How Jihadist Networks Operate
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HOW JIHADIST NETWORKS OPERATE A grounded understanding of changing organizational structures, activities, and involvement mechanisms of jihadist networks in the Netherlands Jasper L. de Bie How Jihadist Networks Operate Jasper L. de Bie How Jihadist Networks Operate A grounded understanding of changing organizational structures, activities, and involvement mechanisms of jihadist networks in the Netherlands. PROEFSCHRIFT ter verkrijging van de graad van Doctor aan de Universiteit Leiden, op gezag van Rector Magnificus prof. mr. C.J.J.M. Stolker, volgens besluit van het College voor Promoties te verdedigen op donderdag 14 april 2016 klokke 15.00 uur door Jasper Lowie de Bie geboren te Zaanstad in 1987 Promotor: prof. dr. J.P. van der Leun Copromotor: dr. C.J. de Poot (Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek- en Documentatiecentrum) Promotiecommissie: prof. dr. E. Bakker prof. dr. J.D. Freilich (John Jay College of Criminal Justice, New York, USA) prof. dr. E.R. Kleemans (VU University Amsterdam) prof. mr. dr. E.R. Muller prof. mr. dr. M.A.H. van der Woude This research was funded by the Dutch National Coordinator for Security and Counterterrorism (NCTV) © 2016 Jasper L. de Bie All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without written permission from the author. Aan mijn familie ISBN: 978-90-825123-0-4 Thesis lay-out: proefschrift-aio.nl Cover design: proefschrift-aio.nl Printed: proefschrift-aio.nl Contents Chapter 1: General Introduction 11 Chapter 3: Changing Organizational Structures of Jihadist Networks: 1.1 Aim of this study 14 A Social Network Analysis 63 1.2 Research to date 17 3.1 Introduction 64 1.2.1 Organizational structures 17 3.2 Data and Methods 67 1.2.3 Activities 20 3.2.1 Data 67 1.2.3 Involvement mechanisms 22 3.2.2 Network conceptualization 68 1.3 Approaches open to debate 25 3.2.3 Quantitative analysis 69 1.3.1 Limited focus on the how 25 3.2.4 Qualitative analysis 70 1.3.2 Limited methodological and empirical rigor 29 3.2.5 Limitations 70 1.3.3 Limited long-term perspective 31 3.3 Quantitative Results 71 1.4 This study’s approach 33 3.4 Combining quantitative and qualitative results 74 1.5 Outline of this thesis 35 3.4.1 Network 1 76 1.6 Relevance of study 37 3.4.2 Network 2 78 3.4.3 Network 3 83 Chapter 2: Studying Police Files with Grounded Theory Methods to 3.5 Conclusion 89 Understand Jihadist Networks 41 3.5.1 Implications 91 2.1 Introduction 42 2.2 Grounded Theory 42 Chapter 4: Shifting Modus Operandi of Jihadist Foreign Fighters: 2.3 Data collection 44 A Crime Script Analysis 95 2.3.1 Police files 44 4.1 Introduction 96 2.3.2 Semi-structured interviews 50 4.1.1 Status quo of current foreign fighting literature 96 2.3.3 Trial observations 52 4.1.2 Limited focus in current literature 97 2.4 Data analysis 52 4.2 Approach 98 2.4.1 Coding and categorizing 53 4.2.1 Grounded theory 98 2.4.2 Identifying relationships between categories 55 4.2.2 Crime script analysis 99 2.5 Benefits of combining police data and applying GT methods 56 4.3 Data and Methods 99 2.5.1 Benefits of police data 57 4.3.1 Data 99 2.5.2 Benefits of GT methods 57 4.3.2 Analysis 101 2.6 Limitations 58 4.3.3 Categorization 101 2.6.1 Limitations of the data 58 4.3.4 Limitations 102 2.6.2 Limitations of the Grounded Theory methods 59 4.4 Results 102 2.7 Conclusion 61 4.4.1 Personal traits of subjects in the sample 104 4.4.2 Orientation stage 106 4.4.3 Co-offending stage 108 4.4.4 Operational stage 111 4.4.5 Finalization stage 114 4.4.6 Departure stage 116 4.5 Conclusion 117 Chapter 5: Jihadist Networks and the Involvement of Vulnerable Chapter 7: General Discussion 171 Immigrants: Reconsidering the Ideological and 7.1 Summary of findings 172 Pragmatic Value 121 7.1.1 Organizational structure and division of roles 172 5.1 Introduction 122 7.1.2 Modus operandi of foreign fighters 173 5.2. Data and methods 124 7.1.3 Irregular immigrants in jihadist networks 175 5.2.1 Approach 124 7.1.4 Mechanisms enhancing, sustaining, and deterring involvement 175 5.2.2 Police investigations 125 7.2 General conclusions 177 5.2.3 Interviews 129 7.2.1 A changing nature 177 5.3 Radical irregular Muslim migrants. A multidisciplinary perspective. 130 7.2.2 Jihadist involvement 180 5.3.1 Jihadi-Salafism 130 7.2.3 Main conclusion 183 5.3.2 Background factors of radical Muslims and irregular migrants 131 7.3 Reflections and implications 185 5.3.3 Ideological and pragmatic responses 131 7.3.1 Theoretical reflections 185 5.3.4 Interaction of ideology and pragmatism 132 7.3.2 Methodological reflections and future research 189 5.4 Results 135 7.3.3 Policy implications and recommendations 193 5.4.1 Pragmatic attractiveness 135 5.4.2 Ideological attractiveness 139 References 203 5.5 Conclusion 143 Samenvatting 227 Chapter 6: Involvement Mechanisms of Jihadist Networks 147 6.1 Introduction 148 Dankwoord 137 6.2 Data and Methods 149 6.2.1 Approach 149 Curriculum Vitae 241 6.2.2 Data 150 6.2.3 Analysis 151 6.2.4 Limitations 151 6.3 Results 152 6.3.1 Process I: Encouraging mechanisms carrying too far 153 6.3.2 Process II: Transforming discouragements into encouragements 159 6.4 Conclusion 167 Chapter 1: 1 General Introduction 10 11 Chapter 1 General Introduction Over the last 15 years, a collective alertness for radicalization and potential terrorist activities has been present throughout the Western world. Anxiety gradually tempered in the wake of the London and Madrid bombings, but new tensions emerged due to the rise of novel extremist movements in war-torn countries in the Middle East since the eruption of the Arab Spring in 2011. Especially the rise of ISIS and its gruesome means of operation have enhanced the alertness for a terrorist attack. Terrorism is defined in this thesis as the use of force against innocent people, usually with a political or religious motive, and typically aimed at producing widespread fear (Forest, Green, & Lynch, 2011, p. 2). Following the enhanced alertness, governments have increasingly raised their national terrorist threat levels (e.g., AFP, 2015; May, 2014; NCTV, 2013; Valls, 2015), which has mainly been caused by the significant outflow of young people to conflict areas in the Middle East. The total number of people aiming for conflict areas in Syria and Iraq has increased significantly in the last couple of years. In February 2015, US officials estimated this total number to be around 3,400 (CBS, 2015), while the Dutch National Coordinator for Security and Counterterrorism (NCTV) estimated that by November 2015 approximately 220 people had left the Netherlands to travel to Syria and Iraq (NCTV, 2015b). Governments fear that these people become trained fighters who could pose a threat to society once they return. They are expected to either suffer from post-traumatic stress disorders, or to be trained, brainwashed, and transformed into jihadists so to execute attacks in their homeland (e.g., NCTV, 2015a; AIVD, 2015). As a result, not only have governments raised their national threat levels, they have also initiated counter-measures to prevent or obstruct people from departing to conflict areas or to reduce possible risks once they return (NCTV, 2014). Although the label jihadism is disputable, it refers in this context to the Jihadi-Salafist ideology. The essence of this ideology is the return to a pure interpretation of the Islam as it was supposedly lived in the original Muslim community (umma) in the time of the prophet Muhammed and the following three caliphates (e.g., Cottee, 2010; Meijer, 2009; Wiktorowicz, 2006). Although Salafism is interpreted in various ways (De Koning, 2009, p. 377; Meijer, 2009, p. 3), the honoring of tawheed (the unity and uniqueness of Allah) and the purification of the Islam are central themes. For instance, all Muslims should adopt the lifestyle of the prophet as it is written down in the Quran and the Hadith, and in addition reject all human desires and rationalizations (Cottee, 2010). Contrary to purists and politicos, Jihadi-Salafists favor violent means to realize these goals (Wiktorowicz, 2006). The anxiety about the return of so-called “foreign fighters” that may or may not sympathize with the Jihadi-Salafist ideology does not come as a surprise when you put a particular chain of events into the equation. The killing spree in Toulouse in 2012, the slaughter of a London-based soldier in 2013, the assault of a Jewish museum in Brussels in 2014, and the multiple attacks in Paris in January and November 2015 are often considered ideologically motivated terrorist attacks of which some are allegedly conducted by former foreign fighters or by individuals inspired by foreign conflicts. 12 13 Chapter 1 General Introduction The successfulness and horrific nature of these attacks, and the fact that such attacks multiple times by the Dutch court,2 resulting in different outcomes of what constitutes threaten the fundamental values the West stands for, ignite the current anxiety in terrorism or a terrorist organization. This illustrates the ongoing struggle of legal Western states. It furthermore enhances governments’ tendency to act against alleged professionals when dealing with alleged terrorist behavior and terrorist organizations.