NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS update

Out of the Past, a New Honduran Culture of Resistance

On February 27, activists from the Honduran resistance unveiled a plaque reasserting the original name of a street in San Pedro Sula that had been renamed for coup leader Roberto Micheletti. A quote from Marx reminds us to remember history as we struggle in the present to make a new future.

By Dana Frank

Dana Frank o u r d a y s a f t e r r o b e r t o m i c h e l e t t i t o o k unveiled a new, entirely official-looking metal teaches history at over Honduras in the June 28, 2009, mili- plaque. Mounted in concrete in a big monument the University of tary coup, he appointed his own nephew on the boulevard, the plaque acknowledges Agui- California, Santa F mayor of the country’s second-largest city, San luz’s labor as a teacher and inscribes a quote from Cruz, and is the Pedro Sula. His nephew in turn dedicated one of “Carlos Marx” reminding us to remember history author, among other books, of Bananeras: the city’s major boulevards to Micheletti as a little as we struggle in the present to make a new fu- Women Transform- gift. Since the 1970s the road had been popularly ture. At the bottom, just as on a proper plaque, ing the Banana named after Rodolfo Aguiluz Berlioz, a university curves the name of deposed president Manuel Unions of Latin professor who identified with progressive causes. Zelaya; below it, “Presidente Constitutional de America (South End oselsoberano.com

In mid-February, the plaque naming Bulevar Honduras, 2006–2010,” as if he’d never been v Press, 2005). She is writing a book on Micheletti was mysteriously destroyed. On Feb- deposed and finished his entire term. “FNRP” ap- the AFL-CIO’s Cold ruary 27, activists from the National Front for pears in the bottom right corner.1 War intervention in Popular Resistance (FNRP), popularly known as With its in-your-face defiance and wonderful the Honduran labor the Frente, held a formal ceremony replete with creativity, the plaque epitomizes today’s daring movement.

red and black flags, speeches, and music, and culture of the Honduran resistance. A new Hon- el S oberano / Vos 6 MAY/JUNE 2010 update

duras has been born since the coup, indeed, there’s a strong internal com- cision to remain nonviolent a week af- full of pride, determination, and hope, mitment to avoiding overt sectarian ter the coup, it has been more an act of surprising observers both inside and politics. Perhaps most importantly, collective will, enacted from below— outside the country. As the ­Frente’s women are front and center, not just part conscious eschewal of armed careful attention to the plaque under- as office workers and cooks and the struggle, part sense that the resistance scores, activists in the resistance have majority of demonstrators, but as an is outnumbered, and part strategic use a clear sense of the importance of his- organized constituency with its own of the Gandhian tactic of exposing the torical memory to their struggle in the demands. Many of the top resistance regime’s brutality, thus raising their present. At the same time, they also leaders are women, like Berta Cáceres own moral stature before the public. set the plaque in concrete very con- of the Civic Council of Popular and In understanding the Honduran re- sciously for the future, so that genera- Indigenous Organizations of Hon- sistance, it’s important to distinguish tions to come will know exactly who duras (COPINH), Berta Oliva of the between the Frente, the institutional built their country. The resistance it- Committee of Family Members of the coordinating body, and the much self, moreover, for all its startling new- Disappeared and Detained in Hondu- larger category of all the people who ness, didn’t spring out of nowhere. ras (COFADEH), and Miriam Miranda­ opposed the coup and want to refor- of the Black Fraternal Organization mulate Honduran society from below. h a t i s t h i s n e w c r e a t u r e , of Honduras (OFRANEH). In con- This broader umbrella includes several the Honduran resistance? trast to the patronizing, “women are key constituencies: first, the tens of W The resistance unites a militant and can hold a gun just like thousands of members of the Liberal great array of constituencies in what a man” rhetoric in Nicaragua and El Party loyal to Zelaya and horrified at they refer to as their “broad move- Salvador during the 1980s, women what Micheletti, Zelaya’s Liberal rival, ment” (movimiento amplio). The Frente themselves, of all classes, ethnic back- wrought with the coup. Recipients of emerged in Tegucigalpa during the first grounds, and occupations, are defin- patronage jobs, rank-and-file loyalists, week after the coup. It is distinctive in ing the collective terms on which they and recently deposed office holders, being a representative body to which join the movement.2 Zelayistas are enthusiastic members of discrete organizations send delegates. Most astonishing is the real inclu- the resistance, but in some cases edgy Its institutional backbone is the labor sion of gay and lesbian representatives about joining the more left-allied Fr- movement—­especially the teachers, at the very top of the Frente. Walter ente. Their default setting for the fu- public-sector workers, banana work- Trochez, a top GLBT leader who was ture, moreover, could be a revitalized ers, and bottling-plant workers—but killed on December 13, has been em- patronage machine that delivers little equally important are social move- braced as one of the most prominent to the mass of Honduran people. ments from a range of sectors: the martyrs of the resistance, for example. The second of these constituencies women’s movement; gay, lesbian, bi- Land rights are also central to the de- is the leftist UD. Its electoral base is sexual, and transgender (GLBT) peo- mands of the resistance, uniting the overwhelmingly loyal to the Frente, ple; indigenous and Afro-indigenous concerns of campesinos, coordinated but the party’s two top leaders, Carlos peoples; human rights groups; and nationally through Vía Campesina Ham and Marvin Ponce, sold out to the campesino movement, which is and other networks; indigenous peo- the new government of Porfirio Lobo closely intertwined with environ- ples like the Lenca and the Pech; and to serve as director of the National mental activism. The Frente has also the Afro-indigenous Garifuna people, Agrarian Institute and vice president divided the country up into regions, whose traditional fishing villages along of Congress, respectively. The third each of which sends delegates to the the Atlantic coast are threatened by and largest of these constituencies, national coordinating committee. land developers from the oligarchy. and more amorphous, is the mass of From a Latin American perspective, The other innovation has been the individuals, especially the very poor the Honduran resistance is historical- movement’s remarkable nonviolence. in the urban barrios, who opposed the ly new on many fronts. It’s not, for ex- Although the pro-coup media have coup but who can lack a stable, orga- ample, the product of a center-left or managed to find one or two rocks nized relationship to the Frente. left electoral party, although members thrown through windows, the resis- The most surprising aspect of the of the small Democratic Unification tance has defined itself as amovimiento resistance, of course, is that all this (UD) party are part of it. Nor is it or- pacífico. While the Frente’s coordinat- came together in Honduras—which ganized by a Marxist-Leninist party— ing committee officially ratified the de- has had the unfortunate reputation 7 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS update

of being one of the least politicized The country’s alternative media are the coup in its first week, but many countries in Latin America. During central to this new culture, especially Jesuits and other progressive Catho- the 1970s and 1980s, Honduras didn’t the radio. People enthusiastically lis- lics have been in the forefront of the produce large guerrilla movements on ten to and call into local opposition resistance. Attendance at mass in the the left as did its neighbors El Salvador, radio stations throughout the country; capital is down, suggesting defections Guatemala, and Nicaragua. Instead, it they learn new songs, hear and report at the base by critics of the cardinal’s served as the “USS Honduras,” the base breaking news from all over; and de- position. The top evangelical Prot- for the Reagan administration’s Contra velop their critical thinking about the estant leadership also supported the war against the Nicaraguan mainstream media’s lies. coup, with a few exceptions; its base, Sandinistas, although it The resistance The landscape of daily life though, is of many views. did produce a small armed came together is full of aural and visual The ethnic dynamics of the “we” left. But the country’s im- clues: not just the radio sta- are also complex. Many Hondurans poverished general popu- in Honduras, tion a given store owner, on the left are quick to underscore lation of almost 8 million which has had cab driver, or street vendor that the oligarchs who perpetrated has remained largely in the the reputation of is listening to, but stick- the coup and who control most of ideological thrall of a few ers people have over their the country’s wealth are of Palestin- oligarchic families, locked being one of the front doors that read, for ian descent, known popularly as los into a two-party patronage least politicized example, “We Listen to Ra- turcos, and not, in their view, Hon- system without a viable left dio Progreso Here,” or the duran; hence the widely seen graffiti or center-left­ electoral party. countries in discreet sticker for El Liber- demanding Fuera Turcos! (They are in Honduras has a new Latin America. tador, a resistance monthly fact second- and third-generation Pal- culture now, forged in the paper, next to the door of estinian Christians, not Turks.)5 resistance movement. Plazas, monu- a video store that inside reveals resis- ments, and roads have been popu- tance posters, videos, and activists. u t o f c o u r s e t h e h o n d u r a n larly renamed everywhere, like Plaza Within households and on the resistance, for all its startling Isis Obed next to the Tegucigalpa air- streets, people are remaking their cul- B newness, didn’t come out of port, renamed after the young dem- ture from below. Jesuit intellectual and nowhere. In retrospect all the pieces onstrator who was shot to death by a activist Ismael Moreno (also known were in place that would explode to- sniper atop the airport when Zelaya as Padre Melo), writing in September gether once the coup was launched tried to land his plane on July 5. Be- 2005, lamented: “The politicians and on June 28 and the movement against tween La Lima and San Pedro Sula, public officials have their home in the it snowballed over the course of the a river polluted with garbage and political parties and the state. The busi- summer and fall of 2009. sewage, known informally before the nesspeople have their home in their Two recent struggles in particular coup as the River That Stinks, sud- businesses. But what can the people call prefigured the coup resistance and set denly sported an official green sign, home?”4 Now the Honduran people the stage for its emergence. In April erected by the Frente, announcing have a home, inside the wide umbrella and May 2008, seven federal prosecu- Río Micheletti.3 ­ Although the sign that is the resistance—in part because tors staged a dramatic 38-day hunger was taken down, the name has stuck. of Moreno’s own work as director of strike on the first floor of the Hondu- Through songs, art, posters, giant the anti-coup Radio Progreso. ran Congress, protesting the govern- puppets, ubiquitous and often humor- At the core of this new Honduran ment’s refusal to pursue corruption ous graffiti—even cheap canvas bags culture is a line in the sand between cases. Their struggle eventually drew printed with Fuera Golpistas (Coup the oligarchs, the military, and the in the Lenca people, progressive Je- Perpetrators Out), which demonstra- coup government—the golpistas—on suits, and other allies, highlighting tors use to carry their water bottle, one side, and the great mass of Hon- the bankruptcy of the Honduran lunch, and bandana—Hondurans are duran people on the other. Who ex- state while suggesting the promise of overflowing with creativity. “It’s a cul- actly is or isn’t included in the “we” broader alliances.6 On a more massive tural awakening without precedent,” of the new Honduras is still unclear. scale, Honduran teachers staged an observes Ayax Irias, a sociology pro- The churches,­ for example, are hard enormous strike in fall 2008 demand- fessor at the National Autonomous to gauge. Cardinal Óscar Andrés ing payment of their wages—just one University of Honduras. Rodríguez Maradiaga openly endorsed of their many strikes and demonstra- 8 MAY/JUNE 2010 update

tions in the previous decade. At the of all these groups does not begin to and involved 23,000 banana workers time, the teachers were widely criti- capture the individual transforma- and 42,000 other workers all over the cized in the mainstream media and tions wrought inside gays and lesbi- country. The AFL-CIO, working with by some progressives as merely self- ans, indigenous and Afro-indigenous the U.S. State Department, quickly ­interested. But since the coup, their people, and women, who increasingly moved in and controlled much of the struggles have been recast as heroic— understood themselves as part of a Honduran labor movement for the next in part because of their astounding larger, global movement of oppressed three decades, keeping it out of politics bravery in new, prolonged strikes peoples rising up all over, with claims and pushing it toward a pro-U.S. and protesting the coup, in part because on a newly defined national polity.10 virulently anti-Communist position. of their clear commitment to a larger Other organizations, in place well By the late 1970s, though, left activ- good in doing so, and in part because before the coup, began to link constit- ists of many stripes had claimed many of their careful work with parents and uencies. Since the 1980s, when more of those unions or founded new ones; communities.7 than 100 Hondurans were killed by the AFL-CIO eventually shut down During the 1980s and 1990s, pre- paramilitaries and other agents of the its anti-Communist operations in the cisely when Honduras was so sup- elites, human rights groups have been early 1990s. Out of that decades-long posedly quiescent, the country’s in- tracking, reporting, and denouncing conflict emerged the strongest labor digenous peoples were mobilizing disappearances and killings, along movement in Central America, led by rapidly as part of a global process with a great range of other human right many of the trade unionists central to through which indigenous peoples as- abuses. They include COFADEH, the the resistance today. 12 serted their rights and formed new co- Committee for the Defense of Human The Honduran campesino move- alitions. In Honduras, the Lenca, Gari- Rights in Honduras (CODEH), and ment was forged in that same caul- funa, and Miskito people first formed the Center for Human Rights Research dron. While the AFL-CIO founded advocacy bodies in the 1970s; by the and Promotion (CIPRODEH). its own anti-Communist campesino late 1980s, the Tolupán, Pech, and On another front, Bloque Popu- organization, ANACH, in 1962, it was Tawahka people joined them in the lar, a direct-action coalition led by never able to completely control it, first national conference uniting the Carlos H. Reyes and Juan Barahona, nor its more militant Christian Demo- nation’s indigenous organizations, and both trade union leaders, has been cratic rival. Throughout the 1960s and they have been strengthening their al- persistent in recent years in defining 1970s campesinos staged land inva- liances and sharpening their demands broad, collective demands against the sions, many of them successful, which ever since.8 GLBT people in Hondu- state, against the Central American the government sought to contain ras, similarly, were also attentive to the Free Trade Agreement, and against through careful concessions and co- worldwide growth of the gay move- privatization; on August 27, 2007, it optation. By the eve of the coup, Hon- ment in these years and began to form successfully blockaded all roads into duran campesinos were united in two their own groups like Colectiva Violeta the capital. Bloque Popular, in turn, more recent federations, Coordinating and Arco Iris, identify themselves pub- spearheaded the National Coordinat- Committee of Honduran Campesino licly, and even march in the streets.9 ing Committee of Popular Resistance Organizations (COCOCH) and the The Honduran women’s move- (CNRP); both were important in back- National Campesino Council (CNC). ment, meanwhile, was thriving, from ing up the prosecutors’ hunger strike. The resistance draws on this long tra- left-allied groups like the Honduran The CNRP, in its tireless work trying dition, including tightly organized lo- Women’s Committee for Peace “Visi- to bring together a mass movement cal campesino organizations affiliated tación Padilla,” which fought for the uniting all the popular movements of with neither federation.13 closure of U.S. bases in the 1980s, Honduras, is the direct predecessor of While it’s useful to distinguish these to campesino women’s groups, to the post-coup Frente.11 more “traditional” left elements from more urban organizations linking The more economically defined the newer “social movements,” they middle-class women with the urban organizations at the bedrock of the are, in fact, interwoven, both intel- poor around domestic violence and resistance date even further back, lectually and organizationally.14 Since women’s­ poverty, like the Center for to the 1950s and 1960s. For the la- 1985 a powerful women’s movement Women’s Rights (CDM) or the Cen- bor movement, all roads lead back has transformed the country’s banana ter for Women’s Studies–Honduras­ to the enormous Honduran General unions, for example, integrating femi- (CEM-H). The organizational history Strike of 1954, which lasted 69 days nist concerns like domestic violence 9 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS update

and gender roles in the family into In San Pedro Sula, for example, Dulce eling a new society within the shell of more conventional trade union con- Villanueva,­ 28, a middle-class lawyer the old. Indeed, the Frente leadership cerns. The women and men who came active for years in the Liberal Party, isn’t waiting for the future to arrive but of age in that struggle are now among brought me documentation of how rather claiming it in the present. The the key leadership of the Frente on the she was being fired for her activism in Frente does not ­recognize the govern- north coast.15 the resistance. We got a ride back to La ment of Lobo, inaugurated on January Since the coup Hondurans have Lima, a smaller city outside San Pedro 27, who has continued, even escalated, drawn on all these resources to forge a Sula, with José María “Chema” Mar- the repression of resistance activists new national culture with its own he- tínez, communications director for the and journalists. Lobo’s government is roes, martyrs, collective memory, and Coalition of Honduran Banana and a continuation of the coup regime, the sense of its own powers. Francisco Agroindustrial Unions (COSIBAH). Frente underscores, the product of a Morazán, the Liberal founder of the The whole way there Dulce rattled fraudulent election conducted under nation, has been recast as a progres- off details of her new friends all over the anything but free and fair conditions. sive resistance hero; the 1954 General country and her new life in the move- The Frente plans to hold immense Strike now provides a heroic, unique- ment, including how she’d learned for demonstrations on the anniversary of ly Honduran precedent for 2009. And the first time to sleep on a bench or to the coup, as well as a giant national yet that national culture draws on eat sitting on the ground. She’d known assembly to lay the groundwork for transnational identities like the GLBT Micheletti’s son in Liberal Party youth a new constitution. Before the end movement, specific regional histories circles, she said, but after she got in- of the year, it hopes to force Lobo to such as women’s struggles during and volved in the resistance, he erased accede to a constitutional convention after the Nicaraguan Revolution, and her from his Facebook page. When as the only recourse of an illegitimate indigenous peoples’ successful upris- we got to La Lima, it turned out that and weak government. ings in Bolivia, Ecuador, and beyond. her family lived right behind Chema’s The risks are enormous: Will the office with the banana unions. They fractured Liberal Party rise again and n d t h e h o n d u r a n f u t u r e ? had never met before. Now, in a na- co-opt the Frente’s demands? Will Whatever comes next, tens of tionwide process of cross-fertilization, repression kill the movement at the A thousands of ordinary Hon- they are part of something much larger base—or the top? And what about durans will meet it with nerves of than either the banana unions or the the Obama administration, which steel, forged in the terrible repression left wing of the Liberal Party—both of continues to support the coup gov- that has followed the coup. At least which are formidable. ernment and will presumably not 40 people in the resistance have been Since the coup Hondurans are tolerate democracy from below in killed, more than 3,000 illegally de- already moving forward to claim Honduras, which for so long was the tained, and hundreds raped, beaten, their new society. On December 9, United States’ one sure captive nation and/or tortured in detention; thou- five months after the coup, 3,500 in Central America? sands have lost their jobs for political campesinos from seven cooperatives Hundreds of thousands of Hon- reasons. For every person who has organized as the Unified Movement durans are now, for the first time bravely come forward to testify about of Campesinos of Aguán (MUCA) in their history, daring to imagine a human rights abuses, there are five be- staged a land invasion of African palm better future, if remaining sober in hind him or her terrified to speak out plantations in the Aguán Valley. The their assessment of what it will take for fear of reprisals. And yet Hondu- lands are owned by Miguel Facussé, to get there. Whatever happens, they rans have emerged from all this with a the most elite of Honduran oligarchs, will have a new history to be proud new sense of their own personal and who is considered by many to be the of. Even if that plaque disappears collective powers.16 big mover and shaker behind the from the boulevard in San Pedro The new movimiento amplio of coup. As of this writing the campesi- Sula, it is now forged deep within the ­resistance is still growing and nos are surrounded by military forces, Honduran culture—along with the strengthening itself from below. Visit- and the situation threatens to escalate collective memory of everything ing Honduras in February, I witnessed into a massacre.17 Hondurans ­ have done since June numerous ­encounters in which activ- Overall, Hondurans’ new culture 28, 2009. Generations to come will ists from quite diverse sectors met and of resistance, marked on all those tell and retell its story to their chil- learned about each other’s struggles. plaques, bridges, and stickers, is mod- dren and grandchildren. 10 NACLA REPORT ON THE AMERICAS notes

A New Honduran Culture of Resistance Morales, and Jason Tockman for their editorial support and comments. 1. “Resistencia y Recuperación de la memoria histórica, la movilización del 27 2. Lauren Rosenfeld, Watershed (creativevisions.org, 2008). febrero en San Pedro Sula,” voselsoberano.com, February 28, 2010. 3. “Prime Minister’s Controversial Visit to Santiago: Time for Barrick Gold, but 2. Laura Carlsen, “The Coup and Honduran Women: Catalyzing a New Move- Not for Communities” (press release, MiningWatch Canada, Ottawa, July 17, ment,” Counterpunch.org, August 26, 2009. 2007). 3. “La Resistencia continua: Otra forma de protesta,” FNRP missive, n.d. 4. “Impact of Economic Integration Processes on Human Rights in the Americas” (summer–fall 2009), in possession of the author. (Montreal: Rights & Democracy; Mexico City: El Centro de Derechos Humanos 4. Ismael Moreno, SJ, “A Pact of Impunity Around the Elections,” Envío 24, no. “Miguel Agustín Pro Juárez” (PRODH, 2005). 290 (September 2005): 30. 5. Kevin P. Gallagher, ed., Putting Development First: The Importance of Policy 5. Jorge Alberto Amaya Banegas, Los árabes y palestinos en Honduras, 1900– Space in the WTO and IFIs (Zed, 2005); Ricardo Grinspun and Robert Krekle- 1950 (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Guaymuras, 1997). wich, “Consolidating Neoliberal Reform: ‘Free Trade’ as a Conditioning Frame- 6. Ismael Moreno, SJ, “What I Saw, Felt and Discovered in a Three-Week Hunger work,” Studies in Political Economy 43 (spring 1994): 33–61. Strike,” Envío 27, no. 324 (July 2008): 34–49. 6. Timothy David Clark and Liisa North, “Mining and Oil in Latin America: Lessons 7. Dan LaBotz, “Honduran Teachers Win Month-Long Strike in Defense of Public From the Past, Issues for the Future,” in Liisa North, Timothy Clark, and Vivi- Education,” Labor Notes, Labornotes.org, August 31, 2004; Ismael Moreno, ana Patroni, eds., Community Rights and Corporate Responsibility. Canadian “The Teachers’ Conflict: Long but Inconclusive,” Envío 23, no. 278 (September ­Mining and Oil Companies in Latin America (Toronto: Between the Lines ­Press, 2004): 40–44. 2006), 1–16. 8. Ramón D. Rivas, Pueblos Indígenas y Garífuna de Honduras (Tegucigalpa: Edito- 7. Joan Kuyek, “Legitimating Plunder: Canadian Mining Companies and Corporate rial Guaymuras, 1993); Mark Anderson, Black and Indigenous: Garifuna Activ- Social Responsibility,” in North et al., eds., Community Rights and Corporate ism and Consumer Culture in Honduras (University of Minnesota Press, 2009); Responsibility, 203–21. Marvin Barahona and Ramón D. Rivas, “¿Existe un Movimiento Indígena en 8. “Impact of Economic Integration Processes on Human Rights in the Americas,” 8. Honduras?” in Marvin Barahona and Ramón D. Rivas, eds., Rompiendo el Es- 9. “Firms Accept Ecuador Plan to Break Pharma Patents,” Agence-France Press, pejo: Visiones sobre los Pueblos Indígenas y Negros en Honduras (Tegucigalpa: October 28, 2009. Editorial Guaymuras, 1998). 10. Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT), “Canada and the Or- 9. Suyapa G. Portillo Villeda, “The Coup That Awake a People’s Resistance,” ganization of American States (OAS),” international.gc.ca/americas-ameriques/ NACLA Report on the Americas 43, no. 2 (March/April 2010): 26–27; Portillo oas-oea/index.aspx?lang=eng. Villeda, “Las ‘cruza-fronteras’: género, sexualidad, y migración (el caso de San 11. C. Sheck et al., “Canada in the Americas: New Opportunities and Challenges. Pedro Sula),” Envío Honduras, Year 4, special issue (December 2006). DFAIT Policy Staff Paper—No. 94/06” (Ottawa: Department of Foreign Affairs 10. Carlsen, “The Coup and Honduran Women”; Breny Mendoza, Sintiéndose and International Trade, 1994). Mujer, Pensándose Feminista: La consruccción del movimiento feminista en 12. See Liisa North, Yasmine Shamsie, and George Wright, “Reforming the Organi- Honduras (Tegucigalpa: Centro de Estudios de la Mujer-Honduras/Editorial zation of American States to Support Democratization in the Hemisphere: A Ca- Guaymuras, 1996). nadian Perspective” (Toronto: CERLAC, 1995); Peter McKenna, Canada and the 11. “Honduras: Demandas de la Coordinadora Nacional de Resistencia Popular OAS: From Dilettante to Full Partner (Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1995); (CNRP) al Gobierno, September 9, 2007, Movilización Nacional de 27 y 28 de and James Rochlin, Discovering the Americas: The Evolution of Canadian For- Agosto de 2007,” available at viacampesina.org; Ismael Moreno, SJ, “A Year eign Policy Towards Latin America (Vancouver: UBC University Press, 1994). Full of Disappointments,” Envío 24, no. 282 (January 2005): 27–32. 13. Yasmine Shamsie, “It’s Not Just Afghanistan or Darfur: Canada’s Peacebuild- 12. Mario R. Argueta, La Gran Huelga Bananera: 69 días que conmovieron a Hon- ing Efforts in Haiti,” in Andrew Fenton Cooper and D. Rowlands, eds., Split duras (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Universitaria, 1995); Mario Posas, Lucha ideo- Images: Canada Among Nations 2005 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University logica y organización sindical en Honduras (1954–65) (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Press, 2005). Guaymuras, 1980); Víctor Meza, Historia del movimiento obrero Hondureño 14. Marc Lortie and Sylvie Bedard, “Citizen Involvement in Canadian Foreign Policy: ­(Tegucigalpa: Editorial Guaymuras, 1980). The Summit of the Americas Experience 2001,” International Journal 57, no. 3 13. Mario Posas, El movimiento campesino hondureño: una perspectiva general (2002): 327. (Tegucigalpa: Editorial Guaymuras, 1981); James Dunkerley, Power in the Isth- 15. “PM Pleased With Progress Made at the 2009 Summit of the Americas” (press mus: A Political History of Modern Central America (Verso, 1988), 517–87. release, Office of the Prime Minister, April 19, 2009). 14. Jorge Alberto Amaya Banegas, “El Golpe de Estado del 28/6 en Honduras y la 16. John Cameron, “CIDA in the Americas: New Directions and Warning Signs for reconstitución de los movimientos sociales: hacía la construcción de un nuevo Canadian Development Policy,” Canadian Journal of Development Studies— pacto social,” paper delivered at Universidad Nacional Autónoma de Honduras, Revue Canadienne d’Études du Développement 28, no. 2 (2007). November 4, 2009, in possession of the author; Eugenio Sosa, “Movimientos 17. See Gloria Galloway, “Pledge to Help Haiti Still Stands, PM Says,” The Globe sociales en Honduras: balance y perspectivas,” Envío Honduras 5, no. 15 (July and Mail (Toronto), February 16, 2010. 2007): 9–14; Ismael Moreno, SJ, “The Social Movement and the Formal/Real 18. Cameron, “CIDA in the Americas.” Government Contradiction,” Envío 27, no. 322 (May 2008): 47–52. 19. “Overview of Trends in Canadian Mineral Exploration 2008” (Ottawa: Industry 15. Dana Frank, Bananeras: Women Transforming the Banana Unions of Latin Canada, nrcan.gc.ca, 2008). America (South End Press, 2005). 20. Global Infomine (database), infomine.com/companies-properties, accessed 16. “Informe Situación de Derechos Humanos en Honduras: III Informe del Cofadeh February 28, 2010. en el marco del golpe de Estado” (Tegucigalpa: Comité de Familiares de Deteni- 21. “Canada and the Americas: Priorities & Progress” (Department of Foreign Af- dos Desaparecidos en Honduras [COFADEH], October 2009–January 2010). fairs and International Trade Canada, 2009). 17. Documents posted on movimientomucablogspot.com; Tamar Sharabi, “Hondu- 22. David Emerson, “Notes for an Address by the Honourable David Emerson, Minister ras Palm Oil Plantations: Sustainable Development Facade,” upsidedownworld of International Trade, Delivered at the Canadian Council for the Americas, British .org, February 26, 2010. Columbia: Re-Engaging the Americas through Trade and Investment—February 22” (Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade Canada, 2008). Canadian Re-engagement in Latin America 23. “International Business Information—Chile: Country Information—Economic 1. This article draws on a longer paper that includes a full set of references: Yasmine Overview” (Ottawa: Industry Canada, nrcan.gc.ca, 2008). Shamsie and Ricardo Grinspun, “Missed Opportunity: Canada’s ­Re-engagement 24. Andy Hoffman, “Barrick Poised to Gain Traction on Falling Costs,” The Globe With Latin America and the Caribbean,” Canadian Journal of Latin American & and Mail, August 1, 2009; “Proyecto Minero Pascua Lama,” Observatorio Lati- Caribbean Studies (forthcoming). The authors thank Maxwell A. Cameron, Pablo noamericano de Conflictos Ambientales, olca.cl/oca/chile/pascualama.htm; 40