White Exodus
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Constitutional Authority and Its Limitations: the Politics of Sexuality in South Africa
South Africa Constitutional Authority and its Limitations: The Politics of Sexuality in South Africa Belinda Beresford Helen Schneider Robert Sember Vagner Almeida “While the newly enfranchised have much to gain by supporting their government, they also have much to lose.” Adebe Zegeye (2001) A history of the future: Constitutional rights South Africa’s Constitutional Court is housed in an architecturally innovative complex on Constitution Hill, a 100-acre site in central Johannesburg. The site is adjacent to Hillbrow, a neighborhood of high-rise apartment buildings into which are crowded thousands of mi- grants from across the country and the continent. This is one of the country’s most densely populated, cosmopolitan and severely blighted urban areas. From its position atop Constitu- tion Hill, the Court offers views of Hillbrow’s high-rises and the distant northern suburbs where the established white elite and increasing numbers of newly affluent non-white South Africans live. Thus, while the light-filled, colorful and contemporary Constitutional Court buildings reflect the progressive and optimistic vision of post-apartheid South Africa the lo- cation is a reminder of the deeply entrenched inequalities that continue to define the rights of the majority of people in the country and the continent. CONSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY AND ITS LIMITATIONS: THE POLITICS OF SEXUALITY IN SOUTH AFRICA 197 From the late 1800s to 1983 Constitution Hill was the location of Johannesburg’s central prison, the remains of which now lie in the shadow of the new court buildings. Former prison buildings include a fort built by the Boers (descendents of Dutch settlers) in the late 1800s to defend themselves against the thousands of men and women who arrived following the discovery of the area’s expansive gold deposits. -
African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924
University of Central Florida STARS Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 2017 For the Good That We Can Do: African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924 Ian Marsh University of Central Florida Part of the African History Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Masters Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019 by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. STARS Citation Marsh, Ian, "For the Good That We Can Do: African Presses, Christian Rhetoric, and White Minority Rule in South Africa, 1899-1924" (2017). Electronic Theses and Dissertations, 2004-2019. 5539. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/etd/5539 FOR THE GOOD THAT WE CAN DO: AFRICAN PRESSES, CHRISTIAN RHETORIC, AND WHITE MINORITY RULE IN SOUTH AFRICA, 1899-1924 by IAN MARSH B.A. University of Central Florida, 2013 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History in the College of Arts and Humanities at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Summer Term 2017 Major Professor: Ezekiel Walker © 2017 Ian Marsh ii ABSTRACT This research examines Christian rhetoric as a source of resistance to white minority rule in South Africa within African newspapers in the first two decades of the twentieth-century. Many of the African editors and writers for these papers were educated by evangelical protestant missionaries that arrived in South Africa during the nineteenth century. -
Economic Ascendance Is/As Moral Rightness: the New Religious Political Right in Post-Apartheid South Africa Part
Economic Ascendance is/as Moral Rightness: The New Religious Political Right in Post-apartheid South Africa Part One: The Political Introduction If one were to go by the paucity of academic scholarship on the broad New Right in the post-apartheid South African context, one would not be remiss for thinking that the country is immune from this global phenomenon. I say broad because there is some academic scholarship that deals only with the existence of right wing organisations at the end of the apartheid era (du Toit 1991, Grobbelaar et al. 1989, Schönteich 2004, Schönteich and Boshoff 2003, van Rooyen 1994, Visser 2007, Welsh 1988, 1989,1995, Zille 1988). In this older context, this work focuses on a number of white Right organisations, including their ideas of nationalism, the role of Christianity in their ideologies, as well as their opposition to reform in South Africa, especially the significance of the idea of partition in these organisations. Helen Zille’s list, for example, includes the Herstigte Nasionale Party, Conservative Party, Afrikaner People’s Guard, South African Bureau of Racial Affairs (SABRA), Society of Orange Workers, Forum for the Future, Stallard Foundation, Afrikaner Resistance Movement (AWB), and the White Liberation Movement (BBB). There is also literature that deals with New Right ideology and its impact on South African education in the transition era by drawing on the broader literature on how the New Right was using education as a primary battleground globally (Fataar 1997, Kallaway 1989). Moreover, another narrow and newer literature exists that continues the focus on primarily extreme right organisations in South Africa that have found resonance in the global context of the rise of the so-called Alternative Right that rejects mainstream conservatism. -
El Lugar De Lo Blanco: Cartografía De Una Pregunta
El lugar de lo blanco: cartografía de una pregunta María Teresa Garzón* Eli Bartra RESUMEN El artículo presenta una cartografía sobre algunos de los campos de producción de conocimiento contemporáneos, como los whiteness studies, la teoría poscolonial, la crítica literaria y el feminismo, que han pensando lo blanco como una experiencia racial. Aquí se entiende que lo blanco, como constructo cultural, social y político, ha sido un tema poco estudiado en el contexto latinoamericano, pese a su protagonismo en la vida general de nuestros países y, en ese sentido, se hace un aporte de sistematización de varias de las investigaciones sobre este tenor, desde una perspectiva feminista y poscolonial. PALABRAS CLAVE: experiencia racial blanca, whiteness studies, poscolonialidad, feminismo, literatura. ABSTRACT The paper presents a mapping of some of the fields of contemporary knowledge production such as whiteness studies, postcolonial theory, literary criticism and feminism that have considered whiteness as a racial experience. Here it is understood that whiteness as a cultural, social and political construct has been studied very little in the Latin American context, despite its prominence in the general life of our countries; in this context, this paper contributes a systematic study of several of the investigations on this topic, from a feminist and postcolonial perspective. KEY WORDS: experience white racial, whiteness studies, postcoloniality, feminism, literature. * Autora: María Teresa Garzón. Directora de tesis: Eli Bartra. Doctorado en Ciencias Sociales UAM-Xochimilco, área de concentración: mujeres y relaciones de género, generación 2011. Veredas ESPECIAL • UAM-XOCHIMILCO • MéXICO • 2012 • PÁGINAS 83-104 V E R E D A S. R E V I S T A D E L P E N S A M I E N T O S O C I O L Ó G I C O Blanco, cuerpo blanco de mujer. -
Questioning Whiteness: “Who Is White?”
人間生活文化研究 Int J Hum Cult Stud. No. 29 2019 Questioning Whiteness: “Who is white?” ―A case study of Barbados and Trinidad― Michiru Ito1 1International Center, Otsuma Women’s University 12 Sanban-cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo, Japan 102-8357 Key words:Whiteness, Caribbean, Barbados, Trinidad, Oral history Abstract This paper seeks to produce knowledge of identity as European-descended white in the Caribbean islands of Barbados and Trinidad, where the white populations account for 2.7% and 0.7% respectively, of the total population. Face-to-face individual interviews were conducted with 29 participants who are subjectively and objectively white, in August 2016 and February 2017 in order to obtain primary data, as a means of creating oral history. Many of the whites in Barbados recognise their interracial family background, and possess no reluctance for having interracial marriage and interracial children. They have very weak attachment to white hegemony. On contrary, white Trinidadians insist on their racial purity as white and show their disagreement towards interracial marriage and interracial children. The younger generations in both islands say white supremacy does not work anymore, yet admit they take advantage of whiteness in everyday life. The elder generation in Barbados say being white is somewhat disadvantageous, but their Trinidadian counterparts are very proud of being white which is superior form of racial identity. The paper revealed the sense of colonial superiority is rooted in the minds of whites in Barbados and Trinidad, yet the younger generations in both islands tend to deny the existence of white privilege and racism in order to assimilate into the majority of the society, which is non-white. -
Sitting(Link Is External)
1 THURSDAY, 10 MAY 2018 PROCEEDINGS OF THE WESTERN CAPE PROVINCIAL PARLIAMENT The sign † indicates the original language and [ ] directly thereafter indicates a translation. The House met at 14:15 The Deputy Speaker took the Chair and read the prayer. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: You may be seated. [Interjections.] Order! I see the Chief Whip first. (Notice of Motion) Mr M G E WILEY: Thank you, Mr Deputy Speaker. I give notice that I shall move: That, notwithstanding the provisions of Rule 198, precedence be given to the Subject for Discussion. Thank you. The DEPUTY SPEAKER: Thank you. No objection to that? Agreed to. 2 We will then start with the Subject for Discussion in the name of the hon member Gillion. I see the hon Gillion. †Mnr Q R DYANTYI: Hoor-hoor! [Mr Q R DYANTYI: Hear-hear!] Ms M N GILLION: Mr Deputy Speaker, 2018 marks the tail -end of this administration’s term and the DA’s decade of misrule is representative of a period of regression in service delivery for the poor. Reality is that th is protracted period of disservice to our people has been marked by the deteriorating living conditions for the poor and marginalised, which forced thousands of people to take to the streets on Freedom Day, calling on the DA Government to break with the past and focus on service delivery. The most pressing challenges faced by the people in this province include inadequate living conditions, crime, poverty, dread diseases and unemployment. These challenges seem to be colour -conscious as they affect the black majority, while the minority is well taken care of. -
Hate Crimes Against Black Lesbian South Africans: Where Race, Sexual Orientation and Gender Collide (Part Ii)
HATE CRIMES AGAINST BLACK LESBIAN SOUTH AFRICANS: WHERE RACE, SEXUAL ORIENTATION AND GENDER COLLIDE (PART II) Kamban Naidoo BA LLB LLM Senior Lecturer, Criminal and Procedural Law University of South Africa (UNISA) Michelle Karels LLB LLM Senior Lecturer, Criminal and Procedural Law University of South Africa (UNISA) SUMMARY This article, which is the second of a two-part submission, examines the South African legal position pertaining to sexual offences and murder as a continuation of the theme introduced in Part One. The authors then examine the concept of motive before providing a brief overview of hate crime legislation and/or policy in the United States of America and Germany. The core of the article examines three possible routes for South Africa to curb hate crime. Firstly, the creation of substantive hate crime law in the form of legislation, secondly, the amendment of current legislation to incorporate protection against this form of crime and thirdly, the retention of the current status quo coupled with the roll-out of civil society initiatives to curb hate- motivated crime. The conclusion of the article provides recommendations from a civil society and criminal justice perspective. A INTRODUCTION This article seeks to extend the foundational framework laid in Part I within the context of criminal legal doctrine generally and the potential for hate- crime legislation in South Africa specifically. At the time of writing, the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development had appointed a task team to investigate hate-crime legislation and to submit proposals with regard to such legislation in South Africa. 1 The research is, however, still in 1 Anonymous “Speech by Deputy Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development, Mr Andries Nel, MP, on the occasion of the official opening of the first networking session of the national task team on LGTBI Crime-related issues” October 2011 http://www.info. -
Chapter 1. Introduction
01-4704-Coles.qxd 5/4/2005 8:37 PM Page 1 CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION 1 01-4704-Coles.qxd 5/4/2005 8:37 PM Page 2 2—— Race and Family merica is one of the world’s most racially diverse countries, and A becoming more so each year. As you can see from Table 1.1, in 2000 White Americans, who are ethnically diverse, represented 69 percent of the U.S. population, whereas Americans of color accounted for 31 percent of the population. By 2050, assuming that fertility rates, the national origins of immigrants, and the rate of immigration remain stable, White Americans will constitute only a slim numerical majority. In fact, due to persistent segregation, White Americans are already a minority in California and in numerous counties around the country. Some people fear this growing diversity; others view it as the creation of a multicolored montage. Either way, the fact remains that learning about one another—both our commonalities and differences—and interacting with each other on equal footing will benefit all Americans and future genera- tions, enabling society to successfully sustain itself. Table 1.1 Population of America 1990, 2000, and 2050a by Race and Ethnicity 1990 1990 2000 2000 2050 2050 Number Percentage Number Percentage Number Percentage Total 248,709,873 100.0 281,421,906 100.0 419,854,000 100.0 Population Non- 188,128,296 75.6 194,552,774 69.1 210,283,000 50.1 Hispanic White Hispanic 22,354,059 9.0 35,305,818 12.5 102,560,000 24.4 Black 29,216,293 11.7 33,947,837 12.1 61,361,000 14.6 Asian & 6,968,359 2.8 10,476,678 3.7 33,430,000 8.0 Pacific Islander American 1,793,773 0.7 2,068,883 0.7 — — Indian & Native Alaskan Some 249,093 0.1 467,770b 0.2 22,437 5.3 Other Race Two or — — 4,602,146 1.6 — — More Races SOURCES: U.S. -
We Were Cut Off from the Comprehension of Our Surroundings
Black Peril, White Fear – Representations of Violence and Race in South Africa’s English Press, 1976-2002, and Their Influence on Public Opinion Inauguraldissertation zur Erlangung der Doktorwürde der Philosophischen Fakultät der Universität zu Köln vorgelegt von Christine Ullmann Institut für Völkerkunde Universität zu Köln Köln, Mai 2005 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The work presented here is the result of years of research, writing, re-writing and editing. It was a long time in the making, and may not have been completed at all had it not been for the support of a great number of people, all of whom have my deep appreciation. In particular, I would like to thank Prof. Dr. Michael Bollig, Prof. Dr. Richard Janney, Dr. Melanie Moll, Professor Keyan Tomaselli, Professor Ruth Teer-Tomaselli, and Prof. Dr. Teun A. van Dijk for their help, encouragement, and constructive criticism. My special thanks to Dr Petr Skalník for his unflinching support and encouraging supervision, and to Mark Loftus for his proof-reading and help with all language issues. I am equally grateful to all who welcomed me to South Africa and dedicated their time, knowledge and effort to helping me. The warmth and support I received was incredible. Special thanks to the Burch family for their help settling in, and my dear friend in George for showing me the nature of determination. Finally, without the unstinting support of my two colleagues, Angelika Kitzmantel and Silke Olig, and the moral and financial backing of my family, I would surely have despaired. Thank you all for being there for me. We were cut off from the comprehension of our surroundings; we glided past like phantoms, wondering and secretly appalled, as sane men would be before an enthusiastic outbreak in a madhouse. -
(And Democracy) in South Africa
Twenty years of punishment (and democracy) in South Africa The pitfalls of governing crime through the community Gail Super* [email protected] http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/sacq.v48i1.1 This article examines how the ideology of ‘community’ is deployed to govern crime in South Africa, both by marginalised black communities and by the government. Although the turn to ‘community’ started under the National Party government in the late 1970s, there is no doubt that as a site, technology, discourse, ideology and form of governance, ‘community’ has become entrenched in the post-1994 era. Utilising empirical data drawn from ethnographic research on vigilantism in Khayelitsha, as well as archival materials in respect of ANC policies and practices before it became the governing party, I argue that rallying ‘communities’ around crime combatting has the potential to unleash violent technologies in the quest for ‘ethics’ and ‘morality’. When community members unite against an outsider they are bonded for an intense moment in a way that masks the very real problems that tear the community apart. Because violent punishment is one of the consequences of the state’s turn towards democratic localism, we should question the way in which the ‘community’ is deployed as a tool of crime prevention, and subject it to rigorous scrutiny. With the advent of formal democracy in South in 2004, South Africa has the highest incarceration Africa in April 1994 one might have been justified rate in Africa and one of the highest in the world.2 In in expecting that the criminal justice system would 2013, the number of people serving life imprisonment become less punitive and that this would entail stood at 11 000, as opposed to 400 in 1994.3 less reliance on imprisonment as a punishment Democratisation has thus brought with it a dramatic par excellence.1 However, although the numbers in increase in long-term prison sentences, ranging custody have been reduced since an all-time high from seven years to life. -
Whitewashing Or Amnesia: a Study of the Construction
WHITEWASHING OR AMNESIA: A STUDY OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF RACE IN TWO MIDWESTERN COUNTIES A DISSERTATION IN Sociology and History Presented to the Faculty of the University of Missouri-Kansas City in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY by DEBRA KAY TAYLOR M.A., University of Missouri-Kansas City, 2005 B.L.A., University of Missouri-Kansas City, 2000 Kansas City, Missouri 2019 © 2019 DEBRA KAY TAYLOR ALL RIGHTS RESERVE WHITEWASHING OR AMNESIA: A STUDY OF THE CONSTRUCTION OF RACE IN TWO MIDWESTERN COUNTIES Debra Kay Taylor, Candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree University of Missouri-Kansas City, 2019 ABSTRACT This inter-disciplinary dissertation utilizes sociological and historical research methods for a critical comparative analysis of the material culture as reproduced through murals and monuments located in two counties in Missouri, Bates County and Cass County. Employing Critical Race Theory as the theoretical framework, each counties’ analysis results are examined. The concepts of race, systemic racism, White privilege and interest-convergence are used to assess both counties continuance of sustaining a racially imbalanced historical narrative. I posit that the construction of history of Bates County and Cass County continues to influence and reinforces systemic racism in the local narrative. Keywords: critical race theory, race, racism, social construction of reality, white privilege, normality, interest-convergence iii APPROVAL PAGE The faculty listed below, appointed by the Dean of the School of Graduate Studies, have examined a dissertation titled, “Whitewashing or Amnesia: A Study of the Construction of Race in Two Midwestern Counties,” presented by Debra Kay Taylor, candidate for the Doctor of Philosophy degree, and certify that in their opinion it is worthy of acceptance. -
Proquest Dissertations
FROM POLITICAL VIOLENCE TO CRIMINAL VIOLENCE - THE CASE OF SOUTH AFRICA by Sydney M. Mitchell Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts at Dalhousie University Halifax, Nova Scotia April 2006 © Copyright by Sydney M. Mitchell, 2006 Library and Bibliotheque et 1*1 Archives Canada Archives Canada Published Heritage Direction du Branch Patrimoine de I'edition 395 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Ottawa ON K1A0N4 Canada Canada Your file Votre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 Our file Notre reference ISBN: 978-0-494-44089-6 NOTICE: AVIS: The author has granted a non L'auteur a accorde une licence non exclusive exclusive license allowing Library permettant a la Bibliotheque et Archives and Archives Canada to reproduce, Canada de reproduire, publier, archiver, publish, archive, preserve, conserve, sauvegarder, conserver, transmettre au public communicate to the public by par telecommunication ou par Plntemet, prefer, telecommunication or on the Internet, distribuer et vendre des theses partout dans loan, distribute and sell theses le monde, a des fins commerciales ou autres, worldwide, for commercial or non sur support microforme, papier, electronique commercial purposes, in microform, et/ou autres formats. paper, electronic and/or any other formats. The author retains copyright L'auteur conserve la propriete du droit d'auteur ownership and moral rights in et des droits moraux qui protege cette these. this thesis. Neither the thesis Ni la these ni des extraits substantiels de nor substantial extracts from it celle-ci ne doivent etre imprimes ou autrement may be printed or otherwise reproduits sans son autorisation.