Political Thought 53.Indb

POLITICAL THOUGHT YEAR 15, NO 53, JUNE, SKOPJE 2017 Publisher: Konrad Adenauer Foundati on, Republic of Macedonia Insti tute for Democarcy “Societas Civilis”, Skopje Founders: Dr. Gjorge Ivanov, Andreas Klein M.A. Politi čka misla - Editorial Board: Johannes D. Rey Konrad Adenauer Foundati on, Germany Nenad Marković Insti tute for Democarcy “Societas Civilis”, Politi cal Science Department, Faculty of Law “Iusti nianus I”, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje, Republic of Macedonia Ivan Damjanovski Insti tute for Democarcy “Societas Civilis”, Politi cal Science Department, Faculty of Law “Iusti nianus I”, Ss. Cyril and Methodius University in Skopje, Republic of Macedonia Hans-Rimbert Hemmer Emeritus Professor of Economics, University of Giessen, Germany Claire Gordon London School of Economy and Politi cal Science, England Robert Hislope Politi cal Science Department, Union College, USA Ana Matan-Todorcevska Faculty of Politi cal Science, Zagreb University, Croati a Predrag Cveti čanin University of Niš, Republic of Serbia Vladimir Misev OSCE Offi ce for Democrati c Insti tuti ons and Human Rights, Poland Sandra Koljačkova Konrad Adenauer Foundati on, Republic of Macedonia Address: KONRAD-ADENAUER-STIFTUNG ul. Risto Ravanovski 8 MK - 1000 Skopje Phone: 02 3217 075; Fax: 02 3217 076 ; E-mail: [email protected]; Internet: www.kas.de INSTITUTE FOR DEMOCRACY “SOCIETAS CIVILIS” SKOPJE Mitropolit Teodosij Gologanov 42A/3 MK - 1000 Skopje; Phone/ Fax: 02 30 94 760; E-mail: [email protected]; Internet: www.idscs.org.mk E-mail: [email protected] Printi ng: Vincent grafi ka - Skopje Design & Technical preparati on: Pepi Damjanovski Translati on: Ognena Nikuljski, Jasminka Vaskova-Taskova Macedonian Language Editor: Elena Sazdovska, English Language Editor: Tiina Fahrni The views expressed in the magazine are not views of Konrad-Adenauer-Sti ft ung and the Insti tute for Democracy “Societas Civilis” Skopje. They are personal views of the authors. The publisher is not liable for any translati on errors. The magazine is published 2 ti mes a year and it is distributed to politi cal subjects, state insti tuti ons, universiti es, and foreign representati ves in Republic of Macedonia and troughout Europe. Year 15, No 53, June Skopje 2017 ISSN 1409-9853 Contents 5 THE “COLORFUL REVOLUTION” AND THE MOVEMENT “FOR A SHARED MACEDONIA” SYMBOLS OF AN AWAKENING PARTICIPATORY CIVIC CULTURE OR INDICATORS OF DEEP PARTY DIVISIONS IN MACEDONIAN SOCIETY? A CASE STUDY PRILEP Josipa Rizankoska Jasmina Trajkoska 27 INTERETHNIC RELATIONS IN CROATIA Agon Demjaha 41 PUBLIC FINANCES AND FISCAL POLICY AT A CROSSROAD WHAT IS NEXT? Borce Trenovski 55 COMMUNICATION ASPECTS OF BEHAVIORAL PRINCIPLES IN POLICY MAKING Ljubinka Andonovska 69 SOCIAL ENTERPRISES AS AN INSTRUMENT FOR SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION IN DIVIDED SOCIETIES Daniel Gjokjeski 81 THE ROLE OF THE ASSEMBLY IN STRENGTHENING BUDGET TRANSPARENCY Petar Trajkov Short Biographys Rizankoska Josipa holds a Ph.D. in Comparati ve and European Politi cs from Siena University (CIRCaP), in the fi eld of ethno- regionalist parti es in Europe. In the fall semester of 2013/2014 she was a visiti ng doctoral student in the Autonomous University of Barcelona, Spain. She holds an MA degree from Bologna University, from the MIREES program at the Faculty of Politi cal Science ‘Roberto Rufi lli’, Forli Campus. From 2007 to 2012 she worked as a Researcher and a Project Manager at the Insti tute for Democracy ‘SocietasCivilis’- Skopje. Since August 2016 she is the President of the Center for Deliberati ve Democracy DIALOGUE-Prilep, Macedonia. E-mail: [email protected] Trajkoska Jasmina is an Associate Professor at FON University in Skopje, in the fi eld of politi cal system, politi cal parti es and interest groups, and politi cal parti cipati on. She ended her Ph.D. studies in 2016 at the Ss. Cyril and Methodius University, Law Faculty, on topic ‘Inter-ethnic confl icts in the EU and their economic consequences’. Since 2010, she holds an MA degree from FON University-Skopje on topic ‘The diplomati c methods in inter-ethnic confl icts reconciliati on in the Former Yugoslav Federati on.’ Since 2016 she is the Vice-president of the Macedonian Politi cal Science Associati on and she is a co-founder of the Center for Deliberati ve Democracy DIALOGUE-Prilep. E-mail: [email protected] Изворна научна статија УДК: 316.354.063.6:329(497.775) Josipa Rizankoska Jasmina Trajkoska THE “COLORFUL REVOLUTION” AND THE MOVEMENT “FOR A SHARED MACEDONIA” SYMBOLS OF AN AWAKENING PARTICIPATORY CIVIC CULTURE OR INDICATORS OF DEEP PARTY DIVISIONS IN MACEDONIAN SOCIETY? A CASE STUDY PRILEP INTRODUCTION Numerous civic organizati ons and initi ati ves that have emerged in Macedonia in the last few years, striving to act as a counterpart or correcti ve to the power of politi cal parti es, have made pioneering steps in developing civic parti cipatory awareness shaped according to global democrati c trends. However, many of them were mainly organized by politi cal parti es, and the raimaining ones soon affi liated themselves with (or ‚were appropriated by’) the parti es in order to gain politi cal points. The legislati ve terms of the VMRO-DPMNE and DUI coaliti on government (2008-2017) are characterized by an abundance of civic initi ati ves, 6 POLITICAL THOUGHT 53 JUNE 2017 strikes, protests, and counter-protests that culminated in the resistance movement “I Protest - Civil Movement for Freedom, Justi ce and Democrati zati on of the Insti tuti ons”, more commonly known as the “Colorful Revoluti on”. However, in the process of government change in 2017, the initi ati ve “For a Shared Macedonia - Citi zens for a Shared Macedonia, Citi zens for Justi ce in Macedonia, Citi zens Striving to Normalize Life in This Abnormal Time”, opposed the previous oppositi on that strived to establish the new government. These public manifestati ons are the two most massive civic movements that have emerged since the Republic of Macedonia became independent in 1991. These movements proclaimed themselves as civic initi ati ves that do not favor any party symbols (i.e. are above party lines), with the citi zen him- /herself as an icon of initi ati ve and fi ghti ng spirit for the set goals, and by doing so defi ned themselves as inclusive with respect to ethnic, gender, party, and social affi liati on. The two movements resemble eachother in the way they conduct their campaigns, in their repertoire, and WUNC (worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment),1 although the second movement can be considered a reacti on to the results of the fi rst. For two and a half decades, the civil sector (organizati ons and initi ati ves) has been concentrated mostly in the capital, despite eff orts of decentralizati on and att empts at improving the capaciti es of local organizati ons. This general situati on is refl ected in the organizati on of „I Protest“ and „For a Shared Macedonia“, especially when it comes to the conti nuity and strength of the protest initi ati ves at local level. Both movements showed almost the same ti me frame and conti nuity, with the main campaigns of both of them taking place in the capital, whereas the protests were organized in more than thirty citi es (conti nuously in some, irregularly in others). The campaigns in Skopje oft en depended directly on the local initi ati ves. Namely, specifi c campaigns (on certain days) called for greater parti cipati on and aimed at wider geographical coverage of protests in Skopje, so acti vists from all over the country were mobilized. Local initi ati ves, on the other hand, had their own course, structure, repertoire and number. Although the main initi ati ve and force of local movements was assumed to come from the center (Skopje), the acti vists in these protests were mostly residents of the citi es in which they protested. Thus, they oft en added issues of importance to their respecti ve local environment to the campaign created in Skopje. Although signifi cantly fewer in number, many local initi ati ves of both movements managed to keep up with the pace and conti nuity of manifestati ons in the 1 Tilly and Wood defi ne the three main elements of social movements: campaign, repertoire and WUNC (worthiness, unity, numbers and commitment), whereas Tilly and Tarrow add the network and organizati on of the movements. Tilly, C. and Wood, L.J., (2013) Social Movements 1768-2012 3rded. London and New York: Routledge. 1-16; Tilly, C., and Tarrow S. (2015) Contenti ous Politi cs. 2nd ed. Oxford University Press, pp. 3-22. 7 THE “COLORFUL REVOLUTION” AND THE MOVEMENT “FOR A SHARED JOSIPA RIZANKOSKA MACEDONIA” SYMBOLS OF AN AWAKENING PARTICIPATORY CIVIC CULTURE OR JASMINA TRAJKOSKA INDICATORS OF DEEP PARTY DIVISIONS IN MACEDONIAN SOCIETY? center, which makes these movements parti cularly interesti ng for research. This paper concentrates on a case study of the protests in Prilep, one of the citi es where both movements conti nuously organized events. The analysis covers the percepti ons of parti cipants in the two aforementi oned protest movements with the aim of determining the movements’ structure and analyzing the diff erences in the parti cipants´ positi ons on the issues that were the subject of their campaigns. We expect thus to obtain a general picture of the level of awareness about the importance of politi cal parti cipati on when it comes to demanding responsibility and accountability from local representati ves. This study applies an empirical method (fi eld survey) to analyze protests in Prilep at a micro-level. The unit of analysis is the citi zen as part of a protest initi ati ve, and a total of 229 protesters from both movements were interviewed.

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