Journal of California and Great Basin Anthropology Vol. 20, No. 2, pp. 138-170(1998).

Culture Contact in Protohistoric California: Social Contexts of Native and European Encounters

KENT G. LIGHTFOOT, Dept. of Anthropology, Archaeological Research Facility, Univ. of California, Berkeley, CA 94720-3710. WILLIAM S. SIMMONS, Executive Vice-President and Provost, Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island, 02912.

There is great potential to address critical issues in contemporary culture contact studies through the study of the initial encounters (1542 to 1603} between natives and Europeans in California. Early exploration scholarship tends to focus on either the European ships and crews or the native communi­ ties they described, but rarely on the interactions between them. By reanalyzing the voyager accounts and relevant archaeological remains, one may evaluate how and why peoples from very different back­ grounds responded to each other, and begin to examine the implications of early encounters with re­ spect to cultural ideologies, ceremonial practices, gift giving, the meanings of foreign material cul­ ture, and disease. The purpose of this article is to consider four main issues underlying the social contexts of early encounters in California—the nature of initial contacts, the diverse responses ob­ served, the role of material culture in early contacts, and the probability that lethal pathogens spread from these initial interactions. We find that religious practices played a critical role in structuring native and nonnative relations, and that the timing of encounters was very important, especially in relation to native and Christian ceremonial cycles. Furthermore, in considering the voyager chroni­ cles and relevant archaeological remains, we question the conventional view, at least in California, that foreign goods were regarded as "merely trifles" by native peoples. Finally, we argue that early contacts with voyagers may have introduced lethal pathogens to coastal native populations, but that epidemics were probably geographically limited, sporadic, and short-lived.

M: OR more than a century, scholars have stud­ vations of native Californians, but tend to di­ ied, interpreted, and debated the chronicles of vorce their analysis and interpretation of indige­ European explorers who first visited California nous lifeways from the European chroniclers and documented its native peoples. Early ex­ themselves so that "pristine" cultural practices ploration scholarship in California tends to focus of particular tribal groups can be identified. on either the European sojourners or the native These accounts can be very insightful because peoples they described, but rarely on the interac­ they provide glimpses of Indian societies at the tions that took place between them. A profusion time of first contact (see Johnson 1982:43-49). of studies has been concerned primarily with the They are also used to corroborate the geographic ships and their crews, describing in great detail distribution of native groups and villages, as the routes of individual voyages, notable land­ well as to provide additional insights as to where marks, and specific landfalls (e.g., Davidson Europeans landed (e.g., Schumacher 1877; 1887; Bolton 1916; Wagner 1924, 1929, 1941; Kroeber 1925:273-278; Heizer 1947, 1973). Mathes 1968; Kelsey 1986) (see Fig. 1). Other Archaeology is often incorporated into early studies have emphasized the first written obser­ exploration scholarship, but usually as a secon- CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 139

Cabrillo-Ferrelo Voyage (1542-1543)

Drake Voyage (1579) Unamuno Voyage (1587)

Cermeno Voyage (1595) Vizcaino Voyage (1602-1603)

Fig. 1. Approximate routes of early European voyages along the California coastline (1542-1603). 140 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY dary source for evaluating specific events men­ counters took place, emphasizing the small tioned in the chronicles. The search for Europe­ groups that interacted, the multiethnic composi­ an and/or Asian artifacts has been undertaken to tion of ships' crews, and the short duration of evaluate potential locations of anchorages, es­ most visits. We then consider the diverse re­ pecially in controversial cases such as Drake's sponses of indigenous peoples to voyagers that landing (e.g., Treganza 1957, 1958, 1959; Von ranged from fear to friendship to ambivalence to der Porten 1963, 1973; Shangraw and Von der armed conflict. In considering their varied reac­ Porten 1981). Archaeological investigations of tions, we examine information exchange among contact period sites are also used to evaluate vil­ disparate native peoples, the critical role that lage locations mentioned in many of the chroni­ religious practices played in structuring local and cles, to elaborate upon the architecture and life- foreigner relations, and the timing of the en­ ways of native peoples described by Europeans, counters, especially in relation to native and and to construct and/or refine local archaeologi­ Christian ceremonial cycles. cal chronologies and sequences by considering In the third section, we undertake an analysis the stratigraphic provenience of European goods of the materials exchanged between residents and in midden deposits (e.g., Heizer 1941; Meighan foreigners and consider alternative sources for 1952; Beardsley 1954). native acquisition of European/Asian materials in With a few notable exceptions (Meighan protohistoric California, including long-distance 1981; Johnson 1982), conspicuously absent are exchange and salvaged shipwrecks. In consider­ studies that have explicitly addressed the nature ing the latter source, we question the conven­ and consequences of early encounters in proto­ tional view that in California, foreign goods historic California. By protohistoric, we mean were regarded as "merely trifles" by native the interval that began with the first documented peoples (e.g., Heizer 1941; Treganza 1959). Fi­ interactions between native peoples and foreign­ nally, we consider the possibility that lethal epi­ ers (1542) and ended with the establishment of demics were transmitted during early encounters Spanish colonial settlements in California (1769). in California. While Euroasiatic pathogens were By accentuating the experiences that took place probably inflicted on local native populations, between indigenous peoples and foreign visitors epidemics were most likely sporadic and rela­ in protohistoric times, the early chronicles and tively localized. We conclude by identifying associated archaeological remains can be reana­ those native peoples who probably experienced lyzed to address a number of critical theoretical the greatest risk of infections during protohis­ issues in contemporary culture contact studies. toric times. The integration of both archival information and THE ANALYSIS OF EARLY archaeology can provide a powerful perspective ENCOUNTERS IN CALIFORNIA for considering the use and meaning of material culture during early encounters. To address the issues discussed above, this The purpose of this article is to consider article considers the four early Spanish sailing four main issues underlying initial culture en­ expeditions of Juan Rodrfquez Cabrillo and Bar- counters in California: (1) the nature of the tolom6 Ferrelo (1542-1543), Pedro de Unamuno contacts; (2) the diverse responses observed; (3) (1587), Sebastian Rodriguez Cermeno (1595), the role of material culture in early contacts; and and Sebastian Vizcafno (1602-1603), as well as (4) the probability that lethal pathogens spread the lone English voyage of Francis Drake from these initial interactions. We begin by ex­ (1579). In undertaking this analysis, we first amining the social contexts in which early en­ identified primary sources of the encounters be- CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 141 tween the voyagers and native peoples. We then lower Baja California. In a journey that lasted recorded the geographic places where the en­ for more than nine months, the crew may have counters took place, tabulating the duration of sailed as far north as the Oregon border, con­ the anchorage for each place (or when possible, tacting native peoples along the west coast of the length of time of actual encounters), the Baja California, the San Diego region, several kinds of encounters that took place, and the Channel Islands, and the Santa Barbara Channel. types of materials that may have been ex­ Our analysis is based on the two primary changed. Also considered in this analysis were sources of the Cabrillo-Ferrelo expedition, any archaeological remains attributed to these which are both condensed accounts written in the voyages, with a primary focus on materials re­ third person that probably summarize a much covered in midden deposits from the shipwreck longer, more detailed journal of the voyage. of the San Agustin.' The primary narrative, commonly attributed to It is recognized from the outset that there are Juan Paez, is translated by Bolton (1916:13-39) many problems in undertaking such an analysis. and Wagner (1929:79-93), while the other is These problems include the brevity of original Antonio de Herrera's account (Wagner 1941:65- documents, mistakes in copying and translating 70). Quinn's (1979a:451-461) version of the journals and logs, controversies in identifying Paez account, which we rely on here, is taken modern places where anchorages took place, and from Bolton (1916) and corrected from Wagner inaccuracies in recording dates, the timing of (1929). events, and the number of people involved in en­ The second known expedition was that of the counters. It is also important to consider how notorious English captain, Francis Drake, who the writings of the early chroniclers were influ­ visited a small harbor, probably in Coast Miwok enced by the geopolitics of the 1500s and 1600s, territory, for 36 days (from June 17 to July 23, which most likely affected how events were por­ 1579). While the crew sought supplies and re­ trayed to government officials, competing na­ furbished their ship, the Golden Hind, numerous tions, and the literate public (e.g., Kelsey encounters with local native peoples occurred in 1990:446-456). Given the continuing debate over Drake's encampment, as well as in outlying vil­ the precise locations of anchorages, the geo­ lages. Our analysis is based primarily on the graphic names as originally reported by the voy­ 1628 account by Francis Fletcher, a chaplain on agers and translated in published sources are Drake's ship (Vaux 1854; Quinn 1979b:467- used herein. Since excellent accounts of these 476), as well as the "Famous Voyage" account voyages are presented elsewhere, they are only of Drake's visit to California (Quinn 1979c:463- briefly summarized here, along with the sources 467). employed in this analysis. The next voyage to California was in a small The first of the five early voyages to Cali­ frigata commanded by Pedro de Unamuno, who fornia was the Cabrillo-Ferrelo expedition that made a brief landfall probably near Morro Bay embarked from Puerto de Navidad, Mexico, on from October 18 to October 20, 1587. During June 27, 1542, in the flagship San Salvador, a this stopover, an armed confrontation took place companion vessel called the Victoria, and prob­ with local natives. The ship then returned to ably one other vessel (Kelsey 1979:322-327). Acapulco, Mexico, without further incident. The purpose of the voyage, originally command­ For the purposes of this analysis, we consulted ed by Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, and after his the correspondence dated December 1587 from death by Bartolome Ferrelo, was to explore and de Unamuno to the Viceroy of Mexico (Wagner map the coastline north of known landmarks in 1929:141-151). 142 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

The fourth documented encounter was the Diego Bay, Monterey Bay), the same encounters ill-fated trip of Sebastian Rodriquez Cermeno were presented from two different perspectives. and his crew, who were instructed to explore the We also consulted the summary version of Fa­ coastline of California while sailing from the ther Ascencion's account, entitled "A Brief Re­ Philippines to west Mexico. The voyagers sailed port" (Bolton 1916:104-134; also see Quinn into Drake's Bay in 1595, where they anchored 1979d:414-426), as well as his 1632 opinion and camped for more than a month (from No­ concerning the potential colonization of Cali­ vember 6 to December 8), during which time fornia (Aschmann 1974). they interacted with the local Coast Miwok. THE SOCIAL CONTEXTS When their ship, the San Agustin, sank in the harbor, they were forced to sail to Mexico in a OF EARLY ENCOUNTERS small launch, making some contacts with native The social contexts of early California en­ communities and fishermen along the islands and counters typically involved meetings of small south coast of Alta and Baja California. Our groups of voyagers and natives for relatively analysis is based on a summary of Cermeiio's short intervals on board ships and canoes or on expedition translated in Wagner (1929:156-163), land. The crews of the European expeditions along with two additional "Declarations" from were moderate in number (ranging from about the voyage (Wagner 1924:20-24). 100 to less than 300), multiethnic in back­ The fifth expedition, led by Sebastian Viz­ ground, and composed of sailors, soldiers, offi­ caino, set sail from Acapulco, Mexico, on May cers, slaves, and clergymen. 5, 1602, in two ships and a frigate. During a According to Kelsey's (1986:95-122) most voyage that lasted for about ten months, the flo­ authoritative estimate, the size of the Cabrillo- tilla visited indigenous communities along San Ferrelo expedition was about 200 men, and may Diego Bay, the Channel Islands, the Santa Bar­ have numbered as high as 250. They included bara Channel, and Monterey Bay, and may have Spanish officers, sailors, soldiers, some African reached as far north as Cape Mendocino before and Indian slaves, Indian interpreters, con­ turning back in the face of foul weather and scripts, cabin boys, one or two priests, and per­ scurvy. We relied primarily on observations haps a few merchants (Bolton 1916:5-6; Wagner made from Vizcaino's flagship, the San Diego, 1941:8-9; Kelsey 1986:95-122). Drake's voyage in the "Diary of Sebastian Vizcaino, 1602- to the Pacific began with a crew of 164 men, in­ 1603" (Bolton 1916:52-103). These observa­ cluding two or more Africans, and at least one tions are then supplemented and corroborated (in chaplain (Quinn 1979e:477; Meighan 1981:62). many cases) by "Father Antonio de la Ascenci- The size of de Unamuno's crew is not clear, but on's Account of the Voyage of Sebastian Vizcai­ the frigata class ship they sailed was probably a no" (Wagner 1929:180-272). For most of the single-decked vessel that could not have held voyage. Father Ascencion was on board on an­ more than a hundred men. The seafarers con­ other ship, the Santo Tomas, which did not fol­ sisted of Spaniards, Portuguese, Philippine na­ low the exact itinerary of the San Diego. Con­ tives (Luzon "Indians"), young Japanese males, sequently, the observations of Father Ascencion and probably Mexican Indians (Wagner 1929: included in our analysis are from locations vis­ 140-141). Three priests were also on board. ited by both the San Diego and Santo Tomas, Cermeno's expedition was comprised of about where the same native peoples were encoun­ 80 men, including four slaves of the captain, tered. In some cases, when the two ships an­ seven Indians, and at least one priest (Wagner chored together (e.g.. Cape of San Lucas, San 1924:4-21). Father Ascencion observed that CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 143

Vizcaino's three ships carried a full crew of ships anchored for longer periods (besides the about 200 men, including 150 soldiers and sail­ two wintering spots), the duration of stopovers ors, a number of officers, two pilots for each ranged from two to seven days. The length of vessel, three priests, and two cartographers time spent on land tended to be short because (Bolton 1916:104-106; Mathes 1968:54-56). The Cabrillo frequently took advantage of opportune ethnic composition of Vizcaino's voyagers is not weather conditions in order to tack northward detailed, but in addition to Spaniards and Mexi­ against the unfavorable winds and currents that can Indians, at least one African was on board typically flow down the coast of California. (Wagner 1929:192). Furthermore, crew members were constantly in The voyagers encountered diverse coastal search of water and wood, and when these re­ native communities that varied in population, so­ sources were unavailable or inaccessible, they cial organization, and political elaboration. Al­ would move to another anchorage. Many of the though many native peoples visited the sailors, encounters along the Santa Barbara Channel most encounters took place in groups that were were instigated by natives in canoes who briefly reported to be not much greater than the size of visited the ships as the crews slowly tacked the ships' crews. While population estimates are northward searching for protected bays in which not very precise in primary accounts, when giv­ to anchor so that they could obtain water and en they tend to vary between one hundred and wood. three hundred persons (e.g., Bolton 1916:80-86; Drake made only one recorded landfall in Wagner 1924:21). These observations are simi­ Alta California, and it lasted for 36 days. How­ lar in range to those projected by most archaeol­ ever, the rendezvous between locals and new­ ogists and ethnographers today, who suggest— comers were highly structured events of limited with the possible exception of the Chumash and intervals, especially during the initial encounters. Gabrielino polities—that the peoples of central During the first two weeks of Drake's stay in and southern California were organized into Nova Albion, it appears that the natives came to many small tribelets or village communities his encampment on a three-day cycle to ex­ packed across the coastal landscape (e.g., Sim­ change gifts, to perform dances and songs, to mons 1997:56-60; Kroeber 1925; Lightfoot conduct "self sacrifices" and healing rituals, 1993:182-185). and on one occasion to undertake the celebrated The temporal duration of most encounters "crowning" of Drake. At the end of the day's was relatively short, usually only a few hours engagements, the natives apparently returned over a one- or two-day landfall, punctuated by a home to their respective villages while Drake's few longer layovers (see also Johnson 1982:48). men remained in their encampment for protec­ The Cabrillo-Ferrelo voyage recorded 20 places tion. After the first few days of formal gather­ in Baja and Alta California where encounters ings (June 18 to June 26, 1579), the tempo of took place with native peoples. They averaged the encounters increased as daily meetings took about 5.6 days per stay in each location, but this place between Drake's crew and local inhabi­ included two long anchorages (57 and 14 days) tants, and the voyagers began to visit ouflying on the Islands of San Lucas to wait out rough villages. winter storms (see Fig. 2). In eleven of the 20 De Unamuno and his crew experienced only places where encounters occurred, the length of two very brief encounters with the peoples of the visits lasted from a few minutes (usually Morro Bay ("Puerto de San Lucas") over a when canoes paddled out to the ships) to less two-day period (October 19 and 20, 1587). Both than a day on land. In other places where the contacts involved aggressive posturing and 144 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Fig. 2. Frequency of recorded encounters between natives and the Cabrillo-Ferrelo voyagers, and maxi­ mum length of visit in days. armed conflict over the course of those two Baja California as Cermeno and his crew sailed days. their modified ship's launch back to Mexico. The Cermeiio expedition made one extended On board Vizcaino's flagship, the San Diego, landfall at Drake's Bay ("La Baya de San 18 placenames were recorded as natives were Francisco") where multiple meetings took place encountered in Baja and Alta California. Similar with native peoples from November 6 to Decem­ to Cabrillo's voyage, most visits were short. ber 8, 1595. The documented encounters in­ Vizcaino and his men were also attempting to volved the initial meeting of the voyagers and tack northward from Baja to Alta California natives alongside the San Agustin and later en­ against contrary winds and currents; consequent­ counters in or near the native villages. Unlike ly, when conditions proved favorable, the expe­ Drake's account, little was recorded about gath­ dition maximized its time at sea. The average erings at the Spaniards' camp or daily meetings length of time per stay in the 18 places was 4.79 with local peoples. After the voyagers aban­ days (see Fig. 3). In half of the places, the ex­ doned Drake's Bay when their ship sank, three tent of the layovers was one or two days (includ­ additional, but very brief interactions were re­ ing brief meetings with people in canoes). Other corded with peoples in southern California and landfalls were of longer duration that included CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 145

^ r- CD "^

§4 LU "a -

Fig. 3. Frequency of recorded encounters between natives and Vizcaino voyagers, and maximum length of visit in days.

the possibility of more prolonged or multiple is no clear temporal pattern for these re­ meetings with locals, ranging from three to five sponses—peaceful relations and altercations be­ days (on three occasions), seven to eight days tween natives and foreigners were recorded (on three occasions), and one occasion each of throughout die period between 1542 and 1603. 10, 11, and 18 days. However, even during ex­ During initial encounters, a common practice for tended layovers, the ships were often moved both sides was to send emissaries ahead of the within protected harbors and coastal embayments main bodies of foreign soldiers and armed native while crew members combed the countryside for warriors, usually to ascertain each other's inten­ available wood and potable water. tions. As detailed in the Vizcafno expedition (Bolton 1916:81-85; Wagner 1929:192, 233), RESPONSES TO IMTIAL ENCOUNTERS the voyagers commonly dispatched officers and/ The chroniclers of the voyages described or priests with gifts of food and other commodi­ above recorded very diverse native responses to ties to greet native representatives and to empha­ their arrivals, including enthusiastic welcomes, size their peaceful meanings and actions. The friendly overtures, fear, ambivalence, threaten­ native groups often sent out one or more spokes­ ing posturing, and armed confrontation. There persons who performed lengthy orations or com- 146 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY municated by signs their views about the arrival or at least ambivalent, two incidents resulted in of strangers, as recorded in the Drake, Cerme­ aggressive signaling and conflict. One (Novem­ iio, and Vizcaino chronicles. Among some na­ ber 7, 1595) involved armed warriors who main­ tive groups, women played significant roles as tained an aggressive stance until persuaded by peace envoys or brokers in meetings with for­ other native emissaries to lay down their bows eign emissaries. In the Cabrillo-Ferrelo ac­ and arrows (Wagner 1929:158-159). The other count, a woman leader stayed on board the ship event, which occurred sometime between No­ for two nights near the Pueblo of Las Sardinas vember 30 and December 2, included 20 natives (Quinn 1979a:457), and during Vizcaino's San who were attempting to salvage wood from the Diego anchorage, where the local inhabitants wreck of the San Agustin until the Spaniards for­ were portrayed as being initially apprehensive, cibly intervened to stop them. In the ensuing al­ women (in one case a very old woman) in two tercation, at least one Spaniard was wounded separate encounters were sent forward to meet (Wagner 1924:22-23). Spanish shore parties (Bolton 1916:80-82). Most of the encounters recorded during Viz­ Each voyage recorded a different pattern of caino's 1602-1603 voyage were relatively peace­ native responses. In the Cabrillo-Ferrelo voyage ful, with exuberant welcomes accorded the sail­ of 1542-1543, four initial observations were ors on the Channel Islands and the Santa Barbara made of people fleeing from the Spaniards (on Channel. However, despite a formal edict from August 11, August 22, September 28, and Octo­ Vizcaino to treat native peoples with respect (is­ ber 7, 1542), one incident involved arrows being sued on June 8, 1602), the expedition still expe­ shot (September 28, 1542), and two cases indi­ rienced aggressive reactions on both sides that cated ambivalent reactions (September 8 and led to bloodshed. The first incident occurred on September 28, 1542); however, the majority of September 2, 1602, on the Island of Serros, the other observations recorded by the Spaniards when water bottles left on shore were broken, were relatively friendly. Nevertheless, during and Vizcaino's men were confronted by armed the long winter anchorage on the Islands of San warriors. The second incident, which took place Lucas, Francisco de Vargas, who sailed with on October 27, 1602, was on San Simon y San Cabrillo, recalled that the "Indians never Judas, where 100 armed natives attempted to stopped fighting," attacking Spanish soldiers stop the voyagers from filling water bottles. In when they attempted to obtain water (Wagner the ensuing fight, the Spanish fired on the na­ 1941:25-26). tives, killing two to four persons and wounding Drake's crew was portrayed as maintaining at least a half dozen. The final example of cordial relations with the natives of Nova Albion aggressive behavior transpired on February 6, throughout their stay in 1579, but the experi­ 1603, on the return trip to the Island of Serros, ences of the de Unamuno expedition in 1587 at which time the inhabitants of the island con­ were tragic for all concerned. The first recorded tinued to deny the Spanish access to water and mortality in a pitched battle between natives and the voyagers fired their guns to scare them Europeans in Alta California transpired during away. In addition, on January 29, 1603, the de Unamuno's visit to Morro Bay, where one voyagers caught some people from Santa Catali­ Spaniard and one Luzon native died, another na Island stealing goods from their ship, the San Spaniard was wounded, and some Obispefio Diego. Chumash Indians were killed and many wound­ In evaluating the diverse range of responses ed. While most of the encounters experienced to early native and European encounters in Cali­ by Cermeno and his men in 1595 were friendly. fornia, the following three factors are considered CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 147 herein: (1) the role of information exchange and on Santa Catalina Island (Wagner 1929:239- oral tradition in predisposing native responses; 240). Furthermore, previous encounters with (2) the critical position that ceremonial practices foreign strangers had been incorporated into na­ played in structuring responses on both sides; tive oral traditions. Vizcaino was told about a and (3) the timing of encounters, especially in previous shipwreck in California waters by a relation to the native and Christian ceremonial woman on Santa Catalina Island, who even calendars. showed him two pieces of decorated China silk salvaged from the ship (Bolton 1916:85). Viz­ Information Exchange and Oral Tradition caino and his men were also told by the people Regional exchange and communication net­ at Cabo de San Lucas about the English capture works were used by native peoples to announce of the Santa Ana by Thomas Cavendish in 1588, the coming of strangers across an extensive area and about earlier encounters with Spaniards of Baja California, southern Alta California, under the Marques del Valle and Don Fernando northwest Mexico, and possibly the American Cortes (possibly referring to the aborted colony Southwest. While slowly tacking up the Califor­ of Puerto de la Paz established nearby in 1535) nia coast from ports in west Mexico, the expedi­ (Wagner 1929:194). tions of Cabrillo-Ferrelo and Vizcaino witnessed The existence of broad-scale exchange and firsthand the scale of this communication system communication networks is important for under­ when they were repeatedly told by native peo­ standing native responses to the voyagers for ples about armed men like them who had been two reasons. First, extended sailing expeditions seen in the interior. While it is possible that up the coast of California were likely trumpeted these stories were fabricated by native groups to well ahead of their slow advance. The emer­ entice the Spaniards to leave their territories, the gence of Cabrillo's and Vizcaino's ships on the number and consistency of the reports suggest horizon probably surprised no one. Coastal peo­ otherwise. Cabrillo and his men were told about ples were doubtlessly warned well in advance of foreigners on eight separate occasions in seven European sailing expeditions that were tediously different places spanning from Baja California to working their way up the shoreline from the Santa Barbara Channel (Quinn 1979a:453- Mexico. However, this advance warning system 457). Cabrillo evidently believed that they were would not have come into play during the initial referring to Alarcon's convoy up the Colorado landfalls of ships sailing from the North Pacific, River or Coronado's entrada through the Ameri­ East Asia, or the Philippines (e.g., Cermeno) can Southwest, since he sent letters and even that had made no previous contacts in Califor­ men to them. Similarly, Vizcaino and his crew nia. were told about men in the interior who were Second, stories of strangers widely trans­ clothed and armed as they were while at anchor­ mitted through regional communication net­ ages at Eleven Thousand Virgins and San Diego works, as well as oral traditions of local groups, Bay (Wagner 1929:226; Quinn 1979d:419). influenced native reactions to the voyagers. As Regional communication charmels broadcast noted above, Cabrillo's crew observed local peo­ the coming of the voyagers up the coast of Cali­ ple fleeing from their ships. When asked why fornia. This is clearly demonstrated by the De­ they fled, some natives communicated to the cember 2, 1602, visit of the "petty king" to Spaniards that similar armed men were killing Vizcaino's ship via a canoe from the Santa Bar­ Indians inland (Quinn 1979a:455). Cabrillo's bara mainland, when he had been informed of men did little to reduce the apprehension of the the pending arrival of the Spaniards from people locals by repeatedly capturing individuals for in- 148 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY terrogation, although they reportedly gave most tum to submit to Catholicism and Spanish rule of them gifts and set them free. However, on at or "be warred upon" (Seed 1995:70-73). Wag­ least one occasion the captives were not released ner (1938) and Servin (1963) reviewed the re­ by the Spaniards but transported to Mexico as corded symbolic acts of possession for the early translators. The Vizcaino voyagers experienced Spanish explorers on the Pacific coast, indicating a similar situation at Cabo de San Lucas where that along with the public reading of the "Re­ the natives were very fearful because of oral ac­ quirement," the newcomers would often slash or counts of prior ill treatment at the hands of attack trees with their swords, throw sand and Spaniards, including the killing of many people rocks from one place to another, pull up grass, and the use of ferocious dogs to attack them carry water from the sea to the land, and/or (Wagner 1929:194). raise a large cross fashioned from a nearby tree, all the while challenging nafives to contest their Ceremonial Practices rightful claims. The respective world views and ideological The public ceremonies staged by the voyagers constructs of natives and voyagers were critical were greatly influenced by the dominant Chris­ factors in cultural encounters, influencing how tian faith practiced on board the ships. Each participants presented themselves to strangers, sailing crew was staffed with clergymen, one to how they interpreted the actions of "others," three Catholic priests on board the Spanish expe­ and ultimately how each responded to the other. ditions and at least one Protestant chaplain on Our reading of the chronicles suggests that pub­ Drake's voyage. Not only did the clergymen af­ lic ceremonies and rituals were critical in medi­ fect the actions of the officers and crew of the ating the first encounters between natives and ships, they were critical in forging relafions with Europeans in California. It appears that both native peoples. sides commonly performed ceremonial rituals in Masses and other religious services were public settings to communicate their cultural val­ common activities on land for all the expedi­ ues and meanings to all participants during con­ tions. The most detailed observations were re­ tact events, as well as to provide a context for corded in Father Ascencion's account of the Viz­ making sense of "others." caino voyage. He noted that the first clear The voyagers performed highly ritualized sightings many natives had of Vizcaino and his ceremonies for native onlookers whenever they men were during public masses performed al­ claimed land for their god, country, and monar­ most every day when on land. Subsequent to chy. While the symbolic acts of possession im­ some masses, long ceremonial processions took plemented by Spanish and English envoys varied place across the beach, led by the priests holding considerably, they served the common purpose up the Holy Sacrament and a sculptured idol of of legitimizing the right of each country to rule the Seiiora del Carmen, followed by officers, in the New World (Seed 1995:2-6). Drake and sailors, and other crew members. After con­ his men participated in a ceremony with local structing an altar in a tent or hut, sermons and people in which he claimed Nova Albion for the communion were then performed outside in clear Queen and later erected a "Plate of Brasse" as view of voyagers and locals alike, with the a monument to England's rightfiil tide to the priests inviting the native peoples to bow their land (Quinn 1979b:474, 476). The Spanish ex­ heads, to participate in prayer, and to kiss the plorers were obligated to read the "Require­ crucifix of Christ (see Bolton 1916:56, 74, 84; ment" (Requirimiento) to native peoples they en­ Wagner 1929:193, 232, 236). countered, a document which ouUined an ultima­ Several accounts of these expeditions also re- CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 149 corded the ceremonial practices and ritual obser­ breasts with their fingernails. These mourning vances of native peoples during their initial practices were observed in the early 1800s by meetings with voyagers. The most detailed ob­ Russian managers at Fort Ross (Kostromitinov servations were recorded during Drake's anchor­ 1974:10) and in the late 1800s by Euroamerican age at Nova Albion, and have been the source of settlers (Powers 1877:169). They were also considerable analysis and interpretation (e.g., noted by ethnographers in the early 1900s in Barrett 1908:36-37; Kroeber 1925:273-278; Hei­ interviews with elderly Pomo and Miwok zer 1947, 1973; Kelly 1978:422-423). Based on peoples (Loeb 1926:162, 286, 291, 348; Gifford descriptions of the lifeways, ceremonies, materi­ and Kroeber 1937:195; Gifford 1967:43). al culture, and language of these people, it is In his analysis of the Drake chronicles, Hei­ commonly agreed that they were Coast Miwok zer (1947:260-273) associated certain Coast Mi­ (but see Kelsey 1990:458-459). wok material culture and practices with the Kuk­ The definitive study was undertaken by Hei­ su or Ghost Dance ceremonies (see also Kroeber zer (1947, 1973), who analyzed Coast Miwok 1925:277). A black feather bundle presented to activities for each instance during which they Drake and his men during their initial meeting were recorded, persuasively arguing that various with a lone orator in a canoe on June 18, 1579, elements of Kuksu (or Guksu) and Ghost Dance is similar to ceremonial bundles used during ceremonies as recorded by ethnographers in the Kuksu dances. A procession of 100 men, led by late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries emissaries and the "king," who came to were being enacted before Drake's men. The Drake's encampment on June 26, is interpreted Kuksu and Ghost Dance rituals were related con­ as the male initiates of a ceremonial secret socie­ stellations of "ancient" religious practices of the ty. The first man carried a "scepter" or peoples of the southern North Coast Ranges be­ "mace" that Heizer (1947:266) idenfified as a fore the advent of the "modern" Ghost Dance four-and-a-half-foot long black staff of either the and Bole Maru cults (Barrett 1917; Kroeber Kuksu or Ghost Dance. The other men in the 1925; Loeb 1926, 1932; Meighan and Riddell procession were distinguished by the distinctive 1972; Bean and Vane 1992). The Kuksu cere­ dress and ornaments of Coast Miwok and Pomo mony was an elaborate observance of dances and ceremonies, including "chaines" (disk bead songs involving the impersonation of the Kuksu necklaces), "cawles" (net caps with down fill and other spirits, with some dancers dressed in and/or feathers), and plumes of feathers (as well "big head" costumes performing curing rites for as single feathers). All of the men were painted patients by blowing a double bone whistle over black and white—colors that were clearly associ­ them or by prodding or poking them with a ated with Kuksu and Ghost Dance ceremonies— long, black staff. The Ghost Dance was another along with other unspecified body paint colors. elaborate series of performances involving danc­ Heizer (1947:263, 271) also argued that the ers, singers, and drummers, some of whom im­ practice of women "sacrificing" every third day personated the spirits of the recently deceased in during any given mourning period by wailing, a mourning ceremony. moaning, shrieking, and tearing their faces with In expressing their grief during the fingernails was related to the mourning ritual of cremafion of loved ones, as well as during the the Ghost Dance. The display of "griefes and mourning ceremony of the Ghost Dance, it was diseases" to the English and the requests to have not uncommon for Coast Miwok and Pomo them blow upon or touch the infected areas women to wail, to beat themselves (sometimes (Heizer 1947:267) is interpreted as deriving with rocks), and to lacerate their cheeks and from the curing ritual of the Kuksu ceremony. 150 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Finally, Heizer (1947:272-273) believed the However, no observations were recorded of "sacrifice" of a string of disk beads and bunch women's "sacrifices," the showing of diseases of feathers when the English departed is part of or wounds to the Spanish, or the "crowning" of the Coast Miwok and/or Pomo mourning custom Cermeiio, as had occurred with Drake. in memory and honor of the dead. In sailing up the Santa Barbara Channel, Viz­ The most common interpretation of the be­ caino and his crew experienced a common pat­ havior of the Coast Miwok is that they perceived terned ritual from natives in canoes. The "petty the English as a boadoad of ghosts (Meighan king" arrived at Vizcaino's ship in his canoe 1981:64). Kroeber' s (1925:277) perspective was and circled it three times while the rowers sang; that Drake and his crew were regarded "as the then he came on deck, made three turns around returned dead." Heizer (1947:263) argued that the waist while singing, and launched into a long the Coast Miwok viewed the English as "unusu­ oration (Wagner 1929:239). Other people in al, perhaps supernatural, visitors since nothing canoes performed a similar ritual, paddling rap­ is more clear than the fact that they were not idly around the ship two or three times while treated as ordinary mortals." He believed that bowing their heads to the Spaniards (Bolton Coast Miwok women were supposedly "looking 1916:87-88; Wagner 1929:256). Vizcaino and upon relatives returned from the dead, and hence his men also observed "a place of worship or performed the usual mourning observances" temple" on Santa Catalina Island where the na­ (Heizer 1947:271). In this interpretation, the tives performed their "sacrifices and adora­ world view of the Kuksu and Ghost Dance cere­ tions." Here they found an area decked with monies provided the cultural context for making feathers of all colors and shapes and a painted sense of the voyagers and for eliciting the proper figure where crows were supposedly worshiped. behavioral responses to them. Drake and his In another case of clashing ideologies, the Span­ crew, in mrn, responded to the Coast Miwok ac­ ish soldiers shot two of the revered crows at the cording to the Christian tenets of the day, be­ shrine because they believed that the natives lieving the Indians to be utterly "mad" and un­ were talking to the "Devil" through them (Wag­ der the "power of Satan" (Quinn 1979b:474). ner 1929:237). One can view the encounter at Nova Albion as a classic case of clashing ideologies and world The Timing of Encounters views as manifested in public ceremonial prac­ A third critical factor that contributed to di­ tices—as the women committed their bloody sac­ verse responses between explorers and indige­ rifices in front of the voyagers, the English nous peoples is the timing of the encounters. looked to the heavens, prayed, sang Psalms, and The voyagers recognized that the seasonal cycle read the Bible (see Quinn 1979b:472). of native subsistence practices and residential Native ceremonial practices were also re­ movements influenced the types of reception corded during encounters with the Cermeno and they received, as well as the size of the coastal Vizcaino expeditions. Cermefio and his men population they encountered. In the Cabrillo- made similar observations, in some respects, to Ferrelo chronicle, it was noted in the first trip to those of Drake. As Heizer (1941:316-317, 1947: the Pueblo of Las Sardinas (on November 2, 260-261) pointed out, a lone orator in a tule bal­ 1542) that they received a supportive welcome sa initially greeted Cermeno's ship, and the lead­ from local peoples who brought food and water er of a band of warriors carried a "tall banner to the ships. When the expedition rettirned to of black feathers" that may have been a ceremo­ the same pueblo in the late winter (February 12, nial staff associated with the Kuksu rittial. 1543), they "did not find so many Indians as at CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 151 first, nor any fishing at all, because it was win­ Trinidad Bay, based on often elaborate consider­ ter" (Quinn 1979a:459). When Vizcaino and a ations of Elizabethan shipbuilding, navigation small party explored south of Monterey Bay in and cartography, recorded landmarks, currents, early winter (January 3, 1603), it was reported weather conditions, flora, fauna, archaeological that "No people were found because, on account remains and the material culture, language, and of the great cold, they were living in the interi­ practices of the native peoples (e.g., Ziebarth or. He [Vizcaino] sent Ensign Juan Francisco 1974). Since 1949, the Drake Navigators Guild, with four soldiers to a rancheria to see what was an organizadon dedicated to the study of Drake's there; he found it to be depopulated, and re­ voyage, has argued persuasively that the English ttirned" (Bolton 1916:94). sailors landed at Drake's Bay in Coast Miwok The timing of encounters in relation to the territory 16 years prior to Cermefio. Heizer ceremonial calendar of both the voyagers and (1947:279) initially believed that Drake landed native peoples is also critical to consider. On at Drake's Bay, but later changed his mind, ar­ the Vizcaino voyage, the crew observed and cel­ guing that the most likely anchorage was in San ebrated specific holy days of the Christian cere­ Quentin Cove, based largely on the nearby dis­ monial cycle with masses, feasts, and other cele­ covery of the famous "Plate of Brass," an arti­ brations (e.g., Bolton 1916:80). As noted above, fact that now appears to be a clever fraud (see when Christian ceremonies were held on land, Hanna 1979:242-262). the native inhabitants were invited to view and However, a salient reason why Wagner (1924: even participate in the pageantry, on one occa­ 8), Heizer (1973:21, 26), Powers (in Ziebarth sion even dining with Vizcaino at his table after 1974:261 -263), and Meighan (1981:57-59) ques­ mass (on October 12, 1602). Native responses tioned the Drake's Bay anchorage is the lack of were also influenced by the arrival of the voy­ key corroborative evidence from Cermeiio's agers during their seasonal ceremonial cycle. chronicles. While some observations of the This point is exemplified in Sahlins' (1981:11- Coast Miwok seem to substantiate the Drake ac­ 27, 1985:104-131) masterfiil analysis of the arri­ counts, it is noteworthy that Cermeiio recorded val of Captain James Cook in Hawaii during the no evidence of the very conspicuous '' sacrifices'' sacred events of the Makahiki Fesfival, when of women, healing rituals, or the celebrated Cook's actions during the ritual calendar person­ "crowning" ceremony of Drake. In coming to ified the ancient god Lono in both life and grips with these discrepancies, Heizer (1941:325, death. Drake experienced a similar, but less 1973:26) speculated that possibly the Spanish and tragic, encounter when he and his men sailed English acted very differently toward the natives, into the ritual world of the Coast Miwok in hence the native response was different, or that Nova Albion. Drake and his men ignited a massive epidemic of An ongoing, and often acrimonious, debate some Euroasiatic disease upon the Coast Miwok in early exploration scholarship is pinpointing that influenced their behavior toward Cermeiio. the location of Drake's anchorage during his 36- We believe that while Drake and Cermefio day layover in Nova Albion (see Hanna [1979] probably both encountered Coast Miwok peoples for a detailed summary). While some have (as well as nearby Pomo groups), most likely at expressed doubt that Drake ever landed in Drake's Bay, they arrived at very different times northern California or even Alta California in the local native ceremonial cycle. Drake and (Kelsey 1990), others have argued for stopovers his men arrived in early June, the time when the in Bolinas Bay, Drake's Bay, Tomales Bay, first fruit celebrations, including the Kuksu cere­ Bodega Bay, San Francisco Bay, and even monies and, in some years. Ghost Dance rites. 152 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY were traditionally held among most Coast Mi­ The "head men" carried special staffs, each about wok and Pomo peoples (Loeb 1926:163, 363, five feet in length with a section of feather rope attached. This staff was called yti'luk C. They, as 1932:103; Gifford and Kroeber 1937:206-207; well as the head singer, were attired in beaded Barrett 1952:51; Gifford 1967:45; Bean and human-hair head nets (e' kalai C, tale'ya kalai C), Theodorattis 1978:297). We suggest that the and in great quantities of necklaces and other bead strangers' auspicious timing would have been ornaments. As the informant expressed it: "They have their bodies, arms, and legs wrapped tightly viewed within the ritual context of the first fruit with beads." ceremonial observances. Drake and his men may have become performers in a ritual moment of In adorning Drake in ritual regalia, the cere­ time, actors who unwittingly portrayed the incar­ monial leader was symbolically transforming the nation of Kuksu spirits and ghost dancers in the English leader and presumably his men into annual commemorative event. In the eyes of the Kuksu spirits or ghosts as part of the ritual con­ Coast Miwok, the strangers may not have been text. Following the "crowning," the women perceived as gods, supernatural beings, or re­ began their "sacrifices" in front of English sail­ turned ghosts per se; rather, they were individ­ ors and sick people showed them their afflic­ uals who had arrived to participate in the sacred tions, practices that typically took place at the dances and to portray mythical figures in the end of Kuksu and Ghost Dance ceremonies. specific context of the Kuksu and Ghost Dance Cermefio and his crew arrived at Drake's Bay performances. in November 1595, well after the first fruit ob­ The rittial setting of the Drake encounter is servances had ended for the year. His men were exemplified in the coming of the "king" and his greeted in a very different manner than Drake's, many retainers to the English camp on June 26, probably largely because they were not viewed 1579. The large number of people (100 tall and as active participants in the Kuksu and Ghost warlike men) is suggestive of the multivillage Dance ceremonies. Consequenfly, the Cermeiio gatherings that characterized most Kuksu and chronicles did not describe the "sacrifices," Ghost Dance ceremonies recorded in later ethno­ "healing rituals," or "crowning" associated graphic accounts. The dress, ritual regalia, and with Drake's visit. In contrast to Drake, there entrance of the singing and dancing men into was only one brief observation of a native group Drake's camp are also very significant. Barrett coming into Cermeiio's camp on the second day (1917:399-401, 1952:51-53) described similar of their visit (November 7, 1595). Most obser­ processions of ceremonial leaders, fire tenders, vations of the Coast Miwok were made at native head singers, chorus members, drummers, danc­ villages or in the nearby hinterland. While this ers, and others marching into ceremonial enclo­ may be an oversight on the part of the Cermefio sures at the commencement of a dance. The account, it may emphasize another critical differ­ long orations and "crowning" of Drake with a ence—the Coast Miwok's perception of Drake's "crowne," "chaines," and "scepter" are also encampment as sacred space during the first fruit critical observations (e.g., Heizer 1947:266- observances versus the secular nature of Cerme­ 267). The "king" (ceremonial leader) presented iio's site in the late fall season. Interestingly, Drake with ritual dress and paraphernalia em­ towards the end of Drake's visit, the "sacri­ ployed in Kuksu and Ghost Dance ceremonies, fices" of the women suddenly ceased, supposed­ including a net cap, clam disk beads, and the ly because the English finally persuaded the na­ long black staff Barrett's (1952:53) description tives to stop their displeasing acfivity (Quinn of the Kuksu leaders is very revealing for inter­ 1979b:475). However, it is also possible that by preting Drake's "crowning": July of Drake's anchorage, the formal obser- CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 153 vances of the first fruit ceremonies had come to Sardinas), and water and fish (at Cape Galera). a close for the season, and the rituals associated There were five separate recorded incidences with it had abruptly ended. (June 18, 21, 23 or 24, 26, and sometime Finally, Heizer (1973:26) was puzzled that between June 27 and July 23, 1579) when Drake the Coast Miwok had initially reacted to Cerme­ and his men offered goods to the Coast Miwok iio and his men with "great fright," which he at Nova Albion (Quinn 1979b: 470-476). The felt seemed odd if they had been in previous goods included a hat, shirts, linen cloth, "divers contact with the Drake voyagers. He suggested things" (not taken), a token to the "king," mus­ that this reaction may have been incited by a sels, and seals. There were four separate obser­ contagion associated with Drake. However, vations of Coast Miwok gift-giving (June 18, 21, there is little evidence for such an epidemic (dis­ 23 or 24, and 26, 1579), when natives presented cussed below), and we believe the Coast Miwok to the voyagers a bundle of black feathers, bas­ may have been taken by surprise because the kets or bags with the herb "tobah" (mentioned Spaniards arrived unexpectedly outside the cere­ three times), feathers (mentioned twice), net monial cycle of the Kuksu and Ghost Dance ritu­ caps, arrow quivers, skins, fish, seeds, a root als. known as "petah," and baskets, as well as the "crown" and "chaines" given to Drake. MATERIAL REMAINS OF ENCOUNTERS Native peoples of Morro Bay did not actually The recorded observations of the voyagers exchange goods with de Unamuno and his men discussed above indicate that cultural contacts (Wagner 1929:143-149). The voyagers found often commenced with the exchange of food and two deerskin bundles in their exploration of the goods between natives and foreign visitors. The interior and replaced them with two handker­ voyagers typically offered material items as to­ chiefs as gifts to the local natives (on October kens of their peaceful intentions, as ways of fos­ 18, 1587). Crew members later offered biscuits, tering further connections with other members of cloth, and other items as unsuccessful peace native entourages, and as a means of placating tokens when first confronted by armed, agitated hostile groups. While the mofives of the native locals (on October 19, 1587). peoples were not always clear, it appears that The Cermefio chronicles recorded the ex­ they initiated exchange relations with the voya­ change of European and Asian goods to the gers as a common practice when meeting strang­ Coast Miwok in the vicinity of Drake's Bay dur­ ers and as a means of cultivating social relations. ing the first two days of their encounters (No­ The Cabrillo-Ferrelo chronicles recorded vember 6 and 7, 1595) (Wagner 1929:158-160). five places where the Spanish exchanged goods The goods included cotton cloth (mentioned with native peoples (Quinn 1979a:453-457). three times), silk things (mentioned twice), a red The goods included presents and clothing (at La cap, taffeta cloth, and taffeta sashes. When they Posesion), presents and shirts (at San Miguel), were returning to Mexico in the launch (Decem­ beads and other articles (at San Salvador La Vi- ber 12 to December 14, 1595), Cermefio and his toria), presents (at the Pueblo of Las Canoas), men exchanged the following materials: cotton and "many" presents (on the Santa Barbara cloth (mentioned twice), taffeta, and pieces of mainland). There were four places listed where silk (menfioned twice). The Coast Miwok pre­ the natives reportedly gave goods to the Span­ sented the Spaniards with goods on at least three iards, including fish (north of the Pueblo of Las occasions (November 7, November 30, and De­ Canoas), fresh sardines (on the Santa Barbara cember 2, 1595), including seeds, acorns (men­ mainland), water and wood (at the Pueblo of Las fioned three times), hazelnuts, thistles, and pos- 154 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY sibly bows and arrows. The voyagers also con­ tributed to the early voyagers with at least some fiscated a sack and a half of acorns from a na- degree of certainty can be counted on one hand. five group who was salvaging boards from the They include several glass beads recovered from San Agustin sometime between November 30 the Santa Barbara coast and a Yokuts cemetery and December 2, 1595. Finally, while returning in Kern County that possibly date to the six­ home in their launch, Cermefio and his men bar­ teenth and seventeenth cenmries (Heizer 1941: tered for acorns and acorn mush, fish, a small 324, 1972:2; Woodward 1947:50-51; Meighan seal, and cakes of yellow roots from local resi­ 1981:50), and the possible Cabrillo gravestone dents in southern California on December 12, from Santa Rosa Island (Heizer 1972). 14, and 16, 1595. An analysis of the documented exchange rela­ The Vizcaino voyage provided the most de­ tionships between voyagers and natives reveals tailed observations of goods traded between ex­ three patterns that clarify why archaeological plorers and natives (Bolton 1916:56-98; Wagner evidence for early encounters is rare. First, the 1929:192-257). The voyagers bestowed goods most common trade goods offered by the crews on native peoples in 13 different places. The of the sailing expeditions to the Indians were goods included presents/other things/other trifles items of clothing (materials of cloth, silk, or cot­ (mentioned 11 times), food (mentioned three ton) and food (biscuits, fish, etc.). These per­ times), food and biscuits (mentioned twice), bis­ ishable materials would not preserve well in cuits alone (menfioned four times), fish (men­ most coastal archaeological contexts. In the tioned twice), beads (mentioned eight times), chronicles of the five voyages, there were 53 cords/ribbons, clothes (menfioned twice), cloth, cases in which trade goods were identified in chemises, petticoats, scissors, looking glasses, more detail than a "present" or "trifle" (see and littte bells. The native peoples furnished a Table 1). Articles of clothing were mentioned variety of materials to the Spaniards in 10 differ­ 27 (51%) times, items of food 14 times (26%), ent places. The goods were "lion" skins (men­ and manufactured goods (including glass beads) fioned twice), cat skins, "tiger" skins, deer 12 times (23 %). The practice of giving clothing skins (mentioned twice), bear skins, marten as gifts was even more evident in the first four skins (mentioned three times), seal skins (men­ expeditions. A total of 24 exchange goods was tioned three fimes), skins, net caps, net bags menfioned in the Cabrillo-Ferrelo, Drake, de (mentioned three times), other nets (mentioned Unamuno, and Cermeiio accounts, of which three times), cords, threads, twisted ropes, items of clothing were mentioned in 20 cases shells, food, fish (mentioned five times), "sweet (83%), while food items and manufactured potatoes," grain in basket, acorn in basket, goods were mentioned only three (13%) and one prickly pears, water from flask (mentioned (4%) times, respectively. Food was recorded as twice), and a female dog. a more common exchange item by Vizcaino dur­ Although exchange activities were critical ing his voyage (mentioned 11 times), although it components of these early encounters, there has was also mentioned on three other occasions in been little success to date in recovering six­ encounters with natives (see Table 1). Interest­ teenth-century European or Asian artifacts in ar­ ingly, both de Unamuno and Vizcaino tended to chaeological contexts in California. The major offer food, especially biscuits, to hostile natives exception is the midden deposits at Drake's Bay, in an attempt to placate them. which are discussed separately below. In fact, Second, manufactured goods usually associ­ outside the Cermefio (and possibly Drake) an­ ated with Indian trade, such as glass beads, mir­ chorage in Coast Miwok territory, materials at­ rors, bells, knives, etc., comprised a minor CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 155 component of the documented materials given to Table 1 native peoples. This pattern suggests that dur­ EUROPEAN TRADE GOODS OFFERED TO NATIVE PEOPLES AS IDENTIFIED able goods most likely recoverable in archaeo­ SPECIFICALLY IN THE CHRONICLES logical contexts were not frequently exchanged, until possibly Vizcaino's voyage. In the 53 in­ Voyage Clothing' Food'' Glass Other stances where trade items were mentioned in the Beads Manufactured five voyages (see Table 1), nine cases (17%) Goods' were glass beads and only three (6%) were other Cabrillo- 2 0 1 0 manufactured goods (scissors, looking glasses, Ferrelo bells). This pattern is even more pronounced in Drake 3 2 0 0 the first four voyages, where glass beads were Unamuno 3 10 0 menfioned only once (4%) in the 24 cases of ex­ Cermeno 12 0 0 0 change, and no other manufactured goods were Vizcaino 7 11 8 3 identified. ' Cloth, silk, or cotton materials. Third, the native peoples tended to give food '' Biscuits, fish, etc. items, clothing, and personal adornments to the " Scissors, looking glasses, and little bells. voyagers. The majority of these materials would not be readily recoverable and identified as ex­ debilitating disease recorded amongst both the change goods in most archaeological contexts, Cabrillo-Ferrelo and Vizcaino crews, which was except under extraordinary conditions. As sum­ almost certainly scurvy (see description in Wag­ marized in Table 2, 27 (38%) of the 72 recorded ner 1929:245-246), may have been better con­ cases of native goods given to the voyagers were trolled. food, primarily fish and acorns, while in 22 (30%) cases the goods included skins, feathers, Material Remains at Drake's Bay and net caps. Perishable household equipment Drake's Bay offers the best evidence of Eu­ and subsistence-related tools (baskets, nets, ropean and Asian goods recovered in sixteenth- cords) comprised 11 (15%) of the 72 cases. century archaeological contexts in California. Other materials mentioned were water (four Since 1940, archaeologists have investigated at times), the herb "tobah" (three times), weapons least 32 native sites in the vicinity of Drake's (two times), wood (one time), and shell (one Bay, as well as another dozen or so sites in time). Coast Miwok territory, in search of material There was little variation in native trade evidence of the Drake and Cermeiio anchorages practices over time. Food, clothing, and per­ (Moratto 1970a, 1984:270). The initial purpose sonal adornments were the most common goods of this earlier archaeological research was to es­ given by native peoples in all five voyages, al­ tablish a sixteenth-century chronological datum though the percentages varied somewhat from for native materials associated with temporally expedition to expedition. The quantity of fresh diagnostic European and Asian artifacts (Heizer foods exchanged by native peoples may have 1941:319; Meighan 1952:100; Beardsley 1954: been relatively limited, and primarily presented 55). In the 1960s, this goal changed to a con­ in ritual or formal social settings, since the voy­ certed effort to distinguish between artifacts agers (with the exception of Cermeno after his from the Drake and Cermeiio expeditions (Von ship sank) tended to rely on preserved stores on der Porten 1973:1-4). Four decades of intensive their ships. Had the voyagers taken more ad­ fieldwork throughout the early 1980s uncovered vantage of these fresh foods, the outbreaks of a about 800 European/Asian objects from at least 156 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Table 2 NATFVE GOODS OFFERED TO VOYAGERS AS IDENTIFIED SPECIFICALLY IN THE CHRONICLES

Voyage Food' Clothing'' Baskets' Weapons'' "Tobah" Water Wood SheU Dog Cabrillo- 3 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 0 Ferrelo Drake 3 6 2 1 3 0 0 0 0 Unamuno 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Cermeno 11 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 Vizcaino 10 15 9 0 0 2 0 1 1

' Fish, acorns, seeds, etc. '' Animal skins, net caps, and feathers. ' Also includes other woven goods (cords, threads, twisted ropes, net bags). '' Arrow quiver, bow and arrow.

17 sites dating primarily to the sixteenth centtiry Agustin. There are several lines of evidence (Meighan 1981:55; Shangraw and Von der Por­ supporting this interpretation. First, ceramics ten 1981). and iron spikes were not mentioned in any of the In an exhaustive analysis of the foreign voyagers' accounts as trade items typically given goods, Von der Porten (1963, 1970) documented to nafive peoples. Meighan (1950:29) was skep­ a diverse assemblage of colorful Chinese porce­ tical that early voyagers would have traded large lain sherds from assorted bowls, plates, and numbers of costly porcelain vessels to the Coast vases manufactured primarily during the Ming Miwok. Second, less costly and more durable Dynasty's Wan-li era (1573 to 1619), along with trade items that the voyagers may have ex­ fragments of Indo-Chinese stone wares, pieces changed to the Coast Miwok have yet to be re­ of Spanish colonial terra-cotta wares, square- covered at Drake's Bay. As Meighan (1981:58) shanked and hand-forged iron spikes, bitumen, emphasized, "[T]here are no beads, hawksbells, wax, and small metal objects that may have in­ knives, buttons, or any of the numerous items cluded a crude compass needle and square-head­ commonly used by sixteenth-century Europeans ed nails (also see Shangraw and Von der Porten to open up friendly relations with native peo­ 1981). Other materials that have been attributed ples." Finally, although some of the sixteenth- to either the Cermeiio and Drake expeditions in­ century materials have been attributed to the clude the dubious "Plate of Brass" (Harma Drake voyage based on stratigraphic evidence 1979:242-262), an ancient brass mortar (Hanna (Meighan 1952:102; but see Von der Porten 1979:238), a sixteenth-century halberd from In­ 1970:240-241) and the absence of surf-ttimbled donesia supposedly found near CA-MRN-281 abrasions on some sherds (Shangraw and Von not far from San Quentin Cove (Treganza 1957: der Porten 1981:11), many of the items exhib­ 11), and even a reputed anchor of "ancient de­ ited evidence of wave and sand abrasion that sign" recovered at Drake's Bay in 1887, which would occur on materials scavenged from the was subsequently lost and has remained missing water and the shore (see Shangraw and Von der for the last 90 years (Hanna 1979:236-237). Porten 1981:8, 73-74). The majority of the remains unearthed at Significanfly, while the Coast Miwok went to Drake's Bay appears to have been salvaged by the trouble of recovering foreign objects from natives from the timbers and cargo of the San the surf and sand, the prevalent interpretation is CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 157 that most native peoples found the sixteenth- of the wooden boards; it was the planks used as century artifacts of little use or interest. This roofing material, not the spikes, that were mean- perspective is based on four findings that sur­ ingfiil to the natives (Heizer 1941:322, 327; Von prised and initially puzzled early field workers. der Porten 1965:34-37). Meighan (1981) also First, few of the porcelain or terra-cotta argued that the planks may have been a source ceramics exhibited evidence of use or modifica­ of firewood, leaving the spikes as residual refuse tion after they were broken. Heizer (1941:322) once the wood was consumed. Yet he remained believed that complete porcelain vessels were perplexed about why the "Indians apparenfiy picked out of the wreckage by natives, brought made no attempt to put the iron to use, since back home, and probably used as utilitarian con­ most stone-using peoples are quick to recognize tainers. Once broken, the porcelain sherds were the advantages of metal and utilize it in the man­ than scattered into refuse heaps. However, Hei­ ufacture of tools and weapons" (Meighan 1981: zer (1941:322) was somewhat surprised that 55). none of the ceramics was notched or drilled into Third, relatively few definitive sixteenth- native tools, leading him to suggest that the Indi­ century native burials have been excavated, and ans did not view them as "particularly valuable only two are associated with European/Asian ar­ objects." Von der Porten's (1970, 1973) analy­ tifacts. Since both graves contained spikes, Hei­ sis of a much larger ceramic assemblage identi­ zer (1941:327) and Beardsley (1954:56) specu­ fied only a handful of sherds that were retooled lated that the bodies may have been buried with into native artifact forms, such disks, pendants, ship planks placed over them. The paucity of and scrapers. He concluded that native artisans foreign goods placed intentionally in grave as­ largely abandoned their efforts to reuse or modi­ semblages was used as additional evidence for fy Chinese ceramic fragments when they experi­ arguing that the Coast Miwok perceived porce­ enced problems penetrating the hard glaze, such lain sherds and iron spikes as being of little as drilling white porcelain pieces to copy locally value. produced clam disk beads (Von der Porten 1970: Finally, archaeological testing of native sites 235, 1973:5). beyond the immediate vicinity of Drake's Bay Second, the iron spikes brought back to (Tomales Bay, San Quentin Cove, etc.) prior to nearby native villages show no direct evidence the 1980s failed to detect many sixteenth-century of use as tools. Heizer (1941:322) asserted that materials (e.g., Treganza 1957, 1958, 1959). the spikes were brought back to villages in the Treganza (1959:28) was puzzled why his archae­ timbers of the ship, which were used as roofing ological investigafion of midden deposits in near­ material in houses. According to Heizer (1941: by Tomales Bay failed to recover Chinese porce­ 322), the spikes are sharply bent because the lain. He suggested that the paucity of European timbers had rolled around in the waves and/or and Asian artifacts found outside Drake's Bay is protruding spikes were bent down to protect the an indication that salvaged goods from the San house dwellers. Concentrations of bent spikes Agustin were not widely traded. In arguing that found in archaeological contexts are interpreted the Coast Miwok must have shown a "disinter­ as the remains of houses in which the planks had est in the ceramics," Treganza (1959:28) made decomposed, although Beardsley (1954:56) ad­ a telling statement about early contact remains mitted that no supporting evidence of house con­ that succinctly captured the view of many of his struction was ever found during excavation. colleagues: The explanation for the absence of use wear on Porcelain is so dissimilar to anything in the Cen­ the spikes was that they were simply by-products tral California Indian's artifact inventory that it 158 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

was probably viewed more with idle curiosity 1995:41-43, 74-76; Erlandson and Bartoy 1996: than as something with a functional use. So far all porcelain specimens are fragmentary, none 305). Layton (1990:176-189) clearly demon­ have been found in burial associations, no frag­ strated that Pomo peoples in northern California ments have been reworked into artifacts though were salvaging Chinese porcelain fragments and many pieces appear as if they had been subject to glass bottle remains from the Frolic shipwreck pressure flaking. It is difficult for us to under­ stand the apparent lack of appreciation of pottery after she foundered off Point Cabrillo in 1850. on the part of Indians, yet what would we have During the late sixteenth and seventeenth cen- done with a galleon load of chop sticks. ttiries, native peoples along the Pacific coast may have derived European/Asian materials Rethinking the Material Evidence for Early from stranded Manila galleons, Portuguese ves­ Culture Contact sels, or even Chinese and Japanese vessels We feel that it is time to take a fresh look at blown off course. While Manila galleons tended early contact materials in California archaeol­ to sail down the coast of California well beyond ogy. Our analysis of the chronicles indicates its rocky shores and reefs (Schurz 1917), there that the materials exchanged between the voyag­ are several reported shipwrecks of Spanish mer­ ers and natives were probably limited in quanti­ chant ships in Alta and Baja California waters ty, mostty of a perishable nature, and delegated (see Johnson 1982:20, 30-32; Walker and Hud­ to primarily ceremonial or honorific contexts. son 1993:20-21), including a native woman's ac­ We should not expect to find large numbers of count to Vizcaino of a shipwreck near Santa Cat­ recognizable European or Asian goods in archae­ alina Island (Bolton 1916:85). In the 1630s, a ological sites associated with early encounters. Portuguese ship was reported stranded off the The detection of a few sixteenth or early seven­ Oregon coast (Erlandson and Bartoy 1996:305). teenth century trade goods may be very signifi­ There is also the possibility diat undocumented cant for identifying possible locations where ini­ Asian vessels may have visited the California tial culture contacts took place. Other kinds of coast prior to European colonization, as corroborating evidence should then be evaluated, suggested by several instances when storms including the possible remains of camp areas, brought fishing ships to the coast in the 1800s the locations of sixteenth and early seventeenth (e.g., Heizer 1941:323). century native sites, suitable anchorages, and Another source of early European/Asian goods readily accessible sources of water and wood. derived from the interconnected regional ex­ We believe the majority of European/Asian change networks that moved information, people, goods that penetrated California in protohistoric and goods over a broad area of western North times did not originate from direct interactions America. While archaeologists and ethnogra­ with early voyagers. Rather, most foreign goods phers have considered the long-distance move­ entering native Californian communities prior to ment of native goods (marine shell, pottery, tur­ Spanish colonizafion in 1769 probably derived quoise, cotton, feathers) over these networks in from scavenging shipwrecks and/or long-distance both prehistoric and historical contexts (e.g., exchange. We caution that the San Agustin Bennyhoff and Hughes 1987), a systematic inves­ should not be viewed as an isolated event. tigation of European/Asian materials has never There is growing recognition that shipwrecks been undertaken. Yet this expansive system of provided significant sources of European/Asian down-the-line communication most certainly pro­ goods to many coastal native peoples in the vided the conduit for announcing to coastal native North Atlantic, the Gulf of Mexico, and the Pa­ Californians the arrival of Spanish soldiers in cific coast (see Turnbaugh 1993:136; Milanich northwest Mexico and the American Southwest CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 159 during Cabrillo's and Vizcaino's voyages. contradicts voyager accounts of the critical role The movement of European/Asian goods that material exchange played during initial en­ into southern California would have been facili­ counters between natives and foreigners, which tated in the late 1500s and 1600s by a network often took place in ceremonial and honorific of native trails that connected into an extensive contexts. Furthermore, we emphasize that the colonial transportation system established by the salvage of remains from Cermeiio's shipwreck Spanish colonial government to service mission by the Coast Miwok would have taken place communities stretching from northern Mexico to only 16 years after Drake and his men partici­ Arizona and New Mexico. As Preston (1996:17- pated in the highly ritualized Kuksu and Ghost 20) illustrated, native California trails criss­ Dance ceremonies in 1579. crossing the southern deserts were part of a Our interpretation of the archaeological con­ transportation infrastructure that was ultimately texts of the porcelains and iron spikes is that linked to the major arteries of northern New they were incorporated into Coast Miwok mate­ Spain—the Camino Real, the Pacific Coast rial culture, not as utilitarian containers or tools, Road, and other minor roads and trails (see Reff but probably as symbolic references in native 1992:266-268). This infrastructtire provided the cosmology of other unknown worlds, strangers, means for introducing a smattering of foreign and even Kuksu and Ghost spirits. The tradi­ goods into the Spanish and native economies of tional perspective on European/Asian artifacts at these regions. In addition to the westward move­ Drake's Bay is rooted in a Western functional ment of European/Asian materials into Califor­ approach towards material culture that permeates nia, some foreign goods may have traveled much archaeological research; that is, that the northward on trade routes from Baja to Alta value or meaning of objects is directly related to California, especially once the Baja mission sys­ their economic function in a society. Material tem was founded in the late 1600s and early items that cannot be assigned a functional usage 1700s. through ethnographic analogy, tool classifica­ We advocate broadening the archaeological tions, or use wear studies are usually relegated study of culture contact in California beyond the to the ends of appendices along with charm- anchorages described in the voyagers' chroni­ stones, amulets, and other objects whose "func­ cles. This would involve the evaluation of other tions" remain ambiguous to us. The Drake's coastal locations where natives may have sal­ Bay materials represent a classic case. Once it vaged shipwrecks, as well as consideration of was determined that the porcelain sherds and the implications of trade connections that iron spikes exhibited litfle evidence of use, they brought foreign goods into southeastern Califor­ were classified as mere trifles by early investiga­ nia and beyond. By expanding the borders of tors. culture contact and rethinking the implications of The problems with this functionalist interpre­ specific archaeological contexts, we may be able tation are threefold. First, porcelain sherds, to provide a better basis for evaluating the mean­ iron spikes, and other scavenged remains from ings and values of different types of European/ the shipwreck comprise a significant portion of Asian goods to native Californians. the total artifact assemblages of the midden de­ It is not clear to us, for example, that the posits excavated at Drake's Bay. If these for­ native peoples at Drake's Bay regarded porcelain eign objects were such trifles, then why are sherds and iron spikes as merely curiosities or there so many of them in relation to other "na­ trifles. The interpretation that European/Asian tive" artifacts? Meighan (1950:29) noted that materials had little meaning to the Coast Miwok the Cermeiio shipwreck dispersed enough histor- 160 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY ical material in midden deposits to generate a ra­ course, does not preclude the possibility that the tio of one historical artifact for every five native planks were also used as firewood or even roof­ objects unearthed; in other words, 20% of the ing material. entire artifact assemblage recovered from seven Third, King and Upson (1970:176-179) made sites excavated between 1940 and 1950 are six­ a convincing argument that some of the native teenth-century manufactured goods. Of course, sites established on the beach were processing the recovery of European/Asian artifacts in these places where the remains of the San Agustin early excavations may have been skewed by the were collected and probably sorted. These uneven use of screens and the common practice beach sites were also used as local bases for of shovel broadcasting. However, later excava­ fowling, fishing, shellfish collecting, and gather­ tions employing more sophisticated recovery ing plant products that presumably sustained the methods have also recorded large numbers of Coast Miwok during their visits. In addition, "foreign" goods, as well as a diverse range of the beach sites (especially CA-MRN-216 and chipped and groundstone artifacts, shell orna­ CA-MRN-298E) exhibited evidence of clam ments, and bone tools. For example, using arti­ shell disk bead production, although King and fact counts from three of the best documented Upson (1970:179-180) were unsure whether the sites at Drake's Bay (CA-MRN-216, CA-MRN- bead production was contemporaneous with the 298E, and CA-MRN-298W; see King and Up­ exploitafion of the wreck (but see Moratto 1984: son [1970]), we calculated that porcelain sherds 274). If the European/Asian materials were and iron spikes comprised 9.6%, 11.2%, and merely curiosities, then it seems strange to us 19% of the total assemblages, respectively. that the Coast Miwok would establish processing Second, the spatial distribution of the porce­ sites to recover and sort materials from the San lain sherds in the midden deposits suggests that Agustin. whole vessels were not being brought back to In sum, we believe that the Coast Miwok native villages. While Heizer (1941) suggested probably collected porcelain sherds and iron that ceramics were being scavenged as utilitarian spikes because they were valued as symbolic ref­ containers, the Coast Miwok had no cultural ref­ erents of previous encounters and as materials erent for using ceramics as cooking or storage that signified unknown worlds. The primary vessels. Rather, it appears that the sherds them­ purpose was not to modify them into tools or or­ selves were the primary object of their search. naments per se; rather, they were probably re­ In archaeological deposits, many vessels are rep­ garded as similar to charms—powerful objects in resented by a single sherd, matching sherds are Pomo and Coast Miwok cosmology used in cere­ often found at considerable distances from one monies, personal rituals, and for insuring suc­ other, and reconstructible vessels are very rare cess in doctoring, hunting, fishing, and gambling (Beardsley 1954:56; Von der Porten 1970:235). (Barrett 1952:371-373). While they have yet to While some may argue that the natives were be widely found in mortuary assemblages, it dragging timber back to their villages as roofing should be noted that few definitive sixteenth and material or firewood, no archaeological evidence early seventeenth century graves have been exca­ of their use as architectural elements has been vated at Drake's Bay. well documented. It is just as possible that the Furthermore, the relative paucity of porce­ timbers were being split apart to recover up to lain sherds and iron spikes outside the immediate as many as 70 iron spikes that were then distri­ vicinity of Drake's Bay may be related to an ex­ buted to at least 10 sites in the nearby area (Von pected fall-off curve of materials from their der Porten 1970:256). This interpretation, of source, the recovery techniques employed in past CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 161

excavations, and the relatively few sites that pathway, given the presence of native exchange have been investigated in any detail beyond networks that moved people, goods, informa­ Drake's Bay in the Point Reyes Peninsula (see tion—and most likely pathogens—back and forth Moratto 1970b: 260-262). More recent investi­ between the expanding colonial frontier in north­ gations at Tomales Bay that are systematically western New Spain and southern California (see evaluating the archaeological evidence of early Walker and Johnson 1992:128; Walker and Hud­ contact have documented one or more porcelain son 1993:21-23; Erlandson and Bartoy 1995: pieces (T. Wheeler, personal communication 164; Preston 1996:11-20). 1996). In addition, two porcelain pieces, as Our purpose here is to consider the second well as an English sixpence minted in 1567, pathway of seaborne disease transmission within have been recovered from Olompali, a Coast the broader context of native and voyager en­ Miwok village situated about 30 km. east of counters. Specifically, we argue that early con­ Drake's Bay (Moratto 1984:273). tacts with voyagers may have introduced lethal EARLY ENCOUNTERS AND pathogens to coastal native populations, but that epidemics were probably geographically limited, THE INTRODUCTION OF sporadic, and short-lived. LETHAL EPIDEMICS In considering the distinct possibility that A tragic implication of early encounters in pathogens were introduced by early voyagers in California is the introduction of virulent Euro­ California, we caution that disease transmittal asiatic pathogens to native peoples who were im­ probably varied greatly among coastal groups. munologically susceptible to highly contagious The social contexts of early encounters suggest "crowd" diseases, such as smallpox, measles, that the risk of being exposed to lethal pathogens and influenza, as well as sexually transmitted was relatively rare among most coastal native ailments, such as syphilis and gonorrhea. While Californian populations. As noted above, most it is generally recognized that foreign pathogens visits with native groups were infrequent, of were likely transmitted to native populations in short duration, and involved relatively small California prior to Spanish colonization in 1769, groups (see also Johnson 1982:48-49). The total there is considerable debate among scholars over number of potential disease carriers on the five the timing, frequency, magnitude, and regional recorded voyages who visited California prior to dispersal of precolonial epidemics (Johnson 1769 was less than 1,000 men. With the excep­ 1982:48-49; Walker and Johnson 1992:128-130, tion of a few long anchorages, most coastal na­ 1994:111-112; Walker and Hudson 1993:20-23; tive groups would have been directly exposed to Larsen 1994:132-135; Erlandson and Bartoy only a few potential disease carriers for very 1995, 1996; Kealhofer 1996; Preston 1996). brief intervals of time. Of course, the risks of Two major pathways for diseases entering proto­ contacting pathogens may have increased greatly historic California have been identified: (1) with extended landfalls or shipwrecks of undocu­ down-the-line transmission through regional ex­ mented Manila galleons, other European vessels, change networks in which native carriers trans­ or Asian fishing vessels. ported pathogens to Alta California from in­ Another factor that would have reduced the fected areas in northern Mexico, the American risk of spreading highly contagious crowd di­ Southwest, and Baja California, especially in the seases to native Californians is the extended time seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, and (2) di­ it would have taken to sail to California in medi­ rect contact with early maritime voyagers. The eval ships. There is little doubt that the ports in strongest arguments have been made for the first west Mexico (Navidad or Acapulco) and the 162 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

Philippines were rife with deadly pestilence, and pigs on board (although Kelsey [1986] suggested some members of the multiethnic crews, espe­ that the Cabrillo-Ferrelo expedition may have cially Mexican Indians, were particularly vulner­ carried at least horses and cattie), whether any able to Euroasiatic pathogens. But the long of them survived the butcher block during the ocean voyages could purify ships of some com­ long ocean voyages, and whether any were re­ municable diseases (influenza, smallpox, mea­ leased at California anchorages. sles) that had incubation periods of several days Another way that lethal pathogens may have to less than three weeks (Erlandson and Bartoy been carried to California on long voyages was 1995:157-158; Preston 1996:22). The Cabrillo- on clothing or cloth that was infected by small­ Ferrelo and Vizcaino voyages from west Mexico pox. The Variola virus can survive outside liv­ piers to southern Alta California (e.g., San ing hosts in an infectious state for many months Diego) were long and arduous, involving three on clothing, bedding, and cloth that comes in to seven months of tacking back and forth contact with smallpox scabs (Upham 1986:119- against unfavorable winds. The passage across 120; Settipane and Russo 1995:26). Since cloth­ the Pacific from the Philippines was also diffi­ ing was one of the primary goods given to na­ cult, involving five months at sea for Cermefio tive Californians during all five voyages, it is and his men. In the time it took any of the early possible that some of the old clothing may have voyagers to sail to Alta California, communica­ come from men who had died at sea, possibly ble infections with short incubation periods from smallpox. The crusted material from could have run their course through susceptible smallpox scabs that remained on old clothing carriers in crews of 80 to 250 men. could have been lethal to natives who came in The three most likely ways that lethal patho­ contact with it. gens were transported on ships to Alta California Erlandson and Bartoy (1995:164-165) and are animal vectors, the survival of the Variola Preston (1996:22) idenfified venereal afflictions (smallpox) virus outside hosts in ambient condi­ as probably the most insidious diseases brought tions, and sexually transmitted diseases. While to Alta California by early voyagers. However, it is possible that some diseases requiring inter­ the initial spread of sexually transmitted diseases mediate hosts (i.e., insects), such as typhus would have diverged greatly along the California (lice) and malaria (mosquitoes), may have been coast given the varying lengths of visits and the transported on board, the likelihood of their different kinds of responses the sailors received. widespread transmittal through sporadic encoun­ Many anchorages were very short, and it is not ters with native peoples was minimal at this time clear that the voyagers had much time to mingle (see Settipane and Russo 1995:26-27). How­ with native populations after they performed ever, pigs, horses, and other domesticated ani­ their symbolic acts of possession and religious mals transported in the holds of ships could have ceremonies. In other cases, the voyagers appar­ served as reservoirs for virulent strains of influ­ ently spent some time visiting with people in enza that are communicable to humans. Swine villages and native men and women did come on influenza, first brought to the New World by board ships, some occasionally staying the night pigs transported on Columbus's second voyage, (e.g., Quinn 1979a:457). However, in these was widely spread in the Caribbean by the com­ early encounters, it appears the English and mon practice of leaving pigs on islands as Spanish crews would have risked armed conflict sources of fresh meat for ships (Settipane and with native groups if they had forced women Russo 1995:26). It is not clear whether the ear­ into unwanted sexual relations. While local ly voyagers to Alta California were carrying women may have been coerced into sexual en- CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 163 counters by their own kinsmen and chiefs, as have been spread to interior groups through mar­ implied by the "petty chief who offered each riage ties, exchange networks, and ceremonial of Vizcaino's men ten women as sexual partners practices. However, the dissemination of di­ (Bolton 1916:87-88), they probably maintained seases would not be random in occurrence, but considerable control over their interactions with would follow extant alliance systems and trade the foreigners. In this context, it is not clear routes. Some groups would be affected while that native women would actively choose to have their neighbors might remain unscathed, an ob­ sexual relations with the voyagers, and this may servation that appears to characterize the spread have varied from one tribelet to another. Heizer of protohistoric epidemics in other areas of (1947:273) suggested that the Coast Miwok who North America (see Cook 1976; Salisbury 1982: did not have wounds or sores to cure did not 102-103; Hudson et al. 1989:134; Milner 1992; want or allow Drake's men to touch them at Larsen 1994; Baker and Kealhofer 1996). Nova Albion, because they were viewed as the We expect that a similar localized pattern of returned dead or ghosts. We believe this avoid­ epidemics would have taken place in protohistor­ ance practice probably stemmed from the ritual ic California, where its cultural landscape was context of their encounters. filled with many small communities that would If pathogens from animals, clothing, or di­ have facilitated the spread of epidemics to some rect contact with voyagers were unleashed in groups but discouraged their diffusion to others. Alta California, then resulting epidemics were The complex maze of social, political, and cere­ probably sporadic and regionally localized. The monial relationships (and animosities) between footholds for epidemics were most likely protec­ literally hundreds of small polities would prob­ ted harbors where the voyagers had extended an­ ably have produced an erratic transmission of chorages and contacts with local peoples, such Euroasiatic pathogens across the countryside. It as on the Channel Islands, San Diego Bay, Mon­ is interesting to note that some of the later epi­ terey Bay, and Drake's Bay. Erlandson and demics (post-1769) in California were very lo­ Bartoy (1996:306) suggested that early epidem­ calized, inflicting many deaths in some missions ics may have burned themselves out in a rela­ while not noticeably affecting the mortality rates tively short period of time. As O'Shea and Lud- of native populations in neighboring missions wickson (1992:289-290) noted for protohistoric (Johnson 1982:162; Walker and Johnson 1994: diseases among the Omaha people in Nebraska, 114-115; Jackson and Castillo 1995; Milliken it often takes a century or more of sporadic ex­ 1995:138, 173-176; Kealhofer 1996:64-74). posure to specific pathogens before a cyclical The evidence for diseases in protohistoric epidemic pattern can be established. No infra­ California is summarized by Walker and Hudson structure existed for the regular introduction of (1993), Erlandson and Bartoy (1995), and Pres­ foreign pathogens into Alta California until pos­ ton (1996), and will not be repeated here. Suf­ sibly the establishment of the Spanish road and fice it to say that the data are ambiguous at this trail system in northern Mexico and the Ameri­ time. This observation is especially relevant can Southwest in the 1600s and early 1700s. when one considers the chronicles of the voyag­ Prior to this time, epidemics were probably iso­ ers. A comparison of observations from the Ca­ lated events that were demographically revers­ brillo-Ferrelo and Vizcaino expeditions for San ible as populations rebounded in the next genera­ Diego Bay, the Channel Islands, and the Santa tion (e.g., Erlandson and Bartoy 1996:306; Barbara mainland is inconclusive. The Cabrillo- Kealhofer 1996:63-64). Ferrelo chronicles did mention the locations of From their coastal geneses, epidemics could villages on the Channel Islands and mainland 164 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY coast, but provided little specific demographic epidemics (1600s to 1769) would probably be information, while the Vizcaino account present­ most evident along the exchange routes leading ed population estimates for some groups they en­ into southern California from Sonora, Arizona/ countered but few references to named villages. New Mexico, and Baja Mexico. Yet, both chronicles suggested that the islands The native peoples at greatest risk throughout and coastal mainland were densely populated giv­ protohistoric times should be those where there en the number of settlements, people, and "fires was overlap between the two primary pathways and smokes" they observed on shore during the of diseases in southern California; that is, those day and at night. Kealhofer (1996:63-64) em­ populations who were linked together in broad- phasized that early observations of Chumash vil­ scale exchange and communication networks ex­ lages documented fully articulated communities, tending from the ports where the voyagers made and that the number and size of villages recorded extended landfalls to the trail systems radiafing during Vizcaino's voyage compare favorably to into Baja California and northwestern New those recorded by Spanish colonists in 1769. Spain. This would include the Chumash and A careful reading of the Drake and Cermefio Gabrielino (both on the Charmel Islands and on accounts among the Coast Miwok suggests little the mainland), the Ipai, Tipai, Serrano, Cahuil- evidence for a 1579 epidemic. The Cermefio la, Mojave, Halchidhoma, and Quechan (also voyage mentioned no evidence of unburied bod­ see Preston 1996:18). Other native populations ies or depopulated villages that might be the af­ at risk were Ohlone peoples in the vicinity of tereffects of pestilence transmitted by Drake and Monterey Bay and the Coast Miwok. his men. Furthermore, the Cermefio account SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION identified seven different villages near the an­ chorage of the San Agustin, while the Drake There is great potential to address seminal chronicle was cryptic about the native population theoretical issues in contemporary culture con­ in the hinterland, referring only to "several Vil­ tact studies through the study of early encounters lages here and there" (Quinn 1979b:475). in California. The sailing expedifions of Cabril­ We agree with Erlandson and Bartoy (1995: lo-Ferrelo, Drake, de Unamuno, Cermeno, and 167), Kealhofer (1996:76-78), and Preston (1996: Vizcaino recorded the first meetings between the 5) that a critical evaluation of epidemics in pro­ multiethnic crews of European ships and the di­ tohistoric California will be best undertaken verse native communities of the central and through detailed and innovative analyses of ar­ south coasts of California. Early exploration chaeological and bioanthropological data. As a scholarship provides an excellent historical con­ beginning point for future studies, the following text for these voyages; however, most studies fo­ suggests those native populations who were at cus either on the Europeans or the native peo­ greatest risk for exposure to foreign diseases. ples, and rarely on the interactions between The earliest epidemics (1542 to 1603) should be them. By reanalyzing the voyager accounts and centered around protected harbors and embay­ relevant archaeological materials to consider the ments where the voyagers stayed during pro­ nature of early culture contacts, we may evaluate longed anchorages, and should extend east into how and why peoples from very different cultur­ the interior along extant native exchange and al backgrounds responded to each other, and be­ alliance networks. These areas would include gin to examine the implications of these early the north and south Channel Islands and Santa encounters with respect to cultural ideologies, Barbara coast, the San Diego Bay region, the ceremonial practices, gift giving, the meanings Monterey Bay area, and Drake's Bay. Later of foreign material culture, and disease. CULTURE CONTACT IN PROTOHISTORIC CALIFORNIA 165

The earliest encounters in Alta California al regions where European ships first anchored. were infrequent, usually of short duration, and The spafial distribution of European and Asian involved relatively small groups of voyagers and goods dating to the sixteenth and seventeenth natives. Local responses to the foreigners were centuries and their association with other archae­ diverse and shaped by many factors. Previous ological remains should become significant areas experiences with Europeans as transmitted of research. It is only through detailed studies through regional exchange networks and oral of archaeological deposits dating to protohistoric traditions were important considerations in na­ times, compared systematically with earlier pre­ tive responses. Initial encounters were common­ historic and later historical sites, that we can be­ ly mediated through ritual practices of both Eu­ gin to critically evaluate the meaning of foreign ropeans and natives who performed public cere­ goods, as well as the broader implications of monies that embodied their cultural views and early encounters and trade, including evidence meanings of the world. for epidemics. These kinds of studies need to be We argue that ritual played a crifical role in undertaken not only for areas where the voyag­ structuring the perceptions of "others," and ers made landfalls, but also for other coastal provided a context for interpreting the actions of areas of California, where undocumented Euro­ "others" in contact events. The timing of en­ pean and Asian ships may have become strand­ counters with respect to the ceremonial cycle of ed, as well as along the trade routes leading into Chrisfian and native observances is critical for southern California and beyond. understanding the responses of all parties, a NOTE point exemplified by the reanalysis of Drake's and Cermeiio's interactions with the Coast Mi­ 1. For each voyage, we compiled an appendix that tabulates the duration of stay, type of encounter, wok. The exchange of food and goods took place and trade goods for each landfall recorded in the during most of these initial encounters, and this chronicles. Space does not permit the full publication exchange was often performed in ceremonial and of the five appendices here. However, copies of the honorific contexts. The meanings attached to appendices can be obtained from the authors. foreign goods obtained through trade or by sal­ ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vaging ships and campsites are not clear. How­ We thank James Allan, Roberta Jewett, and Ste­ ever, the large number of "unmodified" sherds phen Silliman for reading and reviewing earlier drafts and iron spikes in midden deposits along Drake's of this paper. We greatly appreciate the editorial Bay may have significance for the symbolic sys­ suggestions and constructive comments of Michael tems and cosmology of the native peoples who Glassow, John Johnson, Randy Milliken, Thomas Layton, and one anonymous reviewer for the Jour- scavenged them from the wreck of the San Agus­ nal. We are grateful to Thomas Wheeler for sharing tin. Ritual observances of both the Europeans information with us on recent archaeological finds and natives are also important to consider in near Tomales Bay. We are especially indebted to Jill attempting to determine how deadly pathogens Gardner for her insightful advice and editorial exper­ tise in making this a much more readable paper. may or may not have been transmitted to local groups, although the limited duration of most REFERENCES visits and the small number of potential disease Aschmann, Homer carriers are critical factors to consider as well. 1974 A Late Recounting of the Vizcaino Expe­ dition and Plans for the Settlement of Cal­ It is clear that the study of culttjre contact in ifornia. The Journal of California Anthro­ protohistoric California needs to be reconcep- pology 1(2): 174-185. ttialized for those places where early encounters Baker, Brenda J., and Lisa Kealhofer took place and broadened well beyond the coast­ 1996 Bioarchaeology of Native American Adap- 166 JOURNAL OF CALIFORNIA AND GREAT BASIN ANTHROPOLOGY

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