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The Public Image a Study of Caesar's De Bello Gallico

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The Public Image a Study of Caesar's De Bello Gallico THE PUBLIC IMAGE A STUDY OF CAESAR'S DE BELLO GALLICO, DE BELLO CIVILI AND AUGUSTUS' RES GESTAE by LESLEY ALISON DICKSON Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Classics, University of South Africa CONTENTS CHAPTER PREFACE i ABBREVIATIONS iv 1. THE DEVELOPMENT OF COMMENTARII AND MEMOIRS IN ROME 1 2 . CAESAR'S DE BELLO GALLICO AND DE BELLO CIVILI 31 Introduction 31 Dignitas 33 Existimatio 35 cflementia 36 The Comentarii 40 The de Bello Gallico 43 The de Bello Civili 60 3. AUGUSTUS' RES GESTAE 81 Introduction 81 Direction and Purpose 83 Organisation of the Res Gestae 88 Emphasis and Use of the First Person 93 Legality and Republican Tradition 102 The Restoration of the Res Publica 108 Auctoritas, potestas and imperium 111 Virtus, Clementia, iustitia and pietas 117 4. CAESAR'S COMMENTARII AND AUGUSTUS' RES GESTAE: SIMILARITIES AND DIFFERENCES 125 Nature and Purpose 125 Political Situation and Leadership Qualities 131 Dignitas 140 Auctoritas and potestas 141 Virtus, clementia, iustitia and pietas 143 5. SUCCESS OR FAILURE OF THE IMAGE-BUILDING 150 Caesar The Question of Monarchy 150 The Civil War 151 Contemporary Opinion 154 The Augustan Age 156 Second Century Opinion 160 Augustus' Opinion of Caesar 161 Augustus Contemporary Opinion 165 Later Opinion 173 Minor Poets and Historians 180 Restoration of the Res Publica 182 CONCLUSION 186 BIBLIOGRAPHY 193 PREFACE In this thesis I set out to examine the purpose and effect of the autobiographical works of Caesar and Augustus, specifically Caesar's de Bello Gallico and de Bello Civili, and Augustus' Res Gestae. The focus is directed upon the significance of the self­ image portrayed in their works and the importance of public opinion, which influenced both what they wrote and the way in which they wrote. The origins of the abov~entioned works can be traced back to the late second century BC, when written orations clearly became a common practice in Rome. It is these early memoirs, such as the elogia of famous men, their epitaphs and records of their deeds that produced the first elements of political autobiography and allowed for the development of conunentarii and res gestae. Public image evidently became a matter of some concern for republican politicians, as increasingly they wished to be remembered in some way. During the last century of the republic politicians became ever more ambitious, and struggled for individual recognition; consequently their dignity and reputation came to be regarded as equally important in life and after death. Caesar's Conunentarii and Augustus' Res Gestae intended that both their dignitas and their existimatio would be preserved for posterity; a written memorial of their services to the state was the form of immortality valued most highly by the Roman aristocracy. Although a number of literary genres will be examined with regard to the writings of Caesar and Augustus, it must be borne in mind that they all appear to have the same purpose in mind: self­ glorification. This is the factor that links the Conunentarii inextricably with the Res Gestae. However, the thesis contends that neither Caesar nor Augustus wrote within the limitations of one particular literary genre; they adopted and adapted certain elements of various genres in so far as the elements suited their purpose of self-promotion. The Conunentarii of Caesar were not his only compositions; he also wrote orations and a number of letters to Cicero. But I have chosen to examine the de Bello Gallico and the de Bello Civili in particular because it is in their analysis that the following realisation emerges: Caesar was more concerned with his public image than with a description of well-known events. The propaganda factor is clearly evident in his works, but it does not detract from what is also a masterful description of warfare. The Res Gestae of Augustus is a highly selective account of the first princeps' achievements and an ideal example of later political autobiography. The fact that Augustus was concerned only with his public image is more obviously detectable than in the works of Caesar, partly because of the nature of the work as a more direct development out of the early elogium. My analysis of the Res Gestae will show that one can only admire the skill of Augustus the autobiographer, who has created such a unique document as a testimonial to his own greatness. A comparative study of the Commentarii and the Res Gestae is a necessary part of the overall analysis, and one which brings out the contrast in character and method of the two writers as well as their usage of different literary genres. The manner in which Caesar and Augustus portray their respective images is obviously dissimilar, but there are certain elements which are crucial to their self-representation and therefore found in both the Commentarii and the Res Gestae. These elements presuppose a common aim in the works of both Caesar and Augustus. Lastly, in order to discover the extent to which Caesar and Augustus were successful in their image-building, it is essential to examine how they were perceived by their contemporaries and later generations. Ancient writers, as well as the coinage and epigraphic evidence, provide sufficient material for constructive argument in this respect. Factors that will be taken into account are whether the author knew Caesar or Augustus personally or whether, for the later writers, they were aware of, or actually made use of, the Commentarii or the Res Gestae. From an analysis of these facts, and particularly by a careful consideration of conflicting opinion, conclusions will be made as to how successfully Caesar and Augustus managed to establish their public images. In submitting this thesis, I would like to thank my supervisor, Dr Richard Evans for his guidance, encouragement, patience and assistance throughout, not only with the topic itself but also with his help in sending relevant articles and literature that were otherwise unobtainable. I would also like to thank him for being available at all times to discuss problems and queries. For assistance in editing and in the reading of proofs, I thank Ms Elaine Thomson, whose conscientious effort is to be commended, and whose valuable suggestions and input have inspired me to complete this thesis. L A Dickson Durban December 1996 ABBREVIATIONS In addition to the standard abbreviations, the following will be used: Grant, Ancient Historians: Grant, M., The Ancient Historians, London 1970 Grant, Julius Caesar: Grant, M., Julius Caesar, London 1974 Grant, Roman Literature: Grant, M., Roman Literature and Society, Cambridge 1954 Ogilvie, "Caesar": Ogilvie, R.M., "Caesar", in Kenney, E.J. & Clausen, W.V. (eds), The Cambridge History of Classical Literature: <II) Latin Literature, Cambridge 1982 Ogilvie, Roman Literature: Ogilvie, R.M., Roman Literature and Society, Brighton 1980 Syme, Roman Papers: Syme, R., Roman Papers, Vol I, Oxford 1979 Syme, RR: Syme, R., The Roman Revolution, Oxford 1939 Syme, Tacitus: Syme, R., Tacitus, Oxford 1958 Yavetz, Julius Caesar: Yavetz, Z., Julius Caesar and his Public Image, London 1983 Yavetz, Res Gestae: Yavetz, z., "The Res Gestae and Augustus's Public Image", in Millar, F. and Segal, E. (eds), Caesar Augustus: Seven Aspects, Oxford 1984 CHAPTER 1 The Development of Commentarii and Memoirs in Rome Roman historiography arose during or as a direct outcome of involvement in the Second Punic War (218-201BC), a period which provided a suitable subject for coverage and prompted the Greeks and later the Romans themselves to write about Rome. The Romans did not take easily to the writing of history; unlike the Greeks they had no epic tradition and it is the Greeks who, with their epic past, gave Rome a sense of history and of the continuity of history. Fabius Pictor wrote the first Roman history in Greek, since Latin was not yet employed for literary prose. Educated Romans could read Greek, and Fabius was thus afforded the opportunity to appeal to them and at the same time explain Roman institutions and policies to the Greek world. His aims in writing history were therefore didactic and political. Although the raw materials for history existed long before in the shape of treaties and laws in the archives, family records and in particular the pontifical annales which recorded the names of consuls, triumphs and events portended by omens, these materials did not inspire historiography until much later. Fabius' s history was not technically annales, although Cicero (De Orat. 2.51-53) refers to them as such. He named the consuls of each year, but basically used the Greek method of Olympiad dating. Fabius dealt with the very earliest period of Rome based on Greek sources and only briefly with the following period, expanding his scope as he approached his own time until his work became a detailed account of the First Punic War. Although his history does not survive, it established the traditions most typical of Roman historiography and was the primary source for all later Roman historians.' 1 The recent discovery of a second century BC library catalogue from Tauromenium in Sicily, which includes Fabius and a short summary of the contents of his work, proves that his Annals were widely disseminated. {,/ It is in the Origines of Marcus Poryius Cato (234 - 149BC) , the first historian of importance after Fabius, that it is possible to find traces of the emerging tradition of political autobio­ graphy. Since most of the work is lost, 2 one can only speculate as to the extent to which the autobiographical element was evident. Cato himself is described variously as "a landmark in prose, whether we consider history, oratory or the special sciences"', and "the greatest name in Roman history before the last years of the Republic".
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