University of South Dakota

NO. 24 VERMILLION, SOUTH DAKOTA FEBRUARY 15, 1966

South Dakota in Washington: Profile of a Congressional Delegation

Charles O. Jones* Associate Professor of Government University of Arizona

wo of the basic constitutional characteristics of tions to be met by its members. Thus, South Dakota's the American political system are federalism congressional delegation has always been faced with de­ and republicanism. Ours is a nation of states, mands from the state for solving problems, and demands with a central government created by repre­ from Congress that actions taken to solve problems con­ T sentatives of states, a Congress composed'of re­ form to certain established patterns. Because of the var­ presentatives of states, and a President formally elected iety of demands made on him, the representative learns by electors of states. Since its admission to the Federal \o be adaptive. The demanders back home may well be Union in 1889, South Dakota has elected 18 individuals instrumental in his reelection; the demanders in Congress to serve in the United States Senate and 23 to serve in may well be instrumental in determining whether he the U. S. House of Representatives. will be able to satisfy his constituents. There are im­ The purpose of this brief study is to analyze some portant stakes in learning to adapt and therefore it is ex­ aspects of South Dakota's representation in Congress. pected that the South Dakota congressional delegation, Certain historical data (party turnover for congressional like most state delegations, will make an effort to re­ and senatorial seats, average number of years served, present the state's interests, and learn the norms of be­ committee assignments, leadership positions) will be ex­ havior in Congress so that their representative behavior amined for all those who have served. Attention will then will be productive. be focused on the present delegation—who they are. how they work, how they organize their offices, and how they Obviously it is not possible in a brief report to con­ vote. sider all of the various factors which should be assessed In addition to recording certain descriptive data about in order to determine the extent to which the South South Dakota's congressional delegation, an attempt will Dakota delegation has been successful in serving the be made to demonstrate the dual role of representatives state's needs in Congress. Certain relevant questions can in Congress. Congressmen represent the state and there­ be answered, however. What is the political party break­ fore are expected to be sensitive to South Dakota's needs down of the delegation ? When has there been congruity while serving in Washingon. In Congress, however, they between party control of the delegation, the Congress, and join a complex legislative system with established ways the White House ? What have been the standing com­ of conducting business and a full complement of expecta- mittee assignments of the delegation ? What positions of leadership have been held by members of the delegation ? What has been the seniority of various delegations? Be­ cause of the manner in which work is done in Congress, *Dr. Jones is a iormer resident of Canton, South Dakota, and took one would expect that the optimum conditions for suc­ his bachelor's degree in government from the University of South cess would be when the South Dakota congressional Dakota in 1953, completing his graduate work at the University of delegation is of the same political party as the President Wisconsin. He is the author of a number of articles on American and the majority in Congress, when the delegation has politics and legislatures and of two recent books, Party and Policy- considerable seniority, and therefore when the delegation Making: The House Republican Policy Committee (1964), and The has both favorable committee assignments and is high- Republican Party in American Politics (1965). — ALC. ranking on those committees. The Delegation Through Time attributed to the greater length of senatorial terms. Once elected, the Democrat serves six years in the Senate, re­ Scholars agree that South Dakota can be classified gardless of any reestablishment of Republican dominance as a "modified one-party state" or a "one-party pre­ in the state. A Democratic member of the House of Re­ dominant state." The Republican Party has, from the presentatives, however, may well serve only two years. very first, dominated politics in the state. This domin­ ance has not meant, however, that the state has been im­ It is debatable whether or not it is advantageous for mune to national trends. Democrats have been elected to a state's congressional delegation to be dominated by state and congressional offices in South Dakota during one party. One can argue both sides of the issue. Shifts the Populist revolt of the 1890's in the middle west and back and forth between the parties reflecting national during those periods when there was a strong national party trends have the advantage of putting in Washing­ ton a delegation which is of the same party as the con­ trolling party in the White House and Congress, but at the cost of seniority. Reelecting members of the same party over long periods of time results in greater sen­ Table 1. Party Affiliation of and Average Number of iority, but the delegation may often find itself dominated Years Served by the South Dakota Delegation, 1889-1967 by the out-party and therefore suffer loss of influence a in Washington. A state would have the best of both Repub .ican Democratic Total worlds by shifting parties in the delegation only during No. Tenure No, Tenure those periods when there is a major change in party House 19 8.0 6 4.0 25 dominance nationally. Thus, had South Dakota continued

b to reelect Democrats to the House and Senate following Senate 12 10.0 4 8.5 16 1936, there would have been congruence between the Totals 31 dominant party nationally and the dominant party in the 10 41 state delegation. By now, the South Dakota delegation would likely be a very influential small-state delegation. Table 2 shows congruity and incongruity between a Includes Populists, the party controlling the South Dakota delegation and the party controlling both the White House and Congress. Excludes 3 Republicans and Democrat who were appoir ted Once again, Republican dominance is demonstrated. In but never elected. 21 of the 39 congresses in which South Dakota has been represented, all South Dakota seats were held by Re­ publicans. In 14, a majority of the seats were held by Republicans, leaving only four congresses where the trend toward the Democratic Party (notably 1913-1919, Democrats held a majority of seats. In 12 of the con­ 1931-1941, and 1958). As indicated in Table 1, of the 41 gresses where the Republicans have held all of the seats South Dakotans who' have been elected to serve in Con­ in the South Dakota delegation, the Republican Party gress, 31 have been Republicans. has also controlled Congress and the White House; pre­ Not only are more Republicans than Democrats sumably, it is in those congresses that the South Dakota elected to Congress from South Dakota but, as shown in delegation has had the greatest opportunity for impact. the same table, they tend to stay longer than their Demo­ Only one of those congresses, the 83rd, has occurred since cratic colleagues. As expected, this generalization is 1930. This is not to say, of course, that the delegation is particularly appropriate for the House of Representa­ without influence when there is incongruity, but that one tives. Republican members have served, on the average, would expect maximum influence when the same party twice as long as Democratic members, whereas Republ­ is dominant throughout. During three congresses, the ican Senators have served, on an average, only slightly Democrats have held a majority of the seats and have longer than Democratic Senators. This difference may be been the dominant party in Congress and the White House.

Table 2. Congruity and Incongruity (a) Between the South Dakota Delegation and National Leadership

PuMw%lMA Congress of Congrui ty Congresses of Incongruity All Seats Mai, of Seat All Seats Mai, of Seats

Party

Democratic -- 73,74,75 A QUARTERLY PUBLICATION OF THE (3) (1) GOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH BUREAU Republican UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH DAKOTA, VERMILLION 51,57,58,59 56 62b,63,78,79 52b,53,54d 60,61,67,68 CI) 80d,81,82,84c 64,65,66d,72b 69,70,71,83 87 76,77,85c,86c William 0- Farber, Director (12) (9) 88,89 (13) Alan Lo Clem, Associate Director Fred Wo Zuercher, Research Associate Elliott A. Brown, Research Associate Congruity occurs when the party which controls both the White House and Elbert W. Harrington, Consultant Congress also is dominant in the South Dakota delegation. Incongruity occurs when the dominant party in the South Dakota delegation does not control both Congress and the White House, Series LXVl February 15, 1966 Bulletin 24 b Republicans controlled the White House and Senate, not the House of Public Affairs, the Bulletin of the Bureau, is pub­ Representatives, c lished by the Governmental Research Bureau, Univer­ Republicans controlled the White House, not Congress. sity of South Dakota, four times a year; once each in d November, February, May, and August. Republicans controlled Congress, not the White House. Second class postage paid at Vermillion, South Dakota. Single copies of the Bulletin are available upon Another determinant of influence in policy-making in request. Congress is the length-of-service of members. Though there have been violations of the seniority principle in the past (notably during Speaker Joseph Cannon's Rules for three congresses, and Francis Case was a reign), it is clearly a well-established rule in Congress. member of the Committee on Appropriations for four By correlating the average length-of-service, in years, of congresses. the South Dakota delegation with party congruity, it is possible to pinpoint those congresses which, by these two variables, were likely to be "high influence" congresses for South Dakota. Though there were 13 congresses Table 3. Congresses of Congruity and Incongruity where there was Republican congruity (12 in which Re­ Classified by Average Length of Service of publicans controlled all the seats in the delegation) and South Dakota Delegation three congresses where there was Democratic congruity Congresses of Congruity Congresses of Incongruity (all of which were split delegations), in only two of these Average Length Republican Democratic Republican Democratic of Service of congresses, the 70th and the 71st, was the average Delegation length-of-service of the delegation relatively high. In six, 1 b b a a a b Low 51,56a,57, 73b ,7 * ,75 52 ,53 ,63,61+ , 55 a a it was medium, and in eight, it was low. Unfortunately (1-2.9 yrs.) 58,61 (3) 65 ,76a,77 ,82 for South Dakota, the congresses of congruity do not (5) (8) coincide very often with those where the average length- Medium 59,60,67,68, 54a,62,66a,78, "" of-service is high. The highest "length-of-service" con­ (3-5-9 yrs.) 69,83 79,81,81* gresses have come when the Democrats have been strong (6) (7) nationally. Thus, during the 72nd Congress, the South High a a a (6 yrs. and 70,71 - 72 ,80,85 ,86 , - Dakota Republicans had an average length-of-service of a a over) (2) 87,88 ,89 12 years. But though there was a Republican President (7) (Herbert Hoover), the great depression had struck, the Democrats organized the House in that Congress, and In these congresses, South Dakota had a split delegation with a majority the Republican Party was in the process of being trans­ of Republicans. Only the Republicans are measured. formed from the majority party in the nation to the bIn these congresses, South Dakota had a split delegation with a majority minority party. Other high "length-of-service" congresses of Democrats. Only the Democrats are measured. include the 87th, when John F. Kennedy was President and the Democrats had sizeable majorities in both houses; the 88th, when there was a split delegation and the Democrats were in strong control; and the present Since 1946, South Dakota has had representation on congress where the average length-of-service among the Agriculture for five of the ten congresses, and on In­ three Republicans is 11.3 years, but where the Demo­ terior for eight of the ten. Two members, Francis Case crats are enjoying the fruits of one of the greatest elec­ and Ben Reifel, served on the Committee on Appropria­ toral victories in American: history. (See Table 3). tions for two congresses. There were 15 congresses be­ fore 1946 in which South Dakota had three or more One major advantage of seniority is that the delega­ favorable committee assignments. Unfortunately, none of tion can get committee assignments, which are relevant to these congresses were high seniority congresses for South South Dakota's interests and can advance to positions of Dakota, and only four (59, 60, 67, 68,) were congresses leadership on those committees. There are at least two of congruity where the South Dakota delegation had types of committee assignments which are potentially medium seniority (see Table 3). Only eight South Dakota significant to South Dakota, those which directly relate representatives have become a committee chairman or to the state's interests, and those which are power cen­ ranking minority member and only one of these was on ters in Congress. Those in the first category include a committee of direct interest to South Dakota (Karl Agriculture (Agriculture and Forestry in the Senate) Mundt was ranking Republican on Indian Affairs in the and Interior and Insular Affairs (or the several other 79th Congress). Since 1946, the most senior position on committees which were combined in 1946 to make these a committee is that cui-rently held by E. Y. Berry, who committees). Those in the second category include Ap­ ranks second in Interior and Insular Affairs, Many propriations, Armed Services, Rules, and Ways and members have been chairmen or ranking members of Means in the House, and Appropriations, Armed Serv­ subcommittees. ices, and Finance in the Senate (or their equivalents be­ fore 1946). The advantage of membership on the "power" On the Senate side, South Dakota has been some­ committees is in what can be gained for South Dakota what more fortunate. Before 1946, the Senate delega­ either directly (e.g., appropriations), or indirectly tion often had several committee assignments of direct through bargaining. interest to the state—often five and six such assign­ The congresses may be classified according to the ments. As in the House, these tended to be on committees number of favorable committee assignments (direct in­ which were later combined to create the present Interior terest and power committees) for the South Dakota del­ Committee (Indian Affairs, Mines and Mining, Public egation. The number of standing committees was drasti­ Lands, Private Land Claims), but whereas only one cally reduced in 1946 from 48 to 19 in the House and House member was appointed to the Committee on Agri­ from 33 to 15 in the Senate. Thus, before 1946 both culture before 1946, five senators served on that com­ House and Senate members had many committee assign­ mittee. Further, South Dakota senators were more suc­ ments, as many as four in the House and as many as cessful than their colleagues in the House in receiving ten in the Senate. After 1946, House members had only appointments to power committees. There were South one or two assignments, senators two or three assign­ Dakotans on Senate power committees in 14 of the con­ ments. There was, therefore, more opportunity for favor­ gresses before 1946 (compared to seven for the House). able assignments before 1946, especially in the Senate. In two congresses (77th and 78th) South Dakota was (See Table 4). represented on two power committees, and in one (79th) In the House, South Dakota often had members on Senator Chan Gurney was on Appropriations and Mili­ direct interest committees before 1946, notably Indian tary Affairs (one of the predecessors to Armed Services), Affairs, Public Lands, Mines and Mining, and Irrigation and Senator Harlan Bushfield was on Finance. and Reclamation (all incorporated into the Committee Since 1946, South Dakota has been more successful on Interior and Insular Affairs after 1946). Few South in receiving appointments to power committees than to Dakotans were successful in being appointed to power direct interest committees. In only three congresses has committees, however. In fact, before 1946 (the 80th Con­ the Senate delegation had less than two appointments on gress), there were only seven congresses in which a power committees. On the other hand, in only two con­ South Dakotan was a member of a power committee; gresses since 1946 has the delegation had more than Royal C. Johnson was a member of the Committee on one appointment to direct interest committees. tion and the dominant party in the nation, an incredibly Table 4. Congresses Classified by Committee Assignments high average length-of-service at the beginning of the of the South Dakota Congressional Delegation 89th Congress (23 years!), and important committee as­ signments and positions on those committees. Senator Number of House Senate William Fulbright is chairman of Foreign Relations and Favorable Congresses Congresses Congresses Congresses Assignments* Before 1946 After 1946 Before 1946 After 1946 a member of Finance and Joint Economic Committees; Senator John McClellan is chairman of Government 1 5"+, 55,61,71 80,81,85 — 82 72 (3) (1) Operations and a high-ranking member of Appropriations (5) and Judiciary. On the House side, Representative Wilbur 2 51,53,62,63, 82-84,86-89 68 81 Mills is chairman of Ways and Means and of the Joint 70,77-79 (7) (1) (1) Committee on Internal Revenue Taxation, Oren Harris (9) is chairman of Interstate and Foreign Commerce, E. C. 3 52,56-60,67, - 51,57-61,67, 83-89 Gathings is third-ranking member of Agriculture, and 68,74-76 69 (7) (11) (8) James Trimble is fifth-ranking member of Rules and eighth-ranking member of the District of Columbia Com­ 4 65,66,73 — 52,53,63,64, 80 (3) 71 (1) mittee. A most impressive record! Or consider the Texas (5) delegation; four members of the delegation are chair­ 5 64 — 54,55,62,65, — men in the House and one is second-ranking. Of Repub­ (1) 66,70,75 (7) lican-dominated state delegations, the most impressive is that from Ohio; seven members served as ranking 6 ~ — 56 — (1) Republicans on House committees at the start of the 89th Congress (Clarence Brown has since died, reducing 7 — — 72-74,76,78, — 79 the number to five since he was ranking on two com­ (6) mittees) . 8 - - 77 ~ (1) This does not mean that the South Dakota delega­ tion has not had power in Congress or that it has not Includes both direct interest committees and power committees. been able to work effectively for South Dakota.. In­ Note: Numbers in parentheses indicate total number of congresses. deed, no measures of legislative output or constituency service have been introduced. Unquestionably, South Dakota's representatives in Washington have supported South Dakota had four or more favorable Senate the state's interests and many have been important mem­ committee assignments in 20 of the 29 congresses be­ bers of the House and Senate. This study has relied fore 1946, and has had three or more favorable assign­ here on some generally accepted measures of power in ments in eight of the ten congresses since 1946. As in Congress and has found that the South Dakota delega­ the House, however, there has seldom been a coincidence tion has seldom been fortunate enough, as a delegation, of seniority, party congruity, and favorable committee to meet some of the principal conditions for major in­ assignments. Of the congresses of relatively high sen­ fluence. iority and party congruity (see Table 3), only the 70th The method of considering the delegation as a unit and 71st also found South Dakota senators with several tends to obscure the record of certain outstanding mem­ favorable committee assignments. In those congresses, bers of the delegation. These members should not go Senator Peter Ncrbeck was Chairman of Banking and without mention. In the Senate, Richard F. Pettigrew, Currency and was relatively high ranking on Agricul­ James H. Kyle, Robert Gamble, Thomas Sterling, W. J. ture and Forestry, Naval Affairs, and Public Lands. Sen­ Bulow, Chan Gurney, and Francis Case were selected ator William McMaster was relatively high ranking on for two terms; Gamble and Case also served in the Indian Affairs and Military Affairs. House. All of these men served as chairmen of at least one committee during their stay in the Senate. Norbeck Several South Dakota senators have served as chair­ was elected for three terms and rose to the chairman­ men or ranking minority members of standing com­ ship of the important Senate Committee on Banking and mittees. Before 1946, South Dakota senators served as Currency. But the record for length-of-service belongs chairmen of 23 standing or special committees and rank­ to the present senior Senator from South Dakota, Karl ing minority members of eight. Since 1946, two senators Mundt. After five terms in the House, Mundt has been have served as chairmen and two as ranking minority returned three times to the Senate and is expected members. Unfortunately, only a few of the committees to seek reelection in 1966. Mundt has already served led by South Dakotans were direct interest or power longer in the Senate (Norbeck died before completing committees. Before 1946, Senators Robert Gamble and his third term) than any South Dakotan and his 28 Richard Pettigrew chaired Indian Affairs and Senator years total congressional service surpasses by three Norbeck chaired Public Lands. In addition, Senator Pet­ years that of his long-term colleague, Francis Case. tigrew was ranking Republican on Public Lands, and Ironically, despite his long service, Mundt has never Senator Gurney was ranking Republican on Irrigation chaired a committee. He was, however, ranking Repub­ and Public Lands. After 1946, Senator Gurney chaired lican on the House Committee on Indian Affairs in the the Committee on Armed Services and Senator Case 79th Congress, is presently ranking Republican on the served as ranking Republican on the Committee on Pub­ Senate Committee on Government Operations, and third- lic Works. ranking Republican on the powerful Senate Committee This study has relied on four measures (party, con­ on Appropriations. gruity, average length-of-service, and committee assign­ In the House, aside from Mundt and Case, both of ments) to develop a simplified power index of a state whom became important members of that, body before delegation. There have been congresses when one of the their election to the Senate, members with lengthy serv­ conditions for power was met by the South Dakota ice include: Eben W. Martin (six terms), C. A. delegation. But South Dakota has not often been fortun­ Christopherson (seven terms), Royal C. Johnson (nine ate enough to combine party congruity with high senior­ terms), Charles Burke (seven terms), William William­ ity and favorable committee assignments. While a coin­ son (six terms), and E. Y. Berry (eight terms). Martin cidence of these variables may be unlikely for the typical and Burke did not serve continuously; both were de- state, there is at least one example of a state whose con­ defeated in 1906 but won reelection two years later. gressional delegation is in tune with both national and Burke, Williamson, and Johnson all served as chairmen congressional leadership. The present Arkansas delega­ of committees. Burke also served as House Republican tion has congruity between party control of the delega­ Whip in the 63rd Congress, Christopherson rose to be the second-ranking Republican on the House Committee al or senatorial office. The staff in these offices spends on Judiciary and Berry is presently second-ranking Re­ most of its time on constituency demands, answering publican on the House Committee on Interior and In­ mail, solving individual constituent's problems with sular Affairs. government (called "case work"), entertaining visitors in This brief excursion into some characteristics of the Washington, and the like. The representative spends South Dakota congressional delegation through history most of his time on legislative demands, attending com­ has revealed that it has not often had the tools of power mittee meetings, working on legislation, attending the available to> it. Individual members have risen to posi­ floor debates on legislation, meeting visitors and lobbyists tions of influence but certain significant conditions for who favor or oppose legislation, and generally meeting an effective delegation have not been met. It should be various social and political obligations. There is no job reiterated that this is not a criticism of those who have in the world quite like that of being a "representative served. It is simply a commentary on the historical re­ of the people." By the very definition of the assignment, cord. the man's time is not his own. The two Senate offices are basically organized very much alike. The administrative assistant, Robert The Delegation in the 89th Congress McCaughey in Mundt's office and Owen Donnelly in Mc- The present delegation is one of the more distin­ Govern's, is in charge of all office operations; he is a guished in history. The average length-of-service is the sort of "chief of staff" with certain important political second highest of any delegation (nine years), Senator functions to perform as well. The legislative assistant, Mundt has served in Congress and the Senate longer Robert Ruddy in Mundt's office and Ben Stong in Mc- than any South Dakotan, Representative Berry has served Govern's, assists the Senator in fulfilling his legislative in the House of Representatives longer than any South responsibilities, primarily resulting from his committee Dakotan except Royal C. Johnson, and the delegation assignments. Each senator also has an assistant who is enjoys membership on several committees of interest to primarily concerned with public relations (Walter Cona- the state. Table 5 provides a summary of some pertinent han in Mundt's office and George Cunningham in Mc- characteristics of the delegation in the 89th Congress, Govern's office). Both senators maintain offices in the Each member has some position which is of advantage state, Mundt in Madison and McGovern in Sioux Falls to South Dakota. In addition to being the ranking Re­ and Rapid City. publican on Government Operations, Senator Mundt is There are also* important differences between the third-ranking Republican on Appropriations. Though two Senate staff organizations. Most of these are trace­ low-ranking on both committees, Senator McGovern is a able to the fact that Mundt is one of the more senior Re­ member of two committees of direct interest to the publican senators while McGovern is one of the more state, and, of course, is. a member of the nationally dom­ junior Democratic senators. Mundt's overall staff is inant Democratic Party. Representative Reifel is serving larger due to the fact that he is the ranking Re­ his second term on the powerful House Committee on Ap­ publican on the Committee on Government Opera­ propriations and Representative Berry is now second- tions and therefore has a number of staff appoint­ ranking Republican on the Interior and Insular Affairs ments on that committee. These appointments allow Committee. Should the national Republican party gain for more flexibility in his use of his office staff since a sizeable number of seats in the next four to six years, much of his legislative work can be handled by his and should the present delegation be returned, South committee staff personnel. In addition, Mundt can use staff personnel on the Senate Republican Policy Com­ mittee. This committee has a large staff which serves Table 5. Characteristics of the South Dakota relatively few senators (32 as compared to 68 which Congressional Delegation, 89th Congress must be served by the Senate Democratic Policy Com­ mittee staff). The result is that McCaughey must spend

Length of Rank on a large share of his time coordinating the work of a Member Age Party Service Seniorityb Committee Assignments Committee1 rather sizeable staff, and thus there appears to be more Senate centralization of authority in Mundt's office than in Mc-

Karl Mundt 65 R 16c 6 of 32 Government Operations 1 of 4 Govern's, Appropriations 3 of 9 Foreign Relations 5 of 6 Staff organization on the House side is less com­ George McGovern 43 D 2d 51 of 59 Agriculture & plicated but the nature of the workload is much the Forestry 8 of 10 Interior & Insular same. Most House members have fewer constituents and Affairs 9 of 11 fewer committee assignments than senators and thus House have smaller staff allocations. Representatives Berry and Ben Reifel 59 R 4 27 of 36 Appropriations 11 of 16 Reifel have organized their offices quite differently. E. Y. Berry 63 R 14 15 of 36 Interior & Insular There are three principal reasons for this difference in Affairs 2 of 11 Foreign Affairs 8 of 12 staff use and organization: (1) until this year, Berry's district was less than half the size of Reifel's; (2) Berry

aAt the beginning of the 89th Congress. has always done a great deal of staff work himself; and (3) their committee assignments differ in the demands Indicates seniority and rank within the member's own party placed on the member. Berry's staff, headed by Mrs. cAlso served 10 years in the House, Mavis Daly, concentrates on constituency mail and case "Also served 4 years in the House. work. Mrs. Daly also assists the congressman in his legislative tasks but he handles the bulk of that work himself. As ranking Republican on the Indian Affairs Subcommittee of Interior and Insular Affairs, Berry Dakota would have more powerful representation in gets most involved with Indian bills. He has had many Washington than at any point in its history. years of experience on such matters. His assignment on The South Dakota congressional delegation and staff the Committee on Foreign Affairs requires little of his keep "farmers hours" rather than "bankers hours." A time. ten-to-twelve-hour working day is not unusual during the working session. It was stated earlier that there are Reifel's staff is headed by Vern Locn. Loen directs at. least two sets of demands made of a representative, all staff work, most of which results from constituency those from back home and those from his colleagues and mail, and genera-lly serves as the congressman's "right- the institution in Congress. The nature of these demands hand." Membership en the Committee on Appropriations determines the nature of the work-load in a congression­ is very demanding--more so than on any other House committee. Thus, in addition to Loen, Reifel has another The Congressional Quarterly also calculates presi­ man on his staff, Charles Fritzel, to assist him with re­ dential support scores for all members. These scores search. Miss Shirley Luikens serves as executive secre­ represent the percentage of roll calls where the in­ tary and handles much of the case work. Both staffs in­ dividual member has supported the President's position clude other secretaries, who usually have certain specific on an issue. In the Senate, Mundt consistently supported assignments in addition to general secretarial work. the President less than the average Senate Republican Both Berry and Reifel maintain offices in their but McGovern consistently supported the President by respective districts. Berry has his office in Rapid City, considerably more than the average Senate Democrat with two full-time employees. Reifel has offices in Sioux (better than 13 percentage points, on the average). In Falls and Aberdeen, both staffed with college students. the House, Berry proved to be the most reluctant of any There is considerable cooperation between the mem­ in the delegation to support the President, an average bers of the delegation and their staffs. Berry and Reifel during the three years of 11 percentage points less than often have constituency mail and case work which re­ the typical House Republican. Reifel was more generous quire action by the other member. Further, Berry has to the President—supporting him more often than the had to rely on Reifel's knowledge of the 20 new counties average House Republican in 1963 and 1965, some what added to the second congressional district, since these less- in 1964. Again, as with party unity scores, low pres­ were previously in Reifel's district. The two will also idential support scores may indicate that nothing has coordinate their activities on legislation and since Reifel been gained for the state. is a member of the Appropriations Committee, he will contact members when an appropriation measure has some impact on the state. The two senators also work together on matters of statewide interest, despite the difference in party af­ Table 7. Federal Role Support Scores of South Dakota filiation. Further, both Berry and Reifel work closely Congressional Delegation, 1963-1965 with Senator Mundt on state matters. The fact Average GOP Average Demo. that both Reifel and Mundt are members of the Appro­ Score Score priations Committees in their respective houses means Year Senate House Mindt Reifel Berry Senate McGovern that there is frequent contact between them and their 1963-1964 47 40 28 56 22 79 100 staffs. Reifel's relations with Senator McGovern are 39 82 100 amicable. Indeed they have jointly sponsored several 1965 46 33 33 23 pieces of legislation, two of which were enacted into law in 1965. Relations between Berry and McGovern, how­ ever, are evidently not so close, and there is virtually no contact between these two offices. There is frequent Table 7 presents the "federal role support scores" for informal contact among the Republican members of the the delegation. This score indicates the percentage of delegation and their staffs. time that a member votes for selected legislation which The same delegation has served South Dakota since increases the role of the federal government. Mundt and 1963 and thus it is possible to examine some aspects of Berry both have scores considerably below the average their voting behavior for three years. Some interesting Republican's scores in their respective legislative cham­ conclusions emerge from the delegation's scores on var­ bers. Reifel, on the other hand, has scores above the ious voting measures published by Congressional Quar­ average House Republican. In the 88th Congress (1963- terly, a private, nonpartisan research organization spec­ 1964), Reifel's score was 16 percent above the average ializing on the Congress. Table 6 presents the party Republican. Senator McGovern demonstrated consider­ able support for an increased federal role, voting in favor of all of the 30 test roll calls included in the Congression­ al Quarterly's sample. Table 6. Party Unity Scores of South Dakota Congressional Delegation, 1963-1965 Finally, the Congressional Quarterly selects "key votes" each year, rcll calls on measures which they deem Average GOP A verage Demc expect that the House Republican members would vote Score Score Year Senate House Mundt Reifel Berry Senate McGovern alike on such key votes. Such is the case. Berry and Reifel disagreed on only three of 30 key votes, 1983- 1963 67 74 75 76 83 66 81 1965; Berry voted "no" and Reifel "yes" on a higher 1964 65 71 84 81 92 61 87 education construction bill in 1963, the civil rights bill

1965 68 71 85 72 82 63 77 in 1964 (Berry later voted for the bill when it came out of the Conference Committee), and the medical care for the aged bill in 1965. Conversely, one would expect, on the basis of party affiliation alone, to find Mundt and unity scores for the South Dakota delegation. Party unity McGovern opposing one another on key votes. In fact, is calculated by determining the percentage of time that they voted alike more than one third of the lime on a member votes with the majority of his party on roll key votes (11 of 30). During the 88th Congress (1963- 1964) they both voted in favor of the nuclear test ban call votes. In every case, South Dakota representatives 1 have voted with the majority of their party more often treaty, the tax bill, the motion to invoke cloture on the than the average party member. Senator McGovern civil rights bill itself. During 1965, 1hey both voted in averaged 19 percentage points higher than the average favor of the federal aid to education bill, the motion to Senate Democrat for the three years, Senator Mundt 15 invoke cloture on the voting rights debate, the voting points higher than the average Senate Republican, E. Y. rights bill itself, the presidential continuity bill, the farm Berry 14 points higher than the average House Repub­ bill, and the immigration and nationality bill. Both lican, and Ben Reifel 4 points higher than the average voted against invoking cloture on the right-to-work de­ House Republican. In short, by this measure, the South bate. On all roll calls the two Senators have voted alike Dakota delegation strongly supports its party on roll about 50 percent of the time which is just slightly be­ call votes. This attribute need net necessarily be ap­ low average for states with mixed-party delegations (ac­ plauded. For example, high Republican support scores cording to the Congressional Quarterly). Still it is more doubtless mean that the member is generally on the than one would expect given the popular nolions con­ losing side on roll calls, and therefore may not have cerning the ideological split between Mundt and Mc­ used his vote for bargaining in Congress. Govern. The explanation for the unexpectedly high frequency of staff time, most representatives would not change of voting together probably is that, though they are of this aspect of their work. Indeed many point with pride different political parties, they are from the same state; to their record of dealing rapidly with constituency no doubt often "hear" from the same groups on many requests. issues; and therefore come to the same conclusion on Congress is also> a law-making body. Many laws are how to vote. EVen when McGovern was in the House, passed in order to' satisfy individual constituency de­ he and Berry voted alike on six of 24 key votes and mands. But the major legislation before Congress has the ideological split between Berry and McGovern is pro­ regional or national impact. It is argued, and with con­ bably slightly greater than between Mundt and Mc­ siderable supporting evidence, that Congress is losing to Govern. the executive its power to make laws. Regardless of the The summary profile of the present delegation shows validity of this proposition, Congress still has more work that it has been successful in obtaining favorable com­ fulfilling its law-making responsibilities than it can mittee assignments and is one of the most senior delega­ handle with the resources it has available. As with all tions in the state's history. Unfortunately, in terms of institutions, Congress has developed over the years a achieving power in Congress, the members with the complex system for meeting its responsibilities. Party, greatest number of years of service belong to the minori­ seniority, and committees, are three mechanisms relied ty party. The only Democrat in the delegation, Senator on to facilitate action which have been examined here. McGovern, is also the most junior member. If Mundt, Measured by the present congressional delegation, Berry, and Reifel continue to win, and if the Republicans South Dakota has excellent ambassadors in Washington. are able to win control of Congress in the next few Every effort is made to' respond to the increasing num­ years, South Dakota could potentially have its most ber and complexity of constituency demands as rapidly powerful delegation in history. as possible. Indeed, efforts are made to encourage con­ tact between constituents and their representatives in Concluding Observations Washington (for instance, the polling of constituents' opinions by Representative Berry). In addition to providing descriptive data about the But keeping up with daily constituent requests is South Dakota congressional delegation, this study has only one way of serving the state. As has been frequently tried to demonstrate some of the problems associated emphasized here, power in Congress may be translated with the dual role of representatives in Congress. Con­ into larger benefits for the state and the nation. Through gress perplexes many of its observers, and well it should. history in South Dakota congressional delegation has sel­ There is no institution in the world quite like it. In dom been successful in meeting the conditions for opti­ one sense, it is a collection of ambassadors, each repre­ mum influence in law-making. Many distinguished South senting geographical units and negotiating for benefits. Dakotans have served in Washington but few have served The congressional office is always open to the con­ long enough, been a member of the right party at the stituent. Congressmen become an important contact right time, or served on the right standing committee, to point between people, their problems, and an ever in­ have been law-making leaders in Congress. The present creasingly complex government. And it is this assump­ delegation is one of the more successful, particularly in tion of the right of the citizen to have access to his gov­ view of Senator Mundt's long record of service, but ernment which is basic to the fiber of American repre­ largely because of the disharmony between South Dakota sentative democracy. Exasperating as it may be to deal and national political power it does not meet the condi­ with constituency demands, and time-consuming as it is tions for optimum influence in Congress.

iS^i Other titles and authors in the "Public Affairs" series: 1. South Dakota Constitutional Amendments: 1960, by William H. Cape. 2. The Strategy of Civil Defense, by William H. Cape * 3. The Era of Voting Machines, by William H. Cape. * 4. Dakota Territorial Centennial, by William H. Cape. 5. The Impact of the Census Data, by William H. Cape. 6. Legislative Power and Reapportionment in South Dakota, by Alan L. Clem. * 7. Court Reorganization in South Dakota, by J. Malcolm Smith. 8. U. S. Sugar Policy: The View from South Dakota, by Alan L. Clem. 9. Proposed South Dakota Constitutional Amendments: 1962, by Dean E. Clabaugh. 10. The Governor and Administrative Organization, by Herman Trachsel. 11. Characteristics of South Dakota County Officers, by Alan L. Clem. * 12. The 1962 Election in South Dakota, by Alan L. Clem. * 13. South Dakota's 1963 Legislative Session, by George M. Piatt. 14. Improving County Government: Reorganization and Consolidation, by W. O. Farber. 15. The Oahe Sub-District: A Case Study in Water Resources Administra­ tion, by Donald J. Mendel. 16. Money and Schools: Campaign Strategy in School Bond Elections, by Alan L. Clem. 17. South Dakota's 1964 Legislative Session, by George M. Piatt. 18. Fiscal Aspects of American Federalism: The Case of South Dakota, William L. Dickey. 19. Distorted Democracy: Malapportionment in South Dakota Govern­ ment, by Alan L. Clem. 20. The 1964 Election: Has South Dakota Become a Two-Party State? by Alan L. Clem. 21. South Dakota's 1965 Legislative Session, by George M. Piatt. 22. Planning in South Dakota, by W. O. Farber. 23 An Inquiry Into Rapid City's Rejection of Home Rule, David Gugin, 1965. * Out of print.

GOVERNMENTAL RESEARCH BUREAU THE UNIVERSITY OF SOUTH DAKOTA VERMILLION, SOUTH DAKOTA 57069