Malawi at a Glance: 2006-07

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Malawi at a Glance: 2006-07 Country Report Malawi Malawi at a glance: 2006-07 OVERVIEW The president, Bingu wa Mutharika, is expected to remain in office over the forecast period, although his support in parliament is likely to remain tenuous, owing to the ongoing power struggle with his predecessor, Bakili Muluzi. Economic policy will continue to be guided by the current IMF-prescribed poverty reduction and growth facility (PRGF), which is expected to remain on track. Malawi should reach completion point under the IMF-World Bank's heavily indebted poor countries (HIPC) debt-relief initiative in the second half of 2006, and also to become eligible for debt relief from the IMF and other multilateral creditors under the Multilateral Debt Relief Initiative (MDRI) in the forecast period. Economic growth will continue to be strongly influenced by the performance of the agricultural sector, given the lack of economic diversification and of exploitable natural resources. Reduced pressure on food supplies is expected to help to bring the average rate of inflation down from 15.4% in 2005 to 15.3% in 2006 and 13% in 2007. A recovery in exports, together with higher donor inflows, is expected to result in a narrowing of the current- account deficit from an estimated 11.2% of GDP in 2005 to 9% of GDP in 2006 and 6.1% of GDP in 2007. Key changes from last month Political outlook • Recent tributes by Mr Mutharika to the Zimbabwean president, Robert Mugabe, and the late former president of Malawi, Hastings Banda, have caused controversy in Malawi and may have undermined the president's ability to increase his small support base. Economic policy outlook • The 2006/07 (July-June) budget announced on June 16th proposes a strong emphasis on improving the ability of the agriculture sector to cope with drought, with a substantial allocation of funds to the ministries of agriculture and food security and of irrigation and water development. The Reserve Bank of Malawi has adopted a managed float, which it hopes will help to ease the management of the exchange rate. Economic forecast • There have been no changes to the Economist Intelligence Unit's economic forecast from last month. July 2006 The Economist Intelligence Unit 26 Red Lion Square London WC1R 4HQ United Kingdom The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit is a specialist publisher serving companies establishing and managing operations across national borders. For over 50 years it has been a source of information on business developments, economic and political trends, government regulations and corporate practice worldwide. The Economist Intelligence Unit delivers its information in four ways: through its digital portfolio, where the latest analysis is updated daily; through printed subscription products ranging from newsletters to annual reference works; through research reports; and by organising seminars and presentations. The firm is a member of The Economist Group. London New York Hong Kong The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit The Economist Intelligence Unit 26 Red Lion Square The Economist Building 60/F, Central Plaza London 111 West 57th Street 18 Harbour Road WC1R 4HQ New York Wanchai United Kingdom NY 10019, US Hong Kong Tel: (44.20) 7576 8000 Tel: (1.212) 554 0600 Tel: (852) 2585 3888 Fax: (44.20) 7576 8500 Fax: (1.212) 586 0248 Fax: (852) 2802 7638 E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.eiu.com Electronic delivery This publication can be viewed by subscribing online at www.store.eiu.com Reports are also available in various other electronic formats, such as CD-ROM, Lotus Notes, online databases and as direct feeds to corporate intranets. For further information, please contact your nearest Economist Intelligence Unit office Copyright © 2006 The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. All rights reserved. Neither this publication nor any part of it may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited. All information in this report is verified to the best of the author's and the publisher's ability. However, the Economist Intelligence Unit does not accept responsibility for any loss arising from reliance on it. ISSN 1478-0283 Symbols for tables "n/a" means not available; "–" means not applicable Printed and distributed by Patersons Dartford, Questor Trade Park, 151 Avery Way, Dartford, Kent DA1 1JS, UK. Malawi 1 Contents Malawi 3 Summary 4 Political structure 5 Economic structure 5 Annual indicators 6 Quarterly indicators 7 Outlook for 2006-07 7 Political outlook 8 Economic policy outlook 10 Economic forecast 13 The political scene 17 Economic policy 20 The domestic economy 20 Economic trends 21 Agriculture 24 Foreign trade and payments List of tables 10 International assumptions summary 12 Forecast summary 15 Key changes in the Malawian cabinet 21 Average inflation 21 The kwacha's path against its major trading currencies 23 Comparison of regional harvests 24 Balance of payments 26 Malawi's trade with the US List of figures 12 Gross domestic product 12 Consumer price inflation 26 Total external debt stock, April 2006 Country Report July 2006 www.eiu.com © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 2006 Malawi 3 Malawi July 2006 Summary Outlook for 2006-07 The president, Bingu wa Mutharika, is expected to remain in office over the forecast period, although his support in parliament will remain tenuous. With the help of pressure from various internal and external organisations, he is expected to be able to gain sufficient support to pass key reforms, as well as the 2006/07 (July-June) budget by the end of July. Economic policy will continue to be guided by the current poverty reduction and growth facility (PRGF) with the IMF, which is expected to remain on track. Continued recovery in agriculture is expected to drive higher overall economic growth over the forecast period. Reduced pressure on food supplies is expected to help to ease the average rate of inflation to 15.3% in 2006 and 13% in 2007. A recovery in exports, together with higher donor inflows, is expected to result in a narrowing of the current- account deficit from an estimated 11.2% of GDP in 2005 to 9% of GDP in 2006 and 6.1% of GDP in 2007. The political scene The vice-president, Cassim Chilumpha, has been arrested on charges of treason. The attorney-general, Ralph Kasambara, who had been advising the president in his dealings with Mr Chilumpha, has been sacked. Mr Mutharika has reshuffled his cabinet and appointed three senior opposition members. The government has warned that local elections may not be held until 2007. Tributes by Mr Mutharika to the Zimbabwean president, Robert Mugabe, and the late former president, Hastings Banda, have caused controversy in Malawi. Economic policy The finance minister, Goodall Gondwe, has announced the 2006/07 budget, which includes a strong focus on agriculture, food security and water, in order to improve the country's ability to cope with persistent drought. The budget has also proposed a number of tax cuts, to make Malawi's business climate more competitive. The Reserve Bank of Malawi (the central bank) has adopted a managed float, to ease the management of the exchange rate. The domestic economy Inflation has edged downwards, but fuel price increases of between 3% and 7% were announced in May. The kwacha has depreciated rapidly in the first half of the year, following the removal of restrictions imposed on foreign-exchange transactions. The Ministry of Agriculture and Food Security has estimated that the 2006 maize crop will be sufficient to meet domestic needs. Foreign trade and payments According to the central bank, the current-account deficit increased in 2005, alongside a widening trade deficit, owing to drought-related imports. Editors: Nicola Prins (editor); Pratibha Thaker (consulting editor) Editorial closing date: June 30th 2006 All queries: Tel: (44.20) 7576 8000 E-mail: [email protected] Next report: Full schedule on www.eiu.com/schedule Country Report July 2006 www.eiu.com © The Economist Intelligence Unit Limited 2006 4 Malawi Political structure Official name Republic of Malawi Form of state Unitary republic Legal system Based on English common law; constitution promulgated in May 1995 National legislature National Assembly of 193 seats, elected by direct universal suffrage for a five-year term National elections May 2004 (presidential and legislative); next elections due by May 2009 (presidential and legislative) Head of state President, elected by direct universal suffrage for a term of five years; Bingu wa Mutharika was elected in May 2004 National government Cabinet, chaired by the president; a new cabinet was named in June 2004 following the May election Political parties The Malawi Congress Party (MCP) is the largest single party in the National Assembly and the second largest is the United Democratic Front (UDF); smaller parties include the People's Progressive Movement, the Congress for National Unity, the People's Transformation Party, the Republican Party, the Alliance for Democracy (Aford), the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and the Movement for Genuine Democratic Change (Mgode); independent members of parliament currently form the third largest bloc in the legislature; Mr Mutharika has formed the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) President & commander-in-chief of the armed forces, minister of civil service
Recommended publications
  • MALAWI COUNTRY of ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service
    MALAWI COUNTRY OF ORIGIN INFORMATION (COI) REPORT COI Service 31 OCTOBER 2012 MALAWI 31 OCTOBER 2012 Contents Preface Useful news sources for further information Paragraphs Background Information 1. GEOGRAPHY ............................................................................................................ 1.01 Map ........................................................................................................................ 1.05 2. ECONOMY ................................................................................................................ 2.01 3. HISTORY ................................................................................................................. 3.01 Local government elections ................................................................................ 3.05 Foreign donor aid to Malawi suspended ............................................................ 3.07 Anti-government protests: July 2011 ................................................................. 3.10 4. RECENT DEVELOPMENTS (JANUARY TO SEPTEMBER 2012) ......................................... 4.01 5. CONSTITUTION .......................................................................................................... 5.01 6. POLITICAL SYSTEM ................................................................................................... 6.01 Human Rights 7. INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................................... 7.01 8. SECURITY FORCES ...................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • MALAWI Press Review February 2010
    C F S C P FEBRUARY R 2010 E S News clippings S with analysis From the R Major newspapers E in Malawi V Compiled by the I Center for Social Concern (CFSC) E Box 40049 Lilongwe 4 Area 25 W Next to St. Francis Parish Tel: 01 715 632 www.cfscmalawi.org CFSC Press Review February 2010 LIST OF NEWSPAPERS REVIEWED Daily Times The Weekend Nation The Sunday Times Malawi News The Guardian Nation on Sunday The Nation CFSC Press Review February 2010 PREVIEW Members of Parliament in Malawi are never short of controversies. It all started with their proposal to have their allocation of fuel revised upwards. The Legislators would want to have 500 litres of fuel per month for each one of them. There are 193 members of the National Assembly. Their wish is somehow strange. According to some writers who made calculations 500 litres of fuel is just too much for the legislators. Some observers have noted that the fuel allocation increase will be like another salary raise for the MPs because they get money equivalent to the litres of fuel. If government approves their proposal it means each of the MPs will be going home with the cash and not the actual fuel. Only God knows if all this money is going to be used for its intended purpose. Already there have been reports of some legislators who desert their constituencies after winning their parliamentary seat. These members are seen in cities and have no time to visit the people who put them into power.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the African Dimension to the Anti-Federation Struggle, C.1950-53
    ‘It has united us far more closely than any other question would have accomplished’.1 The African Dimension to the Anti-Federation Struggle, c.1950-53 The documentary record of African opposition to the C[entral] A[frican] F[ederation] has been the subject renewed historiographical interest in recent years.2 This paper seeks to contribute to the existing debate in three principle ways. Firstly, it will be shown that opposition to the scheme was fatally undermined by the pursuit of two very distinct strands of N[yasaland] A[frican] C[ongress] and A[frican] N[ational] C[ongress] political activism. This dissimilar political discourse produced contradictions that resulted in the bypassing African objections. In the third instance, the paper will go a step further, suggesting that the two respective anti-Federation campaigns not only undermined Congress efforts to stop federation, but laid the path for future discord in the national dispensation then materialising. In 1988, John Darwin wrote that ‘with its telescope clapped firmly to its ear, London declared that [African] opposition [to Federation] could be neither seen nor heard’.3 The well-worn historiographical path points to the fact that African opposition was effectively ignored on the basis that ‘partnership’ between white settlers and black Africans in Northern and Southern Rhodesia and Nyasaland offered a strong rationale for the CAF. The requisite benefits arising would see the promotion of African economic opportunities, the placation of settler politicians seeking to reduce the influence of the Colonial Office and the preservation of British influence in the region.4 The utility of ‘partnership’ was in its ambiguity.
    [Show full text]
  • Malawi: Recent Developments and U.S
    Malawi: Recent Developments and U.S. Relations Nicolas Cook Specialist in African Affairs December 11, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R42856 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Malawi: Recent Developments and U.S. Relations Summary President Barack Obama’s Administration and a number of Members of Congress have welcomed Malawian President Joyce Banda’s accession to power, largely because she has reversed a number of contentious decisions taken by her predecessor, Bingu wa Mutharika, who died in early April 2012 while serving a contentious second term. Banda’s status as Africa’s second female president, an internationally recognized women’s rights advocate, and a leader with personal socioeconomic development expertise has also drawn U.S. and other international support. There are also some indications that Banda may pursue a foreign policy aligned with selected U.S. regional policy goals. In August 2012, Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton traveled to Malawi for discussions of economic and political governance and reform and to highlight bilateral development cooperation projects. In September Banda addressed a gathering of Members of Congress at a forum on U.S.-Malawian and broader U.S.-African relations. Malawi, a former British colony, is a small, poor country in southeastern Africa that underwent a democratic transition from one-party rule in the early 1990s and has long relied on donor aid. Under Mutharika, however, Malawi’s ties with donors had been damaged over concerns related to economic management, undemocratic governance trends, and Mutharika’s acrimonious stance toward donors. Upon taking office, Banda—who had served as Mutharika’s vice president and therefore succeeded him upon his death—made a range of economic and governance reform pledges and related policy decisions.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 4 Making, Unmaking and Remaking Political Party Coalitions
    POLITICAL PARTY COALITIONS IN MALAWI 111 4 MAKING, UNMAKING AND REMAKING POLITICAL PARTY COALITIONS IN MALAWI Explaining the Prevalence of Office-Seeking Behaviour DENIS KADIMA AND SAMSON LEMBANI INTRODUCTION The contemporary history of political alliances in Malawi dates back to the early 1990s when Malawian political and social groupings joined forces and succeeded in voting out the 30-year-old one-party regime of Kamuzu Banda in 1994. While a recent unpublished study by Lars Svåsand, Nixon Khembo and Lise Rakner (2004) gives an account of the reconfiguration of Malawi’s party system after the 2004 general elections, there is no chronological and comprehensive account of the main coalitions of political parties in the country, their accomplishments and setbacks and the lessons that can be drawn from their experience. This explains the need for this study as well as the unique contribution that it makes to the field of party coalition politics. The study deals only with alliances made up of political parties. For this reason, the pre-1994 election alliance of various political pressure groups, faith-based organisations and non-governmental organisations, which worked towards the effective introduction of a democratic multiparty system, is not given significant attention. The study devotes equal attention to the history of both governing and opposition coalitions in Malawi. Specifically, it examines the short-lived coalition between the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and the Alliance for Democracy (AFORD) after the 1994 general elections; the 1995 alliance between the United Democratic Front (UDF) and AFORD; the alliance forged between the MCP and AFORD prior to the 1999 general elections; the UDF- AFORD-NCD Coalition preceding the 2004 general elections and the 111 112 THE POLITICS OF PARTY COALITIONS IN AFRICA Mgwirizano coalition of 2004.
    [Show full text]
  • British Decolonisation in Africa, 1957-1965
    MIL UN P H L I) I G I A B L E I' AST THE WIND OF CHANGE': BRITISH DECOLONISATION IN AFRICA, 1957-1965 Carl Peter Watts estimates the importance of the different reasons for British withdrawal. Introduction nlike other empires in history - such as the Roman, Byzan- U tine, Ottoman, or Habsburg - the collapse of the British Empire was remarkably rapid. This was espe- cially true of the British Empire in Af- rica, which was largely dismantled in the years 1957-1965. Historians continue to disagree on the importance of metropoli- tan, colonial and international causes of this withdrawal. This article will argue that colonial nationalism and an increas- ingly hostile international environment contributed to the timing of indepen- dence in British Africa, but these influ- ences must also be understood against a background of changing metropolitan circumstances and the deliberate cal- culations of British pohcy-makers. This causal interlock will be demonstrated in relation to several episodes of decolo- nisation between 1957 and 1965, in- cluding the Gold Goast in West Africa, the East African territories of Tangan- yika, Uganda, and Kenya, and the col- lapse of the Gentral African Federation. Colonial Nationalism Historians like D. A. Low have empha- sised that without pressure from nation- alism Britain would have been more reluctant to quit its African colonies. According to this view, without colo- nial resistance neither the impact of international politics nor the process of domestic reassessment would have been enough to undermine British imperial power. African nationalism was stimu- lated by the Second World War, which Above: This poster from the Second World War emphasised the unity of Britain and required Britain to tighten control over the Commonwealth-Empire.
    [Show full text]
  • Government & Politics Corr
    1 CONCEPTUAL AND CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND Augustine Titani Magolowondo INTRODUCTION This book is about Government and politics in Malawi. The diversity of issues that are discussed in the subsequent chapters bears testimony to the complexity of this subject matter. The aim of this first chapter is twofold. First, as you may have probably experienced in our daily discourse, the terms Government and politics are often confused with other key terms such as state and nation. As a starting point, this chapter clarifies these related concepts, which are inherently connected but yet conceptually distinct. Second, the discussion in this chapter aims at providing the context within which politics and Government in Malawi operate. In this regard, I look at both the political history and key socio-economic characteristics of Malawi. Finally, I discuss challenges facing Malawi’s politics and Government today. WHAT IS POLITICS? The concept of politics is as old as Government itself. Aristotle, the Greek philosopher (384–322 BC) argued that ‘man is by nature a political animal’. What was meant is that politics is not only inevitable but also essential to human activity. In other words, wherever there are human beings, politics is unavoidable. However, much as Aristotle’s maxim has become almost indisputable among the students of politics, there is no consensus on what exactly is to be understood by politics. To appreciate the conceptual complexity of politics, let us consider for instance the 2000 constitutional amendment to Section 65 of the Malawi Constitution (popularly called the ‘crossing of the floor’ provision). This amendment was to result in any member of Parliament (MP) losing his/her seat should he/she join 1 GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS IN MALAWI any organisation whose objectives were deemed to be political in nature.
    [Show full text]
  • Transition from a Personal Dictatorship in Malawi
    The Transition from a Personal Dictatorship: Democratization and the Legacy of the Past in Malawi Please do not cite this pre-final version The final version was published as a book chapter in: Shadrack Wanjala Nasong’o, ed . The African Search for Stable Forms of Statehood: Essays in Political Criticism Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 2008, pp. 187-227. Stephen Brown Associate Professor School of Political Studies University of Ottawa [email protected] In the early 1990s, numerous African dictatorships relatively rapidly and rather unexpectedly liberalized politically. The degrees to which they democratized—and speed at which they did so—varied greatly. The new forms of governance also differed significantly from country to country, as do their prospects. To a certain extent, the variations can be ascribed to decisions of key players at specific moments in time, often in bargaining with other actors. Analyses of transitions based primarily on such voluntaristic factors, such as O’Donnell and Schmitter (1986), tend to minimize the effects of the past. Others, such as Bratton and van de Walle (1994), see clear patterns in how certain types of neopatrimonial regimes in Africa democratize, placing greater emphasis on institutional history. This chapter examines the democratization process in Malawi, using Bratton and van de Walle’s finding as a framework to analyze Malawi’s post- authoritarian governance and prospects for further democratization. Personal Dictatorship as Analytical Category Hastings Kamuzu Banda rule Malawi from independence in 1964 until 1994 through a highly arbitrary and personalized system. “Life President” Banda was the supreme authority; his word had the force of law and was ruthlessly enforced.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics of Judicial Independence in Malawi
    Politics of Judicial Independence in Malawi Freedom House Report prepared by Rachel Ellett, PhD Contents List of Acronyms 3 Acknowledgments 4 Executive Summary 5 Summary Assessment Table 8 Part I: Introduction 12 A Report Structure 12 B Methodology 12 C Background to the Study 13 D Politics and the Malawian Judiciary 1993-2013 16 Part II: Assessing Judicial Independence in Malawi 26 A Scope of Judicial Power 26 B Differentiation and Separation of Powers 29 C Internal Institutional Safeguards 36 D Transparency 48 E External Institutional Support 50 Part III: Analysis of Judicial Interference 55 A Manipulation of Personnel 56 B Institutional Assaults 56 C Personal Attacks on Judges 59 D Budget Manipulation Resources/Remuneration 62 E Attempted Co-option of Judges 63 Conclusion 64 Annex I: Summary of Existing Policy Reports on the Courts and Rule of law in Malawi 65 Endnotes 68 2 List of Acronyms AFORD Alliance for Democracy CILIC Civil Liberties Committee DPP Democratic Progressive Party HRCC Human Rights Consultative Committee MBC Malawi Broadcasting Corporation MCP Malawi Congress Party MEC Malawi Electoral Commission MLS Malawi Law Society PP People’s Party NDA National Democratic Alliance UDF United Democratic Front 3 Acknowledgments I would like to thank the many individuals who gave their time and consent to sit down for extensive one-on-one interviews in Johannesburg and Blantyre. These frank and detailed conversations generated significant insight and detailed and specific information, without which this report would be substantially diminished. Additionally I’d like to recognize the logistical and editorial support of the Freedom House Johannesburg and Washington DC offices and in particular the collegiality and support of Cathal Gilbert and Juliet Mureriwa.
    [Show full text]
  • Working Paper Series Malawi Between Internal Factionalism and External Pressure. Coping with Critical Junctures Martin Ott
    Working Paper Series of the Graduate Centre Humanities and Social Sciences of the Research Academy Leipzig No. 11 Martin Ott Malawi between internal factionalism and external pressure. Coping with critical junctures Leipzig 2013 Martin Ott: Malawi between internal factionalism and external pressure. Coping with critical junctures Working Paper Series of the Graduate Centre Humanities and Social Sciences of the Research Academy Leipzig, No. 11, Leipzig 2013. The Working Paper Series is edited by the Graduate Centre Humanities and Social Sciences. The Graduate Centre is part of the Research Academy Leipzig, a central institution of the University of Leipzig which concentrates on structured PhD-programmes crossing disciplinary boundaries. Currently the following units are part of the Graduate Centre: International PhD-programme “Transnationalisation and Regionalisation from the 18th Century to the Present” (Spokesperson: Matthias Middel / Stefan Troebst) Research Training Group “Critical Junctures of Globalisation” (Spokesperson: Ulf Engel) PhD-programme “Cultural Exchange Classical Studies’, historical and ethnological perspectives” (Spokesperson: Annegret Nippa / Charlotte Schubert) German-American PhD-programme “German as a Foreign Language / Transcultural German Studies” Distribution: (Spokesperson: Erwin Tschirner) Leipziger Universitätsverlag GmbH Oststr. 41 Research Training Group “Religious Nonconformism and Cultural 04317 Leipzig Dynamics” (Spokesperson: Hubert Seiwert) e-mail: [email protected] PhD-programme “Central-German
    [Show full text]
  • Validation of Malawi Final Validation Report Cowatersogema Independent Validator 3Rd February 2019
    Validation of Malawi Final Validation Report CowaterSogema Independent Validator 3rd February 2019 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Government of Malawi committed to implementing the EITI on 17 June 2014, during the opening of the 45th session of Parliament by the President of Malawi, H.E. Professor Arthur Peter Mutharika. The President later appointed the Minister of Finance, Goodall Gondwe as the EITI Champion. The interim multi- stakeholder group (MSG), the EITI Task Force, was set up in November 2010, consisting of stakeholders from all constituencies. The MSG formally met for the first time on 18 March 2015, after several months of constituency elections. On 22 October 2015 the EITI Board accepted Malawi as an implementing country. By the commencement of Validation, Malawi EITI had published two reports covering fiscal years 2014-15 and 2015-16. On 25 October 2016, the Board agreed that Malawi’s Validation under the 2016 EITI Standard would commence on 1 September 2018. This report presents the findings and initial assessment of the International Secretariat’s data gathering and stakeholder consultations. The International Secretariat has followed the Validation Procedures and applied the Validation Guide in assessing Malawi’s progress with the EITI Standard. This validation report follows on from a quality assurance review of the International Secretariat’s initial assessment. While the assessment has not yet been reviewed by the MSG, the Secretariat’s preliminary assessment is that eight of the requirements of the EITI Standard have not been fully addressed in Malawi. Two of these are unmet with inadequate or no progress. The suggested corrective actions relate to industry engagement (#1.2), work plans (#1.5), license registers (#2.3), comprehensiveness (#4.1), data quality (#4.9), distribution of revenues (#5.1), mandatory social expenditures (#6.1), and documentation of outcomes and impact of implementation (#7.4).
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of Intra-African Relations: an Analysis of the Factors Informing the Foreign Policy of Malawi Towards Zimbabwe
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by South East Academic Libraries System (SEALS) A STUDY OF INTRA-AFRICAN RELATIONS: AN ANALYSIS OF THE FACTORS INFORMING THE FOREIGN POLICY OF MALAWI TOWARDS ZIMBABWE A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SOCIAL SCIENCE IN INTERNATIONAL STUDIES at DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES RHODES UNIVERSITY by EUGENIO NJOLOMA November 2010 SUPERVISOR Ms. Georgina Barrett Abstract There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies.
    [Show full text]