Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 17, No. 2, pp. 153-173 (1995).

Cabrillo, the Chumash, and Old World Diseases

JON M. ERLANDSON, Dept. of Anthropology, Univ. of Oregon, Eugene, OR 97403. KEVIN BARTOY, Dept. of History, Univ. of Oregon, Eugene. OR 97403.

Focusing on the Chumash, we examine the potential impacts of Old World epidemic diseases on protohistoric peoples of the southern California coast. Our study indicates that: (1) coastal peoples would have been highly susceptible to Old World disease epidemics; (2) native contacts with several sixteenth and seventeenth century European maritime expeditions were extensive; and (3) Old World diseases also were closing in on protohistoric California from the Southwest, Mexico, and Baja California. There is little clear evidence that Old World diseases devastated California's coastal tribes in the protohistoric period, but archaeologists have invested little energy searching for such evidence. We propose three models of protohistoric disease impacts to be tested with archaeological data, examine some problems in identifying protohistoric archaeological components along the California coast, and outline some archaeological patterns that might be linked to disease epidemics and associated cultural changes.

Seemingly all the changes were minor: a few effectively integrate native American perspec­ European words in the languages, a few children of tives into historical reconstructions. mixed blood, a few iron knives and pieces of cloth, perhaps a few ideas about the Christian religion. The evidence for protohistoric disease epi­ Otherwise, there is little or nothing to indicate an demics must be uncovered in different ways than important European influence among the Indians of their historic counterparts. Due to the sporadic California prior to the eighteenth century. nature of protohistoric contacts between Euro­ [Kelsey 1985:502] peans and native Americans, few Old World dis­ ease epidemics were noted in the generally scanty written records of early explorers. Na­ J; OR the historical period, documentary evi­ tive oral histories can provide tantalizing clues dence provides a tragic portrait of the devas­ (see Walker and Hudson 1993:20), but scholars tating effects of Old World diseases on native must rely primarily on the archaeological record American tribes. For decades, anthropologists, for signs of Old World diseases during protohis­ demographers, and historians have debated toric times. whether such diseases had a significant impact So far, data from California have been mar­ on native Americans during the "protohistoric" ginal to this debate, although a number of schol­ period of European exploration, in some cases ars has mentioned the possibility of protohis­ even before Indian people had direct contact toric epidemics (e.g.. Brown 1967:78; Thornton with Europeans. Recently, this debate was 1987:84; Stannard 1992:24; Walker and Johnson revitalized by a number of publications (e.g., 1992:128). The lack of significant attention to Dobyns 1983; Upham 1986; Ramenofsky 1987; the possibility of protohistoric disease epidemics Thornton 1987; Stannard 1989), by a renewed along the California coast is surprising given the emphasis on contact history stimulated by the fact that this area, beginning in A.D. 1542, was 500-year anniversary of Columbus's belated the scene of some of the earliest European con­ "discovery" of the New World (see Thomas tacts with native Americans along the Pacific 1989, 1990, 1991), and by the desire to more coast of North America. 154 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Santa Barbara

-n

O SANTA

O Cuyler Harbor o . ^ m -<^zy*^ > San Miguel "::••••;•' ;<~^ Island '^^ -z. T^:^rrrr^.Sahta Cruz yrr^SanXa Rosa . Island Island

Fig. 1. The Santa Barbara Chaimel area, showing Cuyler Harbor on San Miguel Island, where Cabrillo appears to have wintered in A.D. 1542-43.

The best documented of California's coastal no detailed study of (1) the susceptibility of the tribes are the Chumash Indians of the Santa protohistoric Chumash to Old World disease epi­ Barbara Channel area (Fig. 1), for whom a demics, (2) the specific potential for disease wealth of historical, ethnographic, and archaeo­ transmission during protohistoric contacts be­ logical data is available. Most accounts of the tween the Chumash and European expeditions, Chumash and their neighbors discount or ignore or (3) the problems associated with identifying the possible effects of protohistoric European evidence for protohistoric disease epidemics and contacts on southern California's coastal tribes associated cultural changes along the California (e.g., Landberg 1965:19; Kelsey 1985; King coast. 1990; Gibson 1991:67). In fact, many studies of This paper explores whether the Chumash and contact begin in A.D. 1769, over 225 years after their neighbors were likely to have been affected the Chumash first had sustained contact with by protohistoric contacts (either direct or in­ Europeans. To our knowledge, there has been direct) with Old World diseases. It includes a CABRILLO, THE CHUMASH, AND OLD WORLD DISEASES 155 discussion of the susceptibility of the proto­ A DEMOGRAPfflC DEBATE historic coastal Chumash to epidemic diseases, The effects of European contact on native then examines in detail Chumash contact history American societies have been debated for dec­ between A.D. 1542 and A.D. 1769. Our focus ades. Ramenofsky (1987:1) aptly summarized a is on the Chumash because: (1) they lived in century-old debate about the size of North numerous relatively large villages with extensive American populations prior to European contact: intervillage interaction, traits that made them susceptible to the spread of epidemic diseases; Three issues are at the heart of the debate (1) (2) they had relatively substantial protohistoric precontact population size and magnitude of post- contact decline; (2) timing of the decline relative contact with Europeans, especially with mem­ to the earliest census counts; and (3) role of in­ bers of Cabrillo's expedition of A.D. 1542-43; fectious disease in that decline. Ethnologists of the (3) they buried their dead without cremation American Historical School (Helm 1965, 1980; Kroeber 1934, 1939; Steward 1949) generally take (unlike many of their Uto-Aztecan neighbors), a conservative position on these issues. They do allowing detailed studies of health patterns not accord disease a major role in the early post- among historic, protohistoric, and prehistoric contact period, but date the recognized onset of groups; and (4) there is considerable archaeo­ aboriginal decline subsequent to historical docu­ mentation and sustained European settlement. logical and ethnographic information available Ethnohistorians, typified by Dobyns (1966, 1981, from the Santa Barbara Channel area. In many 1983) and Krech (1978, 1983) and historical ways, however, the Chumash were similar to demographers, such as Cook (1976) and Borah California's other coastal tribes, and aspects of (1976), envision an entirely different sequence of events during the contact period. They assume in­ this analysis could just as easily be tested against fectious diseases, a major cause in the destruction archaeological data up and down the coasts of of aboriginal populations, reached regional groups Baja and Alta California. decades, if not centuries, prior to historical doc­ umentation. Consequently, even the earliest cen­ The purpose of this paper is not to prove or sus counts may describe populations as much as disprove that protohistoric epidemics of Old 95 % reduced from precontact maxima. . . . Given World diseases significantly affected the Chu­ contrasts between positions, it is no wonder that mash and their neighbors. Rather, we hope to for A.D. 1492, suggested totals for aboriginal North America range from 0.9 million (Kroeber stimulate research and debate on the effects of 1939) to 18 million (Dobyns 1983). protohistoric European contact on California's coastal tribes. By heightening awareness of The polarized nature of this debate has been some of the problems involved in such research, emphasized in a number of recent publications it is hoped that anthropologists and other schol­ (see Dobyns 1989; Henige 1989; Snow and ars will be prompted to examine or reexamine Lamphear 1989), but some scholars have begun the archaeological record for the protohistoric to search for a middle ground. Milner (1980) period along the California coast. Ultimately, and Blakely and Detweiler-Blakely (1989) sug­ knowing the effects of protohistoric European gested, for instance, that Old World disease contacts on California tribes has major impli­ probably spread to native American populations, cations for reconstructing the size of prehistoric but not as a radiating wave that left every tribe native California populations, comprehending the and region devastated in its wake. Instead, they magnitude of the death and destruction that fol­ proposed that diseases followed "corridors of lowed European contact, and assessing the valid­ least resistance, occasionally dying out in cul-de- ity of ethnographic models for precontact socie­ sacs" (Blakely and Detweiler-Blakely 1989:62). ties of the California coast. Such cul-de-sacs may have been caused by geo- 156 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY graphical barriers, environmental conditions ing results (e.g., Blakely 1988; Snow and (Upham 1986), and the reduced viability of Lamphear 1989; Campbell 1990; Ramenofsky disease transmission due to lower population 1990; Milner 1992). densities or reduced interaction. Ramenofsky DISEASE SUSCEPTIBILITY AND (1987:168-171) called these "diffusion vectors" CHUMASH DEMOGRAPHY and considered them critical to the direction and speed of the spread of epidemic diseases. Throughout the New World, Australia, and A classic example of a geographically "con­ the Pacific Islands, indigenous peoples were dev­ fined" epidemic occurred historically in western astated by Old World epidemic diseases to which North America. In the 1830s, mosquito-borne they had no immunities. According to Ramenof­ malaria spread from the Columbia Plateau, sky (1987:4), "in the absence of medical assis­ through the Willamette Valley in Oregon, and tance, initial introductions of infectious parasites into the Central Valley of California, killing tens typically result in large-scale epidemics with of thousands of native Americans before it ran mortality ranging from 30 to 100%." Indige­ its course (Thornton 1987:124-125). By the nous societies exposed to repeated epidemic dis­ time substantial numbers of American settlers ease outbreaks, particularly when combined with entered the Willamette Valley two decades later, colonial domination and dispossession, some­ and long before any accurate estimates of the na­ times experienced population losses of 95% or tive American population were collected, the Ka- more during the decades after initial contact lapuya Indians had been devastated by a succes­ (Stannard 1992:x). sion of Old World disease epidemics that effec­ Recent studies have suggested that native peo­ tively preceded the written history of the valley. ples most susceptible to Old World epidemic dis­ Until recently, debate about the effects of eases were those with high population densities, early European contacts on native American so­ who lived in relatively large sedentary com­ cieties was largely the province of ethnohis­ munities, and participated in extensive trade torians and historical demographers. Milner networks or other types of intervillage contact (1980:47-48) called for the application of ar­ (Ramenofsky 1987:162-171; Stannard 1991:523- chaeological data to help resolve such issues: 524; Dobyns 1992). AH other factors being equal, such societies were much more likely to until archaeological data is marshalled to evaluate the impact of . . . epidemics, however, discus­ contract and transmit epidemic diseases than sions of disease as an important agent in process­ sparse populations organized in small bands hav­ es of change remain little more than unsubstan­ ing relatively limited external contacts. Other tiated, although perhaps intuitively pleasing, just- factors affecting a population's susceptibility to so stories. epidemic diseases include the history of prior Ramenofsky (1982, 1987) provided compel­ disease exposure (with the development of par­ ling archaeological and historical evidence that tial or total immunities among the survivors), the Old World diseases decimated native American overall health of a population at the time of societies in die Southeast during the sixteenth exposure to newly introduced epidemic diseases, century, but also warned that the potential and the demographic structure of a population effects of protohistoric disease epidemics should (children, the sick, and the elderly are par­ be evaluated region by region and group by ticularly likely to be killed by most new and group. Since that time, archaeological data have virulent epidemic diseases). been used to evaluate the effects of Old World West of the Sierra Nevada, California Indians diseases on native American societies with vary­ were renowned for large populations supported CABRILLO, THE CHUMASH, AND OLD WORLD DISEASES 157 by a diverse and productive food base. Esti­ of neighboring tribes was required. It is these mated population densities for the Santa Barbara potential "vectors of death" (Ramenofsky 1987) Channel area are among the highest in aboriginal that are the focus of this paper. Our analysis of California, with an average of at least 8.8 people the record of protohistoric contacts between na­ per km.^ along the mainland coast (Glassow and tive Californians and members of early Euro­ Wilcoxon 1988:39). The coastal Chumash and pean expeditions is based on the classic and Gabrielefio epitomized the type of hunter- authoritative syntheses of Henry Wagner (1929, gatherer society most susceptible to the spread of 1941), as well as Paez's synopsis of Cabrillo's Old World epidemic diseases. They lived in log (Moriarity and Keistman 1968). large and closely spaced coastal towns, with ex­ CONTACTS WITH EARLY tensive social, political, and economic inter­ action between coastal communities and their EUROPEAN EXPEDITIONS interior neighbors (see Landberg 1965; Johnson The protohistoric period of the southern Cali­ 1988a). The Chumash and their neighbors had fornia coast consists of the 227-year interval highly developed trade networks, facilitated by between Cabrillo's voyage in A.D. 1542 and the the use of shell bead money, the tomol (plank initiation of Spanish settlement and administra­ boat), and extensive trail networks (King 1971; tion that began with the overland Portoli expedi­ Arnold 1992a). tion in A.D. 1769. Although European explora­ The residents of Chumash towns were allied tion took place by both land and sea during this into political federations led by capital towns in period (e.g., the Ulloa, Urdaneta, Drake, and which annual fiestas were held. During the win­ Gali expeditions), only four well-documented ter, these fiestas brought together large numbers maritime voyages are known to have contacted of people from many different villages. Inter­ the Chumash and their neighbors during the six­ marriage between villages was also widely prac­ teenth and seventeenth centuries.' These were ticed (Johnson 1988a). Warfare and raiding re­ led by Cabrillo in A.D. 1542-43, de Unamuno portedly were conunon during the protohistoric in 1587, Cermeno in 1595, and Vizcaino in and historic periods (Landberg 1965:30; Brown 1602-03. During the 1600s, however, the Chu­ 1967:75-76), and skeletal analyses indicate that mash and their neighbors may have had contact violence was common during late prehistoric with other Spanish vessels crossing the Pacific as times as well (Walker 1989; Lambert and Wal­ part of the Manila Galleon trade (Walker and ker 1991:970). Finally, paleopathological stud­ Johnson 1992:128). These galleons, which car­ ies also suggest that the Chumash and their ried Spanish cargoes from Southeast Asia to the neighbors suffered from a variety of metabolic New World, generally followed favorable trade disorders related to periodic resource shortages, winds across the North Pacific. Usually encoun­ crowding, and sanitation problems (Walker and tering the California coast around Monterey, the Lambert 1989:210; Lambert and Walker 1991: galleons sailed south to Spanish ports in Mexico. 967). Manila galleon crews must have reprovisioned These characteristics suggest that the proto­ themselves occasionally with fresh water and historic Chumash and their neighbors would food along the California coast, but contacts have been highly susceptible to epidemics of Old (and opportunities for disease transmission) with World diseases (Walker and Hudson 1993:23). native Californians probably were limited. Long For such diseases to have affected California's trans-Pacific sea voyages also could have ex­ coastal peoples, however, direct contact with hausted the communicability of some acute dis­ disease-carrying Europeans or infected members eases (influenza?) characterized by a rapid 158 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY development and recovery. From Navidad, Cabrillo sailed up the Pacific More likely circumstances for Old World coast of Mexico, Baja California, and Alta Cali­ disease transmission occurred during the four fornia, repeatedly contacting native peoples. On historically documented voyages, all of which October 10, the fleet sailed into Chumash terri­ sailed from Mexican or Philippine ports rife tory at a village they called Las Canoas, prob­ with Old World epidemic diseases. The disease ably located near Mugu Lagoon or Ventura. For history of Mexico was forever altered with the next eight days, the Spaniards sailed, an­ Cortez's subjugation of the Aztec and their chored, and exchanged gifts with the friendly neighbors. Between about A.D. 1520 and A.D. occupants of the "thickly populated" (Moriarity 1595, waves of epidemic diseases (probably in­ and Keistman 1968:11) coast between Las Can­ cluding smallpox, measles, mumps, influenza, oas and Cape Galera. Between Cape Galera— plague, and typhus) devastated native peoples almost certainly Point Conception—and Las Can­ over broad areas of central Mexico and Guate­ oas, Chumash people provided names for rough­ mala (Dobyns 1989; Cook and Lovell 1991:47, ly 40 mainland towns (Moriarity and Keistman 59). During the conquest of Mexico, plague and 1968:10, 12). On October 18, strong winds smallpox epidemics spread by Spanish soldiers from the northwest forced the ships offshore, may have killed a third of the people of the where they found islands, including "one so Guatemalan highlands (Kelsey 1986). In 1535, large that it must be eight leagues from east to Cortez described "distressing deaths from . . . west, and the other about four leagues. On the disease" in the La Paz colony along the Pacific small one there is a good port and villages. The Coast of Mexico (Holmes 1963:76). In the four islands are ten leagues from the mainland, and sections that follow, we summarize the extent are called the islands of San Lucas" (Moriarity and nature of protohistoric contacts between the and Keistman 1968:11). During a fierce storm, members of the four documented Spanish mari­ Cabrillo's ships spent a week anchored on the time expeditions and the coastal tribes of south­ island "farthest windward which has a very ern California. Unless otherwise noted, the data good port inside which no bad effects will be presented are based on Wagner's (1929) classic felt in any kind of sea weather. They named it account of the four voyages. Posesion" (Wagner 1929:87). Numerous schol­ ars have agreed that the islands of San Lucas The Cabrillo Expedition, A.D. 1542-43 were the northern Channel Islands and that The first expedition known to have contacted Posesion was San Miguel Island (e.g., Bancroft the Chumash left the Spanish port of Navidad on 1884; Wagner 1941; Bolton 1952). June 27, 1542, with two or three ships com­ On October 25, the ships left these islands, manded by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo. Unfortu­ struggled to round Cape Galera, then explored nately, the original log of Cabrillo's voyage was the coast to the north for eight days without lost (Wagner 1941) and Paez's summary (Mori­ anchoring or making contact. On November 1, arity and Keistman 1968) is sketchy, at times strong northwesterly winds forced them back to contradictory, with latitudinal reference points Cape Galera, where they went ashore at a large that are clearly in error. This has led to some town called Xexo (Cojo?). They then proceeded confusion about the precise location of many to a town called "Sardinas" (Cicacut, at Santa place names mentioned in the log, problems am­ Barbara?). For three days the Spaniards re­ plified by difficulties in translating native place plenished their stocks of wood and water, as­ names into Spanish, and Spanish accounts into sisted by the occupants of Sardinas. While at English. Sardinas, a female captain and "many other CABRILLO, THE CHUMASH, AND OLD WORLD DISEASES 159

Indians" spent two nights aboard one of Ca­ high seas and waves which blocked the harbor brillo's ships (Moriarity and Keistman 1968:12). entrance. The ships became separated and one On November 6, the expedition left Sardinas, ar­ sheltered in the lee of San Sebastian for three riving at Cape Galera four days later. Along the days. On March 8, the ship sailed to the town way, "they made use of the Indians, who came of Canoas, where they brought four Indians on board with water and fish, and appeared very aboard. The next day they departed for San Sal­ friendly" (Moriarity and Keistman 1968:12). vador, thought by most scholars to be Santa From November 11 to November 23, Ca­ Catalina Island, and left Chumash territory en brillo again sailed north along the central route to Navidad. California coast. Encountering stormy seas and During their five-month voyage along the weather, the Spaniards apparently did not anchor California coast, members of the Cabrillo ex­ or go ashore. On November 23, they returned pedition spent most of their time in Chumash to the port of Posesion and the islands of San territory, repeatedly exchanging goods with the Lucas. It is almost universally accepted that Chumash, bringing Chumash people aboard, and Cabrillo and his men then wintered among the sheltering for extended periods in harbors ad­ Chumash.^ From November 23 to January 19, jacent to populous Chumash villages. Sexual 1543, they sheltered their ships on the northern contacts—either forced or consensual—almost Charmel Islands, probably at Cuyler Harbor on certainly took place between crew members and San Miguel Island (Bancroft 1884:77; Kroeber the Chumash, and opportunities for the exchange 1925; Wagner 1929:90, 1941:18, 20). On Jan­ of epidemic diseases must have been numerous. uary 3, 1543, Cabrillo died "as a result of a fall" (Moriarity and Keistman 1968:14) and was The de Unamuno Expedition, A.D. 1587 buried on Posesion. About two weeks later, his Around July 12, 1587, a singlQ Jrigata com­ men sailed for the mainland, but foul weather manded by Pedro de Unamuno left the Philip­ forced them to shelter behind the island they pines to return to Mexico. De Unamuno's expe­ called San Sebastian (probably Santa Cruz Is­ dition, with a crew of Portuguese, Spaniards, land). The ships circled the islands for eight and Luzon natives, took a northerly route across days, returning to Posesion on January 27. Two the Pacific to explore portions of the California days later, the Spaniards went to San Lucas coast. On September 3, de Unamuno's ship was (Santa Rosa Island?) to retrieve anchors left damaged. The "masts were sprung, the vessel behind and to take on water.' They remained was small, and those aboard had little protection, there until February 12, when they sailed to the not having come as well prepared to resist the mainland town of Sardinas and spent two days cold and wet as was advisable" (Wagner 1929: obtaining a boatload of wood. On February 14, 142). Cabrillo's men, now commanded by Bartolome After almost three months in passage, de Ferrero, sailed to San Sebastian and spent five Unamuno's crew sighted land blanketed in fog. days before sailing northward to further explore On October 18, they saw many fires onshore the California coast. while anchored in what was probably Morro Bay On February 18, one of the sailors died of in Obispeiio Chumash territory. Here was "an unknown causes. For two weeks, the expedition unlimited quantity of fish of different kinds, battled the elements, fighting their way up the trees suitable for masts, water, firewood, and coast, and searching in vain for a sheltered har­ abundant shell-fish with all of which a ship in bor. On March 5, they returned to the island of need could supply itself (Wagner 1929:143). Posesion, but could not enter the port due to On this same day, an expedition party spotted 160 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY two Indians onshore and decided to investigate. The Cermeno Expedition, A.D. 1595-96 The shore party included de Unamuno, 12 sol­ diers in chain mail with harquebuses, Filipino On July 5, 1595, Sebastian Rodriguez Cer- crew members armed with swords and shields, meiio, a Portuguese captain, left Manila in com­ and a priest who preceded the group carrying a mand of a single ship (Wagner 1929). His in­ cross. They encountered five Indians but could tent was to explore the California coast as far not catch them. They found some bundles the north as possible en route to Acapulco. Cer- Indians had left behind, however, and exchanged merio sailed with a crew of Spanish, Portuguese, two handkerchiefs for a single deerskin. Before Filipino, and "Negro" sailors. After stops in returning to the ship, they claimed the land for Corregidor and Luzon, they left for Alta Cali­ Spain and may have recorded the first historical fornia on July 27. They battled hurricanes and note of a California shell midden, describing a poor weather before sighting the California coast "great quantity" of shellfish remains located on on November 4, probably somewhere between a hill (Wagner 1929:144). Cape St. George and Trinidad Head (Wagner The next morning, de Unamuno, 12 sol­ 1929:369). Due to die rugged coastline and diers, 8 Filipinos, and a priest followed a trail to rough waters, Cermeiio remained half a league an empty village of 17 semisubterranean houses. to two leagues offshore while sailing south. After exploring this village, the shore party Battered by a storm, they spotted smoke and fire continued up the trail. Finding no people or on the land but did not stop until they anchored, minerals, they camped ashore en route back to probably at what is now known as Drake's Bay. the ship. On October 20, they marched a league Many Indians appeared on the beach, one visit­ and a half to another abandoned village with 30 ing the ship in a small boat similar to a "cacate houses, where they found baskets, cordage net [tule balsa?] of the Lake of Mexico" (Wagner bags, and stored seeds. After fruitlessly search­ 1929:157-158). The Spaniards gave the visi­ ing for the inhabitants, the Spaniards were re­ tor—who stayed on board for some time—cotton turning to the ship when they were ambushed by cloth, silk, and a red cap. Chumash warriors. A Spaniard and a Filipino The next day, four Indians in boats came were killed, and many persons were wounded on alongside the ship, receiving cotton cloth and both sides. The bodies of the dead crewmen taffetas from Cermeiio. After the visitors were not recovered. departed, Cermeno went ashore with 22 men, While de Unamuno was inland, at least six claimed the land for Spain, and marched inland men from his ship went ashore on October 19 to to a village occupied by about 50 adults and an replenish stocks of wood and water (Wagner unknownnumber of children. Cermeno observed 1929:148-149). The men were confronted by 23 that the natives relied heavily on seeds, crabs, Chumash Indians who took clothes, water casks, birds, and large deer. Accompanied by two or biscuits, and other items. A skirmish ensued more villagers, the party continued inland for with little injury to either side. With little half a league where they were confronted by a powder and few men, the Spaniards decided not band of hostile Indians. After the situation was to go ashore again to fight the Chumash or re­ defused, the Spaniards embraced the Indians and trieve their property. Instead, they sailed south gave them sashes. In return, the natives gave on October 21. Poor weather prevented explo­ the Spaniards their bows and arrows. The shore ration of the coast on their voyage, and they party continued inland to the top of a hill and arrived in Acapulco on November 22. encountered a man, woman, and child who en- CABRILLO, THE CHUMASH, AND OLD WORLD DISEASES 161 tertained them and gave them acorns. Seeing no The next day, Cermeno made it to the island more settlements from this hill, the Spaniards of San Martin, where the crew anchored and returned to the beach and fixed camp, building went ashore to a village for food and water. an entrenchment for defense. Indians repeatedly They brought back cakes made from a yellow visited this camp, where they talked and re­ root (agave?), which caused sickness among ceived gifts. some of the crew (Wagner 1929:372). To es­ At this point, the narrative contains large cape high winds, the Spaniards anchored off the gaps and a confusing chronology. It is unclear south coast on December 17, where they ob­ how long the party first camped on the beach, tained tuna, wild onions, and water from the but on November 15, Cermeno, eight soldiers, natives. They left the island on December 22, and a scrivener explored Drake's Bay by boat. and sailed to the Mexican port of Chacala or They sighted three substantial Indian villages and Navidad, arriving on January 7, 1596. reportedly clashed with natives who fired arrows The Vizcaino Voyage, A.D. 1602-03 at them, wounding a Spaniard. After firing their guns to scare off the Indians, the Spaniards re­ Three ships commanded by Sebastian Viz­ portedly took their food. The next entry is caino left Puerto de Acapulco on May 5, 1602. dated November 30 and follows the loss of Cer- The ships carried crews of sailors, soldiers, merio's ship and much of his crew. It appears priests, and possibly slaves. Heading north­ that the survivors were based at the beach en­ ward, they followed the coast of New Spain, campment following the wreck. battling northwesterly winds. On May 19, the On December 8, the survivors left Drake's ships reached Navidad, where they loaded bal­ Bay in a launch and proceeded south. Coasting last and supplies before departing three days to the southeast, Cermeiio noted a bare and later. They anchored near Cabo San Lucas in empty landscape until December 12 when he an­ Baja California on June 8, and in Puerto de San chored in front of villages that were probably in Bernabe on June 11. At least 17 men went Obispeno Chumash territory. The Indians here ashore here, where reportedly apprehensive shouted "Christianos" and "Mexico," leading Indians embraced the friars and accepted gifts of Wagner (1929:372) to believe that they were biscuits, glass beads, looking glasses, and other from the same tribe encountered by the de Una­ items. Due to unfavorable weather, Vizcaino's muno expedition. The Spaniards exchanged men stayed at San Bernabe until July 5, where cloth and taffetas for desperately needed food, they had daily contact with the Indians. then sailed south on December 13, the crew Continuing northward, two of the ships "sick and weak" (Wagner 1929:161). After entered the Baja port of Magdalena on July 16. rounding Point Conception the next day, Cer­ They stayed at Magdalena for 13 days, where meiio followed the southeast-trending coast and the Indians brought gifts of incense and shell­ "discovered" two islands (probably San Miguel fish. Leaving on July 28, they anchored off a and Santa Rosa). They anchored off the south port called Ballenas two days later. Many coast of what Wagner (1929:372) believed was Indians were on the beach, but the surf kept the San Miguel Island, where two Chumash Indians Spaniards from sending boats ashore. An ensign traded fish and a seal for silk and cotton cloth. who swam ashore was "badly treated by the sea, On December 15, Cermefio noted many fires, from which originated a sickness which ended board boats, and people on the islands. Unable his life" (Wagner 1929:208). The fleet left to find food, however, he and his crew weighed Ballenas early in August, after the seas had anchor and sailed southward. calmed. Upon arrival at the Isla de Cedros on 162 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

August 27, the Spaniards had little or no direct glimpse of the northern Channel Islands. These contact with the Indians, who constantly shouted islands were densely populated and their resi­ for them to leave. The fleet left Cedros on dents traded with each other and mainland peo­ September 9 and reached the mainland two days ples. As the fleet passed between the islands later. As the Spaniards sailed northward, the and the mainland, a tomol came out with a crew land reportedly was filled with Indians. Con­ that included a capitan. The Indians came tacts with these peoples were peaceful until aboard Vizcaino's ships, where the Chumash October 28, when a skirmish at a place referred leader indicated that Indians from Santa Catalina to as "Baia de San Simeon y Judas" may have had traveled to his settlement and told of the killed four Indians and wounded many others. arrival of the Spaniards. Seeking gifts, the Before the ships left this anchorage on October Indian leader tried to coax the Spaniards ashore 30, the Indians offered gifts and made peace. by offering 10 women to each man to "serve Vizcaino's ships appear to have arrived in and entertain them" (Wagner 1929:240). Viz­ the San Diego area on November 10. Suspicious caino gave gifts to the Indians, who left the ship. at first, a group of Indians offered their weapons A favorable southeast wind arose that night, to Father Antonio (who was supported by six however, and the fleet apparenfly weighed an­ soldiers) in exchange for the embraces of the chor without having gone ashore. padre, colored glass, cord, and ribbon. The Sailing through the Santa Barbara Charmel on Spaniards and Indians exchanged goods and food December 3, a northwesterly storm separated the peaceably for 10 days, until the fleet again sailed ships and some or all appear to have sheltered northward. On the ships, "there were many around the islands. A tomol with two Indians sick among the men, and some already had and a small boy from San Miguel visited one of died," probably from scurvy (Wagner 1929: the ships, but the extent of their interaction is 234). unknown. With calmer weather on December 5, Along the coast, the Spaniards saw many two of the ships sailed from the islands to fires and Indians, and the people reportedly explore and map the mainland coast, while the gestured for them to come ashore. No suitable third ship seems to have remained among the anchorage was found, however, and no direct Channel Islands. Vizcaino most likely rounded contacts appear to have been made. On Novem­ Point Conception on December 8, the feast day of La Purfsima Concepci6n de Nuestra Sefiora. ber 25, the crews sighted San Clemente and Sailing northward, the two ships were visited by Santa Catalina islands. Vizcaino anchored at four "rush canoes" (probably tule reed boats) Santa Catalina, most likely at Avalon, where the with two Indians in each. The Indians traded crew "ran all over the island." Vizcaino re­ fish for clothing and food. The next day, more portedly brought six eight- to ten-year-old girls Indians from the same tribe came out and invited aboard "dressed them in shirts and drawers, the Spaniards ashore. They were given bead gave them some necklaces and sent them back" necklaces, clothes, and food. Vizcaino's third (Wagner 1929:401). Many other Indians came ship rejoined the fleet on December 11, the crew aboard, and some had to be forced to leave reporting that the islanders had entertained them when the fleet departed on December 1. (Wagner 1929). Vizcaino continued to explore nearby is­ lands, probably Santa Barbara and San Nicolas. The fleet continued northward, frequently in From one of these, "a line of islands large, foggy weather, with no more Indian contacts un­ small and of medium size" (Wagner 1929:239) til anchoring in Monterey Bay on December 16. was sighted, almost certainly Vizcaino's first Monterey reportedly was "surrounded by settle- CABRILLO, THE CHUMASH, AND OLD WORLD DISEASES 163 ments of affable Indians . . . willing to give World diseases to California natives, but the what they have" (Wagner 1929:247). By this spread of sexually transmitted diseases like time, however, so many of the crew members syphilis and gonorrhea seems particularly likely. were sick, dying, or dead of scurvy that the Undocumented or indirect contacts during this ships split up. On December 29, Vizcaino sent period may also have spread deadly Old World one vessel to Mexico with the sickest crewmen. diseases to Indian peoples of the California After more than two weeks in Monterey, the two coast. Even though no documented land expedi­ other vessels sailed northward on January 3, tions contacted the protohistoric Chumash, such 1603. expeditions gready affected Indian tribes of the After the two ships were separated, Vizcaino southwest United States and Baja California. In entered the "Puerto de San Francisco" to search 1535-36, a small group of men led by Alvar for Cermeiio's wreckage. They do not appear to Nuiiez Cabeza de Vaca traveled through "Texas, have landed, however, sailing north to Cape Chihuahua, and Sonora to the Pacific Coast" Mendocino on January 12. Heavy storms forced (Bancroft 1884:7) after escaping slavery on the the ship out to sea and, with most of his men Texas coast. In 1539, a Spanish expedition to sick or dying, Vizcaino decided to return to Zuiii, led by Marcos de Niza, had extensive con­ Mexico. On January 19, they sailed south and tacts with Pueblo peoples. Following rumors of noted that the land "seemed to be all inhabited cities of vast wealth existing north of New by Indians" (Wagner 1929:256). Around the Spain, Francisco Vasquez de Coronado jour­ Santa Barbara Channel, six Chumash came neyed northward with 3(X) Spaniards and 800 aboard the ship, exchanged gifts, and left. Mesoamerican Indians in 1540-42. This expedi­ Vizcaino then set sail for the Isla de Cedros. tion visited many pueblos in the American Off Santa Catalina, Indians came aboard and Southwest, and may have reached Kansas. Fore­ exchanged fish and sealskins for necklaces of shadowing future Spanish colonial oppression, glass beads, scissors, and other trinkets. These Coronado massacred hundreds, possibly thou­ Indians spent the night on the ship, but were sands, of I*ueblo Indians (Gutierrez 1991:45). caught with stolen goods in the morning and sent Within decades, Spanish conquest and mis- ashore (Wagner 1929:257). By this time, only sionization began in New Mexico and Baja Cali­ three or four sailors were strong enough to work fornia. In 1598, an expedition of soldiers, ci­ the sails. Around February 14, Vizcaino's ship vilians, and priests led by Don Juan de Onate reached Cabo San Lucas, and arrived in Aca­ began to establish Franciscan missions among pulco on March 21. The other vessel, whose the Pueblo peoples in New Mexico. These mis­ route and contacts during the intervening 11 sions became centers for the spread of disease. weeks are unrecorded, arrived in Acapulco soon Stodder and Martin (1992:66) listed at least 15 after. epidemics of Old World diseases (smallpox, measles, etc.) that devastated Indian peoples of OTHER POSSIBLE SOURCES New Mexico between 1636 and 1770. OF OLD WORLD DISEASES Nineteen missions were founded by Uie Jesu­ The logs of these four voyages document its in Baja California between 1697 and 1768 numerous opportunities for the direct trans­ (Moore and Norton 1992:201), hastening the mission of Old World diseases to the Chumash, spread of Old World diseases northward from the Tongva (Gabrieleiio), and their neighbors central Mexico. Jackson (1994:167) listed 16 during the protohistoric period. Such contacts epidemics (smallpox, measles, dysentery, and may have transmitted a variety of epidemic Old possibly influenza) in northwestern New Spain 164 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY from A.D. 1697 to A.D. 1770. Baptismal and DISCUSSION burial records are sketchy for the early years of the Baja missions, but the precipitous decline in Early accounts of European explorers are the native population at several missions leaves often frustratingly vague about the nature and litfle question that disease epidemics were oc­ exact location of early contacts with native curring by at least the 1720s (see Jackson 1983, Californians. Crucial gaps exist in some of the 1984, 1994). narratives, and important details about the The Spanish presence in the Southwest and whereabouts and activities of expedition mem­ Baja California did not go unnoticed by proto­ bers are lacking. Early historical accounts leave historic peoples of the California coast. Native no doubt, however, that the Chumash and other Californians were clearly aware of their presence coastal tribes had extensive, if sporadic, contacts and, in some cases, their cruelty. The journals with Spanish expeditions during the protohistoric of voyages previously described repeatedly men­ period. For at least the Cabrillo and Vizcaino tion coastal peoples knowing of "other men like voyages, there seems to have been ample oppor­ them [i.e., Spaniards] who had beards and who tunity for contagious diseases to be transmitted had dogs, cross-bows, and swords" (Wagner to the Chumash or their neighbors. Members of 1929:83). As early as A.D. 1542, the Chumash coastal tribes exchanged food, clothes, and other told Cabrillo about "Christians going about goods with the Spanish. Indians came aboard inland" (Wagner 1929:86). Many native groups Spanish ships to meet, eat, exchange gifts, and encountered by Cabrillo were openly fearful of sometimes to sleep. Ships' crews also went the Spaniards because they heard the Spaniards ashore frequently, explored the local area, were killing their interior neighbors (Wagner sought out native inhabitants, reprovisioned their 1929:85). ships' stores, left gifts of clothing and other While this fear of Spanish violence was just­ novelties, and occasionally engaged in violent ified, it is not certain if the Indians feared the encounters that left dead or wounded on both invisible killers the Spanish carried with them. sides. Such encounters provided numerous op­ This fear of disease would have been well- portunities for the transmission of Old World founded. During a three-year period in the late epidemic diseases such as smallpox, influenza, 1760s, Spanish padres at six Baja California and tuberculosis to native Californians. With missions baptized only 425 Indians, while they little or no immunological resistance, native buried 1,028 (Stannard 1992:136). The extent Californians would have been decimated by such of knowledge among the Chumash and their diseases. neighbors about the magnitude of Spanish con­ It is even more likely, however, that venereal quest to the south and east is uncertain, but or other sexually transmitted diseases were clearly Old World diseases were closing in on spread to native Californians during these proto­ native Californians during the protohistoric peri­ historic encounters. As far as the historical od. In view of die fact that a vast trade and in­ records indicate, Cabrillo's and Vizcaino's crews teraction network connected southern Califor­ were exclusively male, mostly sailors or soldiers nia's tribes, the indirect transmission of Old armed with sixteenth century attitudes about World diseases from Baja California or the women and indigenous peoples. These men were American Southwest remains a possibility that isolated from contact with women for long peri­ warrants further research (Walker and Hudson ods of time. During extended stays of days, 1993:20-21). weeks, or months among the native peoples of CABRILLO, THE CHUMASH, AND OLD WORLD DISEASES 165 the California coast, with crew members pos­ Baja California. By the late 1600s and early sessing exotic items prized by the natives, nu­ 1700s, numerous epidemics had devastated In­ merous forced or consensual sexual encounters dian peoples living on either side of the Gulf of almost certainly occurred. California. Whether these Old World diseases Such sexual encounters would have been spread to southern California tribes—and per­ likely sources for die spread of disease from haps ultimately to the Chumash—is not known at crew members to native Californians. Diseases this time. It is a question, however, that de­ like syphilis and influenza are relatively benign serves further research. and easily cured disorders today, but they had a The sketchy historical accounts for the proto­ rapid and devastating impact on many indige­ historic period only hint at the possible effects of nous peoples first exposed to them in the six­ early European contacts on California's coastal teenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. tribes. Considering the extent of such contacts, When first introduced in Hawaii, venereal dis­ however, three models can be proposed for the eases rapidly killed thousands of native Hawai- possible consequences of contact on the Chu­ ians and left thousands more sterile (Starmard mash and their neighbors during the sixteenth 1989). While there is some skeletal evidence and seventeenth centuries A.D. that syphilis may have been present among the Chumash prior to European contact (Cybulski No Transmission 1980; Walker and Lambert 1989), die dating or The prevailing view of most historians and diagnosis of these skeletons is questionable. anthropologists is that no significant disease Even if these cases ultimately are confirmed, transmission occurred during the protohistoric virulent new venereal strains from Asia or Eu­ period. In this view, the period of European rope could have devastated California Indians exploration had little effect on native Cali­ just as they did the Chumash during the Mission fornians, other than to presage the devastation period (Walker and Hudson 1993:108). Furdier that would soon overwhelm them. In this case, evidence of the devastating effects of syphilis on there should be no observable effect of disease the indigenous peoples of the Pacific coast is and limited evidence of contact-induced culture found in the account of Jose Mariano Mozino, a change in the archaeological record. doctor and naturalist on the Bodega y Quadra expedition to Nootka Sound in A.D. 1792: Limited Transmission A limited "cul-de-sac" model would suggest This wantoimess has surely been sad for those small settlements, which are gradually weakened that Old World diseases were transmitted to by the ravages of venereal disease; within a few California Indians by protohistoric contacts, but years it can ruin them so that the entire race will epidemics were confined to relatively small geo­ perish. . . . These, sterilized by this pernicious graphic areas—perhaps to San Miguel Island or contagion, ought to fear the unfortunate fate of the people of Baja California, of whose race the northern Channel Islands. For instance. there scarcely remains one or two, the rest con­ Walker and Johnson (1994) found only limited sumed by the raging syphilis which the sailors of evidence for the spread of some smallpox and our ships have spread among them [Wilson 1970: 43-44]. other disease epidemics between California mis­ sions in historic times, although quarantines and At roughly the same time as maritime voy­ other measures may have helped contain such agers were exploring the California coast, Euro­ epidemics. Archaeologically, evidence for such pean diseases were also spreading overland from epidemics should be found in restricted areas, central Mexico into the American Southwest and but the impact on broader patterns of demo- 166 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY graphy and cultural development of the Chumash piled on the health of individuals buried in these and their neighbors would be limited. cemeteries. Regional Devastation Unfortunately, there are several problems as­ sociated with the use of cemetery data to identify In this model. Old World diseases were disease epidemics or related cultural impacts. transmitted to the Chumash or other California As Ortner (1992:5) noted: Indian tribes protohistorically, spread rapidly One of the limitations in studying infectious dis­ from group to group, and devastated populations ease in archeological skeletal samples is that acute on a regional or interregional level. We con­ diseases are very rarely expressed in either the sider the nineteenth century malaria outbreak in gross or microscopic morphology of the skeleton. Almost all the infectious pathological conditions Oregon and northern California to fall within that are evident are chronic diseases. This means this range of epidemic impact. Even in such that most of the great epidemics that have punc­ cases, however, not every village or town would tuated human history will leave, at best, non­ necessarily be affected by disease epidemics. specific and indirect evidence in skeletal samples. Cook (1939) noted, for instance, that while the A second problem is that many Chumash smallpox epidemic of 1844 killed people across cemeteries were excavated long ago by antiquar­ much of California, the devastation was uneven­ ians who kept poor records on the provenience ly distributed. Archaeologically, evidence for and associations of individual burials. These regional devastation should be found over a problems are exemplified by a cemetery, exca­ broad (but not necessarily continuous) area and vated by Glidden in 1919, located in the vicinity the effects on California Indian settlement, eco­ of the historic Chumash village of Toan, above nomic, and sociopolitical systems should be pro­ Cuyler Harbor on San Miguel Island. Glidden's nounced. If regionally devastating epidemics af­ notes appear to have been lost, but Heye (1921) fected California Indians protohistorically, esti­ described this cemetery as containing the re­ mates of the maximum population levels attained mains of 19 children from six to 12 years in by some or all tribes may be too low and, in the age. This is intriguing, not only because chil­ worst-case scenario, data from historical and dren are often more susceptible to epidemic dis­ ethnographic accounts may not be representative eases, but also because children's cemeteries are of precontact cultural patterns (see Dunnell unusual in the Chumash area. Unfortunately, 1991:562). since Glidden appears to have lumped all the burials and grave goods he excavated ft'om 12 Testing the Models San Miguel Island cemeteries together, it may Despite the possibility that Old World epi­ never be possible to confirm the nature or age of demic diseases may have impacted the Chumash this cemetery. and their neighbors prior to Spanish settlement In fact, many Chumash skeletal collecfions of the region, there has been virtually no effort are either undated or poorly dated. Some of the to systematically examine the archaeological rec­ larger cemeteries contain hundreds of individuals ord for evidence of such impacts. At first and may have been used for long periods of glance, the Santa Barbara Channel seems an time, potentially spanning one or more transi­ ideal area to test these models. Numerous late tions between the prehistoric, protohistoric, or prehistoric and historic cemeteries have been ex­ historic periods (Walker et al. 1989:350). A cavated from Santa Barbara Chaimel sites, where shell bead typology developed by King (1990) a relatively detailed chronology has been worked can sometimes isolate relatively short periods of out, and large amounts of data have been com­ cemetery use, but has no break corresponding CABRILLO, THE CHUMASH, AND OLD WORLD DISEASES 167 precisely to the protohistoric period. Today, corded 250 years later in mission records.'' It high precision radiocarbon dating has the poten­ might also help explain why favored settlement tial to roughly date cemeteries or village sites to locations such as Tecolote Canyon west of Gol- the protohistoric era, but this requires calibration eta seem to have been abandoned at roughly the of radiocarbon dates to calendar years, a proce­ time of Cabrillo's voyage, after virtually contin­ dure still rarely done by California archaeolo­ uous occupation spanning at least the past 1,500 gists. This problem is illustrated by a date on years. California mussel (Mytilus californianus) shells If protohistoric disease epidemics ravaged the collected by Hubbs from a large village site coastal Chumash or their neighbors, it also (CA-SMI-536?)—conceivably the same one exca­ seems likely that it will be reflected in changes vated by Glidden—located on the cliffs above the in the nature of burial practices or the organiza­ middle of Cuyler Harbor (Hubbs et al. 1965: tion of cemeteries. At CA-SRl-2 (Skull Gulch) 109). The shell from this site was dated to 575 on Santa Rosa Island, Orr (1968) excavated two + 125 RCYBP (LJ-955), an uncorrected age burial plots in what he called Cemetery B. In that appears equal to about A.D. 1275, roughly the older of these plots, Orr found 26 burials ar­ 300 years prior to Cabrillo's visit. After correc- ranged relatively neatly, including one that con­ fion and calibration (Stuiver and Reimer 1993), tained charred redmaids {Calandrinia ciliata) however, the midpoint of the resulting calendar seeds dated to 600 + 70 RCYBP. After calibra­ date is equal to about A.D. 1520, witiiin 20 tion, the midpoint of this date is approximately years of Cabrillo's stay among the Chumash. A.D. 1350, with a range (at one sigma) of about In the current legal and political climate, the A.D. 1300 to A.D. 1420. In die more recent excavation and dating of human skeletal remains cemetery, Orr (1968: 200) found an "unbeliev­ or burial-related artifacts have become increas­ able charnel of concentrated human bone" con­ ingly difficult. Fortunately, there are avenues of taining the badly disturbed remains of at least 83 study that can inform us about protohistoric dis­ people. No radiocarbon dates are available from ease epidemics that do not rely on the destruc­ this cemetery, but Orr (1968:218) believed the tive analysis of human skeletal remains or the large village was "abandoned shortly before the excavation of new cemetery collections. If epi­ discovery by Cabrillo in 1542." Charcoal from demic diseases decimated the protohistoric Chu­ a hearth and wood from a nearby house pro­ mash or their neighbors, for instance, there may duced uncorrected dates of 330 ± 50 and 400 ± have been large-scale abandonment and consoli­ 80 RCYBP, however, the younger of which pro­ dation of coastal towns similar to those proposed vides calibrated midpoints of A.D. 1530, 1560, for the Northwest Coast (see Inglis and Haggarty and 1630. Orr (1968:201) also noted diat die 1987; Erlandson et al. 1992:58). If so, sttidies jumble of human bones in the most recent ceme­ of occupational continuity and settlement size tery at CA-SRI-2 was characteristic of a broader across the late prehistoric, protohistoric, and pattern that Rogers (1929) attributed to a "brief historic periods might reveal a great deal about period in Late Canalino times." Further re­ such settlement and demographic changes among search is necessary to document whether this California's coastal tribes. pattern is confined to protohistoric and historic Disease-induced abandonment and consolida­ times, but it is possible that devastation wrought tion of towns might help explain the lack of cor­ by Old World diseases overwhelmed the ability respondence King (1975, 1978:58) and others of Chumash survivors to bury their dead ac­ have noted between the names of many coastal cording to more orderly traditional rituals. towns recorded in Cabrillo's log and those re­ Due to the loss of labor, knowledge, and 168 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

leadership, economic disruptions associated with antiquarians or archaeologists, chronological population decline should also be evident in the problems caused by the lack of adequate dating archaeological record. Protohistoric disease epi­ for many existing collections, and the failure of demics might help explain why some bead pro­ archaeologists to calibrate uncorrected radiocar­ duction villages on Santa Cruz Island were aban­ bon dates to the calendrical scale required to doned or saw declining activity during the proto­ connect archaeological data with protohistoric historic period (see Arnold 1992b: 140-141). events. These problems are not insurmountable, One might also expect to see a local or regional but few (if any) California archaeologists have decline in the intensity of intervillage and long­ systematically searched for evidence that would distance trade, changes in subsistence patterns, support or refute the idea that Old World disease and perhaps changes in mobility. However, des­ epidemics significantly impacted California pite the potential impact of one or more widely tribes in the protohistoric period. spaced epidemics—even devastating epidemics- Was the protohistoric period the final respite population recovery within a generation or two prior to the devastation wrought by European might well make the identification of these pat­ colonization, diseases, dispossession, and disen- terns very difficult in the archaeological record, franchisement (Castillo 1978:100)? Or were die especially in mainland sites heavily disturbed by Chumash and their neighbors devastated by Old rodent burrowing and other site formation pro­ World diseases during the protohistoric period? cesses. If such diseases impacted native Californians prior to sustained European settlement, how SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS severe were the effects in various areas? How The Chumash and other coastal California should such changes affect our understanding tribes lived under social, economic, and demo­ and interpretations of die development of society graphic condifions that made them highly sus­ among the Chumash and their neighbors? Would ceptible to epidemic diseases. Extensive proto­ large-scale protohistoric population losses pre­ historic contacts occurred between the Chumash, vent the use of historical accounts and ethno­ neighboring tribes, and European maritime expe­ graphic records as models of precontact patterns ditions, particularly during Cabrillo's voyage of among California's native cultures (Durmell A.D. 1542-43 and Vizcaino's expedition of 1991)? A.D. 1602-03. Less extensive contacts with Only further research can answer such ques­ maritime explorers, as well as opportunities for tions. Certainly, ethnographic and historical indirect disease transmission via Indian tribes of data have been widely and often uncritically Baja California or the American Southwest, also used by anthropologists seeking to understand occurred during protohistoric times. These con­ the prehistory of California's coastal tribes. tacts had the potential to transmit Old World Unlike some parts of the New World, however, epidemic diseases that could have devastated the there seem to be few glaring contradicUons or Chumash and other California Indian societies inconsistencies in the articulation of Chumash long before any census data or detailed historical edinography and archaeology. This does not accounts of their cultures were collected. necessarily indicate that disease epidemics and Little direct evidence for such devastation population losses did not result from proto­ currenfly exists, but this may be due to problems historic contacts with European explorers. Such in identifying evidence for epidemic disease in contacts were sporadic enough that occasional human skeletons, the poor documentation asso­ disease epidemics could have killed a significant ciated with many cemeteries excavated by early percentage of the people living in any given CABRILLO, THE CHUMASH, AND OLD WORLD DISEASES 169 area, followed by population increases during 2. Kelsey (1986) argued that Cabrillo wintered on the long periods between episodes of contact. If Santa Catalina Island. His arguments are internally inconsistent, however, and he appears to have misin­ anything, this review of the protohistoric con­ terpreted the geographical descriptions in Cabrillo's tacts has deepened our respect for the remark­ log. After identifying Cabrillo's Puerto de Posesion able persistence of the Chumash and their cul­ as Cuyler Harbor, Kelsey (1986:157) diverged from the text of the log, alleging that "the ships did not ture during a tumultuous period in their history. remain there" because Cuyler is "a treacherous an­ In years to come, it is likely that many chorage for most of the year.'' Paez (Moriarity and skeletal collections from the California coast Keistman 1968) and Wagner (1929) do not mention now housed in museums will be repatriated and the ships being forced from Puerto de Posesion by storm (or any other reason) and Kelsey's statement reburied. Today, many native Californians are about the quality of Cuyler Harbor is incorrect. philosophically opposed to radiocarbon dating While the harbor entrance is narrow and may be im­ (or other destructive analyses) of burials or passable during strong northwesterly storms, the west burial-related artifacts—and to further excava­ side of the harbor is almost completely protected from the predominant northwesterly storms. Kelsey's tions in native American cemeteries. As this other evidence that Cabrillo wintered on Santa Cata­ process of repatriation and consultation unfolds, lina revolved around a hypothetical confusion of we hope that both anthropologists and native Lima with Pimu, the latter a Tongva (Gabrielefio) name for Santa Catalina Island (Johnson 1988b:9). Californians will recognize the importance of The place names for the three islands seem to be documenting the history of the effects of Euro­ clearly of Chumash origin, however, not Tongva. pean colonization on California's tribes. Given The native names given for the San Lucas Islands current laws governing the excavation and analy­ include Nicalque, very similar to the name of a his­ sis of native American burial remains, no re­ toric village on the west end of Santa Rosa Island; searcher should consider studying such sensitive Limu or Limun, virtually identical to the historic Chumash name (Limu) for Santa Cruz Island; and issues without consulting representatives of the Ciquimuymu, which seems to refer to San Miguel Is­ appropriate tribal groups. However, questions land. Finally, the description of the geography of the about how and when various California tribes three closely clustered San Lucas Islands leaves vir­ tually no room for an ioterpretation that Cabrillo's were affected by European contact are crucial to ships wintered on the relatively isolated island of understanding the history of California's native Santa Catalina, located no less than 25 km. from its peoples. Therefore, we hope that agreements nearest neighbor. We concur with Wagner (1929: can be negotiated for the sensitive study of these 335) and other historical authorities about the identi­ fication of Posesion: "this island was San Miguel and other research issues before skeletal collec­ and the port could hardly be any other than Cuyler tions are reburied. To those who died—as well Harbor," as those who survived—we owe a full account­ 3. Sailing away from Posesion to obtain water is ing of the tragic impacts diat European contacts also consistent with a winter anchorage on San Mi­ had on the first Californians. guel Island, which contains very limited and only brackish water sources. 4. King (1978) also noted changes in protohistoric NOTES settlement patterns in the San Francisco Bay area. 1. Johnson (1988b:3) briefly summarized poorly ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS documented claims that the galleon San Pedro wrecked on Santa Catalina Island in A.D. 1598, The idea for this paper originated during research followed by two salvage expeditions that may have on San Miguel Island in 1993, work supported in part used native divers to recover the lost cargo. Claims by the National Park Service and the University of that Sir Francis Drake sailed into the Chumash area Oregon. The financial assistance of these institutions have not been substantiated, but Drake spent five is gratefully acknowledged. We thank Madoima Moss weeks among the coastal Miwok in A.D. 1579 and four anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful (Heizer 1947). comments on an earlier draft of this paper. We are 170 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

also indebted to Chester King, who identified the Campbell, Sarah K. place names of the "San Lucas Islands" as Chumash, 1990 PostColumbian Culture History in the and Jeanne Arnold, Scott Byram, Richard Carrico, Northern Columbia Plateau, A.D. 1500- John Johnson, Elizabeth Sobel, and Phillip Walker, 1900. New York: Garland Publishing. who kindly provided information or discussed various Castillo, Edward D. aspects of our research. Figure 1 was adapted from 1978 The Impact of Euro-American Exploration an original drafted by Thomas Connolly. Finally, we and Settlement. In: Handbook of North thank Michael Glassow, Mark Q. Sutton, and the edi­ American Indians, Vol. 8, California, Ro­ torial staff of the Journal for assistance in the bert F. Heizer, ed., pp. 99-127. Wash­ production of this paper. ington: Smithsonian Institution. REFERENCES Cook, Noble David, and W. George Lovell 1991 Secret Judgments of God: Old World Dis­ Arnold, Jeanne E. ease in Colonial Spanish America. Nor­ 1992a Complex Hunter-Gatherer-Fishers of Pre­ man: University of Oklahoma Press. historic California: Chiefs, Specialists, Cook, Sherburne F. and Maritime Adaptations of the Channel 1939 Smallpox in Spanish Mexican California, Islands. American Antiquity 57(l):60-84. 1770-1845. Bulletin of the History of 1992b Cultural Disruption and the Political Eco­ Medicine 8:151-191. nomy in Chaimel Islands Prehistory. In: 1976 The Population of California Indians, Essays on the Prehistory of Maritime Cali­ 1769-1970. Berkeley: University of Cali­ fornia, Terry L. Jones, ed., pp. 129-156. fornia Press. Davis: Center for Archaeological Re­ Cybulski, Jerome S. search at Davis, Publication No. 10. 1980 Possible Pre-Columbian Treponematosis Bancroft, Hubert H. on Santa Rosa Island, California. Cana­ 1884 History of California, 1542-1800. San dian Review of Physical Anthropology Francisco: A. L. Bancroft and Company. 2(1): 19-25. Blakely, Robert L. (ed.) Dobyns, Henry F. 1988 The King Site: Continuity and Contact in 1966 Estimating Aboriginal American Popula­ Sixteenth-Century Georgia. Athens: Uni­ tion: An Appraisal of Techniques with a versity of Georgia Press. New Hemisphere Estimate. Current An­ Blakely, Robert L., and Bettina Detweiler-Blakely thropology 7(4):395-416. 1989 The Impact of European Diseases in the 1981 From Fire to Flood: Historic Human De­ Sixteenth-Century Southeast: A Case struction of Sonoran Desert Riverine Oa­ Study. Midcontinental Journal of Archae­ ses. Socorro: Ballena Press Anthropolog­ ology 14(l):62-89. ical Papers No. 20. Bolton, Herbert E. 1983 Their Numbers Become Thinned: Native 1952 Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, American Population Dynamics in Eastern 1542-1706. New York: Barnes and No­ North America. Knoxville: University of ble. Teimessee Press. Borah, Woodrow 19 89 More Methodological Perspectives on His­ 1976 The Historical Demography of Aboriginal torical Demography. Ethnohistory 36(3): and Colonial America: An Attempt at 285-299. Perspective. In: The Native Population 1992 Native American Trade Centers as Con­ of the Americas in 1492, W. M. Denevan, tagious Disease Foci. In: Disease and ed., pp. 13-34. Madison: University of Demography in the Americas, John W. Wisconsin Press. Verano and Douglas H. Ubelaker, eds., Brown, Alan K. pp. 215-222. Washington: Smithsonian 1967 The Aboriginal Population of the Santa Institution. Barbara Channel. Berkeley: Reports of Dunnell, Robert C. the University of California Archaeolog­ 1991 Methodological Impacts of Catastrophic ical Survey No. 69. Depopulation on American Archaeology CABRILLO, THE CHUMASH, AND OLD WORLD DISEASES 171

and Ethnology. In: Columbian Conse­ Inglis, Richard I., and James C. Haggarty quences, Vol. 3: The Spanish Borderlands 1987 Cook to Jewitt: Three Decades of Change in Pan-American Perspective, David H. in Nootka Sound. In: Le Castor Fait Thomas, ed., pp. 561-580. Washington: Tout: Selected Papers of the Fifth North Smithsonian Institution. American Fur Trade Conference, Bruce Trigger, T. Morantz, and L. Dechene, Erlandson, Jon, Aron Crowell, Christopher Wooley, eds., pp. 193-222. St. Louis: St. Louis and James Haggarty Historical Society. 1992 Spatial and Temporal Patterns in Alutiiq Paleodemography. Arctic Anthropology Jackson, Robert H. 29(2):42-62. 1983 Demographic Changes in the Missions of Northern Baja California. Journal of Cali­ Gibson, Robert O. fornia and Great Basin Anthropology 5(1): 1991 The Chumash. New York: Chelsea House. 131-139. Glassow, Michael A., and Larry R. Wilcoxon 1984 Demographic Change in the Missions of 1988 Coastal Adaptations Near Point Concep­ Central Baja California. Journal of Cali­ tion, California, with Particular Regard to fornia and Great Basin Anthropology 6(1): Shellfish Exploitation. American Antiq­ 91-112. uity 53(1):36-51. 1994 Indian Population Decline: The Missions Gutierrez, Ramon A. of Northwestern New Spain, 1687-1840. 1991 When Jesus Came, the Com Mothers Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality, and Press. Power in New Mexico, 1500-1846. Stan­ ford: Stanford University Press. Johnson, John R. 1988a Chumash Social Organization: An Ethno- Heizer, Robert F. historic Perspective. Ph.D. dissertation, 1947 Francis Drake and the California Indians, University of California, Santa Barbara. 1579. University of California Publica­ tions in American Archaeology and Eth­ 1988b The People of Quinquina: San Clemente nology 42(3). Island's Original Inhabitants as Described in Ethnohistoric Documents. Santa Bar­ Helm, June bara: Santa Barbara Museum of Natural 1965 Bilaterality in the Socio-Territorial Organi­ History. zation of the Arctic Drainage Dene. Eth­ nology 4(4):361-385. Kelsey, Harry 1980 Female Infanticide, European Diseases 1985 European Impact on the California In­ and Population Levels Among McKenzie dians, 1530-1830. The Americas 41(4): Dene. American Ethnologist 7(2):259- 494-511. 285. 1986 Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo. San Marino: Henige, David Huntington Library. 1989 On the Current Devaluation of the Notion King, Chester D. of Evidence: A Rejoinder to Dobyns. 1971 Chumash Inter-Village Economic Ex­ Ethnohistory 36(3):304-307. change. Indian Historian 4(l):31-43. Heye, G. H. 1975 The Names and Locations of Historic 1921 Certain Artifacts from San Miguel Island, Chumash Villages. The Journal of Cali­ California. Museum of the American In­ fornia Anthropology 2(2): 171-179. dian, Indian Notes Monographs 7(4). 1978 Protohistoric and Historic Archeology. Holmes, Maurice G. In: Handbook of North American In­ 1963 From New Spain by Sea to the Califor- dians, Vol. 8, California, Robert F. Hei­ nias, 1519-1668. Giendale: Arthur H. zer, ed., pp. 58-68. Washington: Smith­ Clark Company. sonian Institution. Hubbs, Carl L., George S. Bien, and Hans E. Suess 1990 Evolution of Chumash Society: A Com­ 1965 La JoUa Natural Radiocarbon Measure­ parative Study of Artifacts Used for Social ments IV. Radiocarbon 7(1):66-117. System Maintenance in the Santa Barbara 172 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Channel Region Before A.D. 1804. New Orr, Phil C. York: Garland. 1968 Prehistory of Santa Rosa Island. Santa Krech, S. Ill Barbara: Santa Barbara Museum of Nat­ 1978 Disease, Starvation, and Northern Atha- ural History. paskan Social Organization. American Ortner, Donald J. Ethnologist 5(4):710-732. 1992 Skeletal Paleopathology: Probabilities, 1983 The Influence of Disease and the Fur Possibilities, and ImfKissibilities. In: Trade on Arctic Drainage Dene. Journal Disease and Demography in the Americas, of Anthropological Research 39(2): 123- John W. Verano and Douglas H. Ubela­ 146. ker, eds, pp. 5-14. Washington: Smith­ sonian Institution. Kroeber, Alfred L. 1925 Handbook of the Indians of California. Ramenofsky, Ann F. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 1982 The Archaeology of Population Collapse: 78. Native American Response to the Intro­ 1934 Native American Population. American duction of Infectious Disease. Ph.D. dis­ Anthropologist 36(1): 1-25. sertation, University of Washington. 1939 Cultural and Natural Areas of Native 1987 Vectors of Death: The Archaeology of North America. University of California European Contact. Albuquerque: Univer­ Publications in American Archaeology and sity of New Mexico Press. Ethnology 38. 1990 Loss of Innocence: Explanations of Dif­ Lambert, Patricia M., and Phillip L. Walker ferential Persistence in the Sixteenth- 1991 Physical Anthropological Evidence for the Century Southeast. In: Columbian Con­ Evolution of Social Complexity in Coastal sequences, Vol. 2: Archaeological and Southern California. Antiquity 65(249): Historical Perspectives on the Spanish 963-973. Borderlands East, David H. Thomas, ed., Landberg, Leif C. W. pp. 31-48. Washington: Smithsonian In­ 1965 The Chumash Indians of Southern Cali­ stitution. fornia. Los Angeles: Southwest Museum Rogers, David Banks Papers No. 19. 1929 Prehistoric Man of the Santa Barbara Milner, George R. Coast. Santa Barbara: Santa Barbara Mu­ 1980 Epidemic Disease in the Postcontact seum of Natural History. Southeast: An Appraisal. Midcontinental Snow, Dean R., and Kim M. Lamphear Journal of Archaeology 5(l):39-56. 1989 More Methodological Perspectives: A 1992 Disease and Sociopolitical Systems in Late Rejoinder to Dobyns. Ethnohistory 36(3): Prehistoric Illinois. In: Disease and De­ 299-304. mography in the Americas, John W. Ver­ Stannard, David E. ano and Douglas H. Ubelaker, eds., pp. 1989 Before the Horror: The Population of Ha­ 103-116. Washington: Smithsonian Insfi- waii on the Eve of Western Contact. Ho­ tution. nolulu: Social Sciences Research Institute Moore, Jerry D., and Mary J. Norton and University of Hawaii Press. 1992 "I Solemnly Baptize": Religious Con­ 1991 The Consequences of Contact: Toward an version and Native Demography in North- Interdisciplinary Theory of Native Re­ em Baja California. Journal of California sponses to Biological and Cultural In­ and Great Basin Anthropology 14(2): 201- vasion. In: Columbian Consequences, 215. Vol. 3: The Spanish Borderlands in Pan- Moriarity, James R., and M. Keistman (trans.) American Perspective, David H. Thomas, 1968 Cabrillo's Log 1542-1543: A Voyage of ed., pp. 519-539. Washington: Smith­ Discovery (A Summary by Juan Paez). sonian Institution. The Western Explorer 5(2 and 3): 1-20. 1992 American Holocaust: Columbus and the San Diego: Cabrillo Historical Asso­ Conquest of the New World. Oxford: ciation. Oxford University Press. CABRILLO, THE CHUMASH, AND OLD WORLD DISEASES 173

Steward, Julian H. 1941 Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, Discoverer of 1949 The Native Population of South America. the Coast of California. San Francisco: In: Handbook of South American Indians, California Historical Society. Vol. 5, Julian H. Steward, ed., pp. 665- Walker, Phillip L. 668. Bureau of American Ethnology Bul­ 1989 Cranial Injuries as Evidence of Violence letin 143. in Prehistoric Southem California. Amer­ Stodder, Ann L. W., and Debra L. Martin ican Journal of Physical Anthropology 1992 Health and Disease in the Southwest Be­ 80(3):313-323. fore and After Spanish Contact. In: Dis­ Walker, Phillip L., and D. Travis Hudson ease and Demography in the Americas, 1993 Chumash Healing: Changing Health and John W. Verano and Douglas H. Ubela­ Medical Practices in an American Indian ker, eds., pp. 55-73. Washington: Smith­ Society. Banning: MaIki Museum. sonian Institution. Walker, Phillip L., and John R. Johnson Stuiver, Minze, and Paula J. Reimer 1992 Effects of Contact on the Chumash In­ 1993 Extended '"C Data Base and Revised dians. In: Disease and Demography in CALIB 3.0 '^C Age Calibration Program. the Americas, John W. Verano and Doug­ Radiocarbon 35(l):215-230. las H. Ubelaker, eds., pp. 127-139. Washington: Smithsonian Institution. Thomas, David Hurst (ed.) 1989 Columbian Consequences, Vol. 1: Ar­ 1994 The Decline of the Chumash Indian Pop­ chaeological and Historical Perspectives ulation. In: In the Wake of Contact: on the Spanish Borderlands West. Wash­ Biological Responses to Conquest, C. Lar- ington: Smithsonian Institution. sen and G. Miber, eds., pp. 109-120. New York: Wiley-Liss. 1990 Columbian Consequences, Vol. 2: Ar­ chaeological and Historical Perspectives Walker, Phillip L., and Patricia Lambert on the Spanish Borderlands East. Wash­ 1989 Skeletal Evidence for Stress During a ington: Smithsonian Institution. Period of Cultural Change in Prehistoric California. In: Advances in Paleopath­ 1991 Columbian Consequences, Vol. 3: The ology, Luigi Carpasso, ed., pp. 207-212. Spanish Borderlands in Pan-American Per­ Journal of Paleopathology Monographic spective. Washington: Smithsonian Insti­ Publication 1. Chieti, Italy: Marino tution. Solfanelli. Thornton, Russell Walker, Phillip L., Patricia Lambert, and Michael J. 1987 American Indian Holocaust and Survival: DeNiro A Population History Since 1492. Nor­ 1989 The Effects of European Contact on the man: University of Oklahoma Press. Health of Alta California Indians. In: Columbian Consequences, Vol. 1: Ar­ Upham, Steadman chaeological and Historical Perspectives 1986 Smallpox and Climate in the American on the Spanish Borderlands West, David Southwest. American Anthropologist 88 H7. Thomas, ed., pp. 349-363. Washing­ (1):115-127. ton: Smithsonian Institution. Wagner, Henry R. Wilson, Iris Higbie (trans, and ed.) 1929 Spanish Voyages to the Northwest Coast 1970 Noticias de Nutka, An Accoimt of Nootka of North America in the Sixteenth Cen­ Sound in 1792 by Jose Mariano Mozino. tury. San Francisco: California Histor­ Seattle: American Ethnological Society ical Society. Monograph 50.