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THE AUGUSTINIANS and the MANDAEANS in 17TH C. MESOPOTAMIA1 Following the Establishment of Portuguese Presence in Goa in 1510, We

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THE AUGUSTINIANS and the MANDAEANS in 17TH C. MESOPOTAMIA1 Following the Establishment of Portuguese Presence in Goa in 1510, We ARAM, 22 (2010) 335-348. doi: 10.2143/ARAM.22.0.2131044 THE AUGUSTINIANS AND THE MANDAEANS IN 17TH C. MESOPOTAMIA1 Dr. JOHN FLANNERY (Heythrop College-University of London) Abstract The Dominican Ricoldo da Montecroce described meeting the Mandaeans during his stay in Baghdad in the 13th century. They would be encountered again by Western Christians after the arrival of the Portuguese in India and the Gulf in the early 16th cen- tury, and Jesuit letters from Goa provide a hazy description of these ‘St John Chris- tians’. It would, however be members of the Augustinian Order who responded to an embassy in 1608 from Mubarak, ruler of Hawizah, now in southern Iraq. There the Mandaean religious leader offered his submission to the Augustinians, in exchange for material assistance, while clearly encouraging the misunderstanding that the Mandaeans were a Christian sect. Information provided by the returning ambassadors furnished the description of the Mandaeans and their customs published by António de Gouveia in 1611, including his own curious theory on their origins. Only in 1623 would both the Augustinians and Carmelites establish missions in Basra, where they only gradually realised that the Mandaeans were not and never had been Christians. A curious feature of these missions was their unsuccessful attempts to arrange the transmigration of large numbers of Mandaeans to territory directly under Portuguese control. The Augustinians had left Basra by 1653, and the Carmelites were soon forced to acknowledge that their Mandaean ‘converts’ were in fact still fully practising their own rites. With this realisation, proselytising ended, and this curious episode in mission history drew to a close. Following the establishment of Portuguese presence in Goa in 1510, western Christianity again began to receive reports of the Mandaeans or Sabians, who had been described briefly by the Florentine Dominican, Ricoldo da Monte- croce during his stay in Baghdad in 12902. 1 On the topic see the magisterial work of the Spanish Augustinian historian Carlos Alonso Los Mandeos y las misiones católicas en la primera mitad del s. XVII (= Orientalia Christiana Analecta 179), Pontifical Oriental Institute, Rome, 1967, and Roberto Gulbenkian ‘Relações Politico-Religiosas entre os Portugueses e os Mandeus da Baixa Mesopotâmia e do Cuzistão na Primeira Metade do Século XVII’, in Estudos Históricos II, Relações entre Portugal, Irão e Médio Oriente, Academia Portuguesa da História, Lisbon, 1965, 324-420 I acknowledge my considerable indebtedness to both texts throughout this paper. 2 The region had become accessible to Christian missionaries as a result of the tolerant reli- gious policy of the Mongol Il-Khans. 993793_Aram_22_16_Flannery.indd3793_Aram_22_16_Flannery.indd 333535 118/10/118/10/11 115:215:21 336 THE AUGUSTINIANS AND THE MANDAEANS IN 17TH C. MESOPOTAMIA These ‘St. John Christians’ are mentioned in Jesuit letters from Goa in 1555, referring to the presence in Goa of a number of Mandaean children, who pro- vided a rather hazy description of the Mandaeans as ‘natives of a province in the region of Basra, where all observe Christianity, but to what extent is not known, only that they have baptism, and among them are prelates of churches, and many ceremonies; they say that the blessed Apostle St John the Evangelist preached in that land, and converted the people there’. They are described as ‘…under the obedience of the Holy Roman Church, and with all her sacraments and rites. The Armenian Patriarch sends them their bishop. The land where they live is Basra. They are subjects of a Muslim King. This King allows them to have a church and to say Mass’3. At the third Provincial Council of Goa in 1585, mention was made of the ‘St John Christians’ as one of the many ‘Christian’ groups to be encountered there. Amongst these groups ‘the Abyssinians (os abexins)4, called the ‘St John Christians’ are those whose errors and customs are said to be most contrary to the Church of Rome. Ten years later, the Jesuit Provincial Visitor, Alexandre Valignano, also mentions the sabis (Sabians) ‘commonly called the St John Christians, who, they say are not baptised, or do not have true baptism.’5. The Augustinians had arrived late in the Portuguese East, establishing them- selves at Goa in 1573, at Hormuz, in 1575, and in the Safavid capital of Isfahan in 1602. September 1595 had seen the arrival in Goa of a new archbishop, the energetic, ambitious, and well-connected Augustinian, Dom Frei Aleixo de Meneses, who, in 1599, would preside over the controversial Synod of Diam- pur, at which the ‘St Thomas Christians’, or Syro-Malabar Christians, swore obedience to Rome6. Affairs of Church and State would frustrate Meneses’ 3 There was a small Armenian community in Basra and this account may conflate the two groups, or represent difficulties in translation. A curious confusion between the Armenians of Basra and the Mandaeans is also apparent in a later letter of Philip IV to his viceroy in India. Boletim da filmoteca ultramarina português, no. 9, Lisbon, 330. 4 These are in fact earlier mentioned in the first two Councils of Goa as being among foreign Christians who visit Portuguese India, but without any identification of them as ‘St John Christians’. See J H Cunha Rivara (ed.) Archivo Português Oriental, 7 vols. Nova Goa, Imprensa Nacional, 1857-1876, fasc. 4, pp. 29-30, 99, 141, 143-144, cited in Gulbenkian Estudos Históricos II, p. 347- 347, notes 54 and 55. 5 Josef Wicki SJ (ed). O Livro do ‘Pai dos Cristãos’, Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultrama- rinos, Lisbon, 1969, 23. 6 The visit of Meneses to the Malabar coast is described in the celebrated Jornada of António de Gouveia published in Coimbra in 1606. The text of the Synod is included. The biography of Meneses; Carlos Alonso OSA, Aleixo de Meneses OSA, Arzobispo de Goa (1595-1612), Vallado- lid, Estudio Agustiniano, 1992, esp. 55-172, endeavours to set the Synod of Diampur in its his- torical context, and to rehabilitate his reputation in the eyes of those who see the Synod only as a disastrous and unwarranted interference by Rome in the affairs of another Church (as for example Jonas Thaliath The Synod of Diamper series: Orientalia Christiana Analecta 152 (1958), Rome, Pontifical Institute for Oriental Studies, where the canonical validity of the Synod’s decrees are 993793_Aram_22_16_Flannery.indd3793_Aram_22_16_Flannery.indd 333636 118/10/118/10/11 115:215:21 J. FLANNERY 337 desire to visit the Mandaeans in person, but members of his Order would be the first western missionaries to make significant contact with them. The circumstances which made this possible, are detailed in the 1611 account7 of the Augustinian chronicler António de Gouveia, who relates that the Man- daeans at the Persian court, impressed by the Augustinians’ efforts to alleviate the suffering of the Armenians deported there by ‘Abbas in 1604-1605, and by ‘how the Shah and his nobles deferred to their requests’, had petitioned the Augustinians at Isfahan and Hormuz for assistance, saying that the Mandaeans ‘were Christians, and perhaps the most oppressed by infidels in all the world, and no less needy than the Armenians’8. By the end of 1607 the archbishop of Goa had already decided to send missionaries to the Mandaeans9, although none travelled with the ships of 1608, probably delayed by Meneses’ own desire to accompany them. Coincidentally, in March of 1608, an embassy arrived in Goa from Said Mubarak, the Arab ruler of the city and kingdom of Hawizah, in what is now southern Iraq, seeking Portuguese assistance in taking the strategic port of Basra from the Ottomans. The ambassadors were a Muslim confidant10 of the king, and Gonçalo de Abreu, a convert to Christianity, who was a nephew of Simon, a religious leader of the Mandaeans11. Gouveia informs us that the Mandaeans were ‘very cruelly tyrannised’ under Mubarak: ‘The tributes they pay are exces- sive…. They work without payment on royal and public projects, on which they do most or all of the work’12 Delayed for some months in Goa, the ambassadors called into question). The traditional europeanising and latinising missionary approach favoured by the Padroado and supported by the Portuguese ecclesiastical and military establishment is contrasted with the methods of inculturation espoused by some Jesuit and Franciscan missionar- ies in João Teles e Cunha ‘De Diamper a Mattancherry: Caminhos e encruzilhadas da Igreja Malabar e Católica na Índia. Os Primeiros Tempos (1599-1624)’ Anais de História de Além-mar V (Lisbon), 2004, 283-386. 7 Relaçam em que se tratam as guerras e grandes victórias que alcançou o grande rey de Per- sia Xa ‘Abbas do grão Turco Mehemetto & seu filho Amethe as quaes resultarão das Embaxada que por mandado da Catholica Real Majestade de Rey D. Felippe II de Portugal fizerão alguns Religiosas da Ordem dos Ermitas de Santo Agostinho à Persia, Lisbon, 1611 (hereinafter Relaçam); French tr. by A. de Meneses Relation des grandes guerres …, Rouen, 1646. 8 Relaçam f. 188v. 9 As is clear from the letter of Giovanni Antica to the Propaganda dated 31st December 1607 (Arch. Vat. Borghese, vol. 86, fols. 251-252, given in Carlos Alonso ‘Documentación inédita para una biografía de Fr. Alejo de Meneses, OSA, Arzobispo de Goa’ Analecta Augustiniana 27 (1964), 263-333, see 314-315. Antica’s claim that the St John Christians had offered their obedi- ence ‘nuovamente’ to Rome would appear questionable, as Meneses in his report from Lisbon in November 1611 informs the pope that the missionaries visiting Hawizah had been unable to obtain the obedience ‘which they had formerly promised’ Bibl. Vat. Barb. lat. 8576, fols. 37-38, ibid., pp. 329. 10 Unnamed in Gouveia’s text.
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