UNHCR standardized layout, camp opposed as (camp), settlement per one or inhabitants which 20,000 per marketplace only specifies one 2018). shops (UNHCR of privately-owned market street to a multi-use

------. The aim was to link the individual and collective collective and individual the link to was aim The . 6 of identity”, albeit solely focused on identity (the same From helpless victims to active agents problématique While refugees are initially perceived as an undifferentiated mass of hu If we consider that Al-Souq is solely the outcome of refugees’ actions, the then Al-Souq is solely that we consider If “We always follow them. They start the thing and we follow. Seeing “We always follow them. They start the them digging In a broader sense, refugee camps that undergo some spatial transfor 4. The strategies are semi-structured interviews with narrative elements, exclusively narrative interviews narrative elements, exclusively with interviews The strategies are semi-structured as well as narrative interviewing by external interviewers. 6 as “a argument can be extended to agency). reconstruct their lives. The management of refugees during the emergency reconstruct their of refugees during lives. The management main concern is to pro since the period of arrival ignores their individuality in aid. This inevitably humanitarian a loss of identity and results vide urgent ar refugee the as victim helpless the Maintaining temporarily. least at agency, chetype is, however, self-defeating since it leads to a vicious cycle of depend ency, thereby hindering recovery. Agier (2002) describes this predicament transformation of the camp inevitably transformation materializes the presence of through certain Such a levels of agency. view is crucial in the quest to conceptualize camps. mans in recover their agency and need of help, eventually on the ground they of us, in many ways.” its very existence denotes active its agents behind production, challenging the humanitarian and biopolitical perception of refugees as mere victims plausibility or bare lives. This lends to the suggestion the socio-spatial that cesspools their houses, outside whole sewage treatment plant project; we built the they created a street (each row module of houses with a street), and we made a repli we responded on their caravans, and drawing decorating and started they of that; ca ahead way are they Essentially, ideas. the with up come They project. graffiti the with mation tend to follow the same acting path: Refugees as agents to reconstruct camps into their identities, agencies turning and spaces, gradually thereby emergent cities. The eloquent description by a UNHCR Zaatari site planner how this scenario takes place: my fieldwork recounts recorded during Al-Souq (as identified by Löw) in order to understand how this thriving market thriving this how understand to order in Löw) by identified (as Al-Souq came to be, how individual actors chose to sell specific products within clear their actions. what facilitated and constrained spatial settings and trip in July 2016. The concrete situation in the and plication interviewing of three both structureless enable to strategies camp necessitated the ap the of narratives semi-structured narrative” “public a calls (2002) May what construct to order in narratives constitute that dimensions three the explore I follows, what In market. whole

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------Un (prefabs). housing (known locally as tuti) as locally (known 8 prefabricated to refer to camp the in used term the What starts as a crisis of loss, whether of identity or of identity or of loss, whether as a crisis starts What 7 is . This mat-tent-zinco-caravan transformation, either transformation, . This mat-tent-zinco-caravan 9 “Karavana” or The structural dimension of Al-Souq’s spatiality dimension of Al-Souq’s The structural Resources First, the material resources used to create Al-Souq were the essential aid essential to create Al-Souq were the used material resources First, the 5.1 When Zaatari was originally established, refugees arriving at the camp 5. the sole responsibility While Al-Souq is of the refugees running it – This initial This and victimhood of dependency state is overcome by prospects like the common understanding of caravans, these structures are in fact immobile. 7 This was identified through the performative analysis of the narratives. 8 A generic term for metal-roofed (or metal-walled) housing (Knudsen 2016, p. 443). 9 “Caravan” electricity as well as caravans. In fact, results show that these resources resources these that show fact, results In electricity as well as caravans. worked as a counter-encampment response, as follows: packets, distributed debit cards (known colloquially in Zaatari as “the visa”), the wider transformation of Zaatari’s flourishing market by detailing the spe the detailing by market flourishing Zaatari’s of transformation wider the cific material and immaterial resources that were drawn upon to produce the individual shops. had limited resources. This was the spark that ignited Al-Souq. We can narrate can We Al-Souq. ignited that spark the was This resources. limited had and immaterial) as well as rules (formal and informal) that structured refu structured that and informal) (formal and immaterial) as well as rules gees’ actions in creating their shops. fered and hence the variety of business types present in Al-Souq also evolved types present variety of business the hence and fered (material resources specific the explore we following, the In time. over greatly and finally caravans transformation The or partially, is a part of each collected narrative. wholly was not limited to the structure of the shops; remarkably, the products of refugees bought or exchanged the same resources to improve Al-Souq, to mate resources same the bought or exchanged refugees rializing their permanence each step way. The shops were of the transformed Zinco to then tents, to Arabic) in (hasira mats floor from meaning it rely on humanitarian aid does not and donations – it comes as no camp. of the changing conditions the mirrors its transformation that surprise Zaatari, in the became available For example, certain material resources once are thus not merely spaces of suffering andmarginalization; they are spaces becomes possible. where human agency of agency”, since this facilitates their inclusion in Moreover, Wille (2011) stresses that the the acknowledgment of people’s agency new environment. is crucial their integration for and to foster a sense of belonging. Refugee camps ness towards activity. towards ness similar On reestablishment. their for conditions up setting the agency, ends “sources as perceived be refugees that suggest (2018) al. et Ghorashi grounds, of recovery through the gradual production production gradual the through of recovery of space. fact, In collected the all exhibited narratives a from passivity of transition pattern and helpless

------the

10 necessitating million, shops selling televi $8.7 convenience stores (dok of bill a livingthat on aid generates. with UNHCR electric appliances the left culture of dependence culture ” was standard advice given to refugees about to electricity of : Counter idleness response : Counter displacement measure : Counter displacement measure consumption Counter dependence response dependence Counter bring your own cord bring your informal , where refugees took charge of the basic items that constituted their Caravans Living in tents or zincos entailed certain levels of instability due to their In addition to the problem of aid life dependency, without electricity Electricity At first there was no electricity in the camp. The original aim of con Refugees commercialized Refugees commercialized their aid direct items through by ex sale or Aid: Initially refugees received aid either as packages of essential items for regulation of electricity inside Zaatari (Lahn 2015). The 10 fragile and mobile nature. Caravans, on the other hand, are stable and private and stable are hand, other the on Caravans, nature. mobile and fragile that provide a form of longer-term housing. Supplied by donations structures household devices or hairdryers), as refrigerators, ovens could be sold (such household of spice for the establishment the way merchants, then paved whose availability bridal shops, bakeries and other shops. in the Zaatari newly established camp long entailed periods of inactivity and waiting. creating this state of idleness, a demand of power The arrival countered of shops in the establishment Al-Souq for electrical devices and encouraging to meet this new demand. Makeshift other to appear.were the second in line Furthermore, sion and satellite dishes informally supplying informally and, to energy later, refugees’ shelters to shops. This fact, at that In to streetlights. connecting electric cords by directly was done time, “ move to Zaatari. This significantly altered the quality of refugees’ lives and of electricity to all camp residents. eventually led to the general supply necting Zaatari to a power grid was to facilitate the work of the humanitarian crucial resource, to be yet another it proved agencies on-site. Nonetheless, change with Jordanian workers in order to obtain essential products unavail vegetables As a result, the and fruit. the time such as fresh able in Zaatari at first shops to open in Al-Souq were small, makeshift kanas) life, everyday countering the packages packages can ensure survival when emergencies erupt, it is unsustainable to exclusively longer periods on these over rely time. of Refugees unanimous eating to continually the same pre-chosen meals. reported their aversion ly Similarly, the debit cards that could be used in “the mall” limited refugees’ choices. budget as well as daily survival or through debit cards with limited funds that could only be only that could funds cards with limited debit through or daily survival used in the WFP supermarkets (“the could meet that neither the evolving of needs refugees. While mall”). aid essential It quickly became apparent

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- - - - to which mahalat according structures, scripts shops ( mental prior to start businesses. like emphasizes Jr functioning building supplies

as Sewell these . immaterial resources immaterial identifies transformation, he and rules, agency with to furnish the newly established homes and, finally, were factors influencing their actions in creating a shop a creating in actions their influencing factors were 11 Along duality, on “schemas”. fabric shops Rules discussion ), calls his The possibilities of finding work in non-camp settlements are more com more are settlements non-camp in work finding of possibilities The 5.2 of spatiality dimension is deter the structural In addition to resources, Once these material resources became available, Al-Souq offered a fertile a offered Al-Souq available, became resources material these Once Another significant roleplayed by prefabs was to provide a home-like he agents because of these mental structures” (Sewell an agent acts. As he puts it: “agents become which Jr, 1992, p. 12). In 11 4,000 Syrian refugees working in Jordan had a work permit, a figure that has the represent not does figure this However, 2017). (ILO 40,000 to grown since newly for exist still hurdles many Evidently, work. in people of number actual plicated. Until the establishment of the Jordan Compact Plan in 2016, only included some refugees who have moved from urban settlements to Zaatari. settlements urban moved from included some refugees who have Such reverse migration seems counterintuitive as the expected flow is in the opposite direction. spirit out-of-camp disparity stemming from of facilitation. in-camp An and this attitude challenges to has brought refugees who are non-camp dwellers searching for work outside Zaatari. In fact, there exist multiple narratives, formal (man-made) rules that govern the opening of shops or the nature rules that govern the opening formal (man-made) of shops or the nature regulatory (limited These rules are merely to the issuing of of employment. were devised in a general camp) the permits to allow products inside and mined by rules. Of particular interest to our investigation of Zaatari are the Of particular to our interest mined by rules. relative) as an essential motive behind their choice of business type. relative) as an essential motive behind was associated with various instabilities, which is why refugees built upon was associated with various instabilities, refugees which is why their trusted repertoire of previous skills in reconstructing their lives. Inter viewed shopkeepers all listed their previously acquired skills (or those of a More specifically, interviewed shopkeepers specified“schemas” or skills that their previous (Sewell Jr 1992). The reasoning is easy to infer: The arrival phase in Zaatari ground for all sorts of businesses to ground for all sorts grow. With these growing opportunities, drawing refugees started on their sehhiya supplies (asrounyeh) shops selling domestic or designed an exterior access to the toilet. The more the prefabs looked like this enterprise. for materials necessary for demand higher the homes, the This resulted in the emergence of makeshift structure that allowed refugees to that allowed refugees own administer their space. Refugees mod structure ified the layout of their shelters,adding a second space, building a fountain only, the slowly rising number of prefabs in Zaatari gradually transformed the transformed in Zaatari prefabs of gradually number rising the slowly only, camp. This in turn made prefabs a precious resource for trading and renting; Ledwith 2014). (see even burgled they were ------The atmospheric quality of Zaatari 6. in-camp disparity between out-of-camp and con The above-mentioned The emergence Zaatari-exclusive of some rules is distinctive. highly As One reasonable question to pose at this stage is why work-related rules Within Zaatari, Within Zaatari, (refugee-owned is self-created either employment ditions can be extended to a feeling discussion of the refugees’ in this spatial setting. In Zaatari camp, of belonging expressed a sense refugees to the place as opposed the community to the intense feeling of exile and experienced stigma of being bear the labelled a refugee. constantly outside, where they the uncritical acceptance of Zaatarian rules as a whole, but wish to shed light whole, but wish to shed as a uncritical acceptance the rules of Zaatarian on a facilitating happens to be camp-exclusive factor that with in comparison other non-camp refugee settlements. mentioned above, work-related rules have proved beneficial to both refugees both to beneficial proved have rules work-related above, mentioned and the host country. Hence, they were selected for. It is important to point out that when speaking of exceptionality, I do not mean to establish a gen eralizable expectation A case regarding in matters. all camp-related point is do not argue for I camp. Thus marriages inside the predominance of early the in Zaatari built a city of their own; they constitute the local opposed to being community the new arrivals amongst Jordanian workers outside. While as (regarding, of rules for example, and following an overarching system safety good conduct), the camp functions as a separate entity with its own logic and with refugees in Zaatari. its own specific rules solely concerned To further illustrate my point, I return to Agamben’s (1998) notion of excep point, my I return illustrate further To tion. At the same time, to a dissimilar exception, I refer one that facilitates ex the that appears it specifically, More it. constraining to opposed as action development of Zaatari and as a city ceptional of the establishment history of refugees is responsible for the disparity highlighted above. The refugees opportunity (UNHCR 2017). That is to say, none of the rules concerned inside with Zaatari securing a livelihood and work is related to permission for refugees to work. The fact that such permits are generally assumed eases the agency. becoming independent and recovering overall process of are more flexible and productive within Zaatari than in the host community? ple UNHCR factsheets (2015, 2016; 2015b, 2015a) around 60% of working-age refugees in Zaatari generate revenue. No official rulesgovern the establish per work no that means also this Zaatari; in shop privately-owned a of ment mits are required. While general guidelines do exist to regulate employment with the NGOs present in Zaatari, their sole purpose is to ensure equality of arrived arrived Syrian refugees who wish to integrate themselves into the Jordanian workforce. These attempts are usually coupled with protests from pressure Jordanians. unemployed groups representing shops) or offered by organizations working in the camp. According to multi

RIUS 6: INCLUSIVE URBANISM 92 CONSTRUCTIVE EXCEPTIONALITY 93 ------would home Of course, it is unsurprising that an atmospheric quality of it is unsurprising Of course, “Personally, I am against migrating out [of Zaatari]. I had a chance I had to go to migrating out [of Zaatari]. “Personally, I am against Which expressions Which expressions of inclusion or exclusion did interviewed refugees According According to Löw (2008), atmospheres are instantiated through percep short, Zaatari’s exceptionality or in a counter-displacement resulted has also counter-exile atmospheric quality of belonging. expressed a shared sentiment in the form of a minimal sense of exile expressed a shared inside an accent, as well as a share their physical roots, their history Zaatari. They In community. being amongst a host than newcomers rather common status host community. In Zaatari, In come from community. on the other hand, refugees not only host Interviewees Syria. same directorate in south the majority from Syria, but the accompanied by a reworked sense of identification. Oncemore, Zaatari ap pears as an exception to other refugee settlements. Urban refugees generally face various risks associated with being a minority group in an homogenous tation of Zaatari indicates that they feel represented by the camp by the or belong feel represented tation of Zaatari they that indicates to a Zaatari-specificidentity. While dissociation is an expected outcome of displacement, it of the camp seems that the spatial has been transformation stem from residing in one place with people from your home country. While country. home stem from residing in one place with people from your home for most refugees in the camp was originally the city of Daara ( UNHCR 2017b), now it is Zaatari. The fact that refugees commonly defend the repu my whole family is around me! All the people are around me. I know that their accent know that people I the are around me. All is around me! whole family my is Syrian, their traditions and customs […] what is different for me here is only the weather.” go out… outside the borders of the Zaatari camp. Here I do not feel like an exile! It’s feel like an not do camp. Here I the borders of the Zaatari outside go out… I’ve become ac but here I feel that brothers”, outside people true that are like “our but Syria, left I that is true know everybody. It grown to have things and customed to Canada, but I didn’t go because don’t like to didn’t we are very well-adjusted here. And I but I Canada, and association with Zaatari? I will answer these questions by investigating a from an interview with a refugee: translated excerpt have in common? To what can we attribute the development of these expres these of development the attribute we can what To common? in have sions, and how does this discussion inform us about refugees’ identification ated atmospheres. By investigating By investigating ated atmospheres. it these atmospheres, is possible to infer identifi the from follows what as well as exclusion and inclusion of processes 2012). Schmitz 2008; Löw 2014; Hasse (see space with dissociation and cation tion. Evidently, perception is not easily generalizable due to the significant individual variation. However, we can uncover shared ideas, behaviours and experiences of those living in the camp, which, in turn, influence the gener Therefore, another example example another Therefore, of Zaatari’s exceptionality can be in traced the atmospheres. namely space, constituting last dimension

------As explained by Abourahme (2015), cement 12 On exceptionality On exceptionality

Second, am I promoting the isolation in a refugee-exclusive of refugees “I regret and feel sad when I think of my son Husam, who’s a little older than who’s a little think of my son Husam, when I feel sad regret and “I Martin (2015) explains how ensuring refugees’ right to self-administer Exploring space and its production involves a discussion of refugees’ 7. conceptualization the arise from exceptional as an of Zaatari questions Two political promoting some First, autonomous am I an of consideration inside the camp, with the exception of flooring or to construct urban furniture. While interviewed refugees indicated their desire to build dwellings in cement, it remains dwellings prohibited refugees indicated their desire to build While interviewed

12 tities. In this case, dissolving the camp is no longer the humane alternative. this case, dissolving the camp humane is no longer the tities. In Thus, what I am suggesting is an acknowledgement of Zaatari’s existence he do? I often go online or show him on the television.” he do? I often go online or show him on hasty a is too, This, space? exceptional an as conceptualizing Zaatari by space a growing camp encompasses generation old, the Now six years conclusion. of native Zaatarians and has seen the clear establishment of spaces and iden do. The narrative of one refugee illustrates this by looking at things from the point of view of his two-year old son: can tents but never cement. What seen prefabs and has kid this think that years. I two spaces is key to the development of camps. The residents of Zaatari are allowed are Zaatari of residents The camps. of development the to key is spaces regard significantly most limits, certain within albeit spaces, their modify to ing use of cement. a ban on the is crucial in that it materializes permanence and signifies a sense of staying. do not tents and prefabs that something It is also associated with normalcy, camp refugees, Sanyal (2017) makes a similar point about the need to research to need the about point similar a makes (2017) Sanyal refugees, camp point refugee spaces. One of departure how it transforms governance and could be Bulley’s (2014) model of “governing through community” and his and behaviour leads community the whereby proposal of an ontological shift, enhances both agency and meaning. establishment (UNHCR, UNICEF and WFP, 2014). While Ledwith (2014) also plan being reported on a self-governance developed by a Netherlands-based association of municipalities, to is date there no follow-up reports on the in itiative’s progress. rights to manage and govern these produced spaces. In a discussion of non- is appropriate here. Officially speaking, Zaatari is under the joint administra joint the under is Zaatari speaking, Officially here. appropriate is tion of the Jordanian Government and the UNHCR (2018b). Meanwhile, vari ous Zaatari governance plans have emerged at different times. For example, the Syrian Refugee Camp Directorate, (SRCD) implemented one plan to im existing Zaatari’s after soon structure inadequate administrative prove the space: Zaatari? The short answer is no. However, the discussion of self-governance

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- - - - - in production spatial of processes bottom-up the describe to (2009) Yiftachel by in which refugees are defying their initial confinement and coined 13 initially Conclusion term gray space In this paper I have investigatedprocess by which Al-Souq was es the this paper have I In 8. urban informalities. A 13 current needs and allow for more efficient progress. current by the spatial transformation of the camp. As a result, by recognizing by camp. As a result, the of the spatial transformation by the and exceptionality of Zaatari, we can open urbanity the door to more con to better meet for improvements to similar camps text-appropriate measures ipso dissociation exclusion and facto associated with produced as well as a reworked and countered be to seem these of All helplessness. of state general antees a consequential inclusion. Furthermore, the very production of space antees a consequential inclusion. Furthermore, indicates are active that refugees agents and creators as opposed to aid- dependent victims, the status commonly attached to them. Encampment is tablished in Zaatari. Structuration proved a suitable lens to read the camp’s the to read proved a suitable lens in Zaatari. Structuration tablished produced spatiality. The main findings indicate a constructive exceptionality of the camp facilitates merely that not the creation of space but also guar employing the exceptional nature of their space reconstruct to recover and employing the exceptional nature their lives. Jordanian community. Further, refugees commute in and out of the camp for In this sense, Zaatari can be thought of education and healthcare purposes. as a nected through trade to various cities in Jordan. Interviewed refugees listed Mafraq, Ramtha, Irbid and Amman as the source of their goods. The UNHCR factsheet (2017) confirms trade-based cooperation between Zaatari and the roundings, roundings, and some collaboration is already in place. Even though Zaatari’s geographical location poses it to a scenario whereby a challenge follows the Palestinian-camp model, i.e. merging with existing cities, it is already con as well as the cooperation it represents with the host country, consideration the taking benefits into afforded by its exceptional position. Infact, it is the camp true that already does not exist in complete from its seclusion sur

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