Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 3: Macro Report June 05, 2006
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Weekly Media Review of Hungarian Communities Abroad
Weekly Media Review of Hungarian Communities Abroad 43/2019 Hunor Kelemen and Ludovic Orban to sign parliamentary cooperation agreement In Bucharest last Monday afternoon President of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (UDMR) Hunor Kelemen and Ludovic Orban signed a parliamentary cooperation agreement to support the PNL government. The RMDSZ has eleven preconditions to vote in favor of the inauguration of the Orban administration. Mr. Kelemen told news agency Maszol that settling the issue related to the military cemetery in Úzvölgy is not included in the agreement, but they are discussing the issue and agree that in this case compliance with the law is a priority. According to the document signed on Monday, the RMDSZ is promising parliamentary Transylvania support to pass government bills, on which the parties can come to an agreement during weekly discussions between the two fractions. The PNL is committed to enforcing the laws and international contracts on minority rights, and will not enact laws by urgent Government Decree and liability. Foreign Minister candidate fears that the Trianon centenary would damage Romanian-Hungarian relations Romanian presidential foreign policy advisor Bogdan Aurescu – who has been nominated to the post of Minister for Foreign Affairs by Romania's prime minister- elect and President of the center-right National Liberal Party (PNL) Ludovic Orban – fears that the Trianon centenary could damage Romanian-Hungarian relations. Mr. Aurescu urged the establishment of a bilateral chamber of commerce, and indicated that the two countries face several important projects, including construction of the Bucharest-Budapest high-speed rail link. He said that “I have to mention the unfortunate case of the mixed minority committee, which has not had a meeting for a very long time, with the last protocol signed in 2009. -
Communism and Post-Communism in Romania : Challenges to Democratic Transition
TITLE : COMMUNISM AND POST-COMMUNISM IN ROMANIA : CHALLENGES TO DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION AUTHOR : VLADIMIR TISMANEANU, University of Marylan d THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FO R EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARC H TITLE VIII PROGRA M 1755 Massachusetts Avenue, N .W . Washington, D .C . 20036 LEGAL NOTICE The Government of the District of Columbia has certified an amendment of th e Articles of Incorporation of the National Council for Soviet and East European Research changing the name of the Corporation to THE NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR EURASIAN AND EAST EUROPEAN RESEARCH, effective on June 9, 1997. Grants, contracts and all other legal engagements of and with the Corporation made unde r its former name are unaffected and remain in force unless/until modified in writin g by the parties thereto . PROJECT INFORMATION : 1 CONTRACTOR : University of Marylan d PR1NCIPAL 1NVEST1GATOR : Vladimir Tismanean u COUNCIL CONTRACT NUMBER : 81 1-2 3 DATE : March 26, 1998 COPYRIGHT INFORMATIO N Individual researchers retain the copyright on their work products derived from research funded by contract with the National Council for Eurasian and East European Research . However, the Council and the United States Government have the right to duplicate an d disseminate, in written and electronic form, this Report submitted to the Council under thi s Contract, as follows : Such dissemination may be made by the Council solely (a) for its ow n internal use, and (b) to the United States Government (1) for its own internal use ; (2) for further dissemination to domestic, international and foreign governments, entities an d individuals to serve official United States Government purposes ; and (3) for dissemination i n accordance with the Freedom of Information Act or other law or policy of the United State s Government granting the public rights of access to documents held by the United State s Government. -
Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019
Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019 A report drafted by GlobalFocus Center, Bucharest, in cooperation with MEMO98, Bratislava. Supported by Democracy Reporting International, Berlin. Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019 Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019 February, 2019 Bucharest, Romania This project was supported by Civitates Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019 GlobalFocus Center is an independent international studies’ think tank that produces in-depth research and high-quality analysis on foreign policy, security, European aairs, good governance, and development. Our purpose is to advance expertise by functioning as a platform for cooperation and dialogue among individual experts, NGOs, think-tanks, and public institutions from Romania and foreign partners. We have built, and tested over 10 dierent countries a unique research methodology, proactively approaching the issue of malign interference by analysing societies' structural, weaponisable vulnerabilities. We are building a multi-stakeholder Stratcom platform, for identifying an optimal way of initiating and conducting unied responses to hybrid threats. Our activities are focused on fostering regional security and contributing to the reection process of EU reforms. During November 1-24, 2019, GlobalFocus Center, in cooperation with MEMO98 and Democracy Reporting International (DRI), monitored Facebook during the 10 and 24 November presidential election polls in Romania. AUTHORS GlobalFocus Center: Ana Maria Luca, Run Zamr (editor) ANALYSTS: Alexandra Mihaela Ispas, Ana Maria Teaca, Vlad Iavita, Raluca Andreescu MEMO98: Rasťo Kužel Monitoring Facebook. Presidential Elections – Romania, November 2019 Contents I. INTRODUCTION 4 II. HIGHLIGHTS 5 III. CONTEXT 6 III.1 TRUST IN MEDIA AND SOCIAL MEDIA CONSUMPTION IN ROMANIA 6 III.2 PUBLIC ATTITUDES AND TRUST IN INSTITUTIONS 7 III.3 THE NOVEMBER 2019 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION 7 IV. -
Hungarian Minority Politics in Post
ACTA UNIV. SAPIENTIAE, EUROPEAN AND REGIONAL STUDIES, 10 (2016) 79–106 DOI: 10 .1515/auseur-2016-0022 Hungarian Minority Politics in Post-Socialist Romania: Interests, Strategies, and Discourses1 Tibor TORÓ Sapientia Hungarian University of Transylvania Department of International Relations and European Studies torotibor@sapientia .ro Abstract. This paper analyses the integration strategies formulated by the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania and the Hungarian political elite in the post-communist period . It argues that the internal debates of the political community are formulated in a field where other actors (the Hungarian and the Romanian state, political parties, European institutions, etc ). carry out their activities, which deeply influences both the chosen strategies and the needed resources for their implementation . Moreover, it questions the monolithic organization of the minority organization, showing that DAHR as the representative of the minority community was shaped by several internal debates and conflicts. Also from 2003 these conflicts have grown beyond the borders of the organization and since 2008 we can follow a whole new type of institutionalization . In achieving this, I introduce three strategies – individual integration, collective integration, and organizational integration – which are chosen by different fragments of the Hungarian minority elite both toward the Hungarian and the Romanian political sphere . Throughout the 1989–2012 period, the outcome of the conflict between the supporters of these strategies is deeply influenced by the policies of the two states. Keywords: minorities, Hungarians in Romania, elites, post-communism, political mobilization After the 1989 Revolution, the Hungarian minority in Romania organized itself quickly, the Hungarian elite formed its political organization, the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania (DAHR), right at the peak of the new era . -
Uniunea Democrată Maghiară Din România
Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania “Mikó Imre” Minority Rights Legal Aid Service REPORT on the problems concerning the commitments made by Romania on the protection of and the right to use the Hungarian language, in the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages adopted at Strasbourg on 5 November 19921 drawn up at the time of the 2nd Regular Report submitted by Romania to the General Secretary of the European Council Submitted to the General Secretary of the European Council and the Committee of Experts of the European Council Cluj Napoca 2016 1 Ratified by Romania by Law No. 282 of 24 October 2007, published in the Official Journal of Romania No. 752 of 6 November 2007 I. Introduction 1. Romania has ratified the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages,2 adopted at Strasbourg on 5 November 1992 (hereinafter referred to as „the Charter”), and undertook a number of obligations on the protection of regional and minority languages used on its territory. By Article 2(k) of the ratifying Law No. 282/2007, Romania has assumed the implementation of the provisions of the Charter for the Hungarian language within the limits set out by Article 5(e) of the ratifying Law. 2. Hungarian is the mother tongue of the Hungarian community in Romania which represents 6.5% of the stable population of Romania, 1.259.914 of citizens declared Hungarian as their mother tongue, according to the census of the population of Romania in 2011. The Hungarian population is the majority in Harghita (85%) and Covasna (74%) counties, and a significant proportion of the population in Mureș (38%), Satu Mare (35%), Bihor (25%) and Sălaj (23%) counties is also Hungarian. -
Gender and Elections in Romania
GENDER AND ELECTIONS IN ROMANIA ABSTRACT UNDP has been undertaking a series of case study research projects about the opportunities and challenges for ZRPHQ¶VSDUWLFLSDWLRQDVYoters in the Europe CIS region. The present case study presents an analysis of gender and the electoral legislation reform process in Romania, focusing on two aspects of the legal framework factor: WKHHIIHFWRIWKHHOHFWRUDOV\VWHPRQZRPHQ¶VSDUWLFLSDWLRQDQGJHQGHUTXRWDVDVPHDQVRIHQKDQFLQJZRPHQ¶V descriptive representation. An important entry point is to acknowledge that low participation and representation of ZRPHQLVDVHULRXVLVVXHWKDWLPSDFWV5RPDQLD¶VGHPRFUDWL]DWLRQSURFHVV2QWKLVSDWKWRZDrds gender equality in politics, representatives of civil society should be carefully monitoring political actors who may have learned and are skilled at using the discourse of gender equality, but less so the practice. Future public discussions and debates on political participation and representation should focus on the role of political parties in shaping specific democratic differences. The debates should also emphasize the role of the electoral system in ensuring adequate representation of women. If change towards more gender equality in politics is needed, the joint efforts of all key actors are required. TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 3 1. INTRODUCTION 5 2. METHODOLOGY 6 3. BACKGROUND: WOMEN IN POLITICS BEFORE 1989 7 3.1 RECLAIMING POLITICAL RIGHTS: 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURY 7 3.2 POLITICAL COMRADES DURING COMMUNISM: 1947-1989 8 4. BACKGROUND: WOMEN IN POLITICS AFTER 1989 9 4.1 WOMEN IN THE PARLIAMENT AND LOCAL POLITICS 9 4.2 GENDER EQUALITY AND THE LEGISLATIVE ELECTORAL FRAMEWORK 10 4.3 MORE WOMEN IN POLITICS: FIGHTING FOR GENDER QUOTAS 12 4.3.1 Mandatory (Legislative) Gender Quotas 12 4.3.2 Voluntary (Party) Gender Quotas 13 4.4 INTERNATIONAL SUPPORT FOR MORE WOMEN IN POLITICS: UNDP 14 5. -
Territorial Dimensions of the Romanian Parties: Elections, Party Rules and Organisations Ionescu, Alexandra
www.ssoar.info Territorial dimensions of the Romanian parties: elections, party rules and organisations Ionescu, Alexandra Veröffentlichungsversion / Published Version Zeitschriftenartikel / journal article Empfohlene Zitierung / Suggested Citation: Ionescu, A. (2012). Territorial dimensions of the Romanian parties: elections, party rules and organisations. Studia Politica: Romanian Political Science Review, 12(2), 185-210. https://nbn-resolving.org/urn:nbn:de:0168-ssoar-445733 Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Dieser Text wird unter einer CC BY-NC-ND Lizenz This document is made available under a CC BY-NC-ND Licence (Namensnennung-Nicht-kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitung) zur (Attribution-Non Comercial-NoDerivatives). For more Information Verfügung gestellt. Nähere Auskünfte zu den CC-Lizenzen finden see: Sie hier: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/deed.de Territorial Dimensions of the Romanian Parties 185 Territorial Dimensions of the Romanian Parties Elections, Party Rules and Organisations ALEXANDRA IONAŞCU The CEE histories have known numerous tides in instituting genuine electoral democracies. The rapid adoption of the representative rule and the myriad of new parties engaged in the electoral competition, soon after the fall of communism, were primarily conceived as trademarks in explaining political transitions. Aiming at creating closer links between the electorate and the political elites, shaping voters’ allegiance to the national political system, the post-communist electoral processes were promoting strongly fragmentised and volatile party systems1 described by the existence of blurred links with the civil society2. Acting as public utilities3 and not as chains of representation, the newly emergent parties were mainly oriented towards patronage and clientelistic practices4, neglecting the development of local implantations or the consecration of responsive political leaders. -
Romania by Laura Stefan, Dan Tapalaga and Sorin Ionita
Romania by Laura Stefan, Dan Tapalaga and Sorin Ionita Capital: Bucharest Population: 21.5 million GNI/capita: US$13,380 Source: The data above was provided by The World Bank, World Bank Indicators 2010. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 1999–2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 Electoral Process 2.75 3.00 3.00 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.75 2.50 2.75 Civil Society 3.00 3.00 3.00 2.75 2.50 2.25 2.25 2.25 2.25 2.50 2.50 Independent Media 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.75 3.75 4.00 4.00 3.75 3.75 3.75 4.00 Governance* 3.50 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a National Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 3.50 3.50 3.50 3.75 3.75 4.00 Local Democratic Governance n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 3.00 Judicial Framework and Independence 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.00 4.00 3.75 4.00 4.00 4.00 Corruption 4.25 4.50 4.75 4.50 4.50 4.25 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 Democracy Score 3.54 3.67 3.71 3.63 3.58 3.39 3.39 3.29 3.36 3.36 3.46 * Starting with the 2005 edition, Freedom House introduced separate analysis and ratings for national democratic governance and local democratic governance to provide readers with more detailed and nuanced analysis of these two important subjects. -
Internal Politics and Views on Brexit
BRIEFING PAPER Number 8362, 2 May 2019 The EU27: Internal Politics By Stefano Fella, Vaughne Miller, Nigel Walker and Views on Brexit Contents: 1. Austria 2. Belgium 3. Bulgaria 4. Croatia 5. Cyprus 6. Czech Republic 7. Denmark 8. Estonia 9. Finland 10. France 11. Germany 12. Greece 13. Hungary 14. Ireland 15. Italy 16. Latvia 17. Lithuania 18. Luxembourg 19. Malta 20. Netherlands 21. Poland 22. Portugal 23. Romania 24. Slovakia 25. Slovenia 26. Spain 27. Sweden www.parliament.uk/commons-library | intranet.parliament.uk/commons-library | [email protected] | @commonslibrary 2 The EU27: Internal Politics and Views on Brexit Contents Summary 6 1. Austria 13 1.1 Key Facts 13 1.2 Background 14 1.3 Current Government and Recent Political Developments 15 1.4 Views on Brexit 17 2. Belgium 25 2.1 Key Facts 25 2.2 Background 25 2.3 Current Government and recent political developments 26 2.4 Views on Brexit 28 3. Bulgaria 32 3.1 Key Facts 32 3.2 Background 32 3.3 Current Government and recent political developments 33 3.4 Views on Brexit 35 4. Croatia 37 4.1 Key Facts 37 4.2 Background 37 4.3 Current Government and recent political developments 38 4.4 Views on Brexit 39 5. Cyprus 42 5.1 Key Facts 42 5.2 Background 42 5.3 Current Government and recent political developments 43 5.4 Views on Brexit 45 6. Czech Republic 49 6.1 Key Facts 49 6.2 Background 49 6.3 Current Government and recent political developments 50 6.4 Views on Brexit 53 7. -
Anti-Hungarian Manifestations in Romania
Editor: Attila Nagy ANTI-HUNGARIAN MANIFESTATIONS IN ROMANIA 2017–2018 2017 According to Dezső Buzogány university professor, one of the translators, the lawsuit issued in connection It is outrageous and against education, that the to the restitution of the Batthyaneum may last longer Hungarian section grade 5 of fine arts in the János than expected because the judge, who should have taken Apáczai Csere High School in Kolozsvár (Cluj- the decision in the case - is retiring in February and Napoca) has been dismissed. With this step taken, this case, that attracts significant interest, is to be taken the future of the only Hungarian fine arts section in over by someone else. Meanwhile, the analysis of the mid-Transylvania became compromised – stated the translation of the testament of bishop Ignác Batthyány Miklós Barabás Guild (Barabás Miklós Céh/Breasla by experts hired both by the plaintiff and by the Barabás Miklós) in its announcement. respondent, is still going on. It is only after this process The news of the dismissal of the class has had neg- that the court of Gyulafehérvár (Alba Iulia) can be ative echo abroad since the art training practiced at expected to pronounce a decision in the lawsuit in which Apáczai High School has gained recognition not only the Roman Catholic Church demanded the nullification at home but on an international scale as well. The an- of the decision of the restitution committee rejecting nouncement insists on the importance of insertion by restitution. The late bishop left his collection of unique the School Inspectorate of Kolozs (Cluj) County of a new value to the Catholic Church and Transylvania Province. -
Electoral Behaviour at the 2009 and 2014 Presidential Elections in Harghita, Covasna and Mureş Counties
Analele Universităţii din Oradea, Seria Geografie Year XXV, no. 1/2015 (June), pp. 88-104 ISSN 1221-1273, E-ISSN 2065-3409 Article no. 251110-675 ELECTORAL BEHAVIOUR AT THE 2009 AND 2014 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS IN HARGHITA, COVASNA AND MUREŞ COUNTIES George-Bogdan TOFAN „Vasile Goldiş” Western University of Arad, Faculty of Natural Sciences, Engineering and Informatics, Departament of Biology, Ecology and Geography, Baia Mare Branch, 5 Culturii Street, Romania, e-mail: [email protected] Adrian-Florin NIŢĂ „Babeş-Bolyai” University, Faculty of Geography, Gheorgheni Branch, Romania, e-mail: [email protected] Bogdan-Nicolae PĂCURAR Centre for Research on Settlements and Urbanism, Faculty of Geography, Babeș-Bolyai University Cluj-Napoca; Cluj County Council, Urbanism and Territorial Planning Department, Cluj-Napoca, e-mail: [email protected] Abstract: This study represents a synthesis of the electoral behaviour exhibited by the population of Harghita, Covasna and Mureş counties, at the 2009 presidential elections, held on 22nd November (first tour) and 6th December (second tour), and at the presidential elections of 2014 (first tour, 2nd November, and second tour, 16th November). In terms of candidates, the following occured: in 2009, first tour, with 12 candidates, from which only Traian Băsescu and Mircea Geoană proceeded to the second round, and 14 candidates in the first round of the 2014 elections (10 of them from political parties and alliances). The second round was defined by the first two candidates with -
The Hungarian Card Came Is out of the Vest Pocket of Romanian President Klaus Werner Iohannis
The Hungarian card came is out of the vest pocket of Romanian President Klaus Werner Iohannis Head of State Klaus Iohannis was reported to the National Anti-Discrimination Council by the Imre Mikó Legal Protection Service. The legal protection service asks the Council to investigate Klaus Iohannis' statement issued this morning, in which the Head of State of Romania seriously violates the right of the Hungarian community to dignity and speaks in an unworthy and discriminatory manner about the Hungarians in Romania. The President's discriminatory anti-Hungarian outburst was triggered by the tacit adoption of the Romanian House of Representatives of a bill regarding the autonomy of Szeklerland. "Jó napot kívánok PSD," (Have a good day!) said the President in Hungarian, who stated, that while the government was fighting the coronavirus, the PSD was working to give the Hungarians Transylvania. “It’s unbelievable what’s going on in the parliament. What did Viktor Orbán promise Ciolacu (President of the PSD) in return for this agreement?” While the head of state proudly declares towards the international fora that Romania is the Paradise for national minorities, today in his speech he promised the following: as long as he is the president of Romania, there will be no law that would guarantee autonomy for Szeklerland. Although the submitted draft text on autonomy does not in any way diminish the rights of Romanians, or even the Romanians of Szeklerland, however it would guarantee the use of the mother tongue and the Hungarian language becoming an official regional language in Szeklerland. The draft-bill states what all of us desire: to make our own decisions on issues that affect our own community.