Seeking the Constituent Signal: Exit Poll Measures of Public Opinion and Dynamic Congressional Responsiveness Clifford D

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Seeking the Constituent Signal: Exit Poll Measures of Public Opinion and Dynamic Congressional Responsiveness Clifford D University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Doctoral Dissertations University of Connecticut Graduate School 9-6-2016 Seeking the Constituent Signal: Exit Poll Measures of Public Opinion and Dynamic Congressional Responsiveness Clifford D. Vickrey University of Connecticut, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/dissertations Recommended Citation Vickrey, Clifford D., "Seeking the Constituent Signal: Exit Poll Measures of Public Opinion and Dynamic Congressional Responsiveness" (2016). Doctoral Dissertations. 1258. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/dissertations/1258 Seeking the Constituent Signal: Exit Poll Measures of Public Opinion and Dynamic Congressional Responsiveness Clifford David Vickrey, PhD University of Connecticut, 2016 Do American political institutions comport with accepted norms of democratic representation? The three arguably most important American political scientists of the 20th century—Harold Lasswell, V.O. Key, and Robert Dahl—each held that if policymaking does not generally respond to the policy attitudes of constituents, then democracy in America is a fiction. The institutional design of the House of Representatives, which emphasizes frequent elections and small constituencies, makes it a likely locus of responsiveness in our political system. However, the vast literature investigating House responsiveness has failed to provide unambiguous answers about the phenomenon’s nature and extent. One reason for this is a data problem: measuring the constituency half of the constituent-representative dyad is difficult in the absence of large-n, geographically comprehensive social surveys of House district attitudes. Scholars have relied on survey disaggregation and proxy variables as substitutes, but these respectively proved unreliable and invalid. Multilevel regression and post-stratification (MRP), which calculates the attitudinal propensities of demographic groups in national surveys and adjusts these propensities by their demographic composition per jurisdiction, is a new and promising method for imputing district- level attitudes. A new generation of MRP responsiveness literature claims to, at last, precisely measure the attitudinal signals constituents are sending to legislators. I nonetheless take issue with three features of conventional MRP measures: they are cross-sectional (and assume public opinion is stable); they are derived from the general population (and not voters); and they are issue-focused (which poses problems when the issue agenda is unstable). In response, I generate longitudinal MRP measures of ideology using state and national exit polls from 2004 to 2010. Exit polls have Clifford David Vickrey – University of Connecticut, 2016 larger biennial ns than widely-used social surveys like the Cooperative Congressional Election Study, and sample only voters. Employing my measures, I find evidence of heterogeneous ideological change and growing polarization in the districts. I also find that candidates and legislators do not respond to the preferences of median voters. Instead, and in violation of conventional democratic theory, they respond primarily to their party subconstituencies, particularly when district attitudes are widely dispersed. I offer directional voting as a formal explanation for this behavior. Seeking the Constituent Signal: Exit Poll Measures of Public Opinion and Dynamic Congressional Responsiveness Clifford Vickrey B.A., Colby College, 2010 M.A., University of Connecticut, 2012 A Dissertation Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Connecticut 2016 i Copyright by Clifford Vickrey 2016 ii APPROVAL PAGE Doctor of Philosophy Dissertation Seeking the Constituent Signal: Exit Poll Measures of Public Opinion and Dynamic Congressional Responsiveness Presented by Clifford David Vickrey, B.A., M.A. Major Advisor ___________________________________________________________________ Samuel J. Best Associate Advisor ___________________________________________________________________ Jeffrey W. Ladewig Associate Advisor ___________________________________________________________________ Lyle A. Scruggs University of Connecticut 2016 iii Acknowledgements I entered UConn as a philosophy student who knew nothing about either American Political Science or quantitative methods and was proud of my ignorance. I leave as an Americanist whose dissertation tackles some of the most vexing methodological problems in the discipline today. I credit my primary advisor and valued friend, Dr. Sam Best, for showing me the value and inherent interest in the subject matter, and for helping me achieve the intellectual clarity and rigor necessary to see my research project through. I also acknowledge Dr. Jeff Ladewig for bringing my once- dilettantish understanding of Congress and spatial politics up to a scholarly level, Dr. Lyle Scruggs for getting me to explain my methodology in the clearest prose of which I am capable, and Drs. Vin Moscardelli and Kristin Kelly for generously agreeing to be readers with short notice. I thank my first advisor, Dr. Michael Morrell, for kindly introducing me to UConn in 2010. The biggest impetuses for my dissertation’s completion, it must be said, have been the encouragement of my wonderful parents, the love and affection of Lindsay Larsen, and my dread of that most well- intentioned of questions, “when are you going to finish?” iv Contents Chapter 1. The Search for Representation ...................................................................................... 1 The Puzzle of Responsiveness .................................................................................................... 1 Signal Versus Noise .................................................................................................................... 6 Exit Polls: A New Place to Look ................................................................................................ 9 Organization of This Manuscript .............................................................................................. 10 Chapter 2. Measuring District-Level Ideology ............................................................................. 13 The Problem .............................................................................................................................. 13 Survey Disaggregation .............................................................................................................. 14 Alternatives to Direct Measurement ......................................................................................... 16 Simulations ............................................................................................................................... 19 The MRP Revolution ................................................................................................................ 21 Bringing Voters Back In ........................................................................................................... 25 The Misplaced Assumption of Stability ................................................................................... 33 The Case for Symbolic Ideology .............................................................................................. 35 Moving Ahead .......................................................................................................................... 37 Chapter 3. Disaggregating the Exit Polls ...................................................................................... 38 A New Approach ...................................................................................................................... 38 Why Exit Polls Matter .............................................................................................................. 39 The Disadvantages of Exit Polls ............................................................................................... 43 The Model ................................................................................................................................. 46 The Results................................................................................................................................ 56 A Methodological Advance ...................................................................................................... 61 Chapter 4: District Ideology from a Temporal Perspective .......................................................... 63 Do Constituencies Change Their Minds? ................................................................................. 63 Theoretical Expectations ........................................................................................................... 63 An Empirical Model of Change ................................................................................................ 70 Explaining Change: A First-Difference Approach ................................................................... 83 Conclusion ................................................................................................................................ 92 Chapter 5. The Elusive Median Voter .......................................................................................... 94 Full Circle ................................................................................................................................. 94 Responsiveness: A Primer .......................................................................................................
Recommended publications
  • Electoral Order and Political Participation: Election Scheduling, Calendar Position, and Antebellum Congressional Turnout
    Electoral Order and Political Participation: Election Scheduling, Calendar Position, and Antebellum Congressional Turnout Sara M. Butler Department of Political Science UCLA Los Angeles, CA 90095-1472 [email protected] and Scott C. James Associate Professor Department of Political Science UCLA Los Angeles, CA 90095-1472 (310) 825-4442 [email protected] An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association, April 3-6, 2008, Chicago, IL. Thanks to Matt Atkinson, Kathy Bawn, and Shamira Gelbman for helpful comments. ABSTRACT Surge-and-decline theory accounts for an enduring regularity in American politics: the predictable increase in voter turnout that accompanies on-year congressional elections and its equally predictable decrease at midterm. Despite the theory’s wide historical applicability, antebellum American political history offers a strong challenge to its generalizability, with patterns of surge-and-decline nowhere evident in the period’s aggregate electoral data. Why? The answer to this puzzle lies with the institutional design of antebellum elections. Today, presidential and on-year congressional elections are everywhere same-day events. By comparison, antebellum states scheduled their on- year congressional elections in one of three ways: before, after, or on the same day as the presidential election. The structure of antebellum elections offers a unique opportunity— akin to a natural experiment—to illuminate surge-and-decline dynamics in ways not possible by the study of contemporary congressional elections alone. Utilizing quantitative and qualitative materials, our analysis clarifies and partly resolves this lack of fit between theory and historical record. It also adds to our understanding of the effects of political institutions and electoral design on citizen engagement.
    [Show full text]
  • The 2004 Venezuelan Presidential Recall Referendum
    Statistical Science 2011, Vol. 26, No. 4, 517–527 DOI: 10.1214/09-STS295 c Institute of Mathematical Statistics, 2011 The 2004 Venezuelan Presidential Recall Referendum: Discrepancies Between Two Exit Polls and Official Results Raquel Prado and Bruno Sans´o Abstract. We present a simulation-based study in which the results of two major exit polls conducted during the recall referendum that took place in Venezuela on August 15, 2004, are compared to the of- ficial results of the Venezuelan National Electoral Council “Consejo Nacional Electoral” (CNE). The two exit polls considered here were conducted independently by S´umate, a nongovernmental organization, and Primero Justicia, a political party. We find significant discrepan- cies between the exit poll data and the official CNE results in about 60% of the voting centers that were sampled in these polls. We show that discrepancies between exit polls and official results are not due to a biased selection of the voting centers or to problems related to the size of the samples taken at each center. We found discrepancies in all the states where the polls were conducted. We do not have enough information on the exit poll data to determine whether the observed discrepancies are the consequence of systematic biases in the selection of the people interviewed by the pollsters around the country. Neither do we have information to study the possibility of a high number of false or nonrespondents. We have limited data suggesting that the dis- crepancies are not due to a drastic change in the voting patterns that occurred after the exit polls were conducted.
    [Show full text]
  • Would You Let This Man Drive Your Daughter Home? Public Sector Focus, August/September, August 30Th, Pp.14-17
    Dorling, D. (2019) Would you let this man drive your daughter home? Public Sector Focus, August/September, August 30th, pp.14-17. https://flickread.com/edition/html/index.php?pdf=5d67acffb3d60#17 Would you let this man drive your daughter home? Danny Dorling In the early hours of July 19th 1969, a few days before the first man stepped on the moon; a car swerved on a bridge in Chappaquiddick, Massachusetts. Ted Kennedy, the 37-year-old younger brother of the President of the United States of America was at the wheel. The car plunged into the water. Ted managed to swim free. He left Mary Jo Kopechne, his 28-year- old passenger to die in the vehicle. At some point, as it slowly submerged, she drowned. Ted notified the police of the accident ten hours later. Another man had recovered the vehicle and found Jo’s body. Jo was very pretty, a secretary, a typist, a loyal political activist and a dedicated Democrat. She died just over a week before her 29th birthday. It was at first seen as a joke when Lord Ashcroft asked the question ‘Would you rather allow Jeremey Hunt or Boris Johnson to babysit your children’.1 The Daily Telegraph newspaper reported that ‘in a curious little snippet from the weekend. According to a poll by Lord Ashcroft, only 10 per cent of voters would let Boris Johnson babysit their children.’2 However, it was more than curious, some 52% of all voters said they would not allow either of the two candidates vying for the leadership of the Conservative party such access to their children.
    [Show full text]
  • Exit Poll 25Th May, 2018
    Thirty-sixth Amendment to the Constitution Exit Poll 25th May, 2018 RTÉ & Behaviour & Attitudes Exit Poll Prepared by Ian McShane, Behaviour & Attitudes J.9097 Technical Appendix Sample Size Fieldwork Location The sample was spread Interviews were conducted throughout all forty Dáil face-to-face with randomly The results of this opinion constituencies and undertaken selected individuals – poll are based upon a at 175 polling stations. representative sample of throughout the hours of 3779 eligible Irish voters polling from 7am to 10pm in aged 18 years +. accordance with the 1992 Electoral Act. 2 Technical Appendix Informational Reporting Accuracy Coverage Guidelines Extracts from the report may The margin of error is Three questionnaire versions be quoted or published on estimated to be plus or minus were fielded. Each version condition that due 1.6 percentage points on the included five common acknowledgement is given to five common questions and questions, along with six to RTÉ and Behaviour & plus or minus 2.8 percentage eight questions unique to Attitudes. points on the questions that particular version. unique to each of the three questionnaire versions. 3 Research Methodology ● A face-to-face Exit Poll was conducted among voters immediately after leaving polling stations on Referendum Day, 25th May, 2018. ● An effective sample of 3779 voters was interviewed. ● The Poll was undertaken in all forty Dáil constituencies. ● 175 polling stations were sampled, distributed proportionate to the Referendum Electorate in each constituency. ● A list of the electoral divisions at which surveying was conducted is included in Appendix A. ● The questionnaires used are included in Appendix B.
    [Show full text]
  • Ballot Initiatives and Electoral Timing
    Ballot Initiatives and Electoral Timing A. Lee Hannah∗ Pennsylvania State University Department of Political Sciencey Abstract This paper examines the effects of electoral timing on the results of ballot initiative campaigns. Using data from 1965 to 2009, I investigate whether initiative campaign re- sults systematically differ depending on whether the legislation appears during special, midterm, or presidential elections. I also consider the electoral context, particularly the effects of surging presidential candidates on ballot initiative results. The results suggest that initiatives on morality policy are sensitive to the electoral environment, particularly to “favorable surges” provided by popular presidential candidates. Preliminary evidence suggests that tax policy is unaffected by electoral timing. Introduction The increasing use of the ballot initiative has led to heightened interest in both the popular media and among scholars. Some of the most contentious issues in American politics, once reserved for debate among elected representatives, are now being decided directly by the me- dian voter. Yet the location of the median voter fluctuates from election to election based on a number of factors that influence turnout and shape the demographic makeup of voters in a given year. This suggests that votes on ballot initiatives may be influenced by the same factors that are known to influence electoral composition. In this paper, I contrast initiatives appearing on midterm and special election ballots with those held during presidential elections, deriving hypotheses from Campbell’s (1960) theory of electoral surge and decline. I examine whether electoral timing does systematically affect results. ∗Prepared for the 2012 State Politics and Policy Conference, Rice University and University of Houston, February 16-18, 2012.
    [Show full text]
  • American Review of Politics Volume 37, Issue 1 31 January 2020
    American Review of Politics Volume 37, Issue 1 31 January 2020 An open a ccess journal published by the University of Oklahoma Department of Political Science in colla bora tion with the University of Okla homa L ibraries Justin J. Wert Editor The University of Oklahoma Department of Political Science & Institute for the American Constitutional Heritage Daniel P. Brown Managing Editor The University of Oklahoma Department of Political Science Richard L. Engstrom Book Reviews Editor Duke University Center for the Study of Race, Ethnicity, and Gender in the Social Sciences American Review of Politics Volume 37 Issue 1 Partisan Ambivalence and Electoral Decision Making Stephen C. Craig Paulina S. Cossette Michael D. Martinez University of Florida Washington College University of Florida [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] Abstract American politics today is driven largely by deep divisions between Democrats and Republicans. That said, there are many people who view the opposition in an overwhelmingly negative light – but who simultaneously possess a mix of positive and negative feelings toward their own party. This paper is a response to prior research (most notably, Lavine, Johnson, and Steenbergen 2012) indicating that such ambivalence increases the probability that voters will engage in "deliberative" (or "effortful") rather than "heuristic" thinking when responding to the choices presented to them in political campaigns. Looking first at the 2014 gubernatorial election in Florida, we find no evidence that partisan ambivalence reduces the importance of party identification or increases the impact of other, more "rational" considerations (issue preferences, perceived candidate traits, economic evaluations) on voter choice.
    [Show full text]
  • Partisan Gerrymandering and the Construction of American Democracy
    0/-*/&4637&: *ODPMMBCPSBUJPOXJUI6OHMVFJU XFIBWFTFUVQBTVSWFZ POMZUFORVFTUJPOT UP MFBSONPSFBCPVUIPXPQFOBDDFTTFCPPLTBSFEJTDPWFSFEBOEVTFE 8FSFBMMZWBMVFZPVSQBSUJDJQBUJPOQMFBTFUBLFQBSU $-*$,)&3& "OFMFDUSPOJDWFSTJPOPGUIJTCPPLJTGSFFMZBWBJMBCMF UIBOLTUP UIFTVQQPSUPGMJCSBSJFTXPSLJOHXJUI,OPXMFEHF6OMBUDIFE ,6JTBDPMMBCPSBUJWFJOJUJBUJWFEFTJHOFEUPNBLFIJHIRVBMJUZ CPPLT0QFO"DDFTTGPSUIFQVCMJDHPPE Partisan Gerrymandering and the Construction of American Democracy In Partisan Gerrymandering and the Construction of American Democracy, Erik J. Engstrom offers an important, historically grounded perspective on the stakes of congressional redistricting by evaluating the impact of gerrymandering on elections and on party control of the U.S. national government from 1789 through the reapportionment revolution of the 1960s. In this era before the courts supervised redistricting, state parties enjoyed wide discretion with regard to the timing and structure of their districting choices. Although Congress occasionally added language to federal- apportionment acts requiring equally populous districts, there is little evidence this legislation was enforced. Essentially, states could redistrict largely whenever and however they wanted, and so, not surpris- ingly, political considerations dominated the process. Engstrom employs the abundant cross- sectional and temporal varia- tion in redistricting plans and their electoral results from all the states— throughout U.S. history— in order to investigate the causes and con- sequences of partisan redistricting. His analysis
    [Show full text]
  • OPINION and Exit Polls Remained at the Centre Of
    Published in: Seminar. 539; July 2004; 73-77 Understanding polls and predictions OPINION and exit polls remained at the centre of media attention both during the 2004 election and after, though for different reasons and with a difference in our attitude towards them. The media attention on polls was heightened by the attempt initiated by the Election Commission to ban opinion polls and exit polls. It witnessed on the one hand a unanimous agreement among various political parties in favour of the ban and, on the other, a near unanimous expression of disapproval of the ban from the media houses. The Supreme Court’s refusal to ban the exit poll in the recently concluded elections notwithstanding, many have suggested that media must exercise restraint in publishing them during the election process. However, both the visual and print media in the country was vying with each other to inform the public with the latest status of each political party with respect to the seats they would eventually win. It was precisely for these predictions that the pollsters were once again in the spotlight, though this time as the underdogs. In the above context it may be worthwhile to critically examine the implications of opinion and exit polls for democracy. Though there was some debate on this in the media itself but sadly most arguments seem to centre around the primacy of ‘evidence’ and ‘facts’ in support of either the camps that condemn the purported ban or welcome such a ban, reflecting a ‘positivist’ prejudice that worships ‘facts’ as a ‘holy cow’.
    [Show full text]
  • Presidential Approval Ratings on Midterm Elections OLAYINKA
    Presidential Approval Ratings on Midterm Elections OLAYINKA AJIBOLA BALL STATE UNIVERSITY Abstract This paper examines midterm elections in the quest to find the evidence which accounts for the electoral loss of the party controlling the presidency. The first set of theory, the regression to the mean theory, explained that as the stronger the presidential victory or seats gained in previous presidential year, the higher the midterm seat loss. The economy/popularity theories, elucidate midterm loss due to economic condition at the time of midterm. My paper assesses to know what extent approval rating affects the number of seats gain/loss during the election. This research evaluates both theories’ and the aptness to expound midterm seat loss at midterm elections. The findings indicate that both theories deserve some credit, that the economy has some impact as suggested by previous research, and the regression to the mean theories offer somewhat more accurate predictions of seat losses. A combined/integrated model is employed to test the constant, and control variables to explain the aggregate seat loss of midterm elections since 1946. Key Word: Approval Ratings, Congressional elections, Midterm Presidential elections, House of Representatives INTRODUCTION Political parties have always been an integral component of government. In recent years, looking at the Clinton, Bush, Obama and Trump administration, there are no designated explanations that attempt to explain why the President’s party lose seats. To an average person, it could be logical to conclude that the President’s party garner the most votes during midterm elections, but this is not the case. Some factors could affect the outcome of the election which could favor or not favor the political parties The trend in the midterm election over the years have yielded various results, but most often, affecting the president’s party by losing congressional house seats at midterm.
    [Show full text]
  • Vietnamese Glossary of Election Terms.Pdf
    U.S. ELECTION AssISTANCE COMMIssION ỦY BAN TRợ GIÚP TUYểN Cử HOA Kỳ 2008 GLOSSARY OF KEY ELECTION TERMINOLOGY Vietnamese BảN CHÚ GIảI CÁC THUậT Ngữ CHÍNH Về TUYểN Cử Tiếng Việt U.S. ELECTION AssISTANCE COMMIssION ỦY BAN TRợ GIÚP TUYểN Cử HOA Kỳ 2008 GLOSSARY OF KEY ELECTION TERMINOLOGY Vietnamese Bản CHÚ GIải CÁC THUậT Ngữ CHÍNH về Tuyển Cử Tiếng Việt Published 2008 U.S. Election Assistance Commission 1225 New York Avenue, NW Suite 1100 Washington, DC 20005 Glossary of key election terminology / Bản CHÚ GIải CÁC THUậT Ngữ CHÍNH về TUyển Cử Contents Background.............................................................1 Process.................................................................2 How to use this glossary ..................................................3 Pronunciation Guide for Key Terms ........................................3 Comments..............................................................4 About EAC .............................................................4 English to Vietnamese ....................................................9 Vietnamese to English ...................................................82 Contents Bối Cảnh ...............................................................5 Quá Trình ..............................................................6 Cách Dùng Cẩm Nang Giải Thuật Ngữ Này...................................7 Các Lời Bình Luận .......................................................7 Về Eac .................................................................7 Tiếng Anh – Tiếng Việt ...................................................9
    [Show full text]
  • Status of Opinion Polls
    ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846 Status of Opinion Polls Media Gimmick and Political Communication in India PRAVEEN RAI Vol. 49, Issue No. 16, 19 Apr, 2014 Praveen Rai ([email protected]) is a political analyst at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, Delhi. Election surveys are seen as covert instruments used by political parties for making seat predictions and influencing the electorate in India. It is high time opinion polls take cognizance of the situation to establish their credibility and impartiality. The very mention of the word opinion Poll[i]” immediately brings to the mind of people in India election surveys, exit polls[ii] and seat predictions that appear in mass media every time an election takes place in the country. Psephology, the study of elections, began as an academic exercise at the Centre for the Study of Developing Studies (CSDS), Delhi in the 1960s for the purpose of studying the voting behaviour and attitudes of the voters. Psephology is now equated with pre poll surveys and exit polls which are being rampantly done by media houses to predict the winners during the elections. It has now been reduced to a media gimmick with allegations that it is used as communication tool for influencing the voters by a conglomerate of political parties, media and business houses with vested interests. Media houses and television anchors in India have become the modern day “Nostradamus” in using opinion poll findings in forecasting election results, before the actual votes are cast, which have gone wrong on many occasions. Accuracy of sample surveys depend on the following factors: one, the sample should be large enough to yield the desired level of precision.
    [Show full text]
  • The Exit Poll Phenomenon
    Chapter 1 The Exit Poll Phenomenon n election day in the United States, exit polls are the talk of the nation. Even before ballot- O ing has concluded, the media uses voters’ responses about their electoral choices to project final results for a public eager for immediate information. Once votes have been tallied, media commentators from across the political landscape rely almost exclusively on exit polls to explain election outcomes. The exit polls show what issues were the most important in the minds of the voters. They identify how different groups in the electorate cast their ballots. They expose which character traits helped or hurt particular candidates. They even reveal voters’ expectations of the government moving forward. In the weeks and months that follow, exit polls are used time and again to give meaning to the election results. Newly elected officials rely on them to substantiate policy mandates they claim to have received from voters. Partisan pundits scrutinize them for successful and failed campaign strategies. Even political strategists use them to pinpoint key groups and issues that need to be won over to succeed in future elections. Unfortunately, these same exit poll results are not easily accessible to members of the public interested in dissecting them. After appearing in the next day’s newspapers or on a politically ori- ented website, they disappear quickly from sight as the election fades in prominence. Eventually, the exit polls are archived at universities where only subscribers are capable of retrieving the data. But nowhere is a complete set of biennial exit poll results available in an easy-to-use format for curious parties.
    [Show full text]