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Small Change: Subjective Valuation of Coins and Paper Money Eric Dolansky, Brock University, Canada

There is a great deal of recent research into individuals’ subjective valuation of money. One area that has yet to be adequately examined is how the form of money (coins or bills) affects the subjective value. One experiment demonstrates that all else being equal, coins are valued less than bills.

[to cite]: Eric Dolansky (2011) ,"Small Change: Subjective Valuation of Coins and Paper Money", in NA - Advances in Consumer Research Volume 38, eds. Darren W. Dahl, Gita V. Johar, and Stijn M.J. van Osselaer, Duluth, MN : Association for Consumer Research.

[url]: http://www.acrwebsite.org/volumes/16118/volumes/v38/NA-38

[copyright notice]: This work is copyrighted by The Association for Consumer Research. For permission to copy or use this work in whole or in part, please contact the Copyright Clearance Center at http://www.copyright.com/. Advances in Consumer Research (Volume 38) / 851 information processing, and even the most non-comparable alternatives can be compared according to overall worth or utility using this type of processing. Thus, we further propose that the aforementioned effect is attenuated at a­ high (vs. low) construal level.

Method and Results In experiment 1, a total of 114 participants were first presented with one of four frequency programs, in which a certain reward was given after accumulated cups of coffee were consumed. The magnitude of effort needed to receive the reward was manipulated by changing the number of the cups of coffee to be consumed. The comparability of effort and reward was manipulated by changing the product category of the reward (another cup of coffee vs. an umbrella). The results were consistent with the predicted direction, and there was a significant interaction effect between the magnitude of effort and comparability (p<.01). The results of the thought listing and choice task provided further evidence that relative evaluation was employed when effort and reward were comparable and holistic evaluation was employed when they were not. In experiment 2, a total of 120 participants were required to make real efforts of different magnitudes (solving easy vs. difficult mathematic questions) to gain a real reward (postcards) after being primed with construal levels (high or low). After completing a construal-level manipulation developed by Freitas, Gollwitzer, and Trope (2004), the participants were then required to solve several mathematic questions with the ostensible purpose of evaluating teaching materials for a middle school. Several online postcards were distributed as a reward, and the participants’ evaluations of the postcards were measured at the end of the experiment. The results revealed a significant interaction effect between effort magnitude and construal level (p<.01). In addition, participants’ evaluation of the reward decreased with the level of effort needed to obtain it at the low level of construal, with the opposite direction prevailing at the high level.

References Ariely, Dan and Itamar Simonson (2003), “Buying, Bidding, Playing, or Competing? Value Assessment and Decision Dynamics in Online Auctions”, Journal of Consumer , 13 (1/2), 113-23. Freitas, Antonio, Peter Gollwitzer, and Yaacov Trope (2004), “The Influence of Abstract and Concrete Mindsets on Anticipating and Guiding Others’ Self-regulatory Efforts”, Journal of Experimental , 40 (6), 739-52. Hoch, Stephen J. and John Deighton (1989), “Managing What Consumers Learn from Experience,” Journal of Marketing, 53 (2), 1-20. Johnson, Michael D. (1984), “Consumer Choice Strategies for Comparing Noncomparable Alternatives,” Journal of Consumer Research, 11 (December), 741-53. Kivetz, Ran (2003), “The Effects of Effort and Intrinsic Motivation on Risky Choice”, Marketing Science, 22 (4), 477-502. Liberman, Nira, Trope Yaacov, and Cheryl Wakslak (2007), “Construal Level Theory and Consumer Behavior”, Journal of Consumer Psychology, 17 (2), 113-7. Mogilner, Cassie and Jennifer Aaker (2009), “ ‘The Time vs. Money Effect’: Shifting Product Attitudes through Personal Connection,” Journal of Consumer Research, 36 (August), 277-91. Morales, Andrea C. (2005), “Giving Firms an ‘E’ for Effort: Consumer Responses to High-Effort Firms,” Journal of Consumer Research, 31 (March), 806-12.

Small Change: Subjective Valuation Of Coins And Paper Money Eric Dolansky, Brock University, Canada

Extended Abstract According to the official website of the U.S. Mint, the U.S. treasury would save $500 million per year if individuals used one-dollar coins rather than bills. As a result, on several occasions in the past, the U.S. mint has issued dollar coins, most recently in 2007. None have proven to be very popular (Unser, 2009). So what is preventing Americans from adopting dollar coins? Individuals tend to exhibit biases when valuing money, despite the explicit denomination of the coin or bill. Mishra, Mishra and Nayakankuppam (2006) found that individuals valued large-denomination bills more highly than an equivalent amount of money presented in smaller bills. Work by Alter and Oppenheimer (2008) indicates that familiarity of the money has an impact on how highly it is valued. A more recent finding ties denomination of money to self-control in spending (Raghubir and Srivistava 2009). This research aims to extend previous findings by determining if individuals have a bias towards higher valuation of bills as opposed to coins. This topic has been mentioned in the relevant literature (Alter and Oppenheimer 2008; Mishra et al 2006; Raghubir 2006) as worthy of further exploration, however the idea has not been empirically tested. Raghubir and Srivistava (2009) incorporated coins vs. bills as a condition in one of their studies, but it was inconclusive. In nearly every in the world bills are of a higher denomination than coins. This difference in objective valuation could have an impact on subjective valuation, as a representativeness bias (Kahneman and Tversky 1973). As such, coins would tend to be valued less than bills, even when the denominations are the same. It has also been found that people will take an instance and average it to its own category. Thus a coin would be valued to the average value in its category, which would be lower than the average for the bills category (Huttenlocher, Hedges and Bradburn 1990). This leads to the key hypothesis of this paper:

H1: An amount of money presented in paper form (i.e. bill) will be valued higher than an equivalent amount of money presented in coin form. 852 / Working Papers To test this prediction, study 1 was conducted. Participants (n=52) were given either one Trinidad and Tobago dollar bill or one Trinidad and Tobago dollar coin and were asked how much of each of nine inexpensive items (e.g. pencils, paper clips) they could buy with that money. Participants were also asked to estimate how many Canadian dollars they could purchase with the money. Unfamiliar currency was used to eliminate the possibility that familiarity with the money was a cause for any differences found, as in previous research (Alter and Oppenheimer 2008). Participants were told that the exchange rate was approximately 1:1 (the real exchange rate is $5 TT to $1 CDN and would result in too little purchasing power for useful estimates) and were instructed that the purchase amounts they estimated should reflect costs in Canada. Participants were also asked how familiar they were with the currency prior to the experiment. Four participants were removed from the analysis because they were previously familiar with the currency. While some of the results are mixed, overall H1 is supported. When all of the estimates are standardized, there is a marginally significant difference between the objects purchasable with bills (1.34 standard deviations above the mean) than with coins (1.39 standard deviations below the mean, p=0.096). Some individual items exhibited significant or marginally significant effects as well, such as paper clips (p=0.046), napkins (p=0.05), and thumbtacks (p=0.073). The lack of strong results in the individual item estimates is likely due to the high variance in the estimates from one participant to another. The exchange valuation prediction is more conclusive: participants given coins estimated they could exchange their $1 TT for $0.798 CDN and those given bills estimated $1.192 (p=0.02), despite being told that both the coins and bills were worth approximately $1 CDN. Study 2 is planned to refine and extend this effect. It is believed that the effects found here would be moderated by the relative value of coins or bills in an individual’s home country. For example, in Canada, coins are used up to the two-dollar denomination and bills are used for denominations of five dollars and larger. This is in contrast to the U.S., where denominations of one dollar or larger are represented by bills, and denominations less than one dollar use coins. A study that includes both Canadians and Americans could find such a difference. Study 2 will be conducted at Niagara Falls, Ontario, and will use nationality as a found condition. Study 3 is an investigation into the physical properties of coins and bills themselves. At the most basic level, coins are metal tokens and bills paper certificates. Would individuals value non-money tokens and certificates the same way? It is expected that they would not; in fact, the opposite valuation is predicted. This is because of the relative weight and permanence of a metal token as opposed to a paper certificate. Furthermore, even real money, when abstracted from its role as money, may have reduced subjective value. As in study 1, it is expected that money coins will be valued less than money bills (demonstrated as the difference between the number of ounces participants drink). The opposite effect is expected for the non-monetary rewards: it is believed that participants receiving non-monetary tokens will drink more than those receiving non-monetary paper certificates. This work provides insight into how individuals value money and implications for research, management, and policy. Policy implications are the most salient here, as it is possible that a shift from bills to coins for a particular denomination (e.g., one dollar in the U.S.) could have an impact on valuation of money overall, as individuals ascribe less purchasing power to the coin than to the bill.

References Alter, Adam L. and Daniel M. Oppenheimer (2008), “Easy on the Mind, Easy on the Wallet: The Roles of Familiarity and Processing Fluency in Valuation Judgments,” Psychonomic Bulletin and Review, 15 (5), 985-990. Huttenlocher, Janellen, Larry V. Hedges and Norman M. Bradburn (1990), “Reports of Elapsed Time: Bounding and Rounding Processes in Estimation,” Journal of : Learning, Memory and Cognition, 16 (March), 196-213. Kahneman, Daniel, and Amos Tversky (1973), “On the psychology of prediction,” Psychological Review, 80, 237-251. Mishra, Himanshu, Arul Mishra and Dhananjay Nayakankuppam (2006), “Money: A Bias for the Whole,” Journal of Consumer Research, 32 (March), 541-549. Raghubir, Priya (2006), “An Information Processing Review of the Subjective Value of Money and Prices,” Journal of Business Research, 59, 1053-1062. Raghubir, Priya and Joydeep Srivistava (2009), “The Denomination Effect,” Journal of Consumer Research, 36 (December), 701-713. Unser, Darrin Lee (2009), “US Dollar Coins Glut, Supply Far Exceeds Demand,” http://www.coinnews.net.

Can Money and Religion Substitute for Each Other? Ezgi Akpinar, Erasmus University Rotterdam, The Netherlands Kathleen Vohs, University of Minnesota, USA

Money and religion both act as coping aids that people can call upon to make themselves feel strong. A growing stream of research on money has shown that activating the concept of money evokes a state of self-efficacy that implies that each person can and will take care of him/herself (Vohs, Mead, and Goode 2006; Zhou, Vohs, and Baumeister 2009). In parallel, religion too is associated with a feeling of strength or efficacy. When people face threatening, stressful events, religious coping can offset some of the negative consequences of such events (Pargament, Koenig, and Perez 2000). In this research, we investigated to what extent these two sources of strength can substitute each other. Specifically, we tested whether being reminded of money would lessen a need for religious coping, and whether reminders of religion would produce a weakened desire for money. There is a growing research on the psychological effects of money. Money is a distinct entity, which implies that it is attached to a meaning apart from its incentive and functional abilities (Lea and Webley 2006). Empirically, participants reminded of money evince higher personal goal pursuit and reduced dependency on others compared to participants not reminded of money (Vohs et al. 2008). Additionally, money stimulates a general sense of confidence and strength, which therefore helps people to cope with difficulties such as physical pain or social exclusion. Money provides a feeling of confidence that problems can be solved and needs can met (Zhou et al. 2009).