No presidential campaign is of media interviews I have done since what it appears on prime -t’ ime starting the campaign last fall, the most television network news- predictable question has been, “You hordes of newspersons, chanting crowds know you don’t have a chance to win, so of boosters, and entire cities turning out why are you running?” A related, and to see the candidate. Even though these almost as predictable, question is, “Even images become the standard against though I basically agree with you Liber- which all campaigns are measured, any tarians, wouldn’t I be wasting my vote on thoughtful person realizes that the reality you, since either the Democratic or behind the image is something very dif- Republican candidate is going to win?” ferent for Democratic and Republican These questions reflect the fact that candidates. And it is even more different most interviewers put a lower priority on for candidates of a so-called third, or the issues than on the contest, or “horse minor, party. race,” aspects of the campaign. Presum- RUNNING

What it’s like to run for president as a third-party candidate. By David Bergland I know. Last year, I was selected as the ably, media interviewers think that 1984 presidential candidate of the Liber- voters want to know only about the can- tarian Party at its national conven- didates with good prospects of being tion in New York. My past experience as elected. So my Libertarian positions on a Libertarian candidate for other offices the issues and the contribution my argu- and as the party’s national chair for five ments can make to the political debate years provided me with more forewarn- are less important to the typical journal- ing than almost anyone else could have ist than the personal factors that have led had of what was in store. Still, my life on me to become a candidate. This is the ex- the campaign trail since then has cer- act reverse of my own priorities. tainly not been what I-nor anyone else- One main objective of the campaign is might have expected. to make Libertarian analysis of the issues In any substantial endeavor there is a and approaches to them a regular part of division of labor. My job, as the candi- the American political discussion. date, is to answer questions. At press Achieving that objective is a way of conferences, in individual media inter- “winning” that does not require being views, giving speeches to civic organiza- elected. It does require sufficient report- tions, students, and other groups-an- ing of Libertarian stands on the issues. swering questions is how I spend most of One encouraging example of such win- my time. Researching and preparing to ning occurred at a well-attended press answer questions is how I spend most of conference at the state capitol in Albany, the rest of it. One can learn a great deal New York. I had been answering ques- about America and its people simply by tions for about 30 minutes, and it was listening closely to the questions posed becoming quite clear that Libertarians by them and their putative representa- take a dim view of large, costly, and in- tives in the media during a presidential trusive government. One young reporter campaign. How they respond to liber- was prompted to ask, “Mr. Bergland, tarian answers is also illuminating. would you describe our government as a In the hundreds-perhaps thousands- totalitarian government?” After some

Photograph by Jeanette Allen NOVEMBER1984/REASON 33 thought, I responded, “No, not so long as it’s come. In 1976, Roger MacBride was or Congress, but two Alaska Libertarians we have a free press and open elections.” the presidential candidate and I was the have previously held state legislative How would I describe our government, vice-presidential candidate. We were on positions (see sidebar below). he asked. I said the best description is “a 31 state ballots and received about I remember vividly that in 1976, the corporate-fascist, welfare-warfare state.” 175,000 votes. By the time of the 1980 most common question was, “What is The reporter asked to know what I election, the party was well established the Libertarian Party, and what does it meant. I explained to him and the others as the country’s third-largest. Presiden- stand for?” Frequently the questioner present that the hand-in-glove relation- tial candidate Ed Clark and his running- had trouble even pronouncing the name ship between big government and big (libertine being a favorite fall-back). Now business-the subsidies, the bailouts, the recognition of Libertarian is relatively protections against competition, the per- wide. A 1982 public-opinion survey in vasive regulatory schemes-justify the California to determine the Libertarian “corporate-fascist” label. I added that Party’s name recognition turned up a our huge, costly, and demeaning welfare credible 61 percent. Of course, that was plantation system that benefits govern- California, where the party has been ment employees while hurting the poor, quite active since 1972. Now, when and our global interventionist foreign speaking to nonlibertarian groups, I policy that results in ever-increasing often ask how many had heard of the military spending and benefits the party or my campaign before learning of military-industrial complex at the ex- pense of the people, justify the “welfare- warfare” label. Those comments went out on the wire services, and for several days I had many mate David Koch were on the ballot in all 1984 is by educating hundreds of journal- opportunitYes to elaborate on my charac- 50 states and received almost a million ists, college professors, and others in terization of our government as a votes, about one percent of the national basic libertarian ideas. From my past ex- corporate-fascist, welfare-warfare state. total. (A major factor in this success was perience, I knew that a significant No other presidential candidate, particu- David Koch’s contribution of over $2 obstacle to the party’s success was ig- larly Reagan or Mondale, is willing to million to the campaign, approximately norance and misperceptions about the challenge prevailing political views in two-thirds of the total campaign budget.) party and its underlying philosophy. Ac- such strong and accurate terms. The Libertarians now have party cordingly, the campaign has put together organizations in all 50 states, some much a media kit that includes (in addition to The Libertarian Party has more developed than others, and there the usual paraphernalia) a party history, grown dramatically in the 12 are about 50 Libertarians holding local a Q&A booklet, and a one-page item, short years of its life, and I’ve government office. There are no Liber- “Libertarianism in One Lesson,” that is been able to see first-hand just how far tarian officeholders in state legislatures designed to clear up some of the more

34 REASON/NOVEMBER 1984 Photograph by Imagery common misconceptions and lays out, in where they thought the Libertarian posi- issues. A common area of inquiry is quotable form, some of the most basic tion would be unpopular in order to see if financing the campaign. When it comes libertarian concepts. I would waffle. An example was, “You up, the questioner will often ask, “Since We are succeeding in educating the really advocate repeal of all drug laws- you are opposed to taxation in principle, journalists. In the past, a common prac- even against heroin?” Now, many jour- you probably don’t take federal matching tice of print journalists was to write what nalists are informed about our principles, funds, do you?” The answer, of course, is I call a laundry-list article. This is a com- and many have even told me that Liber- that we will not take any stolen property pendium of Libertarian Party positions tarians receive a great deal of respect for in the form of taxes for our campaign. No on a number of issues, usually the most Libertarian would. controversial, with no discussion of our I also take the opportunity to point out principled basis for taking those posi- that according to the National Journal, tions. A typical article would go some- the Democrats and Republicans together thing like this: “Libertarians are for end- will extract about $130 million from the ing all government support of schools, taxpayers for “matching funds,” conven- fire departments, welfare, Social Secu- tion expenses, Secret Service, and rity, and business subsidies. They want related expenses in connection with their to repeal all laws against drugs, gam- campaigns. That alone is reason enough bling, prostitution, pornography, and for any working, taxpaying voter to re- gun ownership. They say the US govern- ject both of them. By comparison, the ment should get out of NATO and the UN, Bergland-for-president campaign has a end foreign aid, end military alliances, projected budget of $1.5 million, all of and stop the nuclear arms race. Liber- which will come from voluntary con- tarians want to cut government down to tributions. nothing and then some. They are radical that reason. One interesting misperception about right-wing and left-wing at the same Sometimes journalists even make com- the Libertarian Party is that it is made up time. Weird.” ments like, “I agree with you guys, but of wealthy, upper-middle-class whites Today, laundry-list articles are quite it’s impractical. We’ll never get there.” who have it made, will benefit from rare. Reporters have come to know bet- Such statements are cause for optimism, freedom, and could not care less about ter. Among journalists, the party has in my view. People who have arrived at those who might not. I hope that my established substantial credibility for it- that position may soon be saying, “If it’s campaign is serving to disabuse people of self and libertarian ideas because it has right, let’s give it a try.” this fallacy. kept working and not gone away, and its It is encouraging to me when inter- Recently, at the beginning of an inter- candidates consistently adhere to the viewers answer their own questions view at the Las Vegas (Nev.) Sun, a principles of individual liberty. because they have grasped the party’s reporter was asking me how I respond to In the past, many interviewers did principles well enough during the inter- the charge that the party is an elite party, their best to question me about issues view to see how they apply to given when in walked my campaign aide and

NOVEMBER1984/REASON 35 fundraiser, Dick Boddie, who is black. success was based on his promise to these rights fully, I must have a free We all chuckled, the reporter somewhat reduce the size of government, cut taxes, society in which to live. A free society is sheepishly, and then she said, “Well, I and get government off the backs of the my birthright, and I intend to claim it. want an answer to that question people. But his conduct in office has all That’s why I have to correct the good- anyway.” too often been the opposite of his cam- hearted libertarians who approach me Dick and I jointly elaborated on the paign rhetoric, and many of his 1980 sup- frequently in my travels to express ap- idea that the party’s appeal is generally porters have told me they will not be preciation for the effort I am making on to voters capable of exercising indepen- fooled again and will vote Libertarian behalf of freedom. Often they thank me dent thought, regardless of group labels. this time. for making such a “sacrifice,” for “tak- In one sense, the party is elite-in that a ing a year out of my life,” or something little independent thinking is required to similar. It is true that my law practice learn about it, its views, and its goals. has been put aside for a year and that Most Libertarian activists in fact are almost full-time travel is wearing. But I young, starting careers and families, and see this, not as a sacrifice, but as an in- have little money to contribute to vestment in a future that I believe is at- political campaigns. If we really were a tainable. I am not taking a year out of my wealthy elite, there would be a lot more life. I am spending a year working to in our campaign coffers! And corporate bring that free society of the future PACS have contributed little or nothing to closer and meeting hundreds of remark- the campaign, for corporate managers able, wonderful people in the bargain. seem interested only in the short run and What a story to tell my grandchildren! therefore support only candidates who So many Americans feel, at this time, appear to have a good chance of being that they are powerless to change things, elected. to recover control of their lives from government. They suspect that things The extent to which the jour- will turn out the same regardless of nalists focus on the contest whether we wind up with Reagan or aspects of the campaign varies Mondale in the White House. This sense with the media. TV news interviewers of hopelessness is manifest often in the are the worst. Political sophistication is “wasted vote” question put to third- apparently not a job requirement. Most party candidates. Too many people think TV news spots are 30 to 60 seconds long, they must vote for the lesser of two evils so one colorful quote from the candidate, because who is in office is all that counts, regardless of how much tape is shot, is even if the difference is minimal. all that will appear on the broadcast. TV What these people don’t realize is that news people, I am convinced, perceive voting can serve another purpose than TV only as an entertainment medium. selecting the lesser of.two evils-it can Early in the campaign, I discovered serve to influence the future policies of that the first TV interview question those in office. A vote for any Democrat would probably be, “You know you can’t or Republican tells all of them that you win, etc.,” and that if I made a statement During the course oKfull-time cam- like what they have been doing and that conceding the truth of that proposition, paign that began more than a year ago, you want more of the same. For anyone that was the statement that would be have traveled to 40 states, giving talks to fed up with the status quo, that is the broadcast. So I stopped doing that and many nonlibertarian groups. I ask them wasted vote. A responsible voter will concentrated on making concise, pro- questions, too. The responses indicate to determine what he or she thinks is right vocative statements on substantive is- me that most Americans are agreed that for the direction of American politics and sues. This has improved the TV news government is too big and must be re- then vote for the candidates that best spots, from my point of view-but not duced substantially, that taxes must be represent that direction. always from the reporters’. I have been cut drastically, that government inter- Most Americans do seem to want to amused several times when the inter- ference in our private affairs should be reduce the size, cost, intrusiveness, and viewers have returned to the same ques- reduced, that government intervention in danger of government and its policies. tion, trying without success to elicit the the economy is causing problems and Almost without exception, Americans “I know I can’t win” statement from me. should be cut back, that the US govern- agree on the fundamental value of free- In fact, my view is that no one, in- ment should curtail its interventions dom and the vision of the founders of cluding me, has a basis to predict the out- abroad, and that the nuclear arms race is America. Of course, liberty does have a come of the 1984 presidential election. out of hand. In short, it seems to me that price. That price is best stated in the Clearly, if every voter dissatisfied with most Americans are libertarians-they words of William Allen White: “Liberty the choice of Mondale and Reagan were just haven’t discovered it yet. is the only thing you cannot have unless to vote for me, I would win in a landslide. I am reminded of another frequently you are willing to give it to others.” In no Among liberals, the Hart and Jackson asked question, “When did you become small way, the Libertarian Party is help- success was based on an appeal to those a libertarian?” My answer to that is: June ing Americans understand that they can fed up with the old Democratic status 4, 1935. I was born on that day. I was have freedom if they will pay the modest quo. During the primaries, a number of born free. So were you. I was born with price of giving it to others. I?] Hart and Jackson supporters told me all the rights all humans have. I have the that if Mondale were the Democratic right to control my life, my body, and my David Berghand, an Orange County, Califor- nominee, they would vote for me. property. You have the same rights. In nia, attorney, is the 1984 presidential can- Among conservatives, Reagan’s 1980 order to live my life fully, to exercise didate of the Libertarian Party.

36 REASON/NOVEMBER 1984 1”s S U E Another Chnce

Ronald Reagan on the quantity of money. They repeat- came into office in 1980 withy set of edly goaded the Federal Reserve to economic ideas so seemingly foreign to ignore falling commodity prices, the the postwar consensus that his name was soaring dollar, and interest rates and attached to it. “Reaganomics” promised stomp out even brief bulges in the money to bring down inflation and unemploy- supply. On the fiscal front, conserva- ment and balance the government’s tive Keynesians-like Alan Greenspan, books to boot. As a second Reagan ad- Charls Walker, and Herb Stein-suc- ~On2ZCS ministration looms on the horizon, it is cessfully argued for diluting and useful to review the flow of economic postponing real reductions in personal policies in the first four years to see what tax rates. went wrong in 1981-82 and what went But as supply-side economist Paul A noted supply-sider right in 1983-84. History does not have to Craig Roberts had warned in a Wall repeat itself. Street Journal article in August 1980, diagnoses the problems There were always two sides to “The promise of lower tax rates in the with Reaganomics and Reaganomics-a supply side and a de- future would cause GNP and tax revenues mand side. The demand-siders were to be lower in the present.” In another writes a prescription for assigned the task of gradually slowing Journal article on the eve of the reces- a second Reagan term. the growth rate of spending, or nominal sion, July 1981, I had added, “The dilu- GNP (gross national product), by slowing tion of [Reagan’s] tax program jeopard- the growth of the money supply. This ized economic expansion.’’ was the monetary program of Reagan- omics. The supply-siders had the job of By Alan Reynolds increasing the growth of production, real GNP, by reducing marginal tax rates and regulations. This was the fiscal program. Why was the I was briefly involved in both sides, as a issue of tax czts so vital? President member of Reagan’s Inflation Task Carter’s inflation had increased federal Force in 1980 and with the Office of taxes from 18.2 percent of GNP in 1976 to Management and Budget (OMB)transi- 20.6 percent in 1980. His 1981 budget tion team in early 1981. proposed to hike taxes further, to 23.6 This division of fiscal and monetary percent of GNP by 1985-yet nonetheless responsibilities quickly began to strain expected real GNP to rise by 5 percent a an uneasy truce between supply-siders year from 1982 to 1985. and what can be called “the austerity It seems almost entirely forgotten by school of demand management.” On the now, but when the Reagan team sur- monetary front, the supply-side prescrip- veyed the economic problems they had tion was countered by Beryl Sprinkel and been handed by the Carter adminis- other “monetarists,” with their emphasis tration, they were not optimistic about

NOVEMBER1984 /REASON 37